POSSIDETE ANIMAS VESTRAS  
NH  
THE First and second volumes of Chronicles, comprising 

1 The description and history of England,  
2 The description and history of Ireland,  
3 The description and history of Scotland:    
First collected and published by raphael Holinshed, William Harrison, and others:  
Now newly augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthy memory) to the year 1586. by john Hooker alias Vowel Gent. and others.  
With convenient tables at the end of these volumes.  Historiae placeant nostrates ac peregrinae 
1574    

To the Right Honourable, and his singular good Lord and Master, S. William Brooke Knight, Lord Warden of the cinque Ports, and Baron of Cobham, all increase of the fear and knowledge of God, firm obedience toward his Prince, infallible love to the common wealth, and commendable renown here in this world, and in the world to come life everlasting.  
Having had just occasion, Right Honourable, to remain in London, during the time of Trinity term last passed, and being earnestly required of divers my friends, to set down some brief discourse of parcel of those things, which I had observed in the reading of such manifold antiquities as I had perused toward the furniture of a chronology, which I have yet in hand; I was at the first very loath to yield to their desires: first, for that I thought myself unable for want of skill and judgement, so suddenly & with so hasty speed to take such a charge upon me: secondly, because the dealing therein might prove an hindrance and impechment unto mine own Treatise: and finally, for that I had given over all earnest study of histories, as judging the time spent about the same, to be an hindrance unto my more necessary dealings in that vocation & function whereunto I am called in the ministery. But when they were so importunate with me, that no reasonable excuse could serve to put by this travel, I condescended at the length unto their irksome suit, promising that I would spend such void time as I had to spare, whilst I should be enforced to tarry in the city, upon some thing or other that should satisfy their request; and stand in am of a description of my Country. For their parts also they assured me of such helps as they could purchase: and thus with hope of good, although no gay success, I went in hand withal, then almost as one leaning altogether unto memory, sith my books and I were parted by forty miles in sunder. In this order also I spent a part of Michaelmas and Hilary terms ensuing, being enforced thereto I say by other businesses which compelled me to keep in the city, and absent myself from my charge, though in the mean season I had some repair unto my poor library, but not so great as the dignity of the matter required, and yet far greater than the Printers haste would suffer. One help, and none of the smallest that I obtained herein, was by such commentaries as Leland had sometime collected of the state of Britain, books utterly mangled, defaced with wet and weather, and finally unperfect through want of sundry volumes: secondly, I got some knowledge of things by letters and pamphlets, from sundry places & shires of England, but so discordant now and then amongst themselves, especially in the names and courses of rivers and situation of towns, that I had oft greater trouble to reconcile them one with an other, than orderly to pen the whole discourse of such points as they contained: the third aid did grow by conference with divers, either at the table or secretly alone, wherein I marked in what things the talkers did agree, and wherein they impugned each other, choosing in the end the former, and rejecting the later, as one desirous to set forth the truth absolutely, or such things in deed as were most likely to be true. The last comfort arose by mine own reading of such writers as have heretofore made mention of the condition of our country, in speaking whereof, if I should make account of the success, & extraordinary coming by sundry treatises not supposed to be extant, I should but seem to pronounce more than may well be said with modesty, & say farther of myself than this Treatise can bear witness of. Howbeit, I refer not this success wholly unto my purpose about this Description, but rather give notice thereof to come to pass in the penning of my chronology, whose crumbs as it were fell out very well in the framing of this Pamphlet. In the process therefore of this Book, if your Honour regard the substance of that which is here declared, I must needs confess that it is none of mine own: but if your Lordship have consideration of the barbarous composition showed herein, that I may boldly claim and challenge for mine own, sith there is no man of any so slender skill, that will defraud me of that reproach, which is due unto me for the mere negligence, disorder, and evil disposition of matter comprehended in the same. Certes I protest before God and your Honour, that I never made any choice of style, or words, neither regarded to handle this Treatise in such precise order and method as many other would have done, thinking it sufficient, truly and plainly to set forth such things as I minded to entreat of, rather than with vain affectation of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre; a thing neither commendable in a writer, nor profitable to the reader. How other affairs troubled me in the writing hereof many know, and peradventure the slackness showed herein can better testify: but howsoever it be done, & whatsoever I have done, I have had an especial eye unto the truth of things, and for the rest, I hope that this foul frizzled Treatise of mine will prove a spur to others better learned, more skilful in chorography, and of greater judgement in choice of matter to handle the self same argument, if in my life time I do not peruse it again. It is possible also that your Honour will mislike hereof, for that I have not by mine own travel and eyesight viewed such things as I do here entreat of. In deed I must needs confess, that until now of late, except it were from the parish where I dwell, unto your Honour in Kent; or out of London where I was borne, unto Oxford & Cambridge where I have been brought up, I never traveled 40. mile's foorthright and at one journey in all my life; nevertheless in my report of these things, I use their authorities, who either have performed in their persons, or left in writing upon sufficient ground (as I said before) whatsoever is wanting in mine. It may be in like sort that your Honour will take offence at my rash and reckless behaviour used in the composition of this volume, and much more that being scambled up after this manner, I dare presume to make tendour of the protection thereof unto your Lordship's hands. But when I consider the singular affection that your Honour doth bear to those that in any wise will travel to set forth such profitable things as lie hidden, and thereunto do weigh on mine own behalf my bounden duty and grateful mind to such a one as hath so many and sundry ways benefited me that otherwise can make no recompense, I can not but cut off all such occasion of doubt, and thereupon exhibit it, such as it is, and so penned as it is, unto your Lordship's tuition, unto whom if it may seem in any wise acceptable, I have my whole desire. And as I am the first that (notwithstanding the great repugnancy to be seen among our writers) hath taken upon him so particularly to describe this isle of Britain; so I hope the learned and godly will bear withal, & reform with charity where I do tread amiss. As for the curious, and such as can rather evil favouredly espy than skilfully correct an error, and sooner carp at another man's doings then publish any thing of their own, (keeping themselves close with an obscure admiration of learning & knowledge among the common sort) I force not what they say hereof: for whether it do please or displease them, all is one to me, sith I refer my whole travel in the gratification of your Honour, and such as are of experience to consider of my travel, and the large scope of things purposed in this Treatise, of whom my service in this behalf may be taken in good part, that I will repute for my full recompense, and large guerdon of my labours. The Almighty God preserve your Lordship in continual health, wealth, and prosperity, with my good Lady your wife, your Honour's children, (whom God hath endued with a singular towardness unto all virtue and learning) and the rest of your reformed family, unto whom I wish farther increase of his holy spirit, understanding of his word, augmentation of honour, and continuance of zeal to follow his commandments.  
Your Lordship's humble servant and household chaplain. W. H.   

¶ The names of the Authors from whom this History of England is collected.  

A.  
Aelius Spartianus.  
Aelius Lampridius.  
Asserius Menevensis.  
Alfridus Beverlacensis.  
Aeneas Silvius Senensis.  
aventinus.  
Adam Merimouth with additions.  
Antoninus Archiepiscopus Florentinus.  
Albertus Crantz. Alexander Nevil.  
Arnoldus Ferronius.  
Annius Viterbiensis.  
Amianus Marcellinus.  
Alliances genealogiques' des Roys & Princes de France.  
annals D. Aquitaine per jean Bouchet.  
annals de Bourgoigne per Guilamme  
Paradin.  
annals de France per Nicol Giles.  
annals rerum Flandricarum per jacobum Meir.  
Antonius Sabellicus.  
Antonius Nebricensis. Aurea Historia.   

B.  
BIblia Sacra. Beda venerabilis.  
Berosus. Brian Tuke knight.  
Blondus Forliviensis.  
Berdmondsey, a Register book belonging to that house.   

C.  
Caesars' Commentaries.  
Cornelius Tactius.  
Chronica Chronicorum.  
Chronica de Dunstable, a book of annals belonging to the Abbey there.  
Chronicon Io. Tilij.  
Chronica de Eyton, an history belonging to that college, although compiled by some Northernman, as some suppose named Otherborne.  
Chronicles of S. Albon.  
Chronica de Abingdon, a book of annals belonging to that house.  
Chronica de Teukesburie.  
Claudianus.  
Chronicon Genebrard.  
Chroniques' de Normandy.  
Chroniques' de Britain.  
Chroniques' de Flanders published by Denis Savage.  
Continuation de history and Chroniques de Flanders by the same Savage.  
Couper. Cuspinianus.  
Chronica Sancti Albani.  
Caxtons' Chronicles.  
carrion with additions.  
Crockesden, a Register book belonging to an house of that name in Staffordshire.   

D.  
DIodorus Siculus.  
Dion Cassius.  
Dominicus Marius Niger.   

E.  
EDmerus.  
Eusebius. Eutropius.  
Encomium Emmae, an old Pamphlet written to her, containing much good matter for the understanding of the state of this realm in her time, wherein her praise is not pretermitted, and so hath obtained by reason thereof that title.  
Enguerant de monstrelet.  
Eulogium.  
Edmund Campian.   

F.  
FAbian. Froissart.  
Franciscus Tarapha.  
Franciscus Petrarcha.  
Flavius Vopiscus Siracusanus.  
Floriacensis Vigorinensis.   

G.  
GViciardini Francisco.  
Guiciardini Ludovico.  
Gildas Sapiens.  
Galfridus Monemutensis, alias Geffrey of Monmouth.  
Giraldus Cambrensis.  
Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.  
Galfridus Vinsauf.  
Guilielmus Novoburgensis.  
Guilielmus thorn.  
Gualterus Hemmingford, alias Gisburnensis.  
Geruasius Dorobernensis.  
Geruasius Tilberiensis.  
Guilielmus Gemeticensis de ducibus Normaniae.  
Guilielmus Rishanger.  
Guilielmus Lambert. Georgius Lillie.  
Guilamme Paradin.   

H.  
HIginus.  
Henricus Huntingtonensis.  
Henricus Leicestrensis.  
Hector Boece. History Daniou.  
Historia Ecclesistica Magdeburgensis.  
Henricus Mutius.  
Historia quadripartita seu quadrilogium.  
Hardings Chronicle.  
halls Chronicle. Henricus Bradshaw.  
Henricus Marleburgensis.  
Herodianus. Humphrey Luyd.   

I.  
johannes Bale.  
johannes Leland.  
jacobus Philippus Bergomas.  
julius Capitolinus. julius Solinus.  
johannes Pike with additions.  
johannes Functius.  
john Price knight. johannes Textor.  
johannes Bodinus. johannes Sleidan.  
johannes Euersden a Monk of Berry.  
johannes or rather Giovan villani a Florentine.  
johannes Baptista Egnatius.  
johannes Capgrave.  
johannes Fourden. johannes Caius.  
jacob de Voragine Bishop of Nebio.  
jean de Bauge a Frenchman wrote a pamphlet of the wars in Scotland, during the time that Monsieur de Desk remained there.  
john Fox. johannes Maior.  
john Stow, by whose diligent collected summary, I have been not only aided, but also by divers rare monuments, ancient writers, and necessary register books of his, which he hath lent me out of his own Library. josephus.   

L.  
LIber constitutionum London.  
Lucan. Laelius Giraldus.   

M.  
MArianus Scotus. Matthaeus Paris.  
Matthaeus Westmonaster. alias Flores historiarum.  
Martin du Bellay, alias Mons. de Langey.  
Mamertinus in Panegyricis.  
Memoires de la March.   

N.  
NIcephorus. Nennius.  
Nicholaus Trevet with additions.   

O.  
ORosius Dorobernensis.  
Osbernus Dorobernensis.  
Otho Phrisingensis.   

P.  
PAusania. Paulus Diaconus.  
Paulus Aemilius.  
Ponticus Virunius. Pomponius Laetus.  
Philip de Cumeins, alias M. de Argenton.  
Polydore Virgil. Paulus iovius.  
Platina. Philippus Melancthon.  
Peucerus. Pomponius Mela.   

R.  
ROgerus Hoveden.  
Ranulfus Higeden, alias Cestrensis the author of Polychronicon.  
Radulfus Cogheshall. Radulfus Niger.  
Register of the Garter.  
Records of Battle Abbey.  
Richardus Southwell. Robert Greene.  
Radulfus de Diceto. Robert Gaguin.  
Rodericus Archiepiscopus Toletanus.  
Records and rolls diverse.   

S.  
STrabo. Suetonius.  
Sigebertus' Gemblacensis.  
Sidon Appollinaris. Simon Dunelmensis.  
Sextus Aurelius Victor.   

T.  
TRebellius Pollio.  
Thomas More knight.  
Thomas Spot. Thomas Walsingham.  
Titus Livius de Forolivisijs de vita Henrici. 5.  
Titus Livius Pataviensis.  
Thomas Lanquet. Thomas Couper.  
Taxtor a Monk of Berry. Thevet.  
Thomas de la More. Tripartita Historia.   

V  
Wlcatius Gallicanus.  
Volfganus Lazius.   

W.  
WHethamsted, a learned man, sometime Abbot of Saint Albon a Chronicler.  
William Harrison.  
William Patten of the expedition into Scotland. 1574.  
William Proctor of Wiat's rebellion.   
Besides these, divers other books and treatises of historical matter I have seen and perused, the names of the authors being utterly unknown.  
FINIS.   

A Table of such chapters as are contained in the first book of this Description.  

1 Of the division of the whole earth.  
2 Of the position, circuit, form, and quantity of the isle of Britain.  
3 Of the ancient denominations of this Island.  
4 What sundry nations have dwelled in Albion.  
5 Whether it be likely that any giants were, and whether they inhabited in this isle or not.  
6 Of the languages spoken in this Island.  
7 Into how many kingdoms this Island hath been divided.  
8 The names of such kings and princes as have reigned in this Island.  
9 Of the ancient religion used in Albion.  
10 Of such islands as are to be seen upon the coasts of Britain.  
11 Of rivers, and first of the Thames, and such rivers as fall into it.  
12 Of such streams as fall into the sea, between the Thames and the mouth of Sauerne.  
13 The description of the Sauerne, and such waters as discharge themselves into the same.  
14 Of such waters as fall into the sea in compass of the Island, between the Sauerne and the Humber.  
15 The description of the Humber or Isis, and such watercourses as do increase her channel.  
16 Of such false of waters as join with the sea, between Humber and the Thames.  
17 Of such ports and creeks as our sea-faring-men do note for their benefit upon the coasts of England.  
18 Of the air, soil, and commodities of this Island.  
19 Of the four high ways sometime made in Britain by the princes of this Island.  
20 Of the general constitution of the bodies of the Britons.  
21 How Britain at the first grew to be divided into three portions.  
22 After what manner the sovereignty of this isle doth remain to the princes of Lhoegres or kings of England.  
23 Of the wall sometime builded for a partition between England and the Picts and Scots.  
24 Of the marvels of England.    

REGUM ANGLIAE SERIES & catalogus.  
COnquestor, Rufus, 


Wil Conqu.  
Wil Rufus.  
Henricus 1.  
Stephanus.  
Henricus 2.  
Richardus 1.  
joannes.  
Henricus 3.  
Eduardus 1.  
Eduardus 2.  
Eduardus 3.  
Richardus 2.  
Henricus 4.  
Henricus 5.  
Henricus 6.  
Eduardus 4.  
Eduardus 5.  
Richardus 3.  
Henricus 7.  
Henricus 8.  
Eduardus 6.  
Phil. & Mar.  
Elisabeth.    prior Henricus, Stephanúsque,  
Alter & Henricus, Leonino cord Richardus,  
Rex & joannes, Henricus tertius inde:  
Eduardus primus, Gnatúsque, Nepósque sequuntur:  
His infoelicem Richardum iunge secundum:  
Henricus quartus soboles Gandavi joannis,  
Praecedit Gnato quinto, sextóque Nepoti:  
Eduardus quartus, quintus, homicida Richardus,  
Septimi & Henricus octauus clara propago:  
Eduardus sextus, regina Maria, Philippus:  
Elisabeth longos regnet victura per annos,  
Seráque promisso foelix potiatur olympo.   

CARMEN CHRONOLOGICON  Thomae Newtoni Cestreshyrij. 
GRamine, fluminibus, grege, principe, fruge, metallis,  
lact, feris, armis, urbibus, arte, foris,  
Quae viget ac floret generosa Britannia, quaeque,  
Obruta puluereo squalluit ante situ:  
Exerit ecce caput, genuinum nacta nitorem,  
Et rutilum emittit cum gravitate iubar.  
Et quod blaesa hominum mutilarat tempore lingua,  
Illud habet rectum pumice tersa novo.  
Loydus in hac pridem gnaws prolusit arena, 


Loydus.  
Lelandus.  
Prisius.  
Stous.  
Holinshedius.  
Lambardus.  
Morus.  
Camdenus.  
Thinnius.  
halus.  
Vocalis aliâs  
Hookerus.  
Graftonus.  
Foxius.  
Harrisonus.  
Hardingus.  
Gildas.  
Staniherstus.  
Beda.  
Nevillus.  
Flemingus.  
Parkerus.     
Lelandus, Prisius, Stous, Holinshedius,  
Lambardus, Morus, Camdenus, Thinnius, halus,  
Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus,  
Hardingus, Gildas, Staniherstus, Beda, Nevillus,  
Doctáque Flemingi lima polivit opus:  
Nec te cane senex, magne ô Parkere, silebo,  
Cui decus attulerat pontificalis apex.  
Omnibus his meritò est laus debita & optima merces,  
Quòd patriae accendant lumina clara suae.  
Longa dies opus hoc peperit, longaeva senectus,  
Et libri authores perbeet, atque librum.   

 
❧ An Historical description of the Island of Britain, with a brief rehearsal of the nature and qualities of the people of England▪ and such commodities as are to be found in the same. Comprehended in three books, and written by W. H.  

Of the division of the whole earth. Chapter. 1.  
WE read that the earth hath been divided into three parts, even sithence the general flood. And the common opinion is, 
Noah first divided the earth among his sons.  that Noah limited and bestowed it upon his three sons, japhet, Cham, and Sem, preserved with him in the Ark, giving unto each of them such portions thereof as to him seemed good, and nevertheless retaining the sovereignty of the whole still unto himself: albeit as yet it be left uncertain how those several parts were bounded, and from whom they took such names as in our times are attributed to each of them. Certes the words, Asia, Europa, and Africa, are denominations given but of late (to speak of) unto them, and it is to be doubted, whether sithence the time of Noah, the sea hath in sundry places won or lost, added or diminished to and from each of them; or whether Europa, and Lybia were but one portion; and the same westerly regions of late discovered (and now called America,) was the third part (counting Asia for the second) or the self region of the Atlantides, which Plato and others, for want of traffic thither in their times, supposed to be dissolved and sunk into the sea: as by their writings appeareth.  
Not long before my time, 
The division of the earth not yet certainly known.  we reckoned Asia, Europa, and Africa, for a full and perfect division of the whole earth, which are parcels only of that huge Island that lieth east of the Atlantike sea, and whereof the first is divided from the second by Tanais (which riseth in the rocks of Caucasus, and hideth itself in the Meotine moors) and the Ocean sea; and the last from them both by the Mediterrane and red sea, otherwise called Mare Erythraeum. But now all men, especially the learned, begin to doubt of the soundness of that partition; because a no less part than the greatest of the three joined with those islands and main which lie under the north and Southpoles, if not double in quantity unto the same, are found out and discovered by the diligence of our travelers. Hereby it appeareth, that either the earth was not exactly divided in time passed by antiquity; or else, that the true division thereof came not to the hands and notice of their posterity, so that our ancestors have hitherto as it were laboured in the Cimmerian darkness, and were utterly ignorant of the truth of that whereabout they endeavoured to show their travels and knowledge in their writings. Some piece of this confusion also is to be found amongst the ancient and Roman writers, who (notwithstanding their large conquests) did stick in the same mire with their successors; not being able (as appeareth by their treatises) to deliver and set down the verity. 
Uariance among the writers about the division of the earth.  For Sallust in his book De bello jugurthino cannot tell whether Africa be parcel of Asia or not. And with the same scruple Varro in his book De lingua Lat. is not a little encumbered, who in the end concludeth, that the whole earth is divided into Asia and Europa: so that Africa is excluded and driven out of his place. Silius also writeth of Africa, (as one not yet resolved whereunto to lean,) that it is; Aut ingens Asiae latus, aut pars tertia rerum. Wherein Lucan lib. 9 showeth himself to be far of another judgement, in that he ascribeth it to Europa, saying after this manner: 
Tertia pars rerum Lybia: si credere famae  
Cuncta velis, si ventos coelúmque sequaris,  
Pars erit Europae, nec enim plus littora Nili  
Quàm Scythicus Tanais primis à gradibus absunt.   
Whereby (I say) we may well understand, that in the time of Augustus Tiberius, Claudius & Nero, the Romans were not yet resolved of the division of the earth. For my part, as I endeavour not to remove the credit of that which antiquity hath delivered (and yet loath to continue and maintain any corruption that may be redressed) so I think good to give forth a new division more probable, & better agreeing with a truth. And therefore I divide the whole into five several parcels, 
The earth divided into five parts, whereas Belforrest hath but four, in Prefat. lib. 4.  retaining the common division in the first three, as before; and unto the fourth allowing not only all that portion that lieth by north of the Magellan streicts, and those Hyperborean islands which lie west of the line of longitude, of late discovered by Frobisher, and called by her Majesty Meta incognita: but likewise so many islands as are within 180. degrees Westwards from our beginning or common line of longitude, whereby they are parted from those, which by this division are allotted unto Asia, and the portion itself made equipollent with the same for greatness, & far exceeding either Europa or Africa, if it be not fully so much in quantity as they both united and laid together. The fift & last part is the Antarctic portion with her islands annexed, that region (I mean) which lieth under the South pole, cut off from America, or the fourth part by the Magellan streicts; & from Africa by the sea which passeth by the Cape of good hope; 
Cape di bona Speranzae.  a country no less large for limits and bounds than Africa or America, and therefore right worthy to be called the fift: howsoever it shall please the curious to mislike of this division. This also I will add, that albeit the continent hereof do not extend itself unto the very Antarctic point, but lieth as it were a long table between two seas, of which the later is under the South pool, 
The form of the fift part.  and as I may call it a main sea under the aforesaid prick, yet is it not without sundry islands also adjoining unto it, and the inner most sea not destitute of many, as by experience hath been of late confirmed. Furthermore, whereas our describers of the earth have made it such in their descriptions, as hath reached little or nothing into the peaceable sea without the Antarctic circle: it is now found by Thevet and others, that it extendeth itself northwards into that trace, by no small number of leagues, even in manner to the Equator, in so much that the westerly part thereof from America, is supposed to reach northward so far from the Antarctic article, as Africa doth southwards from the tropic of Cancer, which is no small portion of ground; & I marvel why not observed by such as heretofore have written of the same. But they excuse themselves by the ingratitude of the Portugeses and Spaniards, who have of purpose concealed many things found out in their travel, lest they should seem to open a gap by doing otherwise, for strangers to enter into their conquests. As for those islands also which lie in the peaceable sea, scattered here and there, as java the greater, the lesser Sumatra, japan, Burneo, &c: with a number of other, I refer them still unto Asia, as before, so as they be without the compass of 90. degrees eastward from the line of longitude, & not above 180. as I do the isle of S. Laurence, and a number of other unto Africa within the said proportion, wishing so little alteration as I may: and yet not yielding unto any confusion, whereby the truth of the division should hereafter be impeached.  
And whereas by Virgil (speaking of our Island) saith; Et penitùs toto divisos orb Britannos,  
And some other authors not unworthy to be read and perused, 
Unto what portion Britain is referred.  it is not certain unto which portion of the earth our islands, and Thule, with sundry the like scattered in the north seas should be ascribed, because they excluded them (as you see) from the rest of the whole earth: I have thought good, for facility sake of division, to refer them all which lie within the first minute of longitude, set down by Ptolemy, to Europa, and that as reason requireth: so that the aforesaid line shall henceforth be their Meta & partition from such as are to be ascribed to America; albeit they come very near unto the aforesaid portion, & may otherwise (without prejudice) be numbered with the same. It may be that some will think this my dealing either to be superfluous, or to proceed from (I wots not what) foolish curiosity: for the world is now grown to be very apt and ready to judge the hardest of every attempt. But forsomuch as my purpose is to leave a plain report of such matter as I do write of, and deliver such things as I entreat of in distinct and upright order; though method now and then do fail, I will go forward with my endeavour, referring the examination of my doings to the indifferent and learned ear, without regard what the other do conceive and imagine of me. In the mean season therefore it shall suffice to say at this time, that Albion as the mother, and the rest of the islands as her daughters, lying east of the line of longitude, be still ascribed unto Europa: whereunto some good authors heretofore in their writings, & their own proper or natural situations also have not amiss referred them.   

Of the position, circuit, form and quantity of the isle of Britain. Cap. 2.  
BRitannia or Britain, 
How Britain lieth from the main.  as we now term it in our English tongue, or Brutania as some pronounce it (by reason of the letter y in the first syllable of the word, as antiquity did sometime deliver it) is an Isle lying in the Ocean sea, directly over against that part of France which containeth Picardy, Normandy, and thereto the greatest part of little Britain, which later region was called in time past Armorica, of the situation thereof upon the sea coast, until such time as a company of Britons (either led over by some of the Roman Emperors, or flying thither from the tyranny of such as oppressed them here in this Island) did settle themselves there, and called it Britain, after the name of their own country, from whence they adventured thither. It hath Ireland upon the west side, on the north the main sea, even to Thule and the Hyperborcans; and on the east side also the German Ocean, by which we pass daily through the trade of merchandise, not only into the low countries of Belgie, now miserably afflicted between the Spanish power and popish inquisition (as spice between the mortar and the pestle) but also into Germany, Friezeland, Denmark, and Norway, caring from hence thither, and bringing from thence hither, all such necessary commodities as the several countries do yield: through which means, and beside common amity conserved, traffic is maintained, and the necessity of each party abundantly relieved.  
It containeth in longitude taken by the midst of the region 19 degrees exactly: 
The longitude and latitude of this isle.  and in latitude 53. degrees, and thirty min. after the opinions of those that have diligently observed the same in our days, and the faithful report of such writers as have left notice thereof unto us, in their learned treatises to be perpetually remembered. Howbeit, whereas some in setting down of these two lines, have seemed to vary about the placing of the same, each of them diverstie remembering the names of sundry cities and towns, whereby they affirm them to have their several courses: for my part I have thought good to proceed somewhat after another sort; that is, by dividing the latest and best chards each way into two equal parts (so near as I can possible bring the same to pass) whereby for the middle of latitude, I product Caerlile and Newcastle upon Tine, (whose longest day consisteth of sixteen hours, 48. minutes) and for the longitude, Newberie, 
Longest day.  Warwick, Sheffield, Skipton, &c: which dealing, in mine opinion, is most easy and indifferent, and likeliest mean to come by the certain standing and situation of our Island.  
Touching the length and breadth of the same, 
The compass of Britain.  I find some variance amongst writers: for after some, there are from the Pier or point of Dover, unto the farthest part of Cornwall westwards 320. miles: from thence again to the point of Cathnesse by the Irish sea 800. Whereby Polydore and other do gather, that the circuit of the whole Island of Britain is 1720. miles, which is full 280. less than Caesar doth set down, except there be some difference between the Roman and British miles, as there is indeed; whereof hereafter I may make some farther conference.  
Martianus writing of the breadth of Britain, hath only 300. miles, but Orosius hath 1200. in the whole compass. Ethicus also agreeing with Pliny, Martianus, and Solinus, hath 800. miles of length, but in the breadth he cometh short of their account by 120. miles. In like manner Dion in Severo maketh the one of 891. miles: but the other; to wit, where it is broadest, of 289. and where it is narrowest, of 37. Finally, Diodorus Siculus affirmeth the south coast to contain 7000 furlongs, the second; to wit, à Carione ad Promontorium 15000. the third 20000. and the whole circuit to consist of 42000. But in our time we reckon the breadth from Dover to Cornwall, not to be above 300. miles, and the length from Dover to Cathnesse, no more than 500 which nevertheless must be measured by a right line, for otherwise I see not how the said division can hold.  
The form and fashion of this isle is three cornered, 
The 〈◊〉  as some have devised, like unto a triangle, bastard sword, wedge, or partesant, being broadest in the south part, and gathering still narrower and narrower, till it come to the farthest point of Cathnesse northward, where it is narrowest of all, & there endeth in manner of a promontory called Caledonium & Orchas in British Morwerydh, which is not above 30. miles over, as daily experience by actual travel doth confirm.  
The old writers give unto the three principal corners, crags, 
Promontories of Britain.  points, and promontories of this Island, three several names. As unto that of Kent, Cantium, that of Cornwall, Hellenes, and of Scotland, Caledonium, and Orchas; and these are called principal, in respect of the other, which are Taruisium, Novantum, Epidium, Gangacum, Octapites, Herculeum, Antivesteum, Ocrinum, Berubium, Taizalum, Acantium, &c: of which I thought good also to leave this notice, to the end that such as shall come after, may thereby take occasion to seek out their true places, whereof as yet I am in manner ignorant, I mean for the most part; because I have no sound author that doth lead me to their knowledge.  
Furthermore, 
The distance from the main.  the shortest and most usual cut that we have out of our Island to the main, is from Dover (the farthest part of Kent eastward) unto Calais a town in Picardy 1300 miles from Rome, in old time called Petressa and Scalas, though some like better of blackness where the breadth of the sea is not above thirty miles. Which course, as it is now frequented and used for the most common and safe passage of such as come into our country out of France and divers other realms, so it hath not been unknown of old time unto the Romans, who for the most part used these two havens for their passage and repassage to and fro; although we find, that now and then diverse of them came also from Bullen, and landed at Sandwich, or some other places of the coast more toward the west, or between Hide and Lid; to wit, Romneie marsh, which in old time was called Romania or Romanorum insula) as to avoid the force of the wind & weather, that often molesteth seafaringmen in these narrow seas, best liked them for their safegards. Between the part of Holland also, which lieth near the mouth of the Rhine and this our Island, are 900. furlongs, as Sosimus saith; and besides him, divers other writers, which being converted into English miles, do yield 112. and four odd furlongs, whereby the just distance of the nearest part of Britain, from that part of the main also doth certainly appear to be much less than the common maps of our country have hitherto set down.   

Of the ancient names or denominations of this Island. Cap. 3.  
IN the diligent perusal of their treatises, who have written of the state of this our Island, I find that at the first it seemed to be a parcel of the Celtike kingdom, 
Dis, Samothes.  whereof This otherwise called Samothes, one of the sons of japhet was the Saturn or original beginner, and of him thenceforth for a long while called Samothea. Afterward in process of time, when desire of rule began to take hold in the minds of men, and each prince endevouted to enlarge his own dominions: 
Neptimus Marioticus.  Albion the son of Neptune, Amphitrite surnamed Marioticus (because his dominions lay among the islands of the Mediterran sea, as those of Plutus did on the lower grounds near unto shore, as contrariwise his father jupiter dwelled on the high hills nearer to heaven) hearing of the commodities of the country, and plentifulness of soil here, made a voyage over, 
The first conquest of Britain.  and finding the thing not only correspondent unto, but also far surmounting the report that went of this Island, it was not long after yer he invaded the same by force of arms, brought it to his subjection, in the 29. year after his grandfathers decease, and finally changed the name thereof into Albion, whereby the former denomination after Samothes did grow out of mind, and fall into utter forgetfulness. And thus was this Island bereft at on time both of her ancient name, 
Britain under the Celts 341. years.  and also of her lawful succession of princes descended of the line of japhet, under whom it had continued by the space of 341. years and nine princes, as by the chronology following shall easily appear.  
Goropius our neighbour being very nice in the denomination of our Island, as in most other points of his huge volume of the original of Antwerp lib. 6. (whom Buchanan also followeth in part) is brought into great doubt, whether Britain was called Albion of the word Alb, white; or Alphonso an hill; as Bodinus is no less troubled with fetching the same ab Olbijs, or as he wresteth it, ab Albijs gallis. But here his inconstancy appeareth, in that in his Gotthadamca liber. 7. he taketh no less pains to bring the Britain's out of Denmark, whereby the name of the Island should be called Vridania; Freedania, Brithania, or Bridania, tanquam libera Dania, as another also doth to fetch the original out of Spain, where Breta signifieth soil or earth. But as such as walk in darkness do often stray, because they wots not whither they go: even so do these men, whilst they seek to extenuate the certainty of our histories, and bring us altogether to uncerteinties & their conjectures. They in like manner, which will have the Welshmen come from the French with this one question, under Walli nisia Gallis, or from some Spanish colony, do greatly bewray their oversights; but most of all they err that endeavour to fetch it from Albine the imagined daughter of a forged Dioclesian, wherewith our ignorant writers have of late not a little stained our history, and brought the sound part thereof into some discredit and mistrust: but more of this hereafter.  
Now to speak somewhat also of Neptune as by the way (sith I have made mention of him in this place) it shall not be altogether impertinent. Wherefore you shall understand, that for his excellent knowledge in the art of navigation (as navigation than went) he was reputed 
Neptune God of the sea.  the most skilful prince that lived in his time. And therefore, and likewise for his courage & boldness in adventuring to and fro, he was after his decease honoured as a god, 
The manner of dressing of ships in old time.  and the protection of such as traveled by sea committed to his charge. So rude also was the making of ships wherewith to sail in his time (which were for the most part flat bottomed and broad) that for lack of better experience to calk and trim the same after they were builded, they used to nail them over with raw hides of bulls, buffles, and such like, and with such a kind of navy (as they say) first Samothes, & then Albion arrived in this Island, which unto me doth not seem a thing impossible. The northerly or arctic regions, do not nail their ships with iron, which they utterly want, but with wooden pins, or else they bind the planks together very artificially with baste ropes, osiers, rinds of trees, or twigs of popler, the substance of those vessels being either of fir or pine, sith oak is very dainty & hard to be had amongst them. Of their wooden anchors I speak not (which nevertheless are common to them, and to the Gothlanders) more than of ships wrought of wickers, sometime used in our Britain, and covered with leather even in the time of Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 56. as also bofes made of rushes and reeds, etc. Neither have I just occasion to speak of ships made of canes, of which sort Staurobates, king of India fight against Semiramis, brought 4000 with him and fought with her the first battle on the water that ever I read of, and upon the river Indus, but to his loss, for he was overcome by her power, & his navy either drowned or burned by the fury of her soldiers.  
But to proceed, when the said Albion had governed here in this country by the space of seven years, it came to pass that both he and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of Rhodanus, as the said Hercules passed out of Spain by the Celtes to go over into Italy, and upon this occasion (as I gather among the writers) not unworthy to be remembered. It happened in time of Lucus king of the Celts, 
Lestrigo.  that Lestrigo and his issue (whom Osiris his grandfather had placed over the janigenes) did exercise great tyranny, 
janigenes were the posterity of Noah in Italy.  not only over his own kingdom, but also in molestation of such princes as inhabited round about him in most intolerable manner. Moreover he was not a little encouraged in these his doings by Neptune his father, 
Neptune had xxxiii. sons.  who thirsted greatly to leave his xxxiii. sons settled in the mightiest kingdoms of the world, as men of whom he had already conceived this opinion, that if they had once gotten foot into any region whatsoever, it would not be long yer they did by some means or other, not only establish their seats, but also increase their limits to the better maintenance of themselves and their posterity for evermore. To be short therefore, after the giants, and great princes, or mighty men of the world had conspired and slain the aforesaid Osiris, only for that he was an obstacle unto them in their tyrannous dealing; Hercules his son, surnamed Laabin, Lubim, or Libius, in the revenge of his father's death, proclaimed open wars against them all, and going from place to place, he ceased not to spoil their kingdoms, and therewithal to kill them with great courage that fell into his hands. Finally, having among sundry other overcome the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spain, 
Lomnimi. Geriones.  and understanding that Lestrigo and his sons did yet remain in Italy, he directed his voyage into those parts, and taking the kingdom of the Celts in his way, he remained for a season with Lucus the king of that country, where he also married his daughter Galathea, 
Galathea.  and begat a son by her, calling him after his mother's name Galates, 
Galates or Kelts.  of whom in my said chronology I have spoken more at large.  
In the mean time Albion understanding how Hercules intended to make wars against his brother Lestrigo, he thought good if it were possible to stop him that tide, 
Bergion.  and therefore sending for his brother Bergion out of the Orchades (where he also reigned as supreme lord and governor) they joined their powers, and sailed over into France. Being arrived there, 
Pomponius Mela cap. de Gallia.  it was not long yer they met with Hercules and his army, near unto the mouth of the river called Roen (or the Rhodanus) where happened a cruel conflict between them, in which Hercules and his men were like to have lost the day, for that they were in manner wearied with long wars, and their munition sore wasted in the last voyage that he had made for Spain. Hereupon Hercules perceiving the courages of his soldiers somewhat to abate, and seeing the want of artillery like to be the cause of his fatal day and present overthrow at hand, it came suddenly into his mind to will each of them to defend himself by throwing stones at his enemy, 
Strabo lib. 4.  whereof there lay great store then scattered in the place. The policy was no sooner published than harkened unto and put in execution, whereby they so prevailed in the end, that Hercules won the field, their enemies were put to flight, and Albion and his brother both slain, and buried in that plot. Thus was Britain rid of a tyrant, Lucus king of the Celts delivered from an usurper (that daily encroached upon him, building sundry cities and holds, of which some were placed among the Alps & called after his own name, and other also even in his own kingdom on that side) and Lestrigo greatly weakened by the slaughter of his brethren. Of this invention of Hercules in like sort it cometh, that jupiter father unto Hercules (who indeed was none other but Osiris) is feigned to throw down stones from heaven upon Albion and Bergion, in the defence of his son: which came so thick upon them, as if great drops of rain or hail should have descended from above, no man well knowing which way to turn him from their force, they came so fast and with so great a violence.  
But to go forward, albeit that Albion and his power were thus discomfited and slain, yet the name that he gave unto this Island died not, but still remained unto the time of Brute, who arriving here in the 1116. before Christ, and 2850. after the creation of the world, not only changed it into Britain (after it had been called Albion, by the space of about 600. years) but to declare his sovereignty over the rest of the islands also that lie scattered round about it, he called them all after the same manner, so that Albion was said in time to be Britanniarum insula maxima, that is, The greatest of those Isles that bear the name of Britain, which Pliny also confirmeth, and Strabo in his first and second books denieth not. There are some, which utterly denying that this Island took her name of Brute, do affirm it rather to be so called of the rich metals sometime carried from the mines there into all the world as growing in the same. Vibius Sequester also saith that Calabria was sometime called Britannia, Ob immensam affluentiam totius delitiae atque ubertatis, that was to be found herein. Other contend that it should be written with P (Pritannia.) All which opinions as I absolutely deny not, so I willingly lean unto none of them in peremptory manner, sith the antiquity of our history carrieth me withal unto the former judgements. And for the same cause I reject them also, which derive the aforesaid denomination from Britona the nymph, in following Textor (or Prutus or Prytus the son of Araxa) which Britona was borne in Creta daughter to Mars, and fled by sea from thence only to escape the villainy of Minos, who attempted to ravish and make her one of his paramours: but if I should forsake the authority of Galfride, I would rather lean to the report of Parthenius, whereof elsewhere I have made a more large rehearsal.  
It is altogether impertinent, to discuss whether Hercules came into this Island after the death of Albion, or not, although that by an ancient monument seen of late, as I hear, and the cape of Hartland or Harcland in the West country (called Promontorium Herculis in old time) divers of our British antiquaries do gather great likelihood that he should also be here. But sith his presence or absence maketh nothing with the alteration of the name of this our region and country, and to search out whether the said monument was but some token erected in his honour of later times (as some have been elsewhere, among the Celts framed, & those like an old cripple with a bow bend in one hand & a club in the other, a rough skin on his back, the hair of his head all to be matted like that of the Irishmen, and drawing many men captive after him in chains) is but smallly available, and therefore I pass it over as not incident to my purpose. Neither will I spend any time in the determination, whether Britain had been sometime a parcel of the main, although it should well seem so to have been, because that before the general flood of Noah, we do not read of islands, more than of hills and valleys. Wherefore as Wilden Arguis also noteth in his philosophy and tractation of meteors, it is very likely that they were only caused by the violent motion and working of the sea, in the time of the flood, which if S. Augustine had well considered, he would never have asked how such creatures as lived in islands far distant from the main could come into the ark, De civit. lib. 16. cap. 7. howbeit in the end he concludeth with another matter more profitable than his demand.  
As for the speedy and timely inhabitation thereof, this is mine opinion, to wit, that it was inhabited shortly after the division of the earth. For I read that when each capteinie and his company had their portions assigned unto them by Noah in the partition that he made of the whole among his posterity, they never ceased to travel and search out the uttermost parts of the same, until they found out their bounds allotted, and had seen and viewed their limits, even unto the very poles. It shall suffice therefore only to have touched these things in this manner a far off, and in returning to our purpose, to proceed with the rest concerning the denomination of our Island, 
Yet Timeus, Ephorus, and some of the Grecians, know the name Britannia. as appeareth also by Diodorus. etc., before the coming of Cesar.  which was known unto most of the Greeks for a long time, by none other name than Albion, and to say the truth, even unto Alexander's days, as appeareth by the words of Aristotle in his De mundo, and to the time of Ptolemy: notwithstanding that Brute, as I have said, had changed the same into Britain, many hundred years before.  
After Brutus I do not find that any men attempted to change it again, until the time that Theodosius, in the days of Ualentinianus and Ualens endeavoured, in the remembrance of the two aforesaid Emperors, to call it Valentia, as Marcellinus saith. But as this devise took no hold among the common sort, so it retained still the name of Britain, until the reign of Ecbert, who about the 800. year of Grace, and first of his reign, gave forth an especial edict, dated at Winchester, that it should be called Angles land, or Angellandt, for which in our time we do pronounce it England. And this is all (right honourable) that I have to say, touching the several names of this Island, utterly misliking in the mean season their devices, which make Hengist the only parent of the later denomination, whereas Ecbert, because his ancestors descended from the Angles one of the six nations that came with the Saxons into Britain (for they were not all of one, but of divers countries, as Angles, Saxons, Germans, Swissers, Norwegiens, jutes otherwise called jutons, Uites, Goths or Getes, and Uandals, and all comprehended under the name of Saxons, because of Hengist the Saxon and his company that first arrived here before any of the other) and thereto having now the monarchy and pre-eminence in manner of this whole Island, called the same after the name of the country from whence he derived his original, 
Of this opinion is Belforest, lib. 3. cap. 44.  neither Hengist, neither any Queen named Angla, neither whatsoever derivation ab Angulo, as from a corner of the world bearing sway, or having aught to do at all in that behalf.   

What sundry nations have dwelled in Albion. Cap. 4.  
AS few or no nations can justly boast themselves to have continued since their country was first replenished, without any mixture, more or less, of foreign inhabitants; no more can this our Island, whose manifold commodities have oft alured sundry princes and famous captains of the world to conquer and subdue the same unto their own subjection. Many sorts of people therefore have come in hither and settled themselves here in this isle, and first of all other, a parcel of the lineage and posterity of japhet, 
Samotheans.  brought in by Samothes in the 1910. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in process of time, and after they had indifferently replenished and furnished this Island with people (which was done in the space of 335. years) Albion the giant afore mentioned, repaired hither with a company of his own race proceeding from Cham, and not only annexed the same to his own dominion, but brought all such in like sort as he found here of the line of japhet, into miserable servitude and most extreme thraldom. After him also, and within less than six hundred and two years, came Brute the son of Silvius with a great train of the posterity of the dispersed Troyans' in 324. ships: 
Britain's.  who rendering the like courtesy unto the Chemminits as they had done before unto the seed of japhet, 
Chemminits.  brought them also wholly under his rule and governance, and dispossessing the peers & inferior owners of their lands and possessions, he divided the country among such princes and captains as he in his arrival here had led out of Grecia with him.  
From henceforth I do not find any sound report of other nation whatsoever, 
Romans.  that should adventure hither to dwell, and alter the state of the land, until the Roman emperors subdued it to their dominion, saving of a few Galls, (and those peradventure of Belgie) who first coming over to rob and pilfer upon the coasts, did afterward plant themselves for altogether near unto the shore, and there builded sundry cities and towns which they named after those of the main, from whence they came unto us. And this is not only to be gathered out of Cesar where he writeth of Britain of set purpose, but also elsewhere, as in his second book a little after the beginning: for speaking of Deviaticus king of the Swessions living in his time, he affirmeth him not only to be the mightiest prince of all the Galls, but also to hold under his subjection the isle of Britain, of which his son Galba was afterward dispossessed. But after the coming of the Romans, it is hard to say with how many sorts of people we were daily pestered, almost in every steed. For as they planted their forworne legions in the most fertile places of the realm, and where they might best lie for the safeguard of their conquests: so their armies did commonly consist of many sorts of people, and were (as I may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations then living in the world. Howbeit, I think it best, because they did all bear the title of Romans, to retain only that name for them all, albeit they were woeful guests to this our Island: sith that with them came all manner of vice and vicious living, all riot and excess of behaviour into our country, which their legions brought hither from each corner of their dominions: for there was no province under them from whence they had not servitors.  
How and when the Scots, 
Scots. Picts.  a people mixed of the Scythian and Spanish blood, should arrive here out of Ireland, & when the Picts should come unto us out of Sarmatia, or from further toward the north & the Scythian Hyperborcans, as yet it is uncertain. For though the Scotish histories do carry great countenance of their antiquity in this Island: yet (to say freely what I think) I judge them rather to have stolen in hither within the space of 100 years before Christ, than to have continued here so long as they themselves pretend, if my conjecture be any thing. Yet I deny not, but that as the Picts were long planted in this Island before the Scots adventured to settle themselves also in Britain; so the Scots did often adventure hither to rob and steal out of Ireland, and were finally called in by the Meats or Picts (as the Romans named them, because they painted their bodies) to help them against the Britain's, after the which they so planted themselves in these parts, that unto our time that portion of the land cannot he cleansed of them. I find also that as these Scots were reputed for the most Scithian-like and barbarous nation, and longest without letters; so they used commonly to steal over into Britain in leather skewes, and began to help the Picts about or not long before the beginning of Caesar's time. For both Diodorus lib. 6. and Strabo lib. 4. do seem to speak of a parcel of the Irish nation that should inhabit Britain in their time, which were given to the eating of man's flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi. Mamertinus in like sort doth note the Redshanks and the Irish (which are properly the Scots) to be the only enemies of our nation, before the coming of Caesar, as appeareth in his panegyrical oration, so that hereby it is found that they are no new guests in Britain. Wherefore all the controversy doth rest in the time of their first attempt to inhabit in this Island. certainly I marvel much why they travel not to come in with Cantaber and Partholonus: but I see perfectly that this shift should be too gross for the maintenance of their desired antiquity. Now, as concerning their name, the Saxons translated the word Scotus for Irish: whereby it appeareth that those Irish, of whom Strabo and Diodorus do speak, are none other than those Scots, of whom Jerome speaketh A duersus iovinianum, lib. 2. who used to feed on the buttocks of boys and women's paps, as delicate dishes. Aethicus writing of the isle of Man, affirmeth it to be inhabited with Scots so well as Ireland even in his time. Which is another proof that the Scots and Irish are all one people. They were also called Scoti by the Romans, because their Island & original inhabitation thereof were unknown, and they themselves an obscure nation in the sight of all the world. Now as concerning the Picts, 
Of the Picts.  whatsoever Ranulphus Hygden imagineth to the contrary of their latter entrance, it is easy to find by Herodian and Mamertinus (of which the one calleth them Meats, the other redshanks and Pictones) that they were settled in this isle long before the time of Severus, yea of Caesar, and coming of the Scots. Which is proof sufficient, if no further authority remained extant for the same. So that the controversy lieth not in their coming also, but in the true time of their repair and adventure into this Island out of the Orchades (out of which they got over into the North parts of our country, as the writers do report) and from whence they came at the first into the aforesaid islands. For my part I suppose with other, that they came hither out of Sarmatia or Scythia: for that nation having how always an eye unto the commodities of our country, hath sent out many companies to invade and spoil the same. It may be that some will gather, those to be the Picts, of whom Caesar saith that they stained their faces with wad and madder, to the end they might appear terrible and fearful to their enemies; and so infer that the Picts were natural Britan's. But it is one thing to stain the face only as the Britan's did, of whom Propertius saith, Nunc etiam infectos demummutare Britannos, And to paint the images and portrattures of beasts, fish and fowls over the whole body, as the Picts did, of whom Martial saith, Barbara depictis veni Bascauda Britannis. Certes the times of Samothes and Albion, have some likely limitation: and so we may gather of the coming in of Brute, of Caesar, the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans, and finally of the Flemings, (who had the Rosse in Wales assigned unto them 1066. after the drowning of their country.) But when first the Picts, & then the Scots should come over into our. Island, as they were obscure people, so the time of their arrival is as far to me unknown. Wherefore the resolution of this point must still remain In tenebris. This nevertheless is certain, that Maximus first Legate of Britain, and afterward emperor, drove the Scots out of Britain, and compelled them to get habitation in Ireland, the out Isles, and the North part of the main, and finally divided their region between the Britain's and the Picts. He denounced war also against the Irishmen, for receiving them into their land: but they craving the peace, yielded to subscribe, that from thence-foorth they would not receive any Scot into their dominions; and so much the more, for that they were pronounced enemies to the Romans, and disturbers of the common peace and quietness of their provinces here in England.  
The Saxons became first acquainted with this isle, by means of the piracy which they daily practised upon our coasts (after they had once begun to adventure themselves also upon the seas, thereby to seek out more wealth than was now to be gotten in the West parts of the main, which they and their neighbours had already spoiled in most lamentable and barbarous manner) howbeit they never durst presume to inhabit in this Island, 
The hurt by foreign aid.  until they were sent for by Vortiger to serve him in his wars against the Picts and Scots, after that the Romans had given us over, and lest us wholly to our own defence and regiment. Being therefore come under Hengist in three bottoms or kéeles, and in short time espying the idle and negligent behaviour of the Britain's, and fertility of our soil, they were not a little inflamed to make a full conquest of such as at the first they came to aid and secure. Hereupon also they fell by little and little to the winding in of greater numbers of their countrymen and neighbours, with their wives and children into this region, so that within a while these new comlings began to molest the homelings, and ceased not from time to time to continue their purpose, until they had gotten possession of the whole, or at the leastwise the greatest part of our country; the Britons in the mean season being driven either into Wales and Cornwall, or altogether out of the Island to seek new habitations.  
In like manner the Danes (the next nation that succeeded) came at the first only to pilfer and rob upon the frontiers of our Island, 
Danes.  till that in the end, being let in by the Welshmen or Britons through an earnest desire to be revenged upon the Saxons, they no less plagued the one than the other, their friends than their adversaries, seeking by all means possible to establish themselves also in the sure possession of Britain. But such was their success, that they prospered not long in their devise: for so great was their lordliness, cruelty, and infatiable desire of riches, beside their detestable abusing of chaste matrons, and young virgins (whose husbands and parents were daily enforced to become their drudges and slaves, whilst they sat at home and fed like drone bees of the sweet of their travel and labours) that God I say would not suffer them to continue any while over us, but when he saw his time he removed their yoke, and gave us liberty as it were to breathe us, thereby to see whether this his sharp scourge could have moved us to repentance and amendment of our lewd and sinful lives, or not. But when no sign thereof appeared in our hearts, he called in an other nation to vex us, I mean the Normans, 
The Normans.  a people mixed with Danes, and of whom it is worthily doubted, whether they were more hard and cruel to our countrymen than the Danes, or more heavy and intolerable to our Island than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came out of Newstria, the people thereof were called Normans by the French, because the Danes which subdued that region, came out of the North parts of the world: nevertheless, I suppose that the ancient word Newstria, is corrupted from West-rijc, because that if you mark the situation, it lieth opposite from Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East region, as Newstria is the West: for Rijc in the old Scythian tongue doth signify a region or kingdom, as in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich, Westsaxon-reich, Ost saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, etc., is else to be seen. But howsoever this falleth out, these Normans or Danish French, were deadly adversaries to the English Saxons, first by mean of a quarrel that grew between them in the days of Edward the Confessor, at such time as the Earl of Bullen, and William Duke of Normandy, arrived in this land to visit him, & their friends; such Normans (I mean) as came over with him and Emma his mother before him, in the time of Canutus and Ethelred. For the first footing that ever the French did set in this Island, sithence the time of Ethelbert & Sigebert, was with Emma, which Lady brought over a train of French Gentlemen and Ladies with her into England.  
After her also no small numbers of attendants came in with Edward the Confessor, 
The cause of the conquest by the Normans.  whom he preferred to the greatest offices in the realm, in so much that one Robert a Norman, became Archbishop of Canturburie, whose preferment so much enhanced the minds of the French, on the one side, as their lordly and outrageous demeanour kindled the stomaches of the English nobility against them on the other: insomuch that not long before the death of Emma the king's mother, and upon occasion of the brawl happening at Dover (whereof I have made sufficient mention in my chronology, not regarding the report of the French authors in this behalf, who writ altogether in the favour of their Archbishop Robert, but following the authority of an English priest then living in the court) the English Peers began to show their disliking in manifest manner. Nevertheless, the Normans so bewitched the king with their lying and boasting, Robert the Archbishop being the chief instrument of their practice, that he believed them, and thereupon vexed sundry of the nobility, amongst whom Earl Goodwijn of Kent was the chief, a noble Gentleman and father in law to king Edward by the marriage of his daughter. The matter also came to such issue against him, that he was exiled, and five of his sons with him, whereupon he goeth over the sea, and soon after returning with his said sons, they invaded the land in sundry places, the father himself coming to London, where when the king's power was ready to join with him in battle, it utterly refused so to do: affirming plainly, that it should be mere folly for one Englishman to fight against another, in the revenge of Frenchmens quarrels: which answer entered so deeply into the king's mind, that he was contented to have the matter heard, and appointing commissioners for that purpose; they concluded at the upshot, that all the French should departed out of England by a day, few excepted, whom the king should appoint and nominate. By this means therefore Robert the Archbishop, 
Archbishop of Can. exiled, and the rest of the French.  & of secret counsel with the king, was first exiled as principal abuser & seducer of the king, who goeth to Rome, & there complaineth to the Pope of his injury received by the English. Howbeit as he returned home again with no small hope of the readeption of his See, he died in Normandy, whereby he saved a kill. Certes he was the first that ever tendered complaint out of England unto Rome, & with him went William Bishop of London (afterward revoked) and Vlfo of Lincoln, who hardly escaped the fury of the English nobility. Some also went into Scotland, and there held themselves, expecting a better time. And this is the true history of the original cause of the conquest of England by the French: for after they were well beaten at Dover, because of their insolent demeanour there showed, their hearts never ceased to boil with a desire of revenge that broke out into a flame, so soon as their Robert possessed the primacy, which being once obtained, and to set his mischief intended abroach withal, a contention was quickly procured about certain Kentish lands, and controversy kindled, whether he or the Earl should have most right unto them. The king held with the priest as with the church, the nobility with the Earl. In process also of this business, 
earl Goodwin slandered by the French writers.  the Archbishop accused the Earl of high treason, burdening him with the slaughter of Alfred the king's brother, which was altogether false: as appeareth by a treatise yet extant of that matter, written by a chaplain to king Edward the Confessor, in the hands of john Stow my very friend, wherein he saith thus, Alfredus incautè agens in adventu suo in Angliam a Danis circumuentus occiditur. He addeth moreover, that giving out as he came through the country accompanied with his few proud Normans, how his meaning was to recover his right unto the kingdom, and supposing that all men would have yielded unto him, he fell into their hands, whom Harald then king did send to apprehend him, upon the fame only of this report brought unto his ears. So that (to be short) after the king had made his pacification with the Earl, the French (I say) were exiled, the Queen restored to his favour (whom he at the beginning of this broil had imprisoned at Wilton, allowing her but one only maid to wait upon her) and the land reduced to her former quietness, which continued until the death of the king. After which the Normans not forgetting their old grudge, remembered still their quarrel, that in the end turned to their conquest of this Island. After which obtained, they were so cruelly bend to our utter subversion and overthrow, that in the beginning it was less reproach to be accounted a slave than an Englishman, 
The misery of the English under the French.  or a drudge in any filthy business than a Britain: insomuch that every French page was superior to the greatest Peer; and the loss of an englishman's life but a pastime to such of them as contended in their bravery, who should give the greatest strokes or wounds unto their bodies, when their toiling and drudgery could not please them, or satisfy their greedy humours. Yet such was our lot in those days by the divine appointed order, that we must needs obey such as the Lord did set over us, and so much the rather, for that all power to resist was utterly taken from us, and our arms made so weak and feeble that they were not now able to remove the importable load of the enemy from our surburdened shoulders. And this only I say again, 
The cause of our misery.  because we refused grace offered in time, and would not hear when God by his Preachers did call us so favourably unto him. Oh how miserable was the estate of our country under the French and Normans, wherein the British and English that remained, could not be called to any function in the commonwealth, no not so much as to be constables and headburowes in small villages, except they could bring 2. or 3. Normans for sureties to the Lords of the soil for their good behaviour in their offices! Oh what numbers of all degrees of English and British were made slaves and bondmen, and bought and sold as oxen in open market! In so much that at the first coming, the French bond were set free; and those that afterward became bond, were of our own country and nation, so that few or rather none of us remained free without some note of bondage and servitude to the French. Hereby then we perceive, how from time to time this Island hath not only been a prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers, the natural homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter, as I said before, till in the end they came not only to be driven into a corner of this region, 
In this voyage the said Harald builded Portaschith, which Caradoch ap Griffin afterward overthrew, and killed the garrison that Harald left therein.  but in time also very like utterly to have been extinguished. For had not king Edward, surnamed the saint, in his time, after grievous wars made upon them 1063. (wherein Harald lately made Earl of Oxenford, son to Goodwin Earl of Kent, and after king of England, was his general) permitted the remnant of their women to join in marriage with the Englishmen (when the most part of their husbands and male children were slain with the sword) it could not have been otherwise chosen, but their whole race must needs have sustained the uttermost confusion, and thereby the memory of the Britons utterly have perished among us.  
Thus we see how England hath six times been subject to the reproach of conquest. And whereas the Scots seem to challenge many famous victories also over us, beside grievous impositions, tributes, & dishonourable compositions: it shall suffice for answer, that they deal in this as in the most part of their history, which is to seek great honour by lying, & great renown by prating and craking. Indeed they have done great mischief in this Island, & with extreme cruelty; but as for any conquest the first is yet to hear of. divers other conquests also have been pretended by sundry princes since the conquest, only to the end that all pristinate laws and tenors of possession might cease, and they make a new disposition of all things at their own pleasure. As one by king Edw. the 3. but it took none effect. Another by Henry the 4. who nevertheless was at the last though hardly drawn from the challenge by William Thorington, then chief justice of England. The third by Henry the 7. who had some better show of right, but yet without effect. And the last of all by Q. Marie, as some of the papists gave out, and also would have had her to have obtained, but God also stayed their malices, and her challenge. But beside the six afore mentioned, Huntingdon the old historiographer speaketh of a seventh, likely (as he saith) to come one day out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to good, sith nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger & much cold. See more hereof in the history of S. Albon, and aforesaid author which lieth on the left side of the library belonging now to Paul's: for I regard no prophecies as one that doubteth from what spirit they do proceed, or who should be the author of them.   

Whether it be likely that any giants were, and whether they inhabited in this isle or not. Cap. 5.  
BEsides these aforesaid nations, which have crept (as you have heard) into our Island, we read of sundry giants that should inhabit here. Which report as it is not altogether incredible, sith the posterities of divers princes were called by the name: so unto some men's ears it seemeth so strange a rehearsal, that for the same only cause they suspect the credit of our whole history, & reject it as a fable, unworthy to be read. They also condemn the like in all other histories, especially of the North, where men are naturally of greatest stature, imagining all to be but fables that is written of Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, &c: of whom Saxo, johannes Magnus and Olaus do make mention, & whose bones do yet remain to be seen as rare miracles in nature. Of these also some in their life time were able to lift up (as they writ) a vessel of liquor of 1000 weight, or an horse, or an ox, & cast it on their shoulders (wherein their very women have been likewise known to come near unto them) and of the race of those men, some were seen of no less strength in the 1500. of Grace, wherein Olaus lived, and wrote the same of his own experience and knowledge. Of the giant of Spain that died of late years by a fall upon the Alps, as he either went or came from Rome, about the purchase of a dispensation to marry with his kinswoman (a woman also of much more than common stature) there be men yet living, and may live long for age, that can say very much even by their own knowledge. Wherefore it appeareth by present experience, that all is not absolutely untrue which is remembered of men of such giants. For this cause therefore I have now taken upon me to make this brief discourse ensuing, as endeavouring thereby to prove, that the opinion of giants is not altogether grounded upon vain and fabulous narrations, invented only to delight the cares of the hearers with the report of marvelous things: but that there have been such men in deed, as for their hugeness of person have resembled rather 
* Esay. 30. vers. 25.  high towers than mortal men, although their posterities are now consumed, and their monstruous races utterly worn out of knowledge.  
I do not mean herein to dispute, whether this name Gigas or Nephilim was given unto them, rather for their tyranny and oppression of the people, than for their greatness of body, or large steps, as Goropius would have it (for he denieth that ever men were greater than at this present) or because their parents were not known, for such in old time were called Terrae filii; or whether the word Gigas doth only signify Indigenas, or homelings, borne in the land or not; neither whether all men were of like quantity in stature, and far more greater in old time, than now they be: and yet absolutely I deny neither of these, sith very probable reasons may be brought for each of them, but especially the last rehearsed, whose confirmation dependeth upon the authorities of sundry ancient writers, who make divers of noble race, equal to the giants in strength and manhood, and yet do not give the same name unto them, because their quarrels were just, and commonly taken in hand for defence of the oppressed. Examples hereof we may take of Hercules and Antheus, 
Antheus. Lucan lib. 4. in fine.  whose wrestling declareth that they were equal in stature & stomach. Such also was the courage of Antheus, that being often overcome, and as it were utterly vanquished by the said Hercules, yet if he did eftsoons return again into his kingdom, he forthwith recovered his force, returned and held Hercules tack, till he got at the last between him and home, so cutting off the farther hope of the restitution of his army, and killing finally his adversary in the field, of which victory Politian writeth thus: 
Incaluere animis dura certare palaestra,  
Neptuni quondàm filius atque iovis:  
Non certamen erant operoso ex aere lebetes,  
Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:  
Occidit Antaeus jove natum vivere fas est,  
Estque magistra Pales Graecia, non Lybia.   
The like do our histories report of Corineus and Gomagot, 
Corineus. Gomagot.  peradventure king of this isle, who fought a combat hand to hand, till one of them was slain, and yet for all this no man reputeth Hercules or Corineus for giants, albeit that Hanuile in his Architrenion make the later to be 12. cubits in height, which is full 18. foot, if poetical licence do not take place in his report and assertion. But sith (I say again) it is not my purpose to stand upon these points, I pass over to speak any more of them. And whereas also I might have proceeded in such order, that I should first set down by many circumstances, whether any giants were, then whether they were of such huge and incredible stature as the authors do remember, and finally whether any of them have been in this our Island or not, I protest plainly, that my mind is not here bend to deal in any such manner, but rather generally to confirm and by sufficient authority, that there have been such mighty men of stature, and some of them also in Britain, which I will set down only by sundry examples, whereby it shall fall out, that neither our Island, nor any part of the main, have at one time or other been altogether without them. First of all therefore, & to begin with the scriptures, the most sure & certain ground of all knowledge: you shall have out of them such notable examples set down, as I have observed in reading the same, which unto the godly may suffice for sufficient proof of my position. Nevertheless, after the scriptures I will resort to the wrtting of our learned Divines, and finally of the infidel and pagan authors, whereby nothing shall seem to want that may confute Goropius, and all his cavillations.  
Moses the prophet of the Lord, 
Cap. 6. vers. 5.  writing of the estate of things before the flood, hath these words in his book of generations. In these days saith he, there were giants upon the earth. Berosus also the Chalde writeth, 
Anti. li. 1.  that near unto Libanus there was a city called Oenone (which I take to be Hanoch, builded sometime by Cham) wherein giants did inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugeness of their bodies, did very great oppression and mischief in the world. The hebrews called them generally Enach, of Hanach the Chebronite, father to Achimam, Scheschai and Talma, although their first original was derived from Henoch the son of Cain, of whom that pestilent race descended, as I read. The Moabits named them Emims, and the Ammonites Zamsummims, and it should seem by the second of Deut. cap. 19, 20. that Ammon and Moab were greatly replenished with such men, when Moses wrote that treatise. For of these monsters some families remained of greater stature than other unto his days, 
●●. cap. 13. verse. 33, & 34.  in comparison of whom the children of Israel confessed themselves to be but grasshoppers. Which is one noble testimony that the word Gigas or Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an home-born child, wicked tyrant, or oppressor of the people.  
Furthermore, 
Deut. 3. vers. 11. Og of Basan.  there is mention made also in the scriptures of Og, sometime king of Basan, who was the last of the race of the giants, that was left in the land of promise to be overcome by the israelites, & whose iron bed was afterward showed for a wonder at Rabbath (a city of the Ammonites) containing 9 cubits in length, and 4. in breadth, which cubits I take not to be geometrical, (that is, each one so great as six of the smaller, as those were whereof the Ark was made, as our Divines affirm, especially Augustine: whereas Origen, hom. 2. in Gen. out of whom he seemeth to borrow it, appeareth to have no such meaning directly) but rather of the arm of a mean man, which oftentimes doth vary & differ from the standard. Oh how Goropius dallieth about the history of this Og, of the breaking of his pate against the bed's head, & of hurting his ribs against the sides, and all to prove, that Og was not bigger than other men, and so he leaveth the matter as sufficiently answered with a French countenance of truth. But see August. de civit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum Manich. lib. 12. Ambros. etc. and johannes Buteo that excellent geometrician, who hath written of purpose of the capacity of the Ark.  
In the first of Samuel you shall read of Goliath a Philistine, 
Cap 17. ver. 4, 5, 6. Goliath.  the weight of whose brigandine or shirt of mail was of 5000. sickles, or 1250. ounces of brass, which amounteth to 104. pound of troy weight after 4. common sickles to the ounce. The head of his spear came unto ten pound English or 600. sickles of that metal. His height also was measured at six cubits and an hand breadth. All which do import that he was a notable giant, and a man of great stature & strength to wear such an armour, and beweld so heavy a lance. But Goropius thinking himself still to have Og in hand, and endeavouring to extenuate the fullness of the letter to his uttermost power, doth nevertheless earnestly affirm, that he was not above three foot more than the common sort of men, or two foot higher than Saul: and so he leaveth it as determined.  
In the second of Samuel, 
Cap. 21. ver. 26, 17, etc.  I find report of four giants borne in Geth; of which Ishbenob the first, that would have killed David, had a spear, whose head weighed the just half of that of Golias●: the second called Siphai, Sippai or Sapho, 1. Par. 20. was nothing inferior to the first: the third height also Goliath, the staff of whose spear was like unto the beam of a weavers loom, nevertheless he was slain in the second battle in Gob by Elhanan, as the first was by Abisai joabs brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth brother (for they were all brethren) was slain at Gath by jonathan nephew to David, and he was not only huge of parsonage, but also of disfigured form, for he had 24. fingers and toes. Whereby it is evident, that the generation of giants was not extinguished in Palestine, until the time of David, which was 2890. after the flood, nor utterly consumed in Og, as some of our expositors would have it.  
Now to come unto our christian writers. For though the authorities already alleged out of the word, are sufficient to confirm my purpose at the full; yet will I not let to set down such other notes as experience hath revealed, only to the end that the reader shall not think the name of giants, with their quantities, and other circumstances, mentioned in the scriptures, rather to have some mystical interpretation depending upon them, than that the sense of the text in this behalf is to be taken simply as it speaketh. And first of all to omit that which Tertullian Lib. 2. de resurrect. saith; S. Augustine noteth, 
De civitate Dei lib. 15. cap. 9  how he with other saw the tooth of a man, whereof he took good advisement, and pronounced in the end that it would have made 100 of his own, or any other man's that lived in his time. The like hereof also doth john Boccace set down, 
johannes Boccacius.  in the 68 chapter of his 4. book, saying that in the cave of a mountain, not far from Drepanum (a town of Sicilia called Eryx as he guesseth) the body of an exceeding high giant was discovered, three of whose teeth did weigh 100 ounces, which being converted into English poise, doth yield eight pound and four ounces, after twelve ounces to the pound, that is 33. ounces every tooth.  
He addeth farther, that the forepart of his skull was able to contain many bushels of wheat, and by the proportion of the bone of his thigh, the Symmetricians judged his body to be above 200. cubits. Those teeth, 
A carcase discovered of 200. cubits.  skull, and bones, were (and as I think yet are, for aught I know to the contrary) to be seen in the church of Drepanum in perpetual memory of his greatness, whose body was found upon this occasion. As some digged in the earth to lay the foundation of an house, the miners happened upon a great vault, not far from Drepanum: whereinto when they were entered, they saw the huge body of a man sitting in the cave, of whose greatness they were so afraid, that they ran away, and made an outcry in the city, how there sat a man in such a place, so great as an hill: the people hearing the news, ran out with clubs and weapons, as if they should have gone unto a fought field, and 300. of them entering into the cave, they forthwith saw that he was dead, and yet sat as if he had been alive, having a staff in his hand, compared by mine author unto the mast of a tall ship, which being touched fell by and by to dust, saving the neither end between his hand and the ground, whose hollowness was filled with 1500. pound weight of lead, to bear up his arm that it should not fall in pieces: nevertheless, his body also being touched fell likewise into dust, saving three of his aforesaid teeth, the forepart of his skull, and one of his thigh bones, which are reserved to be seen of such as will hardly believe these reports.  
In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found, whose bones were 17. or 18. cubits in length, but Goropius, as his manner is, denieth them to be the bones of a man, affirming rather that they were the bones of an elephant, because they somewhat resembled those of two such beasts which were found at the making of the famous ditch between Brussels and Machlin. As though there were any precise resemblance between the bones of a man and of an elephant, or that there had ever been any elephant of 27. foot in length. But see his demeanour. In the end he granteth that another body was found upon the shore of Rhodanus, of thirty foot in length. Which somewhat stayeth his judgement, but not altogether removeth his error.  
The body of Pallas was found in Italy, 
Mat. Westmon.  in the year of Grace 1038. and being measured it contained twenty foot in length, this Pallas was companion with Aeneas.  
There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in England upon the shore (where the beating of the sea had washed away the earth from the stone wherein it lay) and when it was taken up, 
johannes Leland. Mafieus, Lib. 14. Trivet. Mat. West.  it contained 50. foot in measure, as our histories do report. The like was seen before in Wales, in the year 1087. of another of 14. foot.  
In Perth moreover a village in Scotland another was taken up, which to this day they show in a church, under the name of little john (per Antiphrasin) being also 14. foot in length, as diverse do affirm which have beholden the same, 
Hector Boet.  and whereof Hector Boetius doth say, that he did put his whole arm into one of the haunch bones: which is worthy to be remembered.  
In the year of Grace 1475. the body of Tulliola the daughter of Cicero was taken up, & found higher by not a few foot than the common sort of women living in those days.  
Geruasius Tilberiensis, 
Geruasius Tilberiensis.  head Martial to the king of Arles writeth in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum, in the suburbs of Paris, he saw the body of a man that was twenty foot long, beside the head and the neck, which was missing & not found, the owner having peradventure been beheaded for some notable trespass committed in times past, or (as he saith) killed by S. William.  
The Greek writers make mention of Andronicus their emperor, who lived 1183. of Grace, and was ten foot in height, that is, three foot higher than the Dutch man that showed himself in many places of England, 1582. this man married Anna daughter to Lewis of France (before assured to Alexius, whom he strangled, dismembered and drowned in the sea) the lady not being above eleven years of age, whereas he was an old dotard, and beside her he kept Marpaca a fine harlot, who ruled him as she listed.  
Zonara's speaketh of a woman that lived in the days of justine, who being borne in Cilicia, and of very comely parsonage, was nevertheless almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of her time.  
A carcase was taken up at ivy church near Salisbury but of late years to speak of, 
Sir Thomas Eliot.  almost fourteen foot long. in Dictionario Eliotae.  
In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chapel of the Moor, 
Leland in Combrit.  six miles by east from Carleill, a coffin of stone was found, and therein the bones of a man, of more than incredible greatness. In like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the isle called Alderney, whereof you shall read more in the chapter of our islands.  
Richard Grafton in his Manuel telleth of one whose shinbone contained six foot, 
Richard Grafton.  and thereto his skull so great that it was able to receive five pecks of wheat. Wherefore by conjectural symmetry of these parts, his body must needs be of 24. foot, or rather more, if it were diligently measured. For the proportion of a comely and well featured body, answereth 9 times to the length of the face, taken at large from the pitch of the crown to the chin, 
The Symmetry or proportion of the body of a comely man.  as the whole length is from the same place unto the sole of the foot, measured by an imagined line, and severed into so many parts by like overthwart draughts, as Drurerus in his lineal description of man's body doth deliver. Nevertheless, this symmetry is not taken by other than the well proportioned face, for Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata) prona, resupinata, and lacunata (or repanda) do so far degenerate from the true proportion as from the form and beauty of the comely. Hereby also they make the face taken in strict manner, to be the tenth part of the whole body, that is, from the highest part of the forehead to the pitch of the chin, so that in the use of the word face there is a difference, whereby the 9 part is taken (I say) from the crown (called Vertex, because the hair there turneth into a circle) so that if the space by a rule were truly taken, I mean from the crown or highest part of the head to the pitch of the neither chap, and multiplied by nine, the length of the whole body would easily appear, & show itself at the full. In like manner I find, that from the elbow to the top of the middle finger is the 4. part of the whole length, called a cubit: from the wrist to the top of the same finger, a tenth part: the length of the shinbone to the ankle a fourth part (and all one with the cubit:) from the top of the finger to the third joint, two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead. Which observations measure willingly remember in this place, to the end that if any such carcases happen to be found hereafter, it shall not be hard by some of these bones here mentioned, to come by the stature of the whole body, in certain & exact manner. As for the rest of the bones, joints, parts, &c: you may resort to Drurerus, Cardan, and other writers, sith the farther delivery of them concerneth not my purpose. To proceed therefore with other examples, I read that the body of king Arthur being found in the year 1189. was two foot higher than any man that 
Sylvester Gyraldus.  came to behold the same. Finally the carcase of William conqueror was seen not many years since (to wit, 1542.) in the city of Cane, twelve inches longer, by the judgement of such as saw it, 
Constans fama Gallorum.  than any man which dwelled in the country. All which testimonies I note together, because they proceed from christian writers, from whom nothing should be farther or more distant, than of set purpose to lie, and feed the world with fables.  
In our times also, and whilst Francis the first reigned over France, there was a man seen in Aquiteine, whom the king being in those parties made of his guard, whose height was such, that a man of common height might easily go under his twist without stooping, a stature incredible. Moreover Casanion, a writer of our time, telleth of the bones of Briat a giant found of late in Delphinois, 
Briat.  of 15. cubits, the diameter of whose skull was two cubits, and the breadth of his shoulders four, as he himself beheld in the late second wars of France, & whereunto the report of joan Marius made in his books De Galliarum illustrationibus, where he writeth of the carcase of the same giant found not far from the Rhodanus, which was 22. foot long, from the skull to the sole of the feet, doth yield sufficient testimony. Also Calameus in his commentaries De Biturigibus, confirmeth no less, adding that he was found 1556. & so doth Baptista Fulgosus, lib. 1. cap. 6. saying farther, that his grave was seen not far from Valentia, and discovered by the violence and current of the Rhodanus. The said Casanion in like sort speaketh of the bones of a man which he beheld, one of whose teeth was a foot long, and eight pound in weight. Also of the sepulchre of another near unto Charms castle, which was nine paces in length, things incredible to us, if eyesight did not confirm it in our own times, and these carcases were not reserved by the very providence of God, to the end we might behold his works, and by these relics understand, that such men were in old time in deed, of whose statures we now begin to doubt. Now to say somewhat also of mine own knowledge, there is the thighbone of a man to be seen in the church of S. Laurence near Guildhall in London, which in time past was 26. inches in length, but now it beginneth to decay, so that it is shorter by four inches than it was in the time of king Edward. Another also is to be seen in Aldermarle bury, of some called Aldermanburie, of 32. inches and rather more, whereof the symmetry hath been taken by some skilful in that practice, and an image made according to that proportion, which is fixed in the east end of the cloister of the same church, not far from the said bone, and showeth the person of a man full ten or eleven foot high, which as some say was found in the cloister of Paul's, that was near to the library, at such time as the Duke of Somerset did pull it down to the very foundation, and carried the stones thereof to the Strand, where he did build his house. These two bones have I seen, beside other, whereof at the beholding I took no great heed, because I minded not as then to have had any such use of their proportions, and therefore I will speak no more of them: this is sufficient for my purpose that is delivered out of the christian authors.  
Now it resteth furthermore that I set down, what I have read thereof in pagan writers, who had always great regard of their credit, and so ought all men that dedicate any thing unto posterity, lest in going about otherwise to reap renown and praise, they do procure unto themselves in the end nothing else but mere contempt and infamy. For my part I will touch rare things, and such as to myself do seem almost incredible: howbeit as I find them, so I note them, requiring your Honour in reading hereof, to let every Author bear his own burden, and every ox his bundle.  
Plutarch telleth how Sertorius being in Lybia, 
In vita Seriorij de Antheo.  near to the streicts of Maroco, to wit, at Tingi (or Tanger in Mauritania, as it is now called) caused the sepulchre of Antheus, afore remembered to be opened: for hearing by common report that the said giant lay buried there, whose corpse was fifty cubits long at the least, he was so far off from crediting the same, that he would not believe it, until he saw the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To be short therefore, he caused his soldiers to cast down the hill made sometime over the tomb, and finding the body in the bottom coffined in stone, after the measure thereof taken, he saw it manifestly to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more than the people made account of, which Strabo also confirmeth.  
Pausanias reporteth out of one Miso, that when the body of ajax was found, the whirlebone of his knee was adindged so broad as a pretty dish: also that the body of Asterius sometime king of Creta was ten cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Geryon no less marvelous than the rest, all which Goropius still condemneth to be the bones of monsters of the sea (notwithstanding the manifest forms of their bones, epitaphs, and inscriptions found engraven in brass and lead with them in their sepulchers) so far is he from being persuaded and led from his opinion.  
Philostrate in Heroicis saith, 
Philostrate.  how he saw the body of a giant thirty cubits in length, also the carcase of another of two and twenty, and the third of twelve.  
Livy in the seventh of his first decade, speaketh of an huge person which made a challenge as he stood at the end of the Anien bridge, against any Roman that would come out and fight with him, whose stature was not much inferior to that of Golias, of Artaches (of whom Herodot speaketh in the history of Xerxes) who was six common cubits of stature, which make but five of the king's standard, because this is longer by three fingers than the other. Of Pusio, Secundilla, & Cabaras, of which the first two living under Augustus were above ten foot, and the later under Claudius of full nine▪ and all remembered by Pliny; of Eleazar a jew, of whom josephus saith, that he was sent to Tiberius, and a person of height five cubits, of another of whom Nicephorus maketh mention lib. 12. cap. 13. Hist. eccles. of five cubits and an handful, I say nothing, because Casanion of Mutterell hath already sufficiently discoursed upon these examples in his De gigantibus, which as I guess he hath written of set purpose against Goropius, who in his Gigantomachia, supposeth himself to have killed all the giants in the world, and like a new jupiter Alterum carcase Herculem, as the said Casanion doth merrily charge and upbraid him.  
Pliny telleth of an earthquake at Creta, 
Lib. 7.  which discovered the body of a giant, that was 46. cubits in length after the Roman standard, and by diverse supposed to be the body of Orion or Aetion. Nevertheless I read, that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus did swear Per sua capita, that it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea, or a forged devise to blear the people's eyes withal, wherein it is wonderful to see, how they please Goropius as one that first derived his fantastical imagination from their asseveration & oath. The said Pliny also addeth that the body of Orestes was seven cubits in length, one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches, and two reserved In conditorio Sallustianorum half a foot longer than Gabbara was, for which I never read that any man was driven to swear.  
Trallianus writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the ground, 
Trallianus.  to lay the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certain Island in the days of an emperor, did find the bones of Macrosyris in a coffin of hard stone, of 100 cubits in length after the account of the Roman cubit, which was then either a foot and a half, or not much in difference from half a yard of our measure now in England. These verses also, as they are now posterity out of Greek were found withal, 
Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula  
Vitae peractis annis mill quinquies: which amounteth  to 81. years four months, after the Egyptian reckoning.  
In the time of Hadrian the emperor, the body of the giant Ida was taken up at Messana, containing 20. foot in length, and having a double row of teeth, yet standing whole in his chaps. Eumachus also in Perigesi, telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in their province, they found two bodies in several coffins of stone, the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length, such another was found in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake, but the inhabitants did cast those bones into the Meotidan marris. In Dalmatia, many graves were shaken open with an earthquake, in diverse of which certain carcases were found, whose ribs contained 16. else, after the Roman measure, whereby the whole bodies were judged to be 64. sith the longest rib is commonly about the fourth part of a man, as some roving symmetricians affirm.  
Arrhianus, saith that in the time of Alexander the bodies of the asians were generally of huge stature, and commonly of five cubits, and such was the height of Porus of Ind, whom the said Alexander vanquished and overthrew in battle.  
Suidas speaketh of Ganges, killed also by the said prince, who far exceeded Porus; for he was ten cubits long. What should I speak of Artaceas a captain in the host of Xerxes▪ afore remembered, whose height was within 4. fingers breadth of five cubits, & the tallest man in the army except the king himself. Herod. lib. 7. Of Athanatus whom Pliny remembreth I say nothing. But of all these, this one example shall pass, which I do read of in Trallianus, and he setteth down in form and manner following.  
In the days of Tiberius th' emperor saith he, a corpse was left bare or laid open after an earthquake, of which each tooth (taken one with another) contained 12. inches over at the least. Now forsomuch as in such as be full mouthed, 
A mouth of sixteen foot wide.  each chap hath commonly 16. teeth at the least, which amount unto 32. in the whole, needs must the wideness of this man's chaps be well-near of 16. foot, and the opening of his lips five at the least. A large mouth in mine opinion, and not to eat peason with Ladies of my time, besides that if occasion served, it was able to receive the whole bodies of more than one of the greatest men, I mean of such as we be in our days. When this carcase was thus found, every man marveled at it, & good cause why. A messenger was sent to Tiberius the emperor also to know his pleasure, 
A counterfeit made of a monstrous carcase by one tooth taken out of the head.  whether he would have the same brought over unto Rome or not, but he forbade them, willing his Legate not to remove the dead out of his resting place, but rather somewhat to satisfy his fantasy to send him a tooth out of his head, which being done, he gave it to a cunning workman, commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter, after the proportion of the tooth, that at the least by such means he might satisfy his curious mind, and the fantasies of such as are delighted with novelties. To be short, 
This man was more favourable to this monster than our papists were to the bodies of the dead who tore them in pieces to make money of them.  when the image was once made and set up on end, it appeared rather an huge colossy than the true carcase of a man, and when it had stood in Rome until the people were weary & throughly satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to be broken all to pieces, and the tooth sent again to the carcase from whence it came, willing them moreover to cover it diligently, and in any wise not to dismember the corpse, nor from thenceforth to be so hardy as to open the sepulchre any more. Pausan. lib. 8. telleth in like manner of Hiplodanus & his fellows, who lived when Rhea was with child of Osiris by Cham, and were called to her aid at such time as she feared to be molested by Hammon her first husband, whilst she remained upon the Thoumasian hill, In ipso loco, 
Grandiáque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris.  saith he, spectantur ossa maiora multo quàm ut humana existimari possunt, etc. Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all his ribs on each side I say nothing, sith it concerneth not his stature.  
I could rehearse many more examples of the bodies of such men, out of Solinus, Sabellicus, D. Cooper, and others. As of Oeta's and Ephialtes, who were said to be nine orgies or paces in height, and four in breadth, which are taken for so many cubits, because there is small difference between a man's ordinary pace and his cubit, and finally of our Richard the first, who is noted to bear an axe in the wars, the iron of whose head only weighed twenty pound after our greatest weight, and whereof an old writer that I have seen, saith thus: 
This king Richard I understand,  
Yer he went out of England,  
Let make an axe for the nonce,  
Therewith to cleave the Saracens bones,  
The head in sooth was wrought full we'll,  
Thereon were twenty pound of steel,  
And when he came in Cyprus land,  
That ilkon axe he took in hand, etc.   
I could speak also of Gerard's staff or lance, yet to be seen in Gerard's hall at London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that no man can beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder, which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is fixed by the same. I have seen a man myself of seven foot in height, but lame of his legs. The chronicles also of Cogshall speak of one in Wales, who was half a foot higher, but through infirmity and wounds not able to beweld himself. I might (if I thought good) speak also of another of no less height than either of these and living of late years, but these here remembered shall suffice to prove my purpose withal. I might tell you in like sort of the mark stone which Turnus threw at Aeneas, and was such as that twelve chosen and picked men (saith Virgil, (Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus) were not able so stur and remove out of the place: but I pass it over, 
Vis unita fortior est eadem dispersa.  and diverse of the like, concluding that these huge blocks were ordained and created by God: first for a testimony unto us of his power and might; and secondly for a confirmation, that hugeness of body is not to be accounted of as a part of our felicity, sith they which possessed the same, were not only tyrants, doltish, & evil men, but also oftentimes overcome even by the weak & feeble. Finally they were such indeed as in whom the Lord delighted not, according to the saying of the prophet 
Cap. 3, 36.  Baruch; Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum, hos non elegit Dominus, neque illis viam disciplinae dedit, propterea perierunt, & quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam insipientiam, etc. that is, There were the giants famous from the beginning, that were of great stature and expert in war, those did not the Lord choose, neither gave he the way of knowledge unto them, but they were destroyed, because they had no wisdom, and perished through their own foolishness. That the bodies of men also do daily decay in stature, beside Pliny lib. 7. Esdras likewise confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5. whose authority 
4. Esd. cap. 5.  is so good herein as that of Homer or Pliny, who do affirm so much, whereas Goropius still continuing his wonted pertinacity also in this behalf, maketh his proportion first by the old Roman foot, and then by his own, & thereupon concludeth that men in these days be fully so great as ever they were, whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it nothing to conclude against the scriptures, chosen writers and testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he would salve all at last in the end of his Gigantomachia, where he saith, I deny not but that odd huge personages have been seen, as a woman of ten, and a man of nine foot long, which I myself also have beholden, but as now so in old time the common sort did so much wonder at the like as we do at these, because they were seldom seen, and not commonly to be heard of.   

Of the languages spoken in this Island. Cap. 6.  
WHat language came first with 
British.  Samothes and afterward with Albion, and the giants of his company, it is hard for me to determine, sith nothing of sound credit remaineth in writing, which may resolve us in the truth hereof. Yet of so much are we certain, 
Small difference between the British and Celtike languages.  that the speech of the ancient Britons, and of the Celts, had great affinity one with another, so that they were either all one, or at leastwise such as either nation with small help of interpreters might understand other, and readily discern what the speaker meant. Some are of the opinion that the Celts spoke Greeke, and how the British tongue resembled the same, which was spoken in Grecia before Homer did reform it: but I see that these men do speak without authority and therefore I reject them, for if the Celts which were properly called Galls did speak Greek, why did Cesar in his letters sent to Rome use that language, because that if they should be intercepted they might not understand them, or why did he not understand the Galls, he being so skilful in the language without an interpreter? Yet I deny not but that the Celtish and British speeches might have great affinity one with another, and the British above all other with the Greek, for both do appear by certain words, as first in tri for three, march for an horse, & trimarchia, whereof Pausanias speaketh, for both. Atheneus also writeth of Bathanasius a captain of the Galls, whose name is mere British, compounded of Bath & Ynad, & signifieth a noble or comely judge. And whereas he saith that the relics of the Galls took up their first dwelling about Isther, and afterward divided themselves in such wise, that they which went and dwelled in Hungary were called Sordsai, and the other that inhabited within the dominion of tyrol) Brenni, whose seat was on the mount Brenhere parcel of the Alps, what else signifieth the word Iscaredich in British, from whence the word Scordisci cometh, but to be divided? Hereby then, and sundry other the like testimonies, I gather that the British and the Celtish speeches had great affinity one with another, as I said, which Cesar (speaking of the similitude or likeness of religion in both nations) doth also aver, & Tacitus in vita Agricolae, in like sort plainly affirmeth, or else it must needs be that the Galls which invaded Italy and Greece were mere Britons, of whose likeness of speech with the Greek tongue I need not make any trial, sith no man (I hope) will readily deny it. Appianus talking of the Brenni calleth them Cymbres, and by this I gather also that the Celts and the Britons were indifferently called Cymbri in their own language, or else that the Britons were the right Cymbri, who unto this day do not refuse to be called by that name. Bodinus writing of the means by which the original of every kingdom and nation is to be had and discerned, setteth down three ways whereby the knowledge thereof is to be found, one is (saith he) the infallible testimony of the sound writers, the other the description and site of the region, the third the relics of the ancient speech remaining in the same. Which later if it be of any force, than I must conclude, that the speech of the Britons and Celts was sometime either all one or very like one to another, or else it must follow that the Britons overflowed the continent under the name of Cymbres, being peradventure associate in this voyage, or mixed by invasion with the Danes, and Norwegiens, who are called Cymbri and Cymmerij, as most writers do remember. This also is evident (as Plutarch likewise confesseth In vita Mary) that no man knew from whence the Cymbres came in his days, and therefore I ●●●●eeue that they came out of Britain, for all the main was well known unto them, I mean even to the uttermost part of the north, as may appear furthermore by the slaves which were daily brought from thence unto them, whom of their countries they called Davi for Daci, Getae for Goths, etc. for of their conquests I need not make rehearsal, sith they are commonly known and remembered by the writers, both of the Greeks and Latins.  
The British tongue called Camberaec doth yet remain in that part of the Island, 
British corrupted by the Latin and Saxon speeches.  which is now called Wales, whither the Britons were driven after the Sarons had made a full conquest of the other, which we now call England, although the pristinate integrity thereof be not a little diminished by mixture of the Latin and Saxon speeches withal. Howbeit, many poesies and writings (in making whereof that nation hath evermore delighted) are yet extant in my time, whereby some difference between the ancient and present language may easily be discerned, notwithstanding that among all these there is nothing to be found, which can set down any sound and full testimony of their own original, in remembrance whereof, their Bards and cunning men have been most slack and negligent. Giraldus in praising the Britons affirmeth that there is not one word in all their language, that is not either Greek or Latin. Which being rightly understanded and conferred with the likeness that was in old time between the Celts & the British tongues, will not a little help those that think the old Celtish to have some favour of the Greek. But how soever that matter standeth, after the British speech came once over into this Island, sure it is, that it could never be extinguished for all the attempts that the Romans, Saxons, Normans, and Englishmen could make against that nation, in any manner of wise.  
Petigrées and genealogies also the Welsh Britons have plenty in their own tongue, 
The Britons diligent in petigrees.  insomuch that many of them can readily derive the same, either from Brute or some of his band, even unto Aeneas and other of the Troyans', and so forth unto Noah without any manner of stop. But as I know not what credit is to be given unto them in this behalf, although I must needs confess that their ancient Bards were very diligent in there collection, and had also public allowance or salary for the same; so I dare not absolutely impugn their assertions, sith that in times past all nations (learning it no doubt of the hebrews) did very solemnly preserve the catalogs of their descents, thereby either to show themselves of ancient and noble race, or else to be descended from some one of the gods. But 
Stemmata quid faciunt? quid prodest Pontice longo  
Sanguine censeri? aut quid avorum ducere turmas? etc.   
Next unto the British speech, 
Latin.  the Latin tongue was brought in by the Romans, and in manner generally planted through the whole region, as the French was after by the Normans. Of this tongue I will not say much, because there are few which be not skilful in the same. Howbeit, as the speech itself is easy and delectable, so hath it perverted the names of the ancient rivers, regions, & cities of Britain in such wise, that in these our days their old British denominations are quite grown out of memory, and yet those of the new Latin left as most uncertain. This remaineth also unto my time, borrowed from the Romans, that all our deeds, evidences, charters, & writings of record, are set down in the Latin tongue, though now very barbarous, and thereunto the copies and court-rolles, and processes of courts and leets registered in the same.  
The third language apparently known is the Scythian or high Dutch, 
The Saxon tongue.  induced at the first by the Saxons (which the Britons call Saysonaec, as they do the speakers Sayson) an hard and rough kind of speech, God wots, when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withal, but now changed with us into a far more fine and easy kind of utterance, and so polished and helped with new and milder words, that it is to be advouched how there is no one speech under the sun spoken in our time, that hath or can have more variety of words, copy of phrases, or figures and flowers of eloquence, than hath our English tongue, although some have affirmed us rather to bark as dogs, than talk like men, because the most of our words (as they do indeed) incline unto one syllable. This also is to be noted as a testimony remaining still of our language, derived from believe Saxons, that the general name for the most part of every skilful artificer in his trade endeth in Here with us, albeit the H be left out, and oer only inserted, as Scrivenhere, writehere, shiphere, &c: for scrivener, writer, and shipper, &c: beside many other relics of that speech, never to be abolished.  
After the Saxon tongue, 
The French tongue.  came the Norman or French language over into our country, and therein were our laws written for a long time. Our children also were by an especial decree taught first to speak the same, and thereunto enforced to learn their constructions in the French, whensoever they were set to the Grammar school. In like sort few bishops, abbots, or other clergy men, were admitted unto any ecclesiastical function here among us, but such as came out of religious houses from beyond the seas, to the end they should not use the English tongue in their sermons to the people. In the court also it grew into such contempt, that most men thought it no small dishonour to speak any English there. Which bravery took his hold at the last likewise in the country with every ploughman, that even the very carters began to wax weary of there mother tongue, & laboured to speak French, which as then was counted no small token of gentility. And no marvel, for every French rascal, when he came once hither, was taken for a gentleman, only because he was proud, and could use his own language, and all this (I say) to exile the English and British speeches quite out of the country. But in vain, for in the time of king Edward the first, to wit, toward the latter end of his reign, the French itself ceased to be spoken generally, but most of all and by law in the midst of Edward the third, and then began the English to recover and grow in more estimation than before; notwithstanding that among our artificers, the most part of their implements, tools and words of art retain still their French denominations even to these our days, as the language itself is used likewise in sundry courts, books of record, and matters of law; whereof here is no place to make any particular rehearsal. Afterward also, by diligent travel of Geffray Chaucer, 
The helpers of our English tongue.  and john Gowre, in the time of Richard the second, and after them of john Scogan, and john Lydgate monk of Berrie, our said tongue was brought to an excellent pass, notwithstanding that it never came unto the type of perfection, until the time of Queen Elizabeth, wherein john jewel B. of Sarum, john Fox, and sundry learned & excellent writers have fully accomplished the ornature of the same, to their great praise and immortal commendation; although not a few other do greatly seek to stain the same, by fond affectation of foreign and strange words, presuming that to be the best English, which is most corrupted with external terms of eloquence, and sound of many syllables. But as this excellency of the English tongue is found in one, and the south part of this Island; so in Wales the greatest number (as I said) retain still their own ancient language, that of the north part of the said country being less corrupted than the other, and therefore reputed for the better in their own estimation and judgement. This also is proper to us Englishmen, 
Englishmen apt to learn any foreign tongue.  that sith ours is a mean language, and neither too rough nor too smooth in utterance, we may with much facility learn any other language, beside Hebrew, Greek & Latin, and speak it naturally, as if we were home-born in those countries; & yet on the other side it falleth out, I wots not by what other means, that few foreign nations can rightly pronounce ours, without some and that great note of imperfection, especially the French men, who also seldom write any thing that savoureth of English truly. It is a pastime to read how Natalis Comes in like manner, speaking of our affairs, doth clip the names of our English lords. But this of all the rest doth breed most admiration with me, that if any stranger do hit upon some likely pronunciation of our tongue, yet in age he swerveth so much from the same, that he is worse therein than ever he was, and thereto peradventure halteth not a little also in his own, as I have seen by experience in Reginald Wolf, and other, whereof I have justly marveled.  
The Cornish and Devonshire men, 
The Cornish tongue.  whose country the Britons call Cerniw, have a speech in like sort of their own, and such as hath in deed more affinity with the Armoricane tongue than I can well discuss of. Yet in mine opinion, they are both but a corrupted kind of British, albeit so far degenerating in these days from the old, that if either of them do meet with a Welshman, they are not able at the first to understand one an other, except here and there in some odd words, without the help of interpreters. And no marvel in mine opinion that the British of Cornwall is thus corrupted, sith the Welsh tongue that is spoken in the north & south part of Wales, doth differ so much in itself, as the English used in Scotland doth from that which is spoken among us here in this side of the Island, as I have said already.  
The Scottish english 
Scottish english.  hath been much broader and less pleasant in utterance than ours, because that nation hath not till of late endeavoured to bring the same to any perfect order, and yet it was such in manner, as Englishmen themselves did speak for the most part beyond the Trent, whither any great amendment of our language had not as then extended itself. Howbeit in our time the Scottish language endeavoureth to come near, if not altogether to match our tongue in fineness of phrase, and copy of words, and this may in part appear by an history of the apocrypha translated into Scottish verse by Hudson, dedicated to the king of that country, and containing six books, except my memory do fail me.  
Thus we see how that under the dominion of the king of England, and in the south parts of the realm, we have three several tongues, that is to say, English, British, and Cornish, and even so many are in Scotland, if you account the English speech for one: notwithstanding that for breadth and quantity of the region, I mean only of the soil of the main Island, it be somewhat less to see to than the other. For in the north part of the region, where the wild Scots, 
The wild Scots.  otherwise called the Redshanks, or rough footed Scots 
Redshanks. Rough footed Scots.  (because they go bare footed and clad in mantles over their saffron shirts after the Irish manner) do inhabit, 
Irish scots. Irish speech.  they speak good Irish which they call Gachtlet, as they say of one Gathelus, whereby they show their original to have in times past been fetched out of Ireland: as I noted also in the chapter precedent, and whereunto Vincentius cap. de insulis Oceani doth yield his assent, saying that Ireland was in time passed called Scotia; Scotia eadem (saith he) & Hibernia, proxima Britanniae insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ foecundior; Scotia autem à Scotorum gentibus traditur appellata, etc. Out of the 14. book of Isidorus entitled Originum, where he also addeth that it is called Hybernia, because it bendeth toward Iberia. But I find elsewhere that it is so called by certain Spaniards which came to seek and plant their inhabitation in the same, whereof in my chronology I have spoken more at large.  
In the Isles of the Orchades, or Orkeney, as we now call them, & such coasts of Britain as do abbut upon the same, the Gottish or Danish speech is altogether in use, and also in Shetland, by reason (as I take it) that the princes of Norway held those islands so long under their subjection, albeit they were otherwise reputed as rather to belong to Ireland, because that the very soil of them is enemy to poison, as some writ, although for my part I had never any sound experience of the truth hereof. And thus much have I thought good to speak of our old speeches, and those five languages now usually spoken within the limits of our Island.   

Into how many kingdoms this Island hath been divided. Cap. 7.  
IT is not to be doubted, 
Britain at the first one entire kingdom.  but that at the first, the whole Island was ruled by one only prince, and so continued from time to time, until civil discord, grounded upon ambitious desire to reign, caused the same to be governed by diverse. And this I mean so well of the time before the coming of Brute, as after the extinction of his whole race & posterity. Howbeit, as it is uncertain into how many regions it was severed, after the first partition; so it is most sure that this latter disturbed estate of regiment, continued in the same, not only until the time of Caesar, but also in manner unto the days of Lucius, with whom the whole race of the Britons had an end, and the Romans full possession of this Island, who governed it by Legates after the manner of province. It should seem also that within a while after the time of Dunwallon (who rather brought those four princes that usurped in his time to obedience, than extinguished their titles, & such partition as they had made of the Island among themselves) each great city had her freedom and several kind of regiment, proper unto herself, beside a large circuit of the country appertinent unto the same, wherein were sundry other cities also of less name, which ought homage and all subjection unto the greater sort. And to say truth, hereof it came to pass, that each of these regions, whereinto this Island was then divided, took his name of some one of these cities; although Civitas after Caesar doth sometime signify an whole continent or kingdom, whereby there were in old time Tota civitates quot regna, and contrariwise as may appear by that of the Trinobantes, which was so called of Trinobantum the chief city of that portion, whose territories contained all Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire, even as the jurisdiction of the bishop of London is now extended, for the oversight of such things as belong unto the church. Each of the governors also of these regions, called themselves kings, and thereunto either of them daily made war upon other, for the enlarging of their limits. But for somuch as I am not able to say how many did challenge this authority at once, and how long they reigned over their several portions, I will pass over these ancient times, and come nearer unto our own, I mean the 600. year of Christ, whereof we have more certain notice, & at which season there is evident proof, that there were twelve or thirteen kings reigning in this Island.  
We find therefore for the first, how that Wales had her three several kingdoms, 
Wales divided into three kingdoms.  which being accounted together contained (as Giraldus saith) 49. canters or cantons (whereof three were in his time possessed by the French and English) although that whole portion of the Island extended in those days no farther than about 200. miles in length, and one hundred in breadth, and was cut from Lhoegres by the rivers Sauerne and Dée, of which two streams this doth fall into the Irish sea at Westchester, the other into the main Ocean, betwixt Somersetshire and Southwales, as their several courses shall witness more at large.  
In the beginning it was divided into two kingdoms only, that is to say, Venedotia or Gwynhedh 
G●inhed.  (otherwise called Dehenbarth) and Demetia, for which we now use most commonly the names of South & North-wales. But in a short process of time a third sprung up in the very midst between them both, which from thence-foorth was called Powisy, as shallbe showed hereafter. For Roderijc the great, who flourished 850. of Christ, and was king of all Wales (which then contained only six regions) leaving three sons behind him, by his last will & testament divided the country into three portions, according to the number of his children, of which he assigned one unto either of them, whereby Morwing or Morwinner had Gwynhedh or North-wales, Cadelh Demetia or Southwales, and Anaralt Powisy, as Giraldus and other do remember. Howbeit it came to pass that after this division, Cadelh survived all his brethren, and thereby became lord of both their portions, and his successors after him until the time of Teuther or Theodor (all is one) after which they were contended to keep themselves within the compass of Demetia, which (as I said) contained 29. of those 49. canters before mentioned, as Powisy did six, and Gwinhedh fourteen, except my memory do fail me.  
The first of these three, being called as (I said) North-wales or Venedotia 
Venedotia.  (or as Paulus iovius saith Malfabrene, for he divideth Wales also into three regions, of which he calleth the first Dumbera, the second Berfrona, and the third Malfabrene) lieth directly over against the isle of Anglesei, the chief city whereof stood in the isle of Angleset 
Anglesei.  and was called Aberfraw. It containeth 4. regions, of which the said Island is the first, and whereof in the chapter ensuing I will entreat more at large. The second is called Arfon, 
Arfon.  and situate between two rivers, 
Merioneth.  the Segwy and the Conwy. The third is Merioneth, and as it is severed from Arfon by the Conwy, so is it separated from Tegenia 
Stradcluyd or Tegenia.  (otherwise called Stradcluyd and Igenia the fourth region) by the river Cluda. Finally, the limits of this latter are extended also even unto the Dée itself, and of these four regions consisteth the kingdom of Venedotia, whereof in times past the region of the Canges was not the smallest portion.  
The kingdom of Powisy, last of all erected, 
Powisy.  as I said, hath on the north side Gwinhedh, on the east (from Chester to Hereford, or rather to Deane forest) England, on the south and west the river Why and very high hills, whereby it is notably severed from Southwales, the chief city thereof being at the first Salopsburg, in old time Pengwerne, and Ynwithig, but now Shrowesburie, a city or town raised out of the ruins of Vricovium, which (standing 4. miles from thence, and by the Saxons called Wrekencester and Wrokecester, before they overthrew it) is now inhabited with mere English, and where in old time the kings of Powisy did dwell and hold their palaces, till Englishmen drove them from thence to Matravall in the same province, where they from thenceforth abode. Upon the limits of this kingdom, and not far from Holt castle, upon each side of the river, as the channel now runneth, stood sometime the famous monastery of Bangor, 
Bangor.  whilst the abated glory of the Britons yet remained unextinguished, and herein were 2100. monks, of which, the learned sort did preach the Gospel, and the unlearned laboured with their hands, thereby to maintain themselves, and to sustain their preachers. This region was in like sort divided afterward in twain, of which, 
Mailrosse.  the one was called Mailor or Mailrosse, the other retained still her old denomination, and of these the first lay by south, & the latter by north of the Sauerne.  
As touching Mailrosse, I read moreover in the gests of Fowkes de Warren, 
Fowkes de Warren.  how that one William son to a certain lady sister to Pain Peverell, the first lord of Whittington, after the conquest did win a part of the same, and the hundred of Ellesmore from the Welshmen, in which enterprise he was so desperately wounded, that no man height him life; yet at the last by eating of the shield of a wild boar, he got an appetite and recovered his health. This William had issue two daughters, 
Helen. Mellent.  to wit, Helen married to the heir of the Alans, and Mellent which refused marriage with any man, except he were frist tried to be a knight of prowess. Hereupon her father made proclamation, that against such a day & at such a place, whatsoever Gentleman could show himself most valiant in Ed field, should marry Mellent his daughter, & have with her his castle of Whittington with sufficient liveliehood to maintain their estates for ever. This report being spread, Fowkes de Warren came thither all in red, with a shield of silver and peacock for his crest, whereof he was called the red knight, and there overcoming the king's son of Scotland, and a Baron of Burgundy, he married the maid, and by her had issue as in the treatise appeareth. There is yet great mention of the red knight in the country there about; and much like unto this Mellent was the daughter sometime of one of the lord Rosses, called Kudall, who bore such good will to Fitz-Henrie clerk of her father's kitchen, 
The original of Fitz-henries'.  that she made him carry her away on horseback behind him, only for his manhood sake, which presently was tried. For being pursued & over taken, she made him light, & held his cloak whilst he killed and drove her father's men to flight: and then away they go, till her father conceiving a good opinion of Fitz-Henrie for this act, received him to his favour, whereby that family came up. And thus much (by the way) of Mailrosse, whereof this may suffice, sith mine intent is not as now to make any precise description of the particulars of Wales; but only to show how those regions lay, which sometime were known to be governed in that country. 
Demetia.  The third kingdom is Demetia, or Southwales, sometime known for the region of the Syllures, whereunto I also am persuaded, that the Ordolukes lay in the east part thereof, and extended their region even unto the Sauerne: but howsoever that matter falleth out, Demetia hath the Sauerne on her south, the Irish sea on her west parts, on the east the Sauerne only, and by north the land of Powisy, whereof I spoke of late.  
Of this region also Caermarden, which the old writers call Maridunum, 
Cair Maridunum.  was the chief city and palace belonging to the kings of Southwales, until at the last through foreign and civil invasions of enemies, the princes thereof were constrained to remove their courts to Dinefar (which is in Cantermawr, and situate nevertheless upon the same river Tewy, whereon Caermarden standeth) in which place it is far better defended with high hills, thick woods, craggy rocks, and deep marises. In this region also lieth Pembroke alias Penmoroc shire, whose falcons have been in old time very much regarded, and therein likewise in Milford haven, whereof the Welsh wizards do yet dream strange toys, which they believe shall one day come to pass. For they are a nation much given to foretelling of things to come, but more to believe such blind prophecies as have been made of old time, and no man is accounted for learned in Wales that is not supposed to have the spirit of prophesy.  
That Scotland had in those days two kingdoms, 
Pictland. Scotland. Picts. Scots.  (besides that of the Orchades) whereof the one consisted of the Picts, and was called Pightland or Pictland, the other of the Irish race, and named Scotland: I hope no wise man will readily deny. The whole region or portion of the isle beyond the Scotish sea also was so divided, that the Picts lay on the east side, and the Scots on the west, each of them being severed from other, either by huge hills or great lakes and rivers, that ran out of the south into the north between them. It seemeth also that at the first these two kingdoms were divided from the rest of those of the Britons by the rivers Cluda and Forth, till both of them desirous to enlarge their dominions, drove the Britons over the Solve and the tweed, which then became march between both the nations. Wherefore the case being so plain, I will say no more of these two, but proceed in order with the rehearsal of the rest of the particular-kingdoms of this our south part of the isle, limiting out the same by shires as they now lie, so near as I can, for otherwise it shall be unpossible for me to leave certain notice of the likeliest quantities of these their several portions.  
The first of these kingdoms therefore was begun in Kent by Henghist in the 456. of Christ, 
Kent Henghist.  and thereof called the kingdom of Kent or Cantwarland, and as the limits thereof extended itself no farther than the said county (the chief city whereof was Dorobernia or Cantwarbyry now Canturburie) so it endured well near by the space of 400. years, before it was made and earldom or Heretochie, and united by Inas unto that of the West Saxons, Athelstane his son, being the first Earl or Heretoch of the same. Master Lambert in his history of Kent doth gather, by very probable conjectures, that this part of the Island was first inhabited by Samothes, and afterward by Albion. But howsoever that case standeth, sure it is that it hath been the only door, whereby the Romans and Saxons made their entry unto the conquest of the region, but first of all Caesar, who entered into this Island upon the eighteenth Cal. or 14. of September, which was four days before the full of the moon, as he himself confesseth, and then fell out about the 17. or 18. of that month, twelve days before the equinoctial (apparent) so that he did not tarry at that time above eight or ten days in Britain. And as this platform cannot be denied for his entrance, so the said region and east part of Kent, was the only place by which the knowledge of Christ was first brought over unto us, whereby we became partakers of salvation, and from the darkness of misty error, true converts unto the light and bright beams of the shining truth, to our eternal benefit and everlasting comforts.  
The second kingdom contained only Sussex, 
South sax Esta.  and a part of (or as some say all) Surrie, which Ella the Saxon first held: who also erected his chief palace at Chichester, when he had destroyed Andredswald in the 492. of Christ. And after it had continued by the space of 232. years, it ceased, being the very lest kingdom of all the rest, which were founded in this isle after the coming of the Saxons (for to say truth, it contained little above 7000. families) & within a while after the erection of the kingdom of the Gewisses or West saxons, notwithstanding that before the kings of Sussex pretended and made claim to all that which lay west of Kent, and south of the Thames, unto the point of Corinwall, as I have often read.  
The third regiment was of the East Saxons, 
Eastsa●. Erkenwiin.  or Trinobantes. This kingdom began under Erkenwijn, whose chief seat was in London (or rather Colchester) and contained whole Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herfordshire. It endured also much about the prick of 303. years, and was divided from that of the East Angles only by the river Stoure, as Hoveden and others do report, & so it continueth separated from Suffolk even unto our times, although the said river be now grown very small, and not of such greatness as it hath been in times past, by reason that our countrymen make small account of rivers, thinking carriage made by horse and cart to be the less chargeable way. But herein how far they are deceived, I will elsewhere make manifest declaration.  
The fourth kingdom was of the West Saxons, 
Westsax.  and so called, because it lay in the west part of the realm, as that of Essex did in the east, and of Sussex in the south. It began in the year of Grace 519. under Cerdije, 
Cerdiic.  and endured until the coming of the Normans, including at the last all Wiltshire, Bar keshire, Dorset, Southampton, Somersetshire, Glocestershire, some part of Devonshire (which the Britons occupied not) Cornwall, and the rest of Surrie, as the best authors do set down. At the first it contained only Wiltshire, Dorcetshire, and Berkshire, but yer long the princes thereof conquered whatsoever the kings of Sussex and the Britons held unto the point of Cornwall, and then became first Dorchester (until the time of Kinigils) than Winchester the chief city of that kingdom. For when Birinus the monk came into England, the said Kinigils gave him Dorchester, and all the land within seven miles about, toward the maintenance of his cathedral sea, by means whereof he himself removed his palace to Winchester.  
The first kingdom began under Ida, 
Brennicia, alias Northumberland. Ida.  in the 548. of Christ, and was called Northumberland, because it lay by north of the river Humber. And from the coming of Henghist to this Ida, it was only governed by earls or Heretoches as an Heretochy, till the said Ida converted it into a kingdom. It contained all that region which (as it should seem) was in time past either wholly appertaining to the Brigants; or whereof the said Brigants did possess the greater part. The chief city of the same in like manner was York, as Beda, Capgrave, Leyland, and others do set down, who add thereto that it extended from the Humber unto the Scotish sea, until the slaughter of Egfride of the Northumber's, after which time the Picts got hold of all, between the Forth and the tweed, which afterward descending to the Scots by means of the utter destruction of the Picts, hath not been sithence united to the crown of England, nor in possession of the mere English, as before time it had been. Such was the cruelty of these Picts also in their recovery of the same, that at a certain hour they made a Sicilien evensong, and slew every English man, woman and child, that they could lay hold upon within the aforesaid region, but some escaped narrowly, and saved themselves by flight.  
Afterward in the year of Grace 560. it was parted in twain, 
Deira. Ella.  under Adda, that yielded up all his portion, which lay between Humber and the Tine unto his brother Ella (according to their father's appointment) who called it Deira, or Southumberland, but retaining the rest still unto his own use, he diminished not his title, but wrote himself as before king of all Northumberland. Howbeit after 91. years, it was reunited again, and so continued until Alfred annexed the whole to his kingdom, in the 331. after Ida, or 878. of the birth of jesus Christ our Saviour.  
The seventh kingdom, 
Eastangles Offa, à quo Offlingae.  called of the East-angles, began at Norwich in the 561. after Christ, under Offa, of whom the people of that region were long time called Offling. This included all Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and Elie, and continuing 228. years, it flourished only 35. years in perfect estate of liberty, the rest being consumed under the tribute and vassalage of the Mercians, who had the sovereignty thereof, and held it with great honour, till the Danes got hold of it, who spoilt it very sore, so that it became more miserable than any of the other, and so remained till the kings of the westsaxons united it to their crowns. Some say that Grantcester, but now Cambridge (a town erected out of her ruins) was the chief city of this kingdom, and not Norwich. Wherein I may well show the discord of writers, but I cannot resolve the scruple. Some take this region also to be all one with that of the Icenes, but as yet for my part I cannot yield to their assertions, I mean it of Leland himself, whose help I use chiefly in these collections, albeit in this behalf I am not resolved that he doth judge aright.  
The 8. & last was that of Mertia, which endured 291. years, and for greatness exceeded all the rest. It took the name either of Mearc the Saxon word, because it was march to the rest (and truly, the limits of most of the other kingdoms abutted upon the same) or else for that the laws of Martia the Queen were first used in that part of the Island. 
Mertia. Creodda.  But as this later is but a mere conjecture of some, so the said kingdom began under Creodda, in the 585. of Christ, & endured well near 300. years before it was united to that of the westsaxons by Alfred, then reigning in this isle. Before him the Danes had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Ceolulph an idiot in the same; but as he was soon rejected for his folly, so it was not long after yer the said Alfred (I say) annexed it to his kingdom by his manhood. The limits of the Mertian dominions included Lincoln, 
Limits of Mertia.  Northampton, Chester, Derby, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntingdon, Rutland, Oxford, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedford shires, and the greatest part of Shropshire (which the Welsh occupied not) Lancaster, Gloucester, Hereford (alias Hurchford) Warwijc and Hertford shires: the rest of whose territories were holden by such princes of other kingdoms through force as bordered upon the same. Moreover, this kingdom was at one time divided into south and north Mertia, whereof this lay beyond and the other on this side of the Trent, which later also Oswald of Northumberland did give to Weada the son of Penda for kindred sake, though he not long enjoyed it. This also is worthy to be noted, that in these eight kingdoms of the Saxons, there were twelve princes reputed in the popish Catalogue for saints or martyrs, of which Alcimund, Edwine, Oswald, Oswijn and Aldwold reigned in Northumberland; Sigebert, Ethelbert, Edmond, and another Sigebert among the Estangels; Kenelm and Wistan in Mertia; and Saint Edward the confessor, over all; but how worthily, I refer me to the judgement of the learned. Thus much have I thought good to leave in memory of the aforesaid kingdoms: and now will I speak somewhat of the division of this Island also into provinces, as the Romans severed it whiles they remained in these parts. Which being done, I hope that I have discharged whatsoever is promised in the title of this chapter.  
The Romans therefore having obtained the possession of this Island, divided the same at the last into five provinces, as Vibius Sequester saith. The first whereof was named Britannia prima, 
Britannia prima.  and contained the east part of England (as some do gather) from the Trent unto the tweed. 
Valentia.  The second was called Valentia or Valentiana, and included the west side, as they note it, from Liverpool unto Cokermouth. 
Britannia secunda.  The third height Britannia secunda, and was that portion of the Isle which lay southwards, between the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was surnamed Flavia Caesariensis, 
Flavia Caesariensis.  and contained all the country which remained between Dover and the Sauerne, I mean by south of the Thames, and whereunto (in like sort) Cornwall and Wales were orderly assigned. The fift and last part was then named Maxima Caesariensis, 
Maxima Caesariensis  now Scotland, the most barren of all the rest, and yet not unsought out of the greedy Romans, because of the great plenty of fish and foul, fine alabaster and hard marble that are engendered and to be had in the same, for furniture of household and curious building, wherein they much delighted. More hereof in Sextus Rufus, who lived in the days of Valentine, and wrote Notitiam provinciarum now extant to be read.  

A Catalogue of the kings and princes of this Island, first from Samothes unto the birth of our saviour Christ, or rather the coming of the Romans: secondly of their Legates: thirdly of the Saxon princes according to their several kingdoms: fourthly of the Danes, and lastly of the Normans and English princes, according to the truth contained in our Histories.  

Of the kings of Britain, from Samothes to Brute.  
SAmothes.  
Magus.  
Sarronius.  
Druiyus.  
Bardus.  
Longho.  
Bardus junior.  
Lucus.  
Celtes.  
Albion.  
Celtes after Albion slain.  
Galates.  
Harbon.  
Lugdus.  
Beligius.  
jasius.  
Allobrox.  
Romus.  
Paris.  
Lemanus.  
Olbius.  
Galates 2.  
Nannes.  
Remis.  
Francus.  
Pictus.   
After whom Brute entereth into the Island, either neglected by the Celts, or otherwise by conquest, and reigned therein with his posterity by the space of 636. years, in such order as followeth.  

Brute.  
Locrinus.  
Gwendolena his widow.  
Madan.  
Mempricius.  
Ebracus.  
Brutus' junior.  
Leil.  
Rudibras.  
Bladunus  
Leir.  
Cordeil his daughter.  
Cunedach and Morgan.  
Rivallon.  
Gurgustius.  
Sisillus.  
jago.  
Kimmachus.  
Gorbodug.  
Ferres and Porrex.   
These 2. being slain, the princes of the land strove for the superiority and regiment of the same, by the space of 50. years (after the race of Brute was decayed) until Dunwallon king of Cornwall subdued them all, & brought the whole to his subjection, notwithstanding that the aforesaid number of kings remained still, which were but as vassals & inferiors to him, he being their chief and only sovereign.  

Dunwallon reigneth.  
Belinus' his son, in whose tune Brennus usurpeth.  
Gurgwinbatrus.  
Guittellinus.  
Seisill.  
Kymarus.  
Owan alias Ellan.  
Morwich alias Morindus.  
Grandobodian alias Gorbonian.  
Arcigallon.  
Elidurus' alias Hesidor.  
Arcigallon again.  
Elidurus' again.  
Vigen alias Higanius, & Petitur alias Petidurus.  
Elidurus' the third time.  
Gorbodia alias Gorbonian.  
Morgan.  
Meriones alias Eighuans.  
Idovallon.  
Rhimo Rohugo.  
Geruntius Voghen.  
Catellus.  
coelus.  
Pyrrho alias Porrex.  
Cherinus.  
Fulganius alias Sulgenis.  
Eldadus.  
Androgius.  
Vrian.  
Hellindus.  
Dedantius Eldagan.  
Clotenis Claten.  
Gurguintus.  
Merian.  
Bledunus Bledagh.  
Cophenis.  
Owinus alias Oghwen.  
Sisillus or Sitsiltus.  
Blegabridus.  
Arcimalus Archivall.  
Eldadus.  
Ruthenis three months.  
Rodingarus alias Rodericus.  
Samulius Penysell.  
Pyrrho 2.  
Carporis aliàs Capporis.  
Dynellus alias Dygnellus.  
Hellindus' a few months.  
Lhoid.  
Casibellane.  
Theomantius.  
Cynobellinus.  
arviragus.  
Marius.  
coelus.  
Lucius.   
Hitherto I have set forth the catalogue of the kings of Britain, in such sort as it is to be collected out of the most ancient histories, monuments and records of the land. Now I will set forth the order and succession of the Roman iegates or deputies, as I have borrowed them first out of Tacitus, than Dion, and others: howbeit I cannot warrant the just course of them from julius Agricola forward, because there is no man that rehearseth them orderly. Yet by this my doing herein, I hope some better table may be framed hereafter by other, whereof I would be glad to understand when soever it shall please God that it may come to pass.  

Aulus Plautius.  
Ostorius Scapula.  
Didius Gallus.  
Auitus.  
Veranius a few months.  
Petronius Turpilianus.  
Trebellius Maximus.  
Vectius Volanus.  
Petilius Cerealis.  
julius Frontinus.  
julius Agricola.   
Hitherto Cornelius Tacitus rehearseth these vicegerents or deputies in order.  

Salustius Lucullus.  
Cneius Trebellius.  
Suetonius Paulinus.  
Calphurnius Agricola.  
Publius Trebellius.  
Pertinax Helrius.  
Vlpius Marcellus.  
Clodius Albinas.  
Heraclius.  
Carus Tyrannus.  
junius Severus, alias julius Severus.  
Livius Gallus.  
Lollius Vrbicus.  
Maximus.  
Octavius.  
Traherus.  
Maximinianus.  
Gratianus.  
Aetius.   
Other Legates whose names are taken out of the Scotish history but in incertein order.  

Fronto sub Antonino.  
Publius Trebellius.  
Aulus Victorinus.  
Lucius Antinoris.  
Quintus Bassianus.   

Wales. 1.  
¶ The Romans not regarding the governance of this Island, the Britons ordain a king in the 447. after the incarnation of Christ.  

VOrtiger.  
Vortimer.  
Aurelius Ambrose.  
Uther.  
Arthur.  
Constantine.  
Aurelius Conanus.  
Vortiporius.  
Maglocunus.  
Caretius.  
Cadwan.  
Cadwallon.  
Cadwallader.   
¶ The kingdom of Wales ceaseth, and the governance of the country is translated to the Westsaxons by Inas, whose second wife was Denwalline the daughter of Cadwallader: & with her he not only obtained the principality of Wales but also of Corinwall & Armorica now called little Britain, which then was a colony of the Britons, and under the kingdom of Wales.   

Kent. 2.  
¶ Hengist in the 9 of the recovery of Britain proclaimeth himself king of Kent, which is the 456. of the birth of our Lord & saviour jesus Christ.  

HEngist.  
Osrijc alias Osca.  
Osca his brother.  
Ermenricus.  
Athelbert.  
Eadbaldus.  
Ercombert.  
Ecbert.  
Loather.  
Edrijc.   
The seat void.  

Withredus.  
Adelbert junior.  
Eadbert.  
Alrijc.  
Eadbert.  
Guthred.  
Alred.   
¶ As the kingdom of Wales was united unto that of the Westsaxons by Inas, so is the kingdom of Kent, at this present by Ecbert in the 827. of Christ, who putteth out Aldred and maketh Adelstane his own base son Hertoch of the same, so that whereas it was before a kingdom, now it becometh an Hertochie or Dukedom, and so continueth for a long time after.   

Southsex. 3.  
¶ Ella in the 46. after Britain given over by the Romans erecteth a kingdom in Southsex, to wit, in the 492. of Christ whose race succeedeth in this order.  

ELla.  
Cyssa.  
Ceaulijn.  
Celrijc.  
Kilwulf.  
Kinigils.  
Kinwalch.  
Ethelwold.  
Berthun.  
Aldwijn.   
¶ This kingdom endured not very long as ye may see, for it was united to that of the Westsaxons by Inas, in the 4689. of the world, which was the 723. of Christ, according to the usual supputation of the church, and 232. after Ella had erected the same, as is aforesaid.   

Estsex. 4.  
¶ Erkenwijn in the 527. after our saviour Christ beginneth to reign over Estsex, and in the 81. after the return of Britain from the Roman obedience.  

ERkenwijn.  
Sledda.  
Sebertus.  
Sepredus and Sywardus.  
Sigebert fill. Syward.  
Sigebert.  
Swithelijn.  
Sijgar and Sebba.  
Sebba alone.  
Sijgard.  
Offa.  
Selredus.  
Ethelwold.  
Albert.  
Humbcanna.  
Sinthredus.   
¶ In the 303. after Erkenwijn, Ecbert of the Westsaxons united the kingdom of Estsex unto his own, which was in the 828. after the birth of our saviour Christ. I cannot as yet find the exact years of the later princes of this realm, and therefore I am constrained to omit them altogether, as I have done before in the kings of the Britons, until such time as I may come by such monuments as may restore the defect.   

Westsex. 5.  
¶ Cerdijc entereth the kingdom of the Westsaxons, in the 519. of the birth of Christ, & 73. of the abjection of the Roman servitude.  

CErdijc alias Cercit.  
Cenrijc.  
Ceaulijn.  
Kilriic alias Celrijc.  
Kilwulf.  
Kinigils.  
Ceuwalch.  
Sexburgh.   
The seat void.  

Centwinus.  
Cadwallader.  
Inas.  
Ethelard.  
Cuthredus.  
Sigebert.  
Kinwulf.  
Brithrijc.  
Ecbert.  
Ethelwulf.  
Ethebald.  
Ethelbert.  
Ethelfrid.  
Alfrid.  
Edward. 1.  
Adelstane.  
Edmund.  
Eadred.  
Edwijn.  
Edgar.  
Edward 2.  
Eldred.  
Edmund 2.  
Canutus.  
Harald.  
Canutus' 2.  
Edward 3.  
Harald 2.   
¶ The saxons having reigned hitherto in this land, and brought the same into a perfect monarchy, are now dispossessed by the Normans, & put out of their hold.   

Bernicia. 6.  
¶ Ida erecteth a kingdom in the North, which he extended from the Humber mouth to S. john's town in Scotland, & called it of the Northumber's. This was in the 547. after the birth of our saviour Christ.  

IDa.  
Adda.  
Glappa.  
Tidwaldus.  
Fretwulfus.  
Tidrijc.  
Athelfrid.  
Edwijn.  
Kinfrid.  
Oswald.  
Oswy.  
Egfrid.  
Alfrid.  
Osred.  
Kindred.  
Osrijc.  
Kilwulf.  
Edbert.  
Offulse.  
Ethelwold.  
Elred.  
Ethelred.  
Alswold.  
Osred.  
Ethelred.  
Osbald.  
Eardulf.  
Aldeswold.  
Eandred.  
Edelred.  
Redwulf.  
Edelred again.  
Osbright.  
Ecbert.  
Ricisiws a Dane.  
Ecbert again.   
¶ Alfride king of the westsaxons subdueth this kingdom in the 878. after our saviour Christ, and 33. after Ida.   

Deira. 7.  
¶ Ella brother to Adda is over the south Humber's, whose kingdom wretched from Humber to the These, in the 590. after the incarnation of jesus Christ our saviour.  

ELla.  
Edwijn.  
Athelbright.  
Edwijn again,  
Osrijc.  
Oswald.  
Oswijn.   
¶ Of all the kingdoms of the Saxons, this of Deira which grew by the division of the kingdom of the Northumber's between the sons of Ida was of the smallest continuance, & it was united to the Northumber's (whereof it had been I say in time past a member) by Oswijn in the 91. after Ella, when he had most traitorously slain his brother Oswijn in the year of the world, 4618. (or 651. after the coming of Christ) and contained that country which we now call the bishopric.   

Estanglia. 8.  
¶ Offa or Vffa erecteth a kingdom over the Estangles or Offling in the 561. after the nativity of Christ, and 114. after the delivery of Britain.  

OFfa.  
Titellius.  
Redwaldus.  
Corpenwaldus.  
The seat void.  
Sigebert.  
Egricus.  
Anna.  
Adeler.  
Ethelwold.  
Adwulf.  
Beorne.  
Ethelred.  
Ethelbert.   
¶ Offa of Mercia killeth Ethelbert, and uniteth Estanglia unto his own kingdom, in the 793. of Christ, after it had continued in the posterity of Offa, by the space of 228. years and yet of that short space, it enjoyed only 35. in liberty, the rest being under the tribute of the king of Mercia aforesaid.   

Mercia. 9  
¶ Creodda beginneth his kingdom of Mercia, in the 585. of our saviour Christ, and 138. after the captivity of Briteine ended.  

CReodda.  
Wibba.  
Cherlus.  
Penda.  
Oswy.  
Weada.  
Wulferus.  
Ethelred.  
Kindred or Kindred.  
The seat void.  
Kilred.  
Ethebald.  
Beorred.  
Offa.  
Egferth.  
Kinwulf.  
Kenelm.  
Kilwulf.  
Bernulf.  
Ludicane.  
Willaf.  
Ecbert.  
Willaf again.  
Bertulf.  
Butred.  
Kilwulf.   
¶ Alfride uniteth the kingdom of Mercia, to that of the westsaxons, in the 291. after Creodda, before Alfred the Dane had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Clcolulphus therein, but he was soon expelled, and the kingdom joined to the other afore rehearsed.    

The succession of the kings of England from William bastard, unto the first of Queen ELIZABETH.  

WIlliam the first.  
William his son.  
Henry 1.  
Stephen.  
Henry 2.  
Richard 1.  
john.  
Henry 3.  
Edward 1. alias 4.  
Edward 2.  
Edward 3.  
Richard 2.  
Henry 4.  
Henry 5.  
Henry 6.  
Edward 4. alias 7.  
Edward 5.  
Richard 3.  
Henry 7.  
Henry 8.  
Edward 6.  
Marry his sister.  
Elizabeth.   
¶ Thus have I brought the Catalogue of the Princes of Britain unto an end, & that in more plain and certain order than hath been done heretofore by any. For though in their regions since the conquest few men have erred that have used any diligence, yet in the times before the same, fewer have gone any thing near the truth, through great oversight & negligence. Their several years also do appear in my chronology ensuing.    

Of the ancient religion used in Albion. Cap. 9  
IT is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the posterity of japhet only reigned in this Island, 
Samothes.  that the true knowledge and form of religion brought in by Samothes, and published with his laws in the second of his arrival, was exercised among the Britan's. And although peradventure in process of time, either through curiosity, or negligence (the only corrupters of true piety and godliness) it might a little decay, yet when it was at the worst, it far exceeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion and his Chemminites, as may be gathered by view of the superstitious rites, which Cham and his successors did plant in other countries, yet to be found in authors.  
What other learning Magus the son of Samothes taught after his father's death, when he also came to the kingdom, beside this which concerned the true honouring of God, I cannot easily say, but that it should be natural philosophy, and astrology (whereby his disciples gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the very use of the word Magus (or Magusaeus) among the Persians doth yield no uncertain testimony.  
In like manner, 
Sarron.  it should seem that Sarron son unto the said Magus, diligently followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his own practice of teaching, opened schools of learning in sundry places, both among the Celts and Britan's, whereby such as were his auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding, that as well the Sarronides as the Magi, and druids, were generally called Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes 
Samothei. Semnothei.  still among the Grecians, as Aristotle in his De magia doth confess; and furthermore calling them Galls, he addeth thereunto, that they first brought the knowledge of letters and good learning unto the Greeks.  
Druiyus 
Druiyus.  the son of Sarron (as a scholar of his fathers own teaching) seemed to be exquisite in all things, that pertained unto the divine and human knowledge: and therefore I may safely pronounce, that he excelled not only in the skill of philosophy and the quadrivials, but also in the true Theology, whereby the right service of God was kept and preserved in purity. He wrote moreover sundry precepts and rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celts were reserved very religiously, and had in great estimation of such as sought unto them.  
How and in what order this prince left the state of religion, 
corrupters of religion.  I mean touching public orders in administration of particular rites and ceremonies, as yet I do not read: howbeit this is most certain, that after he died, the purity of his doctrine began somewhat to decay. For such is man's nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long to remain as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withal from time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficulty, for such as do come after them, than to find out the purity of the original, and restore the same again unto the former perfection.  
In the beginning this Druiyus did preach unto his hearers, 
Caesar.  that the soul of man is immortal, that God is omnipotent, merciful as a father in showing favour unto the godly, and just as an upright judge in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of man's hart are not unknown, and only known to him; and that as the world and all that is therein had their beginning by him, at his own will, so shall all things likewise have an end, 
Strabo. li. 4. Sotion. lib. success.  when he shall see his time. He taught them also with more facility, 
Cicero divinat. 1.  how to observe the courses of the heavens and motions of the planets by arithmetical industry, to find out the true quantities of the celestial bodies by geometrical demonstration, and thereto the compass of the earth, and hidden natures of things contained in the same by philosophical contemplation. But alas, this integritte continued not long among his successors, for unto the immortality of the soul, they added, that after death it went into another body, (of which translation Ovid saith; 
Morte carent animae, sempérque priore relicta  
Sede, novis domibus viwnt habitántque receptae.)  The second or succedent, being always either more noble, or more vile than the former, as the party deserved by his merits, whilst he lived here upon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other, that Orpheus after his death had his soul thrust into the body of a swan, that of Agamemnon conveyed into an eagle, of ajax into a lion, of Atlas into a certain wrestler, of Thersites into an ape, of Deiphobus into Pythagoras, and Empedocles dying a child, after sundry changes into a man, whereof he himself saith; 
Ipse ego námque fui puer olim, deinde puella,  
Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóque in aequore piscis.  For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, 
Plinius. lib. 16. cap. ultimo.  and taught this error) if the soul appertained at the first to a king, and he in this estate did not lead his life worthy his calling, 
Metempsuchôssis.  it should after his decease be shut up in the body of a slave, beggar, cock, owl, dog, ape, horse, ass, worm, or monster, there to remain as in a place of purgation and punishment, for a certain period of time. Beside this, it should peradventure sustain often translation from one body unto another, according to the quantity and quality of his doings here on earth, till it should finally be purified, and restored again to an other human body, wherein if it behaved itself more orderly than at the first: after the next death, it should be preferred, either to the body of a king again, or other great estate. And thus they made a perpetual circulation or revolution of our souls, much like unto the continual motion of the heavens, which never stand still, nor long yield one representation and figure. For this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they used to cast certain letters into the fire, wherein the dead were burned, to be delivered unto their deceased friends, whereby they might understand of the estate of such as traveled here on earth in their purgations (as the Moscovites do write unto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried, in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new pair of shoes on his feet into the grave) and to the end that after their next death they should deal with them accordingly, and as their merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of many gods, and their several sacrifices: they honoured likewise the oak, 
Oak honoured whereon mistle did grow, and so do our sorcerers even to this day thinking some spirits to deal about the same, for hidden treasure,  whereon the mistle groweth, and daily devised infinite other toys (for error is never assured of her own doings) whereof neither Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leave them any prescription.  
These things are partly touched by Cicero, Strabo, Pliny, Sotion, Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and partly also by Caesar, Mela, Val. Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part do confess, that the chief school of the druids was holden here in Britain, where that religion (saith Pliny) was so hotly professed and followed, Vt dedisse Persis videri possit, lib. 30. cap. 1. and whither the druids also themselves, that dwelled among the Galls, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure understanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. And as the Galls received their religion from the Britons, so we likewise had from them some use of Logic & Rhetoric, 
Logic and Rhetoric out of Gallia.  such as it was which our lawyers practised in their pleas and common causes. For although the Greeks were not unknown unto us, nor we to them, even from the very coming of Brute, yet by reason of distance between our countries, we had no great familiarity and common access one unto another, till the time of Gurguntius, after whose entrance many of that nation traveled hither in more security, as divers of our countrymen did unto them without all danger, to be offered up in sacrifice to their gods. That we had the manner of our pleas also out of France, Juvenal is a witness, who saith; Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. Howbeit as they taught us Logic and Rhetoric, so we had also some Sophistry from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all kind of forgery, corruption of manners, and crafty behaviour not so soon as often transported into England. And albeit the druids were thus honoured and of so great authority in Britain, yet were there great numbers of them also in the Isles of Wight, Anglesey, and the Orchades, in which they held open schools of their profession, aloof as it were from the resort of people, wherein they studied and learned their songs by heart. Howbeit the chief college of all I say, remained still in Albion, whither the druids of other nations also (beside the Galls) would of custom repair, when soever any controversy among them in matters of religion did happen to be moved. At such times also the rest were called out of the former islands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods and public meetings, and thereunto it grew finally into custom, and after that a proverb, even in variances falling out among the princes, great men, and common sorts of people living in these west parts of Europe, to yield to be tried by Britain and her three islands, because they honoured her priests (the druids) as the athenians did their Areopagites.  
Furthermore, 
Estimation of the druids or Druiysh priests.  in Britain, and among the Galls, and to say the truth, generally in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented, such was the estimation of the priests of this profession, that there was little or nothing done without their skilful advise, no not in civil causes, pertaining to the regiment of the commonwealth and country. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, public and private, they interpreted oracles, preached of religion, and were never without great numbers of young men that heard them with diligence, as they taught from time to time.  
Touching their persons also, they were exempt from all temporal services, 
Immunity of the clergy greater under idolatry than under the gospel.  impositions, tributes, and exercises of the wars: which immunity caused the greater companies of scholars to flock unto them from all places, & to learn their trades. Of these likewise, some remained with them seven, eight, ten, or twelve years, still learning the secrets of those unwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be had amongst them, and commonly pronounced in verse. And this policy, as I take it, they used only to preserve their religion from contempt, whereinto it might easily have fallen, if any books thereof had happened into the hands of the common sort. It helped also not a little in the exercise of their memories, whereunto books are utter enemies, insomuch as he that was skilful in the Druiysh religion, would not let readily to rehearse many hundreds of verses together, and not to fail in one tittle, in the whole process of this his laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of their religion, so in civil affairs, historical treatises, and setting down of laws, they used like order and letters almost with the Grecians. Whereby it is easy to be seen, that they retained this kind of writing from Druiyus (the original founder of their religion) and that this Island hath not been void of letters and learned men, even sith it was first inhabited. I would add some thing in particular also of their apparel, but sith the dealing withal is nothing profitable to the reader, I pass it over, signifying nevertheless, that it was distinguished by sundry davises from that of the common sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoever ware the Druiysh weed, might walk where he would without any harm or annoyance. This honour was given also unto the priests in Rome, insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the triumvirate, and saw himself in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he got the weed of a priest upon his back, and begged his alms therein, even in the high ways as he traveled, and so escaped the danger and the fury of his adversaries: but to proceed with other things.  
After the death of Druiyus, 
Bardus.  Bardus his son, and fift king of the Celts, succeeded not only over the said kingdom, but also in his father's virtues, whereby it is very likely, that the winding and wrapping up of the said religion, after the afore remembered sort into verse, was first devised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no less endued with a singular skill in the practice and speculation of music, of which two many suppose him to be the very author and beginner, although unjustly, sith both poetry and song were in use before the flood, 
Gen. 4. 21.  as was also the harp and pipe, which jubal invented, and could never be performed without great skill in music. But to proceed, as the chief estimation of the druids remained in the end among the Britons only, for their knowledge in religion, so did the fame of the Bards (which were so called of this Bardus for their excellent skill in music, poetry, and the heroical kind of song, which at the first contained only the high mysteries and secret points of their religion. There was little difference also between them and the druids, 
The Bards degenerate.  till they so far degenerated from their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts, drunken meetings, and abominable sacrifices of the idols: where they sang most commonly no divinity as before, but the puissant acts of valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the gods. Certes in my time this fond usage, and thereto the very name of the Bards, are not yet extinguished among the Britons of Wales, where they call their poets and Musicians Barthes', as they do also in Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucan remembreth, where he saith that the word Bardus is mere Celtike, and signifieth a singer. Howbeit the Romans judging all nations beside themselves to be but rude and barbarous, and thereto misliking utterly the rough music of the Bards, entered so far into the contemptuous mockage of their melody, that they ascribed the word Bardus unto their fools and idiots, whereas contrariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within the northester part of Europe, did use the same word in very honourable manner, calling their best poets and heroical singers, Singebardos'; their courageous singers and capiteins that delighted in music, Albardos', Dagobardoes, Rodtbardoes, & one lame musician Lambard above all other, of whose skilful ditties Germany is not unfurnished, as I hear unto this day. In Quizqueia or new Spain, an Island of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rhymes Arcitoes, and in steed of harps they sing unto timbrels made of shells such sonnets and ditties as either pertain unto religion, profane love, commendation of ancestry, and inflammation of the mind unto Mars, whereby there appeareth to be small difference between their Boitios and our Bards. Finally of our sort, Lucan in his first book writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end; 
Vos quóque qui fortes animas, 
Lucan. li. 1.  belloque peremptas  
Laudibus in longum vates dimit titis awm,  
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi,  
Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum  
Sacrorum Druiydae, positis recepistis ab armis.  
Solis nosse Deos, & coeli numina vobis,  
Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis  
Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, umbrae  
Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi  
Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus  
Orb alio Longae canitis si cognita, vitae  
Morsmedia est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,  
Foelices errore suo, quos ille timorum  
Maximus haud urget leti metus: inde ruendi  
In ferrum mens prona viris, animaeque capaces  
Mortis: & ignawm est rediturae parcere vitae.   
Thus we see as in a glass the state of religion, for a time, after the first inhabitation of this Island: but how long it continued in such soundnese, as the original authors left it, in good sooth I cannot say, yet this is most certain, that after a time, when Albion arrived here, the religion erst embraced fell into great decay. For whereas japhet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: I'm the great grandfather of this our Albion, and his disciples utterly renouncing to follow their steps, gave their minds wholly to seduce and lead their hearers headlong unto all error. Whereby his posterity not only corrupted this our Island, with most filthy trades and practices; but also all mankind, generally where they became, with vicious life, and most ungodly conversation. 
What doctrine Cham and his disciples taught.  For from Cham and his successors proceeded at the first all sorcery, witchcraft, and the execution of unlawful lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinity, or kind: as branches from an odious and abominable root, or streams derived from a most filthy and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, & notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the folly of his Egyptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilst he lived they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations contemned and abhorred him for his wickedness, calling him Chemesenua, 
Chemesenua. Chem Min. Cham made a god.  that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not only builded a city unto him which they called Chem Min, but also after his death reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the seven planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after Osiris his son, whom they likewise honoured under the name of jupiter.  
Certes it was a custom begun in Egypt of old time, 
Translation of mortal men into heaven how it began.  and generally in use almost in every place in process of time (when any of their famous worthy princes died) to ascribe some form or other of the stars unto his person, to the end his name might never wear out of memory. And this they called their translation in heaven, so that he which had any stars or form of stars dedicated unto him, was properly said to have a seat among the gods. A toy much like to the catalogue of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the celestial or immaterial orbs, the other in sheep's skins, and very brickle paper) but yet so esteemed, that every prince would oft hazard and attempt the uttermost adventures, thereby to win such fame in his life, that after his death he might by merit have such place in heaven, among the shining stars. Howbeit, every of those that were called gods, could not obtain that benefit, for than should there not have been stars enough in heaven to have served all their turns, wherefore another place was in time imagined, 
Cyril. adversus jul. lib. 6. sect. 8.  where they reigned that were of a second calling, as the Semones who were gods by grace and favour of the people. Semones dici volverunt (saith Fulgentius In vocibus antiquis) quos coelo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, etc. nec terrenos eos deputare vellent per gratiae venerationem, as also a third place that is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men, officers, good governors and lawgivers to the people, and yet not thought worthy to be of the second or first company, which was a jolly division.  
Thus we see in general manner, how idolatry, honouring of the stars, and brood of inferior gods were hatched at the first, which follies in process of time came also into Britain, as did the names of Saturn & jupiter, &c: as shall appear hereafter. And here sith I have already somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a little farther, and show forth the original use of the word Saturn, jupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honour shall see a little more into the errors of the Gentiles, and not only that, but one point also of the root of all the confusion that is to be found among the ancient histories. 
Which were properly called, Saturni, Ioues, junones, and Hercules.  Certes it was used for a few years after the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. year after the flood) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then erected should be called Saturni, whereby it came to pass that Nimbrote was the Saturn of Babylon: Cham of Egypt: and so forth other of sundry other countries. Their eldest sons also that succeeded them, were called Ioues; and their nephews or sons sons, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which means it followed that every kingdom had a Saturn, jupiter and Hercules of her own, and not from any other.  
In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom they married as yet commonly unto their brethren (God himself permitting the same unto them for a time) as before the flood, to the end the earth might be thoroughly replenished, and the sooner furnished with inhabitants in every part thereof. The sister therefore and wife of every Saturn was called Rhea, but of jupiter, juno, Isis, or Io. 
Isis, Io, and juno all one.  Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would endeavour to derive the pedigree of any prince, or potentate, but supposed his duty to be sufficiently performed, when he had brought it orderly unto some Saturn or other, whereat he might cease, and shut up all his travel. They had likewise this opinion grounded amongst them, that heaven & earth were only parents unto Saturn and Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, what they themselves did mean, 
Coelum or Coelus.  sith these denominations, Heaven, Ogyges, 
Ogyges.  the Sun, 
Sol.  Pater 
Pater deorum.  Deorum, and such like, were only ascribed unto Noah: as 
* Tydea.  Terra, 
Terra.  (the Earth) Vesta, 
Vesta.  Aretia, 
Aretia.  the Moon, 
Luna.  Mater deorum, 
Deorum matter.  and other the like were unto Tydea his wife. So that hereby we see, how Saturn is reputed in every nation for their oldest god, or first prince, jupiter for the next, and Hercules for the third. And therefore sith these names were dispersed in the beginning over all, it is no marvel that there is such confusion in ancient histories, and the doings of one of them so mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish them in sunder. This have I spoken, to the end that all men may see what gods the Pagans honoured, & thereby what religion the posterity of Cham did bring over into Britain. For until their coming, it is not likely that any gross idolatry or superstition did enter in among us, as deifieng of mortal men, honouring of the stars, and erection of huge images, beside sorcery, witchcraft, and such like, whereof the Chemminites are worthily called the autors. Neither were these errors any thing amended, 
From whence Brute did learn his religion.  by the coming in of Brute, who no doubt added such devices unto the same, as he and his company had learned before in Graecia, from whence also he brought Helenus the son of Priamus, (a man of exceeding age) & made him his priest and bishop through out the new conquest, that he had achieved in Britain.  
After Brute, idolatry and superstition still increased more and more among us, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and those also that came in with Albion and Brute himself: our countrymen either brought hither from abroad, or daily invented at home new religion and rites, whereby it came to pass that in the stead of the only and immortal God (of whom Samothes and his posterity did preach in times past) 
Dis or Samothes made a god.  now they honoured the said Samothes himself under the name of Dis and Saturn: also jupiter, Mars, Minerva, Mercury, Apollo, Diana; and finally Hercules, unto whom they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances into their regions, cities, towns and houses, with their limits and bounds (as the papists did the gates of their cities and ports unto Botulph & Giles) because fortitude and wisdom are the chief upholders and bearers up of commonwealths and kingdoms, both which they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and divers other idols whose names I now remember not. 
Mela.  In am moreover of sheep and oxen, 
Diodorus.  they offered mankind also unto some of them, 
Strab. 4.  killing their offenders, 
Plin.  prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from far unto them, 
Caesar. 5.  by shutting up great numbers of them together in huge images made of wicker, réed, hay, or other light matter: and then setting all on fire together, they not only consumed the miserable creatures of ashes (sometimes adding other beasts unto them) but also reputed it to be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made unto their idols. From whence they had this horrible custom, truly I cannot tell, but that it was common to most nations, not only to consume their strangers, captives, &c. but also their own children with fire, in such manner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the profane histories do generally leave it evident, as a thing either of custom or of particular necessity, of which later Virgil saith; Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine caesa, etc. As Silius doth of the first, where he telleth of the usual manner of the Carthaginenses, saying after this manner; Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, etc. But to proceed with our own gods and idols, more pertinent to my purpose than the rehearsal of foreign demeanours: I find that huge temples in like sort were builded unto them, so that in the time of Lucius, when the light of salvation began strongly to shine in Britain, through the preaching of the gospel, the christians discovered 25. 
Ptol. Lucensis.  Flamines or idol-churches, beside three Archflamines, whose priests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as inferiors, and subject to their jurisdiction in cases of religion, and superstitious ceremonies.  
Of the quantities of their idols I speak not, 
Monstrous proportions of idols.  sith it is enough to say, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to have the just height of the god or goddess whom they did represent. Apollo Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirty cubits high at the least; Tarentinus jupiter of 40.; the idol of the son in the Rhodes, of 70. (whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the library of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made under Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made unto Mercury at Aruernum in ten years' space, of 400. foot Whereby it appeareth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so without measure were they also in their proportions, and happy was he which might have the greatest idol, and lay most cost thereon.  
Hitherto ye have heard of the time, 
Theodoret. Sophronius.  wherein idolatry reigned and blinded the hearts of such as dwelled in this Island. Now let us see the success of the gospel, after the death and passion of jesus Christ our saviour. And even here would I begin with an allegation of Theodoret, whereupon some repose great assurance (conceiving yet more hope therein by the words of Sophronius) that Paul the Apostle should preach the word of salvation here, after his delivery out of captivity, which fell as I do read in the 57 of Christ. But sith I cannot verify the same by the words of Theodoret, to be spoken more of Paul than Peter, or the rest, I will pass over this conjecture (so far as it is grounded upon Theodoret) and deal with other authorities, whereof we have more certainty. First of all therefore let us see what Fortunatus hath written of Paul's coming into Britain, and afterward what is to be found of other by-writers in other points of more assurance. Certes for the presence of Paul I read thus much: 
Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,  
Per mare per terras Christi praeconia fundens,  
Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, sale dogmata complens,  
Arctos, meridies, hic plenus vesper & ortus,  
Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,  
Quásque Britannus habet terras atque ultima Thule, etc.   
That one josephus preached here in England, in the time of the Apostles, his sepulchre yet in Aualon, now called Glessenburg or Glastenburie, 
josephus.  an epitaph affixed thereunto is proof sufficient. Howbeit, sith these things are not of competent force to persuade all men, I will add in few, what I have read elsewhere of his arrival here. First of all therefore you shall note that he came over into Britain, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began under Nero, at which time Philip and divers of the godly being in France (whether he came with other christians, after they had sowed the word of God in Scythia, by the space of 9 years) severed themselves in sunder, to make the better shift for their own safeguard, and yet not otherwise than by their flight, the gospel might have due furtherance. Hereby than it came to pass, 
Philip. Freculphus To. 2. lib. 2. cap. 4. Nennius. Nicephorus lib. 2. cap. 40.  that the said Philip upon good deliberation did send josephus over, and with him Simon zealots to preach unto the Britons, and minister the sacraments there according to the rites of the churches of Asia and Greece, from whence they came not long before unto the country of the Galls. Which was saith Malmesburie 103. before Faganus and Dinaw did set forth the gospel amongst them. 
Isidorus lib. de vita & obit. dict. patrum. W. Malmes. de antiq. Glasconici monast.  Of the coming of zealots you may read more in the second book of Niceph. Cal. where he writeth thereof in this manner: Operae pretium etiam fuerit Simonem Cana Galileae ortum, qui propter flagrantem in magistrum suum ardorem, summámque evangelicae rei per omnia curam Zelotes cognominatus est hîc refer, accepit enim is coelitùs adveniente spiritu sancto, Aegyptium Cyrenem & Africam, deinde Mauritaniam & Lybiam omnem evangelium depraedicans percurrit, eandémque doctrinam etiam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulásque Britannicas perfert. And this is the effect in a little room, of that which I have read at large in sundry writers, beside these two here alleged, although it may well be gathered that divers Britain's were converted to the faith, before this sixty four of Christ. Howbeit, whereas some writ that they lived, and dwelled in Britain, it cannot as yet take any absolute hold in my judgement, but rather that they were baptized and remained, either in Rome, or elsewhere. And of this sort I suppose Claudia Rufina the wife of Pudens to be one, 
Claudia Rufina a British lady.  who was a British lady indeed, and not only excellently seen in the Greek and Latin tongues, but also with her husband highly commended by S. Paul, as one having had conversation and conference with them at Rome, 
2. Tim. 4.  from whence he did write his second epistle unto Timothy, as I read. Of this lady moreover Martial speaketh, in rejoicing that his poesies were read also in Britain, and only by her means, who used to cull out the finest & honestest of his epigrams and send them to her friends for tokens, saying after this manner, as himself doth set it down: Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus. Furthermore making mention of her and her issue, he addeth these words: 
Claudia coeruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis  
Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet? 
Li. 11. Epig. 54.   
Quale decus formae? Romanam credere matres  
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.  
Dij bene, quod sancto peperit faecunda marito,  
Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.  
Sic placeat superis, ut coniuge gaudeat uno,  
Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.  The names of her three children were Pudentiana, Praxedes, both virgins, and Novatus, who after the death of Pudens their father (which befell him in Cappadocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria, where they ceased not from time to time to minister unto the saints. But to leave this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.  
I find in the Chronicles of Burton (under the year of Grace 141. and time of Hadrian the emperor) that nine scholars or clerks of Grantha or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptized in Britain, and became preachers of the gospel there, but whether Taurinus bishop or elder over the congregation at York (who as Vincentius saith, was executed about this tune for his faith) were one of them or not, 
Lib. 10. cap. 17. Taurinus.  as yet I do not certainly find; but rather the contrary, which is that he was no Britain at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceive not the easy corruption of the word, may soon write Eboracensis, as certainly mine author out of whom I allege this authority hath done before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the chronology if it speak of any Taurinus bishop of York is to be reform in that behalf. divers other also embraced the religion of Christ very zealously before these men. Howbeit, all this notwithstanding, the glad tidings of the gospel had never free and open passage here, until the time of Lucius, in which the very enemies of the word became the apparent means (contrary to their own minds) to have it set forth amongst us. For when Antoninus the emperor had given out a decree, that the Druiysh religion should every where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now perished) took advise of his council what was best to be done, & wrote in this behalf. And this did Lucius, because he knew it 
* This is contrary to the common talk of our Atheists who say, Let us live here in wealth, credit and authority upon earth, and let God take heaven and his religion to himself to do withal what he listeth.  impossible for man to live long without any religion at all: finally finding his Nobility & subjects utter enemies to the Roman devotion (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to have the regiment even of their dirt & dung) and thereunto being pricked forwards by such christians as were conversant about him, to choose the service of the true God that liveth for ever, rather than the slavish servitude of any pagan idol: he fully resolved with himself in the end, to receive and embrace the gospel of Christ. He sent also two of his best learned and greatest philosophers to Rome, unto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, 
Lucius openeth his ears to good counsel, as one desirous to serve God & not prefer the world.  not to promise any subjection to his sea, which then was not required, but to say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. Quid faciemus viri fratres? I mean that they were sent to be perfectly instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request unto him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers might be sent over from thence, by whose diligent advise and travel, the foundation of the gospel might surely be laid over all the portion of the isle, which contained his kingdom, according to his mind.  
When Eleutherus understood these things, 
The purpose of Lucius opened unto the congregation at Rome by Eleutherus.  he rejoiced not a little for the great goodness, which the Lord had showed upon this our Isle and country. Afterwards calling the brethren together, they agreed to ordain, even those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you have heard, had directed over unto them. Finally after they had thoroughly catechised them, making general prayer unto God and earnest supplication for the good success of these men, they sent them home again with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their function, and careful over the flock committed to their custody.  
The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius, a man borne in the isle of Aualon, and brought up there under those godly pastors and their disciples, whom Philip sent over at the first for the conversion of the Britons. The other height Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed Belga, because he was of the town of Welles, which then was called Belga. This man was trained up also in one school with Eluanus, both of them being ornaments to their hoary ages, and men of such gravity and godliness, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthy to support this charge, than they: after whose coming home also, it was not long yer Lucius and all his household with divers of the Nobility were baptized, 
A zealous prince maketh fervent subjects.  beside infinite numbers of the common people, which daily resorted unto them, and voluntarily renounced all their idolatry and paganism.  
In the mean time, Eleutherus understanding the success of these learned doctors, and supposing with himself, that they two only could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concern the conversion of the whole Island; he directed over unto them in the year ensuing Faganus, 
Faganus.  Dinaw (or Dinaws) 
Dinaws.  Aaron, 
Aaron.  and diverse other godly preachers, as fellow-labourers to travel with them in the vineyard of the Lord. These men therefore after their coming hither, 
Radulphus de la noir alias Niger.  consulted with the other, and forthwith wholly consented to make a division of this Island amongst themselves, appointing what parcel each preacher should take, 
3. Chief Bishops in Britain.  that with the more profit and eass of the people, and somewhat less travel also for themselves, the doctrine of the Gospel might be preached and received. In this distribution, they ordained that there should be one congregation at London, 
Theonus. Theodosius London. York. Caerlheon.  where they placed Theonus as chief elder and bishop, for that present time, worthily called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who fled into Wales with Thadiocus of York, at the first coming of the Saxons; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there to crave aid against the Scots and Uandals that plagued this Isle, from the tweed unto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succeeded, who converted many of the druids, and builded the first library near unto the bishop's palace. The said Lucius also placed another at York, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon upon the river Uske, builded sometimes by Belinus, and called Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had before time been three Archflamines erected unto Apollo, Mars, and Minerva, but now razed to the ground, and three other churches builded in their steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might have indifferent access unto those places, and therewithal understand for certainty, whither to resort for resolution, if after their conversion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also the rest of the idoll-temples standing in other places were either overthrown, or converted into churches for christian congregations to assemble in, as our writers do remember. In the report whereof give me leave gentle reader, of London my native city to speak a little: for although it may and doth seem impertinent to my purpose, yet it shall not be much, and therefore I will soon make an end. There is a controversy moved among our historiographers, whether the church that Lucius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornhill. For there is some cause, why the metropolitan church should be thought to stand where S. Peter's now doth, by the space of 400. & years before it was removed to Canturburie by Austin the monk, if a man should lean to one side without any conference of the asseverations of the other. But herein (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for beside that S. Peter's church stood in the east end of the city, and that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornhill (a denomination given of late to speak of to one street) may easily be mistaken for Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who called the west end of the city by that name, where Westminster now standeth, because of the wildness and bushinesse of the soil; so I do not read of any street in London called Cornhill before the conquest of the Normans. Wherefore I hold with them, which make Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church upon the ruins of that Flamine 264. years, as Malmesburie saith, before the coming of the Saxons, and 411. before the arrival of Augustine. Read also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ; which is a manifest account, though some copies have 499. for the one, but not without manifest corruption and error.  
Thus became Britain the first province that generally received the faith, 
Britain the first province that received the Gospel generally.  and where the gospel was freely preached without inhibition of her prince. Howbeit, although that Lucius and his princes and great numbers of his people embraced the word with greediness, yet was not the success thereof either so universal, that all men believed at the first; the security so great, as that no persecution was to be feared from the Roman empire after his decease; or the proceeding of the king so severe, as that he enforced any man by public authority to forsake and relinquish his paganism: but only this freedom was enjoyed, that who so would become a christian in his time, might without fear of his laws profess the Gospel, in whose testimony, if need had been, I doubt not to affirm, but that he would have shed also his blood, as did his niece Emerita, 
Emerita niece unto Lucius.  who being constant above the common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yield herself to death, as a sweet smelling sacrifice in the nostrils of the Lord, beyond the sea in France.  
The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Island in the 177. 
Lucius sendeth again to Rome.  after Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent over from Rome, in the 178. as you have heard: it came to pass in the third year of the Gospel received, that Lucius did send again to Eleutherus the bishop, requiring that he might have some brief epitome of the order of discipline then used in the church. For he well considered, that as it availeth little to plant a costly vineyard, except it afterward be cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoy, daily removed from the same: so after baptism and entrance into religion, it profiteth little to bear the name of christians, except we do walk in the spirit, and have such things as offend apparently, corrected by severe discipline. 
Ro. 8. ver. 1  For otherwise it will come to pass, that the weeds of vice, and vicious living, will so quickly abound in us, that they will in the end choke up the good seed sown in our minds, and either enforce us to return unto our former wickedness with deeper security than before, or else to become mere Atheists, which is a great deal worse.  
For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for a copy of such politic orders as were then used there, in their regiment of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himself, 
The wisdom of Eleutherus.  how that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those constitutions that are beneficial to one, may now and then be prejudicial to another: and seeing also that beside the word no rites and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that as time serveth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not to lay any more upon the necks of the new converts of Britain as yet, than Christ and his apostles had already set down unto all men. In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them unto Lucius and his Nobility, dated in the consulships of Commodus and Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order in the scriptures for the government of his church already in his word, and not for that only, but also for the regiment of his whole 
* ●hough most princes cannot hear 〈◊〉 that side.  kingdom, if he would submit himself, to yield and follow that rule. The epistle itself is partly extant, and partly perished, yet such as it is, and as I have faithfully translated it out of sundry very ancient copies, I do deliver it here, to the end I will not defraud the reader of any thing that may turn to the glory of God, and his commodity, in the history of our nation.  
You require of us the Roman ordinances, 
Epistle of Eleutherus unto Lucius.  and thereto the statutes of the emperors to be sent over unto you, and which you desire to practise and put in ure within your realm and kingdom. The Roman laws and those of emperors we may eft 'zounds reprove, but those of God can never be found fault withal. You have received of late through God's mercy in the realm of Britain the law and faith of Christ, you have with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them therefore by God's grace, and the council of your realm take you a law, and by that law through God's sufferance rule your kingdom, for you are God's vicar in your own realm, 
Psal. 24.  as the royal prophet saith; The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the compass of the world, and they that dwell therein. Again, Thou hast loved truth and hated iniquity, wherefore God, 
Psal. 45.  even thy God hath anointed thee with oil of gladness above thy fellows. And again, according to the saying of the same prophet; Oh God give thy judgement unto the king, & 
Psal. 71.  thy justice unto the king's son. The king's sons are the christian people & flock of the realm, which are under your governance, and live & continue in peace within your kingdom. 
Here waits.  * The gospel saith; As the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, so doth the king his people. Such as dwell in the kingdom of Britain are yours, whom if they be divided, you ought to gather into concord and unity, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sacred church: to cherish and maintain, to rule also and govern them, defending each of them from such as would do them wrong, and keeping them from the malice of such as be their enemies. * woe unto the nation whose king is a child, and whose princes rise up early to banquet and feed, which is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is become a child, through folly, sin & unsteadfastness, of whom the prophet saith; The bloodthirsty and deceitful men shall not live forth half their days. 
Psal. 55.  * By feeding I understand gluttony; by gluttony, lust; & by lust all wickedness & sin, according to the saying of Solomon the king; Wisdom entereth not into a wicked mind, nor dwelleth with a man that is subject unto sin. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realm. You shallbe a king whilst you rule well, but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remain with you, but you shall utterly forgo●it, which God forbidden. The almighty God grant you so to rule the kingdom of Britain, that you may reign with him for ever, whose vicar (or vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdom. Who with the Son and the holy-ghost, etc.  
Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent unto Lucius, wherein many pretty observations are to be collected, if time and place would derue to stand upon them. After these days also the number of such as were ordained to salvation, increased daily more and more, whereby (as in other places of the world) the word of God had good success in Britain, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Alban, 
Alban. Amphiba●●s. julius. Aaron.  Amphibalus, julius and Aaron, are reputed to be the chief, because of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of worldly men.  
There are which affirm our Lucius to renounce his kingdom, and afterward to become first a bishop, than a preacher of the gospel, and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may once understand the bottom of their errors, I will set down the matter at large, whereby they shall see (if they list to look) how far they have been deceived.  
I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, 
Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena.  two sons, Dalmatius (who had a son called also Dalmatius and slain by the soldiers) Constantius father to Gallus, and julian the apostata; besides four other whose names as yet I find not. But being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the royal power of Dioclesian, he had by her three sons (beside one daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward was emperor of Rome, by election of the armies in Britain. Now it happened that Lucius, whom the French call Lution, by means of a quarrel grown between him and his elder brother, did kill his said brother, either by a sraie or by some other means, whereupon his father exiled him out of Britain, and appointed him from thenceforth to remain in Aquitane in France. This Lution brought thus into worldly sorrow, had now good leisure to meditate upon heaven, who before in his prosperity had peradventure never regard of hell. Finally he fell so far into the consideration of his estate, 
Lution becometh a christian.  that at the last he renounced his paganism, and first became a christian, then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He erected also a place of prayer wherein to serve the living God, 
Lution a bishop.  which after sundry alterations came in process of time to be an abbey, and is still called even to our time after Lution or Lucius: the first founder thereof, and the original beginner of any such house in those parts.  
In this also he and divers other of his friends continued their times, in great contemplation and prayer, and from hence were translated as occasion served, unto sundry ecclesiastical promotions in the time of Constant. his brother. So that even by this short narration it is now easy to see, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lution the son of Chlorus, were 〈◊〉 persons. Hereunto Hermannus 
Hermannus  Schedelius▪ 
Schedelius.  addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and near unto the city Augusta converted the Curienfes unto the faith of Christ, 
Bruschius cap. 3.  and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth buried in the sail town, where his feast is holden upon the third day of December, as may readily be confirmed, whereas the bones of our Lucius were to be seen at Gloucester. That Schedelius erreth not herein also, the ancient m●nunients of the said abbey, whereof he was the original beginner, as I said, do yield sufficient testimony, beside an hymn made in his commendation, entitled Gaude Lucionum, etc. 
Festum Lucionis. john Bouchet.  But for more of this you may resort unto Bouchet in his first book, and fift chapter of the Annals of Aquitane, who nevertheless maketh the king of Britain grandfather to this Lution. The said Schedelius furthermore setteth down, that his sister was martyred in Trinecastell, near unto the place where the said Lution dwelled, 
Emerita martyred in Rh●●ia.  whereby it appeareth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius king of Britain, of which prince Alexander Neccham forego it his most excellent treatise De sapientia divina, setteth down this Distichon: 
Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse  
Fortur, qui rexit moenie Brute tua.   
Neither could Lution or Lucius be fellow and of kindred unto Paul the apostle, as Aventine inferreth, except he mean it of some other Lucius, as of one whom he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the history agree with the conversion of the serve and Vindelicians, whereof Schedelius and other do make mention. But as each river the farther it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small rivulets, and corrupted with filthy puddles, and stinking gutters, that descend into the same: so the purity of the gospel, 
Heresy and monastical life brought into Britain at one time by Pelagius.  preached here in Britain, in process of time became first of all to be corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresy, both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who having traveled through France, Italy, Egypt, Syria, & the easterly regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or bishop, by some of the monks, unto whose profession he had not long before wholly addicted himself. Finally returning home again with an augmentation of fame and countenance of greater holiness than he bore out of the land with him, he did not only erect an house of his own order at Bangor in 
Bangor.  Wales, upon the river Dee, but also sowed the pestiferous feed of his heretical pravities over all this Island, whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teaching them to prefer their own merits, before the free mercy of God, in jesus Christ his son. By this means therefore he brought assurance of salvation into question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect unto their works to be doubtful of the same, whereas to such as regard this latter, there can be no quietness of mind, but always an unsteadfast opinion of themselves, whereby they cannot discern, neither by prosperity nor adversity of this life, whether they be worthy love or hatred. Nevertheless it behoveth the godly to repose their hope in that grace which is freely granted through jesus Christ, and to flee unto the mercies of God which are offered unto us in with and by his son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimony of his spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby cometh peace of conscience to such as do believe.  
Thus we see how new devices or orders of religion and heresy came in together. I could show also what Comets, and strange signs appeared in Britain, much about the same time, the like of which with divers other have been perceived also from time to time, sithence the death of Pelagius, at the entrance of any new kind of religion into this isle of Britain. But I pass them over, only for that I would not seem in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the rehearsal of any new inconveniences.  
To proceed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in like sort sundry other kinds of monastical life, as Anachorites, 
Anachorites.  Heremits, 
hermits.  Cyrilline 
Cyrillines.  and Benedictine 
Benedictines.  monks, albeit that the heremeticall profession was only allowed of in Britain, until the coming of Augustine the monk, who brought in the Benedictine sect, framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was finally so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose) no black monks in England that were not of his order. In process of time how Benedict Biscop also our countryman restored the said Benedictine profession greatly decayed in England, our histories are very plentiful, which Biscop went oft into Italy, and at one time for a special confirmation of his two monasteries which he had builded at other men's costs unto Paul and Peter upon the banks of the Were, as Beda doth remember. So fast also did these and other like human devices prosper after his time, that at their suppression in England and Wales only, 
Monks and hermits only allowed of in Britain.  there were found 440. religious houses at the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the year at the least, as appeareth by the record of their suppression, which also noteth the total sum of their revenues to amount unto 32000. pounds, their movables 100000. li. and the number of religious men contained in the same, to be 10000 which would make a pretty army, where unto if you add those 45. 
The number of religious houses in England at their dissolution.  of late standing in Scotland, you shall soon see what numbers of these dens of spiritual robbers were maintained here in Britain. What number of saints also have been hatched in them I could easily remember, and beside those 160. which Capgrave setteth down, & other likewise remembered in the golden Legend, and Legendary of Excester, I might bring a rabble out of Scotland able to furnish up a calendar, though the year were twice as long.  
As touching Pelagius the first heretic that ever was bred in this realm (notably known) and parent of Monachisme, it is certain, that before his corruption and fall, he was taken for a man of singular learning, deep judgement, and such a one, as upon whom for his great gifts in teaching and strictness of life, no small piece of the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is wisdom of the flesh, without the fear and true knowledge of God? and what is learning except it be handmaid to verity and sound judgement? Wherefore even of this man, we may see it verified, that one Roger Bacon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time, 
Roger Bacon his saying of the preachers of his time who were the best lawyers and the worst Divines.  when all things were measured by wit and worldly policy, rather than by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to hear a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without appearance of skill and learned eloquence, than a profound clerk to set forth error, with great show of learning, and boast of filled utterance. Gerson in like sort hath said fully as much. These follies of Pelagius were blazed abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thenceforth how his number of monks increased on the one side, and his doctrine on the other, there is almost no reader that is unskilful and ignorant.  
This also is certain, that within the space of 200. years and odd, 
More than 2100. monks in the College or abbey of Bangor in whose territories the parish of Overtop standeth.  there were many more than 2100. monks gathered together in his house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors of their founder, (who taught such an estimation of merits and bodily exercise (as Paul calleth it) that thereby he sought not only to impugn, but also prevent grace, which was in deed the original occasion of the erection of his house) were yet far better and more godly than all those religious orders, that were invented of later time, wherein the professors lived to themselves, their wombs and the licentious fruition of those parts, that are beneath the belly. For these laboured continually for their own livings, at vacant times from prayer (as did Serapions monks, 
Niceph. lib. 11. cap. 34.  which were 10000 over whom he himself was Abbot) and likewise for the better maintenance of such learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their lives also were correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein only they seemed intolerable, in that they had confidence in their deeds, and no warrant out of the word for their succour & defence, but were such a plant as the heavenly father had not planted, and therefore no marvel, though afterward they were raised by the roots.  
But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of Christ in Britain, so the living God hath had a season also to purge and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine, sith Germanu●, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, 
Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius.  and such like leaning for the most part unto the monastical trades, did not so much condemn the general errors of Pelagius one way, as maintain the same, or as evil opinions another. For as Patrick seemed to like well of the honouring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britain repaired an old chapel to s. Alban, wherein Lupus also prayed, as Palladius vph●ld the strictness of life, in monastical profession to the uttermost of his power. 
Se●●●● Sulpiti●s in vita Patrick.  Wherefore God wrought this purgation of his house at the first, rather by taking away the wicked and pompous schoolmasters of error out of this life: hoping that by such means, his people would have given ear to the godly that remained. But in process of time, when this his merciful dealing was forgotten and our countrymen returned to their former disorders, he brought in the Saxons, who left no idol unhonored, no not their filthy Priapus, unto whom the women builded temples, and made a beastly image (Cum pene intenso, and as if he had been circumcised) whom they called Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters: calling upon him in manner at every word, yea at the very fall of a knife out of their hands, and not counted any shame unto the most ancient and sober matron of them all. Howbeit when this proceeding of the Lord could also take no place, and the sheep of his pasture would receive no wholesome fodder, it pleased his majesty, to let them run on headlong from one iniquity to another, in somuch that after the doctrine of Pelagius, it received that of Rome also, 
Augustine the monk.  brought in by Augustine and his monks, whereby it was to be seen, how they fell from the truth into heresy, and from one heresy still into another, till at the last they were drowned altogether in the pits of error digged up by Antichrist, wells in deed that hold no water, which notwithstanding to their followers seemed to be most sound doctrine, and cisterns of living water to such as embraced the same.  
This Augustine, 
Augustine.  after his arrival, converted the Saxons in deed from paganism, but as the proverb saith, bringing them out of God's blessing into the warm sun, he also imbued them with no less hurtful superstition, than they did know before: for beside the only name of Christ, and external contempt of their pristinate idolatry, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I say) made an exchange from gross to subtle treachery, from open to secret idolatry, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians, thinking this sufficient for their soul's health, and the establishment of his monachisme, of which kind of profession, the holy scriptures of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got the great fish for which he did cast his hook, and so great was the fish that he caught in deed, that within the space of 1000 years, and less, it devoured the fourth part & more of the best soil of the Island, which was wholly bestowed upon his monks, & other religious broods that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appear in the book following, where I entreat of cities, towns, etc. In the mean season what success his monks had at Canturburie, 
Monks of Canturburie plagued.  how oft they were spoiled by enemies, their houses burned by casualty, and brethren consumed with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius, Hoveden, Gervase, and the rest of their own historiographers. And so sore did the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose daics the priests, clerks and monks sang their service together in the choir, that (of I wot not how many) there remained only five alive, which was a notable token of the fury and wrath of God conceived and executed against that malignant generation. It came also to pass at the last, that men used to pray for help at the said Augustine's tumble (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did not a little deface his glory) among which king Athelstane was one, whom Elnothus the abbot stayed so long in the place, when he came thither to pray, that his soldiers waiting for his coming, and supposing the monks to have murdered him, began to give an assault and set fire upon the house.  
Whilst these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion, the Meats, 
Meats.  Picts, 
Pictes.  and Caledoniens, 
Caledoniens.  which lie beyond the Scotish sea, received also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as adventured thither daily, who traveled not without great success and increase of perfect godliness in that part of the isle. Certes this prosperous attempt passed all men's expectation, for that these nations were in those days reputed wild, savage, and more unfaithful and crafty than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and such were they (to say the truth) in deed, as neither the sugared courtesy, nor sharp swords of the Romans could mollify or restrain from their natural fury, or bring to any good order. For this cause also in the end, the Roman emperors did utterly cast them off as an unprofitable, brutish, & untameable nation, and by an huge wall hereafter to be described, separated that rude company from the more mild and civil portion.  
This conversion of the north parts fell out in the sixth year before the wars that Severus had in those quarters, 
Scotland converted to the faith of Christ.  and 170. after the death of our saviour jesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian religion continued still among them, by the diligent care of their pastors and bishops (after the use of the churches of the south part of this Island) till the Roman shepherd sought them out, and found the means to pull them unto him in like sort with his long staff as he had done our countrymen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done already in England: and in steed of the same did furnish it up with those of his pontifical see, although there was great contention, and no less bloodshed made amongst them, before it could be brought to pass, as by the histories of both nations yet extant may be seen.  
In the time of Celestine bishop of Rome, 
Paladius.  who sa●e in the 423. of Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whom cyril wrote his dialog De adoratione in spiritu) and sometime disciple to john 24. 
The first attempt of the bishop of Rome to bring Scotland under his obedience.  bishop of jerusalem, came over from Rome into Britain, there to suppress the Pelagian heresy, which not a little molested the orthodoxes of that Island. And having done much good in the extinguishing of the aforesaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland, supposing no less, but after he had traveled somewhat in confutation of the Pelagians in those parts, he should easily persuade that crooked nation to admit and receive the rites of the church of Rome, as he would feign have done beforehand in the south. But as Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, 
Fastidius bishop of London.  and his Suffragans resisted him here; so did the Scotish prelate's withstand him there also in this behalf: howbeit, because of the authority of his commission, gravity of parsonage, and the great gift which he had in the vein of pleasant persuasion (whereby he drew the people after him, as Orpheus did the stones with his harp, and Hercules such as heard him by his tongue) they had him not only then in great admiration, but their successors also from time to time, and even now are contented (and the rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chief apostle, reckoning from his coming as from the faith received, 
Paladius accounted for the apostle of the Scots  which was in the 431. year of Christ, as the truth of their history doth very well confirm.  
Thus we see what religion hath from time to time been received in this Island, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our country. Howbeit as in process of time it was overshadowed, and corrupted with the dreams and fantastical imaginations of man, so it daily waxed worse & worse, till that it pleased God to restore the preaching of his gospel in our days, whereby the man of sin is now openly revealed, and the purity of the word once again brought to light, to the final overthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish adherents that honour him day and night to the uttermost of their power, yielding up their hearts as temples for him to dwell in, which rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the Holy-ghost, But such is their perverse ignorance (notwithstanding that Paul hath given warning of him already 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I said) the man of sin, and saying that he sitteth as God in the temple of God, showing himself in his challenge of power, as if he were God, under pretence of zeal unto true religion) that they will not give ear unto the truth, but rather shut their ears and their eyes from hearing and reading of the scriptures, because they will not be drawn out of his snares and bondage.  

Of the manifold conversions and alterations of the estate of the commonwealth of Britain, sithence the time of Samothes.  
THere is a certain period of kingdoms, of 430. years, in which commonly they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid season there is set a time of increase and decay, so we find that before the execution of God's purpose doth come to pass, in changing the estate of things, sundry tokens are sent, whereby warning is given, that without repentance he will come and visit our offences. This is partly verified by joachimus Camerarius, who in his first book De ostentis entreating of the same argument, telleth of a strange earthquake felt in Delos, which was never touched with any such plague before or after the overthrow of the Persians, given unto them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenly grew out of the face of the Pedacien prophetess, so often as the city was to be touched with any alteration and change. Name (saith he) descriptas esse divinitùs aetates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret, quibus finitis, praedici prius quàm existeret novationem in deterius eventuram rerum, quaeque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent. Emittuntur igitur cometae divinitus, & revocantur dum supra nos conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, etc. Plato referreth such changes as happen in commonwealths to a certain divine force that resteth hidden in sundry odd numbers, whereof their periods do consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight & measure, & that after an incomprehensible manner unto our frail & human capacity. Nevertheless, he appointed not these three to have the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to the force of number with Plato, much less than unto destiny with the Peripatetiks, but unto the divine providence and appointment of God, which only may be called destiny as S. Augustine saith, for of other destim● it is impiety to dream. Aristotle ascribing all events unto manifest causes precedent, doth scoff at Plato and his numbers in his book of commonwealths, and bringeth in sundry causes of the alteration of the state of things, which we may refer unto principals, as injury, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, contempt of religion and jews, and thereunto abundance of wealth in few, and great necessity and misery in many. But what soever Aristotle guesseth at these things by human reason as at the first causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sin, which being suffered and come to the full, is cut down by the justice of the high God, the chief cause of all, who foreseeing the wickedness of such as dwell on earth, doth constitute such a revolution of things in their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose, and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle doth deliver, are nothing else but the means which God useth to bring his purposes to pass; and yet they deserve the name of causes, in that they preceded those effects which follow them immediately. But in truth other than secondary or third causes no man can justly call them. Bodinus in his historical method, cap. 6. making a large discourse of the conversions of commonwealths, doth seem at the first to deny the force of number, but after a while he marveleth that no Grecian or Latin Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse of the excellency of such numbers as appertain to the estate of empires and kingdoms by exemplification in any one city or other. Hereby he showeth himself upon the sudden to alter his judgement, so that he setteth down certain numbers as fatal; 
〈…〉  to wit, six unto women, and seven and nine unto men, which (saith he) have Magnam in tota rerum natura potestatem, meaning as well in commonwealths and kingdoms from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies, for sickness, health, change of habitation, wealth, and loss, &c: and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth down sundry examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by the other, or division of greater numbers by either of them, or their concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his critical or judicial numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet never invented by him) again into the world. But we christians, in respecting of causes, have to look unto the original and great cause of all, and therefore we have not to lean unto these points in any wise as causes: for we know and confess that all things depend upon his providence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him. Nevertheless, I hope we may without offence examine how these assertions hold, so long as we use them rather as Indices than Causas mutationum. And therefore have I attempted to practise at this present the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our civil estate passed; and secondly, of the like in cases of religion; from the flood generally, and then after the first coming in of Samothes into our Isle, thereby somewhat to satisfy myself, and recreate the readers; but still protesting in the mean season that I utterly deny them to be any causes, or of themselves to work any effect at all in these things, as Bodinus would seem to uphold. As for those of other countries, I refer you to Aristotle's politics, and the eight of the commonwealth which Plato hath left unto us, thereby to be farther resolved, if you be desirous to look on them. In beginning therefore with my purpose; First because the flood of Noah was general, and therefore appertinent unto all, it shall not be amiss to begin with that, which was in the year 1656. after the creation of Adam, so that if you divide the same by nine, you shall find the quotient to fall out exactly with the 184. revolution of the same number. secondly, for so much as the confusion of tongues was the original cause of the dispersion of the people over the face of the whole earth, it shall not be amiss also to examine the same. Certes it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we divide therefore the said 133. by seven, you shall find the quotient 19 without any odds remaining. From hence also unto the coming of Samothes into Britain, or rather his laws given unto the Celts, and with them unto the Britons, in the second of his arrival in this land, we find by exact supputation 126. years, which being parted by nine or seven showeth such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtless I am the more willing to touch the time of his laws than his entrance, sith alteration of ordinances is the chief and principal token of change in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold not, sith he dispossessed none, neither encroached upon any. From Samothes unto the tyranny of Albion, are 335. years complete, so that he arrived here in the 335. or 48. septenary, which also concurreth with the 590. after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion continued but seven years, and then was the sovereignty of this isle restored again by Hercules unto the Celts. The next alteration of our estate openly known, happened by Brute, between whose time and death of Albion there passed full 601. years (for he spent much time after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that if you account him to come hither in the 602. you shall have 86. septenaries exactly. From Brute to the extinction of his posterity in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchy of Britain, are 630. years, or 70. novenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise period after this method or prescription, for many and divers considerations. The time of the pentarchy endured likewise 49. years, or seven septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought all the princes under his subjection, and ruled over them as monarch of this isle. After the pentarchy ended, we find again that in the 98. year, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, whereupon ensued cruel bloodshed between them. So that here you have 14. septenaries, as you have from those wars ended, which endured a full year & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the coming of Caesar into this Island (whereat our servitude and miserable thraldom to the Romans may worthily take his entrance) 48. or 336. years, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should imagine a more exact.  
After the coming of Caesar we have 54. or six novenaries to Christ, whose death and passion redoundeth generally to all that by firm and sure faith take hold of the same, and apply it unto their comfort. From the birth of Christ to our country delivered from the Roman yoke, are 446. years, at which time the Britain's chose them a king, and betook themselves to his obedience. But neither they nor their king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which daily made havoc of their country; the said Vortiger in the third years of his reign (which was the 63. septenary after Christ) did send for the Saxons, who arrived here in the 449. and 450. years of Grace, in great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end their entrances turned to our utter decay and ruin, in that they made a conquest of the whole isle, and drove us out of our livings. Hereby we see therefore how the preparative began in the 449. but how it was finished in the tenth novenarie, the sequel is too too plain. In like sort in the 43. novenarie or 387. after the coming of the Saxons, the Danes entered, who miserably afflicted this isle by the space of 182. years or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they established themselves in the kingdom by Canutus. But their time lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. year, and thus you see how these numbers do hold exactly unto the conquest. The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession of the Conqueror, which endured but 89. years, being extinguished in Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henry the second, although it lack one whole year of ten novenaries, which is a small thing, sith upon divers occasions the time of the execution of any accident may be prevented or prorogued, as in direction and progression astronomical is often times perceived. From hence to the infamous excommunication of England in king john's days, whereupon ensued the resignation of his crowns and dominions to the pope, are eight septenaries or 56. years. Thence again to the deposition of Richard. 2. and usurpation of Henry 4. are 77. years or 11. septenaries. From hence to the conspiracy made against Edward. 2. after which he was deposed & murdered are 117. years, or 13. novenaries. From hence to the beginning of the quarrel between the houses of York and Lancaster (wherein four score and odd persons of the blood royal were slain and made away first and last, and which wars begun in the 1448. and the year after the death of the Duke of Gloucester, whose murder seemed to make free passage to the said broil) are 72. years or eight novenaries. From hence to the translation of the crown from the house of Lancaster to that of York, in Edward the 4 are 14. years or two septenaries, and last of all to the union of the said houses in Henry the eight, is an exact quadrat of seven multiplied in itself, or 49. years, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.  
Now as concerning religion, we have from Christ to the faith first preached in Britain (by josephus ab Aramathia, and Simon zealots) as some writ 70. years or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptism of Lucius, and his nobility in the year after their conversion, 12. novenaries or 108. years. After these the Saxons entered and changed the state of religion for the most part into paganism, in the year 449. 39 novenarie, and 273. year after Lucius had been baptized, which is 39 septenaries, if I be not deceived. In the 147. or 21. septenary, Augustine came, who brought in popery, which increased and continued till Wicklif with more boldness than any other began to preach the gospel, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. years after the coming of Augustine, and yield 85. novenaries exactly. From hence again to the expulsion of the pope 175 years, 
Henry. 8.  or 25. septenaries, thence to the receiving of the pope and popish doctrine 21. 
Marie.  years or 3. septenaries, whereunto I would add the time of restoring the gospel by Queen Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full year of 7. Whereby we may well gather, that if there be any hidden mystery or thing contained in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not unto the divine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and free mercy unto the penitent, unto which neither number weight nor measure shall be able to aspire.    

Of such islands as are to be seen upon the coasts of Britain. Cap. 10.  
THere are near unto, or not very far from the coasts of Britain many fair islands, whereof Ireland with her neighbours (not here handled) seem to be the chief. But of the rest, some are much larger or less than other, divers in like sort environed continually with the salt sea (whereof I purpose only to entreat, although not a few of them be islands but at the flood) and other finally be clipped partly by the fresh and partly by the salt water, or by the fresh alone, whereof I may speak afterward.  
Of these salt islands (for so I call them that are environed with the Ocean waves) some are fruitful in wood, corn, wild foul, and pasture ground for cattle, albeit that many of them be accounted barren, because they are only replenished with coneys, and those of sundry colours (cherished of purpose by the owners, for their skins or carcases in their provision of household) without either man or woman otherwise inhabiting in them. Furthermore, the greatest number of these islands have towns and parish-churches, within their several precincts, some more, some less: and beside all this, are so enriched with commodities, that they have pleasant havens, fresh springs, great store of fish, and plenty of cattle, whereby the inhabitants do reap no small advantage. How many they are in number I cannot as yet determine, because mine informations are not so fully set down, as the promises of some on the one side, & mine expectation on the other did extend unto. Howbeit, first of all that there are certain which lie near together, as it were by heaps and clusters, I hope none will readily deny. Of these also those called the Nesiadae, 
Nesiadae,  Insulae 
Insulae  Scylurum, 
Scylurum,  Silcustrae, 
Silcustrae.  Syllanae, 
Syllanae.  now the Sorlings, 
Sorlingae.  and Isles of Silley, 
Sylley.  lying beyond Cornwall are one, and confe●eth in number one hundredth forty and seven (each of them bearing grass) besides shelves and shallows. In like sort the company of the Hebr●des 
Hebrides.  in old time subject unto Ireland are another, 
Hebudes.  which are said to be 43. situate upon the west side of this jand, 
Mevaniae.  between Ireland & Scotland, and of which there are some that repute Anglesei, 
Orchades.  Mona Caesaris, and other lying between them to be parcel, in their corrupted judgement. The third cluster or bunch consisteth of those that are called the Orchades, and these lie upon the northwest point of Scotland, being 31. alias 28. in number, as for the rest they lie scattered here and there, and yet not to be untouched as their courses shall come about. There are also the 18. Shetland Iles, and other yet farther distant from them, of which john Frobuser I doubt not touched upon some in his voyage to Meta Incognita: but for somuch as I must speak of the Shetlands hereafter, I do not mean to spend any time about them as yet.  
There have been divers that have written of purpose, De insulis Britanniae, as Caesar doth confess. The like also may be seen by Plutarch, who nameth one Demetrius a Britain, that should set forth an exact treatise of each of them in order, and among other tell of certain desert Isles beyond Scotland dedicated to sundry gods and goddesses, but of one especially, where Briareus should hold Saturn and many other spirits fast bound with the chains of an heavy sleep, as he heard, of which some die now and then, by mean whereof the air becometh marvelously troubled, &c: as you may see in Plutarch De cessatione oraculorum, etc. But sith those books are now perished, and the most of the said islands remain utterly unknown, even to our own selves (for who is able in our time to say where is Glota, Hiverion, Etta, Iduna, Armia, Aesarea, Barsa, Isiandium, Icdelis, Xantisma, Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis, Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia, & c? whose names only are lest in memory by ancient writers, but I say their places not so much as heard of in our days) I mean (God willing) to set down so many of them with their commodities, as I do either know by Leland, or am otherwise instructed of by such as are of credit. Herein also I will touch at large those that are most famous, and briefly pass over such as are obscure and unknown, making mine entrance at the Thames mouth, and directing this imagined course (for I never sailed it) by the south part of the Island into the west. From thence in like sort I will proceed into the north, & come about again by the east side into the fall of the aforesaid stream, where I will strike sail, and safely be set a shore, that have often in this voyage wanted water, but oftener been set a ground, especially on the Scotish side.  
In beginning therefore, with such as lie in the mouth of the aforesaid river, I must needs pass by the How, 
Hoo.  which is not an Island, and therefore not within the compass of my description at this time, but almost an Island, which parcels the Latins call Peninsulas, and I do english a Byland, using the word for such as a man may go into drie-footed at the full sea, or on horseback at the low water without any boat or vessel: and such a one almost is Rochfort hundred in Essex also, yet not at this time to be spoken of, because not the sea only but the fresh water also doth in manner environ it, and is the chief occasion wherefore it is called an Island. This How lieth between Cliff (in old time called Clovesho, to wit, Cliff in How or in the hundred of How) & the midway that goeth along by Rochester, of which hundred there goeth an old proverb in rhyme after this manner: 
He that rideth into the hundred of How,  
Beside pilfering seamen shall find dirt enough.   
Next unto this we have the Greane, 
Greane.  wherein is a town of the same denomination, an isle supposed to be four miles in length, and two in breadth. Then come we to Shepey, 
Shepey.  which Ptolemy calleth Counos, containing seven miles in length, and three in breadth, wherein is a castle called Quinborow, and a park, beside four towns, of which one is named Minster, another Eastchurch, the third Warden, and the fourth Leyden: the whole soil being throughly fed with sheep, very well woodded, and (as I hear) belongeth to the Lord Cheyney, as parcel of his inheritance. It lieth thirteen miles by water from Rochester, but the castle is fifteen, and by south thereof are two small islands, 
Elmesie. Heresy.  whereof the one is called Elmesie, and the more easterly Hertesie. In this also is a town called hearty, or Hearty, and all in the Lath of Scraie, notwithstanding that Hearty lieth in the hundred of Feversham, and Shepey retaineth one especial Bailie of her own.  
From hence we pass by the Reculuers (or territory belonging in time passed to one Raculphus, who erected an house of religion, or some such thing there) unto a little Island in the Stoure mouth. Hereupon also the Thanet abutteth, 
Srureey. Thanet.  which Ptolemy calleth Toliapis, other Athanatos, because serpents are supposed not to live in the same, howbeit sith it is not environed with the sea, it is not to be dealt withal as an Island in this place, albeit I will not let to borrow of my determination, and describe it as I go, because it is so fruitful. Beda noteth it in times past to have contained 600. families, which are all one with Hidelands, 
* In Lincolnshire the word Hid or hideland, was never in use in old time as in other places, but for Hid they used the word Carucate or ●artware, or Teme, and these were of no less compass than an Hideland.  Ploughlands, Carrucates, or Temewares'. He addeth also that it is divided from our continent, by the river called Wantsume, which is about three furlongs broad, and to be passed over in two places only. But whereas Polydore saith, the Thanet is nine miles in length & not much less in breadth, it is now reckoned that it hath not much above seven miles from Nordtmuth to Sandwich, and four in breadth, from the Stoure to Margate, or from the south to the north, the circuit of the whole being 17. or 18. as Leland also noteth. This Island hath no wood growing in it except it be forced, and yet otherwise it is very fruitful, and beside that it wanteth few other commodities, 
Ex Hugone le blanc Monacho Petrob●●gensi.  the finest chalk is said to be found there. Herein also did Augustine the monk first arrive, when he came to convert the Saxons, and afterward in process of time, sundry religious houses were erected there, as in a soil much bettered (as the superstitious supposed) by the steps of that holy man, & such as came over with him. There are at this time 10. parish churches at the least in the isle of Thanet, as S. Nicholas, Birchington, S. john's, Wood or Woodchurch, S. peter's, S. Laurence, Mownton or Monkeron, Minster, S. Gyles, and all Saints, whereof M. Lambert hath written at large in his description of Kent, and placed the same in the Lath of saint Augustine and hundred of Kingslow, as may easily be seen to him that will peruse it.  
Sometime Rutupium or (as Beda calleth it) Reptacester, 
Rutupium.  stood also in this Island, but now through alteration of the channel of the Dour, it is shut quite out, and annexed to the main. It is called in these days Richborow, and as it should seem builded upon an indifferent soil or high ground. The large bricks also yet to be seen there, in the ruinous walls, declare either the Roman or the old British workmanship. But as time decayeth all things, so Rutupium named Ruptimuth is now become desolate, and out of the dust thereof Sandwich producted, which standeth a full mile from the place where Reptacester stood. The old writers affirm, how Arthur & Mordred fought one notable battle here, wherein Gwallon or Gawan was slain; at which time the said rebel came against his sovereign with 70000. Picts, Scots, Irish, Norwegiens, &c: and with Ethelbert the first christian king of Kent did hold his palace in this town, and yet none of his coin hath hitherto been found there, as is daily that of the Romans, whereof many pieces of silver and gold, so well as of brass, copper, and other metal have often been showed unto me. It should appear in like sort, that of this place, all the whole coast of Kent thereabout was called Littus Rutupinum, which some do not a little confirm by these words of Lucan, to be read in his sixth book soon after the beginning▪ 
Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupinàque littora fervent,  
unda Calidonios fallit turbata Britannos.  
Or when the wandering seas  
and Kentish coasts do work,  
And Calidons of British blood, 
The last verse of one couple and first of an other.   
the troubled waves beguile.   
Meaning in like sort by the latter, the coast near Andredeswald, which in time past was called Littus Calidonium of that wood or forest, as Leland also confirmeth. But as it is not my mind to deal any thing curiously in these by-matters, so in returning again to my purpose, and taking my journey toward the Wight, I must needs pass by Selesey, which sometime (as it should seem) hath been a noble Island, 
Seolesey of Seles there taken.  but now in manner a Byland or Peninsula, wherein the chief see of the bishop of Chichester was holden by the space of three hundred twenty nine years, and under twenty bishops.  
Next unto this, we come unto those that lie between the Wight and the main land, of which the most easterly is called Thorn, 
thorn.  and to say truth, the very lest of all that are to be found in that knot. Being past the Thorn, we touched upon the Haling, which is bigger than the Thorn, and wherein one town is situate of the same denomination beside another, whose name I remember not. 
Haling.  By west also of the Haling lieth the Port (the greatest of the three already mentioned) and in this standeth Portsmouth and Ringstéed, whereof also our Leland, saith thus: Port isle is cut from the shore by an arm of the main haven, which breaketh out about three miles above Portsmouth, and goeth up two miles or more by morish ground to a place called Portbridge, 
Port.  which is two miles from Portsmouth. Then breaketh there out another creek from the main sea, about avant haven, which gulleth up almost to Portbridge, and thence is the ground dissevered, so that Portsmouth standeth in a corner of this isle, which Island is in length six miles, and three miles in breadth, very good for grass and corn, not without some wood, and here and there enclosure. Beside this, there is also another Island north northwest of Port I'll, which is now so worn and washed away with the working of the sea, that at the spring tides it is wholly covered with water, and thereby made unprofitable. Finally being past all these, and in compassing this gulf, we come by an other, which lieth north of Hirst castle, & southeast of kay haven, whereof I find nothing worthy to be noted, saving that it wanteth wood, as Ptolemy affirmeth in his Geographical tables of all those islands which environ our Albion.  
The Wight is called in Latin Vectis, 
Wight. Guidh.  but in the British speech Guidh, that is to say, Eefe or easy to be seen, or (as D. Caius saith) separate, because that by a breach of the sea, it was once divided from the main, as Sicilia was also from Italy, Anglesei from Wales, Foulness from Essex, & Quinborow from Kent. It lieth distant from the south shore of Britain (where it is farthest off) by five miles & a half, but where it cometh nearest, not passing a thousand paces, and this at the cut over between Hirst castle and a place called Whetwell chine, as the inhabitants do report. It containeth in length twenty miles, and in breadth ten, it hath also the north pole elevated by 50. degrees and 27. minutes, and is only 18. degrees in distance, and 50. odd minutes from the west point, as experience hath confirmed, contrary to the description of Ptolemy, and such as follow his assertions in the same. In form, it representeth almost an egg, and so well is it inhabited with mere English at this present, that there are thirty six towns, villages and castles to be found therein, be side 27. parish-churches, of which 15. or 16. have their Parsons, the rest either such poor Vicars or Curates, as the livings left are able to sustain. The names of the parishes in the Wight are these.  

1 Newport, a chap.  
2 Cairsbrosie. v.  
3 Northwood.  
4 Arriun. v.  
5 Goddeshill. v.  
6 Whitwell.  
7 S. Laurence. p.  
8 Nighton. p.  
9 Brading. v.  
10 Newchurch. v.  
11 S. Helen. v.  
12 Yaverland. p.  
13 Calborne. p.  
14 Bonechurch. p.  
15 Mottesson. p. 
P. signifieth parsonages, U. vicarages.   
16 Yarmouth. p.  
17 Thorley. v.  
18 Shalflete. v.  
19 Whippingham. p.  
20 Wootton. p.  
21 Chale. p.  
22 Kingston. p.  
23 Shorwell. p.  
24 Gatrombe. p.  
25 Brosie.  
26 Brixston. p.  
27 Bensted. p.   
It belongeth for temporal jurisdiction to the county of Hamshire, but in spiritual cases it yieldeth obedience to the see of Winchester, whereof it is a deanery. As for the soil of the whole Island, it is very fruitful, for notwithstanding the shore of itself be very full of rocks and craggy cliffs, yet there wanteth no plenty of cattle, corn, pasture, meadow ground, wild foul, fish, fresh rivers, and pleasant woods, whereby the inhabitants may live in ease and welfare. It was first ruled by a several king, and afterwards won from the Britons by Vespasian the legate, at such time as he made a voyage into the west country. In process of time also it was gotten from the Romans by the kings of Sussex, who held the sovereignty of the same, and kept the king thereof under tribute, till it was won also from them, in the time of Athelwold, the eight king of the said south region, by Ceadwalla, who killed Aruald that reigned there, and reserved the sovereignty of that I'll to himself and his successors for evermore. At this time also there were 1200. families in that Island, whereof the said Ceadwalla gave 300 to Wilfride sometime bishop of York, exhorting him to erect a church there, and preach the gospel also to the inhabitants thereof, which he in like manner performed, but according to the precriptions of the church of Rome, whereunto he yielded himself vassal and feudary: so that this isle by Wilfride was first converted to the faith, though the last of all other that hearkened unto the word. After Ceadwalla, Woolfride the parricide was the first Saxon prince that adventured to fly into the Wight for his safeguard, whither he was driven by Kenwalch of the Westsaxons, who made great wars upon him, and in the end compelled him to go into this place for succour, as did also king john, in the rebellious stir of his Barons, practised by the clergy: the said Island being as then in possession of the Forts, as some do write that have handled it of purpose. The first Earl of this Island that I do read of, was one Baldwijne de Betoun, who married for his second wife, the daughter of William le gross Earl of Awmarle; but he dying without issue by this lady, she was married the second time to Earl Maundevile, and thirdly to William de Forts, who finished Skipton castle, which his wives father had begun about the time of king Richard the first. Hereby it came to pass also, that the Forts were Earls of Awmarle, Wight, and Devonshire a long time, till the lady Elizabeth Forts, sole heir to all those possessions came to age, with whom king Edward the third so prevailed through money & fair words, that he got the possession of the Wight wholly into his hands, & held it to himself & his successors, until Henry the sixth, about the twentieth of his reign, crowned Henry Beauchamp son to the lord Richard Earl of Warwick king thereof and of jardesey and Gardesey with his own hands, and thereunto gave him a commendation of the Duchy of Warwick with the titles of Comes comitum Angliae, lord Spenser of Aburgavenie, and of the castle of Bristol (which castle was sometime taken from his ancestors by king john) albeit he did not long enjoy these great honours, sith he died 1446. without issue, and seven years after his father.  
After we be passed the Wight, we go forward and come unto Poole haven, wherein is an isle, called Brunt Keysy, 
Brunt Keysy.  in which was sometime a parish church, and but a chapel at this present, as I hear. There are also two other Isles, but as yet I know not their names.  
We have (after we are passed by these) another I'll, or rather Byland also upon the coast named Portland not far from Waymouth or the Gowy, 
Portland.  a pretty fertile piece though without wood, of ten miles in circuit, now well inhabited, but much better heretofore, and yet are there about four score households in it. There is but one street of houses therein, the rest are dispersed, howbeit they belong all to one parish-church, whereas in time passed there were two within the compass of the same. There is also a castle of the kings, who is lord of the isle, although the bishop of Winchester be patron of the church, the parsonage whereof is the fairest house in all the piece. The people there are no less excellent stingers of stones than were the Baleares, who would never give their children their dinners till they had gotten the same with their stings, and therefore their parents used to hang their meat very high upon some bough, to the end that he which strake it down might only have it, whereas such as miss were sure to go without it, Florus lib. 3. cap. 8. Which feat the Portlands' use for the defence of their Island, and yet otherwise are very covetous. And whereas in time passed they lived only by fishing, now they fall to tillage. Their fire boat is brought out of the Wight, and other places, yet do they burn much cow dung dried in the sun, for there is I say no wood in the isle, except a few elms that be about the church. There would some grow there, no doubt, if they were willing to plant it, although the soil lie very bleak and open. It is not long since this was united to the main, and likely yer long to be cut off again.  
Being past this we raise another, also in the mouth of the Gowy, between Colsford and Lime, of which for the smallness thereof I make no great account. Wherefore giving over to entreat any farther of it, 
jardsey.  I cast about to jardsey, and Gardesey, 
Gardesey.  which Isles with their appurtenances appertained in times passed to the Dukes of Normandy, but now they remain to our Queen, as parcel of Hamshire and jurisdiction of Winchester, & belonging to her crown, by means of a composition made between K. john of England and the K. of France, when the dominions of the said prince began so fast to decrease, as Thomas Sulmo saith.  
Of these two, 
jardsey.  jardsey is the greatest, an Island having thirty miles in compass, as most men do conjecture. There are likewise in the same twelve parish-churches, with a college, which hath a Dean and prebend's. It is distant from Gardsey full 21. miles, or thereabouts, and made notable, by means of a bloody fact done there in Queen Mary's days, whereby a woman called Perotine Massy wife unto an honest minister or priest, being great with child by her husband, was burned to ashes: through the exceeding cruelty of the Dean and Chapter, then contending manifestly against God for the maintenance of their popish and antichristian kingdom. In this her execution, and at such time as the fire caught hold of her womb, her belly broke, and there issued a goodly manchild from her, with such force that it fell upon the cold ground quite beyond the heat and fury of the flame, which quickly was taken up and given from one tormentor and adversary to an other to look upon, whose eyes being after a while satisfied with the beholding thereof, 
Horrible murder.  they threw it unto the carcase of the mother which burned in the fire, whereby the poor innocent was consumed to ashes, whom that furious element would gladly have left untouched, 
Gardsey.  & whereunto it ministered (as you hear) an hurtless passage. In this latter also, there have been in times past, five religious houses, and nine castles, howbeit in these days there is but one parish-church lest standing in the same. There are also certain other small islands, which Henry the second in his donation calleth Insulettas', beside very many rocks whereof one called S. Hilaries 
S. Hilaries.  (wherein sometime was a monastery) is fast upon jardsey, another is named the Cornet, 
Cornet.  which hath a castle not passing an arrow shot from Gardsey. 
Serke.  The Serke also is between both, which is six miles about, and hath another annexed to it by an Isthmus or Strictland, wherein was a religious house, & therewithal great store of coneys.  
There is also the Brehoc, 
Brehoc.  the Gytho, 
Gytho.  and the Herme, 
Herme.  which latter is four miles in compass, and therein was sometime a Canonrie, that afterward was converted into an house of franciscans. There are two other likewise near unto that of S. Hilary, of whose names I have no notice. There is also the rocky I'll of Burhoo, 
Burhoo, alias the isle of rats.  but now the isle of rats, so called of the huge plenty of rats that are found there, though otherwise it be replenished with infinite store of coneys, between whom and the rats, as I conjecture, the same which we call Turkey coneys, 
Turkey coneys.  are oftentimes produced among those few houses that are to be seen in this Island. Some are of the opinion that there hath been more store of building in this isle than is at this present to be seen, & that it became abandoned through multitudes of rats, but hereof I find no perfect warrantise that I may safely trust unto, yet in other places I read of the like thing to have happened, as in Gyara of the Cyclades, where the rats increased so fast that they drauc away the people. Varro speaketh of a town in Spain that was overthrown by coneys. The Abderits were driven out of Thracia by the increase of mice & frogs; and so many coneys were there on a time in the Isles Maiorca and Minorca (now pertaining to Spain) that the people began to starve for want of bread, and their cattle for lack of grass. And because the Islanders were not able to overcome them, Augustus was constrained to send an army of men to destroy that needless brood. Plin. lib. 8. cap. 55. A town also in France sometime became desolate only by frogs and toads. Another in Africa by locusts and also by grasshoppers, as Amicla was by snakes and adders. 
Causes of the desolation of sundry cities and towns.  Theophrast telleth of an whole country consumed by the palmerworm, which is like unto an huge caterpillar. Pliny writeth of a province upon the borders of Aethiopia made void of people by ants and scorpions, and how the citizens of Megara in Grecia were feign to leave that city through multitudes of bees, as wasps had almost driven the Ephensians out of Ephesus. But this of all other (whereof Aelianus entreateth) is most wonderful, that when the Cretenses were chased out of a famous city of their Island by infinite numbers of bees, the said bees converted their houses into hives, and made large combs in them which reached from wall to wall, wherein they reserved their honey. Which things being duly considered, I do not deny the possibility of the expulsion of the inhabitants out of the isle of Burho by rats, although I say that I do not warrant the effect, because I find it not set down directly in plain words.  
Beside this there is moreover the isle of Alderney a very pretty plot, 
Alderney.  about seven miles in compass, wherein in a priest not long since did find a coffin of stone, in which lay the body of an huge giant, whose fore teeth were so big as a man's fist, as Leland doth report. 
Comment.  Certes this to me is no marvel at all, 
Brit.  sith I have read of greater, and mentioned them already in the beginning of this book. Such a tooth also have they in Spain whereunto they go in pilgrimage as unto S. Christopher's tooth, but it was one of his eye teeth, if Ludovicus vives say true, who went thither to offer unto the same. S. August. de civit. lib. 15. cap. 9 writeth in like sort, of such another found upon the coast of Utica, and thereby gathereth that all men in time past were not only far greater than they be now, but also the giants far exceeding the huge stature and height of the highest of them all. 
Iliad. 6.  Homer complaineth that men in his time were but dwarves in comparison of such as lived in the wars of Troy. See his fift Iliad, where he speaketh of Diomedes, 
Iliad 5. & 7.  and how he threw a stone at Aeneas, (which 14. men of his time were not able to stir) and therewith did hit him on the thigh and overthrew him. Virgil also noteth no less, in his own devise, 
Virgilius Aen. 12.  but Juvenal briefly comprehendeth all this in his 15. Satya, where he saith: 
Saxa inclinatis per humum quaesita lacertis  
Incipiunt torquere, domestica seditione  
Tela, nec hunc lapidem, quali se Turnus, & ajax,  
Et quo Tytides percussit pondere coxam  
Aeneae: sed quem valeant emittere dextrae  
Illis dissimiles, & nostro tempore nata.  
Nam genus hoc vivo iam decrescebat Homero,  
Terra malos homines nunc educat, atque pusillos,  
Ergo Deus quicunque aspexit, ridet, & odit.   
But to return again unto the isle of Alderney, from whence I have digressed. Herein also is a pretty town with a parish-church, great plenty of corn, cattle, coneys, and wild foul, whereby the inhabitants do reap much gain and commodity: only wood is their want, which they otherwise supply. The language also of such as dwell in these Isles, is French; but the wearing of their hair long, & the attire of those that lived in Gardsey and jardsey, until the time of king Henry the eight, was all after the Irish guise. The I'll of Gardsey also was sore spoiled by the French 1371. and left so desolate, that only one castle remained therein untouched.  
Beyond this, and near unto the coast of England (for these do lie about the very midst of the British sea) we have one Island called the Bruch or the Bruchsey, 
Bruchsey.  lying about two miles from Pool, whither men sail from the Fromouth, and wherein is nought else, but an old chapel, without any other housing.  
Next to this also are certain rocks, which some take for Isles, as Illeston rock near unto peritory, Horestan I'll a mile from peritory by south, Black rock I'll southeast from peritory toward Teygnemouth, and also Chester, otherwise called Plegimundham: but how (to say truth) or where this latter lieth, I cannot make report as yet, nevertheless sith Leland noteth them together, I think it not my part to make separation of them.  
From hence the next Isle is called Mount. Island, 
Mount Island.  otherwise Mowtland, situate over against Lough, about two miles from the shore, and well near three miles in compass. This Island hath no inhabitants, but only the warrenner and his dog, who looketh unto the coneys there: notwithstanding that upon the coast thereof in time of the year, great store of pilchards is taken, and carried from thence into many places of our country. It hath also a fresh well coming out of the rocks, which is worthy to be noted in so small a compass of ground. Moreover in the mouth of the creek that leadeth unto Lough, or Loow, as some call it, there is another little Island of about eight acres of ground called S. Nicholas I'll, 
S. Nicholas Island.  and midway between Falmouth and Dudman (a certain Promontory is such another named the Grief, 
Grief.  wherein is great store of gulls & sea foul. As for Inis Prynin, 
Inis Prynin.  it lieth within the Bay, about three miles from Lizards, and containeth not above two acres of ground, from which Newltjn is not far distant, and wherein is a poor fisher-towne and a fair wellspring, whereof as yet no writer hath made mention. After these (omitting Pendinant in the point of Falmouth haven) we came at last to saint Michael's mount, 
S. Michael's mount.  whereof I find this description ready to my hand in Leland.  
The compass of the root of the mount of saint Michael is not much more than half a mile, and of this the south part is pasturable and breedeth coneys, the residue high and rocky soil. In the north side thereof also is a garden, with certain houses and shops for fishermen. Furthermore, the way to the mountain lieth at the north side, and is frequented from half ebb to half flood, the entrance beginning at the foot of the hill, and so ascending by steps and greeces westward, first; and then eastward to the utter ward of the church. Within the same ward also is a court strongly walled, wherein on the south side is a chapel of S. Michael, and in the east side another of our lady. Many times a man may come to the hill on foot. On the north northwest side hereof also, is a Pier for boats and ships, and in the Bay betwixt the mount and Pensardz are seen at the low water mark, divers roots and stubs of trees, beside hewn stone, sometimes of doors & windows, which are perceived in the inner part of the Bay, and import that there hath not only been building, but also firm ground, whereas the salt water doth now rule and bear the mastery. Beyond this is an other little I'll, called S. Clement's Isle, of a chapel there dedicated to that saint. 
S. Clements I'll.  It hath a little from it also the isle called Mowshole, which is not touched in any Chard. As for Mowshole itself, it is a town of the main, called in Cornish Port Enis, that is, Portus insulae, whereof the said Isle taketh denomination, and in tin works near unto the same there hath been found of late, spear heads, battle axes, and swords of copper wrapped up in linen, and scarcely hurt with rust or other hindrance. Certes the sea hath won very much in this corner of our Island, but chiefly between Mowshole and Pensardz.  
Having thus passed over very near all such Isles, as lie upon the south coast of Britain, and now being come unto the west part of our country, a sudden Pirie cat●heth hold of us (as it did before, when we went to jardsey) and carrieth us yet more westerly among the flats of Sylley. Such force doth the southeast wind often show upon poor travelers in those parts, 
Sylley Iles or Syl.  as the south and south-west doth upon strangers against the British coast, that are not skilful of our roads and harborowes. Howbeit such was our success in this voyage, that we feared no rocks, more than did king Athelstane, when he subdued them (and soon after builded a college of priests at S. Burien, in performance of his vow made when he enterprised this voyage for his safe return) nor any tempest of weather in those parts that could annoy our passage. Perusing therefore the perils whereinto we were pitifully plunged, we found the Syllane islands (places often rob by the Frenchmen and Spaniards) to lie distant from the point of Cornwall, about three or four hours sailing, or twenty English miles, as some men do account it. There are of these (as I said) to the number of one hundredth forty seven in sight, whereof each one is greater or less than other, and most of them sometime inhabited: howbeit, there are twenty of them, which for their greatness and commodities exceed all the rest. Thereto (if you respect their position) they are situate in manner of a circle or ring, having an huge lake or portion of the sea in the midst of them, which is not without peril to such as with small advisement enter into the same. Certes it passeth my cunning, either to name or to describe all these one hundredth forty seven, according to their estate; neither have I had any information of them, more than I have gathered by Leland, or gotten out of a map of their description, which I had sometime of Reginald Wolf: wherefore omitting as it were all the rags, and such as are not worthy to have any time spent about their particular descriptions, I will only touch the greatest, and those that lie together (as I said) in manner of a roundle.  
The first and greatest of these therefore, 
S. Maries I'll.  called S. Mary's Isle, is about five miles over, or nine miles in compass. Therein also is a parish-church, and a poor town belonging thereto, of threescore households, beside a castle, plenty of corn, coneys, wild swans, puffens, gulls, crane's, & other kinds of foul, in great abundance. This fertile Island being thus viewed, we sailed southwards by the Norman rock, and S. Mary's sound unto Agnus I'll, which is six miles over, 
Agnus I'll.  and hath in like sort one town or parish within the same of five or six households, beside no small store of hogs & coneys of sundry colours, very profitable to their owners. It is not long since this isle was left desolate, for when the inhabitants thereof returned from a feast holden in S. Mary's Isle, they were all drowned, and not one person left alive. There are also two other small islands, between this and the Annot, whereof I find nothing worthy relation: for as both of them joined together are not comparable to the said Annot 
Annot.  for greatness and circuit, so they want both hogs and coneys, whereof Annot hath great plenty. There is moreover the Minwisand, 
Minwisand.  from whence we pass by the Smithy sound 
Smithy sound.  (leaving three little islands on the left hand, unto the Suartigan 
Suartigan.  Island, then to Rousuian, 
Rousuian.  Rousuiar, 
Rousuiar.  and the Cregwin, 
Cregwin.  which seven are (for the most part) replenished with coneys only, and wild garlic, but void of wood & other commodities, saving of a short kind of grass, or here & there some firzes whereon their coneys do feed.  
Leaving therefore these desert pieces, we incline a little toward the northwest, where we stumble or run upon Moncarthat, 
Moncarthat.  Inis Welseck, 
Inis Welseck.  & Suethiall. 
Suethiall.  We came in like sort unto Rat Island, 
Rat Island.  wherein are so many monstrous rats, that if any horses, or other beasts, happen to come thither, or be left there by negligence but one night, they are sure to be devoured & eaten up, without all hope of recovery. There is moreover the Anwall 
Anwall.  and the Brier, 
Brier.  islands in like sort void of all good furniture, coneys only excepted, and the Brier (wherein is a village, castle, and parish-church) bringeth forth no less store of hogs, and wild foul, than Rat Island doth of rats, whereof I greatly marvel.  
By north of the Brier, lieth the Rusco, 
Rusco.  which hath a Label or Byland stretching out toward the south-west, called Inis widdon. 
Inis widdom.  This Rusco is very near so great as that of S. Mary's. It hath moreover an hold, and a parish within it, beside great store of coneys and wild foul, whereof they make much gain in due time of the year. Next unto this we come to the Round Island, 
Round Island.  which is about a mile over, then to S. Lides 
S. Lides.  Island, (wherein is a parish-church dedicated to that Saint, beside coneys, wood, and wild foul, of which two later there is some indifferent store) the Notho, 
Notho.  the Auing, 
Auing.  (one of them being situate by south of another, and the Auing half a mile over, which is a just half less than the Notho) and the Tyan, 
Tyan.  which later is a great Island, furnished with a parish-church, and no small plenty of coneys as I hear. 
S. Martin's.  After the Tyan we come to S. Martin's Isle, wherein is a fair town, the isle itself being next unto the Rusco for greatness, and very well furnished with coneys & fresh springs. Also betwixt this and S. Mary's, are ten other, smaller, which reach out of the north-east into the south-west, as Knolworth, 
Knolworth.  Snivilliver, 
Snivilliver.  Menwetham, 
Menwethan.  Vollis. 1. 
Vollis. 1.  Surwihe, 
Surwihe.  Vollis. 2. 
Vollis. 2.  Arthur's 
Arthur's Isle.  Island, Guiniliver, 
Guiniliver.  Nenech 
Nenech.  and Gothrois, 
Gothrois.  whose estates are divers: howbeit as no one of these is to be accounted great in comparison of the other, so they all yield a short grass meet for sheep and coneys, as do also the rest. In the greater Isles likewise (whose names are commonly such as those of the towns or churches standing in the same) there are (as I here) sundry lakes, and those never without great plenty of wild foul, so that the Isles of Sylley, are supposed to be no less beneficial to their lords, than any other what soever, within the compass of our Isle, or near unto our coasts. In some of them also are wild swine. 
Wild swine in Sylley.  And as these Isles are supposed to be a notable safeguard to the coast of Cornwall, so in diverse of them great store of tin is likewise to be found. There is in like manner such plenty of fish taken among these same, that beside the feeding of their swine withal, a man shall have more there for a penny, than in London for ten groats. Howbeit their chief commodity is made by Reigh, which they dry, cut in pieces, and carry over into little Britain, where they exchange it there, for salt, canvas, ready money, or other merchandise which they do stand in need of. A like trade have some of them also, with Buckhorne or dried whiting, as I hear. But sith the author of this report did not flatly avouch it, I pass over that fish as not in season of this time. Thus have we viewed the richest and most wealthy Isles of Sylley, from whence we must direct our course eastwards, unto the mouth of the Sauerne, and then go back again unto the west point of Wales, continuing still our voyage along upon the west coast of Britain, till we come to the Soluey whereat the kingdoms part, & from which forth on we must touch such islands as lie upon the west and north shore, till we be come again unto the Scotish sea, and to our own dominions.  
From the point of Cornwall therefore, or promontory of Helenus 
Helenus.  (so called, as some think, because Helenus the son of Priamus 
Priamus.  who arrived here with Brute lieth buried there, except the sea have washed away his sepulchre) until we come unto the mouth of Sauerne, we have none islands at all that I do know or hear of, but one little Byland, Cape or Peninsula, which is not to be counted of in this place. And yet sith I have spoken of it, you shall understand, that it is called Pendinas, and beside that the compass thereof is not above a mile, this is to be remembered farther thereof, how there standeth a Pharos or light therein, for ships which sail by those coasts in the night. There is also at the very point of the said Pendinas, 
Pendinas'.  a chapel of saint Nicholas, beside the church of saint ja, an Irish woman saint. It belonged of late to the Lord Brooke, but now (as I guess) the Lord Mountioy enjoyeth it. There is also a blockhouse, and a peer in the eastside thereof, but the peer is sore choked with sand, as is the whole shore furthermore from S. Ies unto S. Carantokes, insomuch that the greatest part of this Byland is now covered with sands, which the sea casteth up, and this calamity hath endured little above fifty years, as the inhabitants do affirm.  
There are also two rocks near unto Tredwy, and another not far from Tintagell, all which many of the common sort do repute and take for Isles: wherefore as one desirous to note all, I think it not best that these should be omitted: but to proceed. When we be come further, I mean unto the Sauerne mouth, we meet the two Holmes, of which one is called Stepholme, and the other Flatholme, of their forms being in deed parcels of ground and low soils fit for little else than to bear grass for cattle, whereof they take those names. For Holme is an old Saxon word, applied to all such places. Of these also Stepholme lieth south of the Flatholme, about four or five miles; the first also a mile and an half, the other two miles or thereabout in length; but neither of them a mile and an half in breadth, where they do seem to be the broadest.  
It should seem by some that they are not worthy to be placed among islands: yet othersome are of opinion, that they are not altogether so base, as to be reputed amongst flats or rocks: but whatsoever they be, this is sure, that they oft annoy such passengers and merchants as pass and repass upon that river. Neither do I read of any other Isles which lie by east of these, save only the Barri, 
Barri.  and Dunwen: the first of which is so called of one Barroc, a religious man (as Gyraldus saith) and is about a flight shot from the shore. Herein also is a rock standing at the very entrance of the cliff, which hath a little rift or chine upon the side, whereunto if a man do lay his ear, he shall hear a noise, as if smiths did work at the forge, sometimes blowing with their bellows, and sometimes striking and clinking with hammers, whereof many men have great wonder; 
Barri is a fight shot from the shore.  and no marvel. It is about a mile in compass, situate over against Aberbarry, and hath a chapel in it.  
Dunwen is so called of a church (dedicated to a Welsh woman saint, 
Dunwen.  called Dunwen) that standeth there. It lieth more than two miles from Henrosser, right against Neuen, and hath within it two fair mills, & great store of coneys. Certes if the sand increase so fast hereafter as it hath done of late about it, it will be united to the main within a short season. Beyond these & toward the coast of Southwales lie two other islands, larger in quantity than the Holmes, of which the one is called Caldee or Inis Pyr. 
Caldee.  It hath a parish-church with a spire steeple, and a pretty town belonging to the county of Pembroke, and jurisdiction of one David in Wales. Leland supposeth the ruins that are found therein to have been of an old priory sometimes called Lille, which was a cell belonging to the monastery of S. Dogmael, but of this I can say nothing. The other height Londy, 
Londy.  wherein is also a village or town, and of this Island the parson of the said towns is not only the captain, but hath thereto weife, distress, and all other commodities belonging to the same. It is little above sixteen miles from the coast of Wales, though it be thirty from Caldée, and yet it serveth (as I am informed) lord and king in Devonshire. Moreover in this Island is great plenty of sheep, but more coneys, and therewithal of very fine and short grass for their better food & pasturage; likewise much Sampere upon the shore, which is carried from thence in barrels. And albeit that there be not scarcely forty households in the whole, yet the inhabitants there with huge stones (already provided) may keep off thousands of their enemies, because it is not possible for any adversaries to assail them, but only at one place, and with a most dangerous entrance. In this voyage also we met with two other islands, one of them called sheeps I'll, the other Rat I'll; the first is but a little plot lying at the point of the Bay, before we come at the Blockhouse which standeth north of the same, at the very entry into Milford haven upon the eastside. By north also of sheeps I'll, and between it & stack rock, which lieth in the very midst of the haven, at another point is Rat I'll yet smaller than the former, but what commodities are to be found in them as yet I cannot tell. 
Schalmey.  Schalmey the greater and the less lie northwest of Milford haven a good way. They belong both to the crown, but are not inhabited, because they be so often spoiled with pirates. 
Schoncold.  Schoncold I'll joineth unto great Schalmey, and is bigger than it, only a passage for ships parteth them, whereby they are supposed to be one: Leland noteth them to lie in Milford haven. Beside these also we found the Bateholme, Stockeholme, Midland, and Gresholme Isles, and then doubling the Wellock point, we came into a Bay, where we saw saint Brides Island, and another in the Sound between Ramsey and the point, of all which Isles and such rocks as are offensive to mariners that pass by them, it may be my hap to speak more at large hereafter.  
Limen (as Ptolemy calleth it) is situate over against S. David's in Wales (whereunto we must needs come, 
Limen or Ramsey.  after we be passed another little one, which some men do call Gresholme) & lieth directly west of Schalmey. In a late map I find this Limen to be called in English Ramsey: Leland also confirmeth the same, and I cannot learn more thereof, than that it is much greater than any of the other last mentioned (sithence I described the Holmes) and for temporal jurisdiction a member of Penbrookeshire, as it is unto S. David's for matters concerning the church. Leland in his commentaries of England lib. 8. saith that it contained three Ilets, whereof the bishop of S. David's is owner of the greatest, but the chanter of S. David's claimeth the second, as the archdeacon of Cairmarden doth the third. And in these is very excellent pasture for sheep and horses, but not for other horned beasts which lack their upper teeth by nature (whose substance is converted into the nourishment of their horns) and therefore cannot bite so low. Next unto this isle we came to Mawr, 
Mawr.  an Island in the mouth of Mawr, scant a bow shoot over, and environed at the low water with fresh, but at the high with salt, and here also is excellent catching of herrings.  
After this, proceeding on still with our course, we fetched a compass, going out of the north toward the west, and then turning again (as the coast of the country leadeth) until we sailed full south, leaving the shore still on our right hand, until we came unto a couple of Isles, which do lie upon the mouth of the Soch, one of them being distant (as we guessed) a mile from the other, and neither of them of any greatness almost worthy to be remembered. The first that we came unto is called Tudfall, and therein is a church, 
Tudfall.  but without any parishioners, except they be sheep and coneys. The quantity thereof also is not much above six acres of ground, measured by the pole. The next is Penthlin, Myrach, or Mererosse, 
Penthlin.  situate in manner betwixt Tudfall or Tuidall and the shore, and herein is very good pasture for horses, whereof (as I take it) that name is given unto it. Next unto them, we come unto Gwelyn, 
Guelyn.  a little I'll which lieth southeast of the fall of Daron or Daren, a thing of small quantity, and yet almost parted in the mids by water, and next of all unto Bardsey an Island lying over against Perivincle the south-west point or promontory of North-wales (where Merlin Syluestris lieth buried) and whither the rest of the monks of Bangor did fly to save themselves, when 2100. of their fellows were slain by the Saxon princes in the quarrel of Augustine the monk, & the city of Caerleon or Chester razed to the ground, and not since re-edified again to any purpose. Ptolemy calleth this Island Lymnos, the Britons Enlhi, and therein also is a parish-church, as the report goeth. From hence we cast about, gathering still toward the northest, till we came to Caer jerienrhod, a notable rock situate over against the mouth of the Levenni, wherein standeth a strong hold or fortress, or else some town or village. Certes we could not well discern whether of both it was, because the wind blew hard at south-west, the morning was misty, and our mariners doubting some flats to be couched not far from thence, hasted away unto Anglesei, whither we went apace with a ready wind even at our own desire.  
This Island (which Tacitus mistaketh no doubt for Mona Caesaris, and so doth Ptolemy as appeareth by his latitudes) is situate about two miles from the shore of North-wales. Paulus iovius guesseth that it was in time passed joined to the continent, or main of our Isle, 
Anglesei cut from Wales by working of the sea.  and only cut off by working of the Ocean, as Sicilia peradventure was from Italy by the violence of the Levant or practice of some king that reigned there. Thereby also (as he saith) the inhabitants were constreind at the first to make a bridge over into the same, till the breach waxed so great, that no such passage could any longer be maintained. But as these things do either not touch my purpose at all, or make smallly with the present description of this isle: so (in coming to my matter) Anglesei is found to be full so great as the Wight, 
Anglesei.  and nothing inferior, but rather surmounting it, as that also which Caesar calleth Mona in fruitfulness of soil by many an hundred fold. In old time it was reputed and taken for the common granary to Wales, as Sicilia was to Rome and Italy for their provision of corn. In like manner the Welshmen themselves called it the mother of their country, for giving their minds wholly to pasturage, as the most easy and less chargeable trade, they utterly neglected tillage, as men that leaned only to the fertility of this Island for their corn, from whence they never failed to receive continual abundance. Gyraldus saith that the isle of Anglesei was no less sufficient to minister grain for the sustentation of all the men of Wales, than the mountains called Ereri or Snowdoni in North-wales were to yield plenty of pasture for all the cattle whatsoever within the aforesaid compass, if they were brought together and left upon the same. It contained moreover so many towns wellnear, as there be days in a year, which some converting into canters have accounted but for three, as Gyraldus saith. Howbeit, as there have been I say 363. towns in Anglesei, so now a great part of that reckoning is utterly shrunk, and so far gone to decay, that the very ruins of them are unneath to be seen & discerned: and yet it seemeth to be meetly well inhabited. Leland noting the smallness of our hundreds in comparison to that they were in time past, addeth (so far as I remember) that there are six of them in Anglesei, as Menay, Maltraith, Livon, Talbellion, Torkalin, and Tindaithin: hereunto Lhoid saith also how it belonged in old time unto the kingdom of Guinhed or North-wales, and that therein at a town called Aberfraw, being on the southwestside of the isle, the kings of Gwinhed held evermore their palaces, whereby it came to pass, that the kings of North-wales were for a longtime called kings of Aberfraw, as the Welshmen named the kings of England kings of London, till better instruction did bring them farther knowledge.  
There are in Anglesei many towns and villages, whose names as yet I cannot orderly attain unto: wherefore I will content myself with the rehearsal of so many as we viewed in sailing about the coasts, and otherwise heard report of by such as I have talked withal. Beginning therefore at the mouth of the Gefni (which riseth at north-east above Gefni or Gevenni, 20. miles at the least into the land) we passed first by Hundwyn, then by Newborow, Port Hayton, Beaumarrais, Penmon, Elian, Almwoch, Burric (whereby runneth a rill into a creak) Cornew, Holihed (standing in the promontory) Gwifen, Aberfraw, and Cair Cadwallader, of all which, the two latter stand as it were in a nuke between the Gevenni water, and the Fraw, whereupon Aberfraw is situate. Within the Island we heard only of Gefni afore mentioned, of Gristial standing upon the same water, of Tefri, of Lanerchimedh, Lachtenfarwy and Bodedrin, but of all these the chief is now Beaumarais, which was builded sometime by king Edward the first, and therewithal a strong castle about the year 1295. to keep that land in quiet. There are also (as Leland saith) 31. parish-churches beside 69. chapels, that is, a hundredth in all. But héerof I can say little, for lack of just instruction. In time past, the people of this isle used not to several their grounds, but now they dig stony hillocks, and with the stones thereof they make rude walls, much like to those of Devonshire, sith they want hedgebote, fire boat, and house boat, or (to say at one word) timber, bushes and trees. As for wine, it is so plentiful and good cheap there most commonly as in London, through the great recourse of merchants from France, Spain, and Italy unto the aforesaid Island. The flesh likewise of such cattle as is bred there, whereof we have store yearly brought unto Cole fair in Essex is most delicate, by reason of their excellent pasture, and so much was it esteemed by the Romans in time past, that Columella did not only commend and prefer them before those of Liguria, but the emperors themselves being near hand also caused their provision to be made for neat out of Anglesei, to feed upon at their own tables as the most excellent beef. It taketh now the name of Angles and Ei, which is to mean the isle of Englishmen, because they won it in the Conqueror's time, under the leading of Hugh earl of Chester, and Hugh of Shrewesburie. Howbeit they recovered it again in the time of William Rufus, when they spoiled the city of Gloucester, ransacked Shrewesburie, and returned home with great booty and pillage, in which voyage also they were helped greatly by the Irishmen, who after three years joined with them again, and slew the earl of Shrewesburie (which then lived) with great cruelty. The Welshmen call it Tiremone and Mon, and herein likewise is a promontory or Byland, called Holy head 
Holy head, or Cair kiby.  (which hath in time passed been named Cair kyby, of Kyby a monk that dwelled there) from whence the readiest passage is commonly had out of North-wales to get over into Ireland, of which Isle I will not speak at this time, lest I should bereave another of that travel. Yet Pliny saith, lib. 4. cap. 16. that it lieth not far off from and over against the Silures, which then dwelled upon the west coast of our Island, and even so far as Dunbritton, and beyond: but to our Cair kybi. The Britons named it Enylsnach, or holy I'll, 
Enilsnach, holy I'll.  of the number of carcases of holy men, which they affirm to have been buried there. But herein I marvel not a little, wherein women had offended, that they might not come thither, or at the least wise return from thence without some notable reproach or shame unto their bodies. By south also of Hilary point, somewhat inclining toward the east, lieth Inis Lygod, a small thing (God wots) and therefore not worthy great remembrance: nevertheless not to be omitted, though nothing else enforced the memorial thereof, but only the number and certain sale of such Isles as lie about our Island. I might also speak of the isle Mail Ronyad, which lieth north west of Anglesei by six miles; but because the true name hereof, as of many rivers and streams are to me unknown, I am the more willing to pass them over in silence, lest I should be noted to be farther corrupter of such words as I have no skill to deliver and exhibit in their kind. And now to conclude with the description of the whole Island, this I will add moreover unto her commodities, that as there are the best millstones of white, red, blue, and green greets, (especially in Tindaithin) so there is great gains to be gotten by fishing round about this isle, if the people there could use the trade: but they want both cunning and diligence to take that matter in hand. And as for temporal regiment, it appertaineth to the county of Cairnaruon, so in spiritual cases it belongeth to the bishopric of Bangor. This is finally to be noted of Anglesei, 
Ancient burial.  that sundry earthen pots are often found there of dead men's bones converted into ashes, set with the mouths downward contrary to the use of other nations, which turned the brims upwards, whereof let this suffice.  
Having thus described Anglesei, it resteth to report furthermore, how that in our circuit about the same, we met with other little Ilets, of which one lieth northwest thereof almost over against Butricke mouth, or the fall of the water, that passeth by Butricke. The Britons called it Ynis Ader, 
Adar.  that is to say, the isle of birds in old time, but now it height Ynis Moil, 
Moil.  or Ynis Rhomaid, 
Rhomaid.  that is the isle of porpasses. It hath to name likewise Ysterisd, 
Ysterisd.  and Adros. 
Adros.  Being past this, we came to the second lying by north east, over against the Hilary point, 
Lygod.  called Ynis Ligod, that is to say, the isle of Miso, and of these two this latter is the smallest, neither of them both being of any greatness to speak of. Ynis Seriall 
Seriall.  or Prestholme, 
Prestholme  lieth over against Penmon, or the point called the head of Mon, where I found a town (as I told you) of the same denomination. Ptolemy nameth not this Island, whereof I marvel. It is parcel of Flintshire, and of the jurisdiction of S. Asaph, and in fertility of soil, and breed of cattle, nothing inferior unto Anglesei her mother: although that for quantity of ground it come infinitely short thereof, and be nothing comparable unto it. The last Island upon the cost of Wales, having now left Anglesei, is called Credine, 
Credine.  and although it lie not properly within the compass of my description, yet I will not let to touch it by the way, sith the causey thither from Denbighland, is commonly overflown. It is partly made an Island by the Conwey, and partly by the sea. But to proceed, when we had viewed this place, we passed forth to S. Antony's Isle, which is about two or three mile's compass or more, a sandy soil, but yet very batable for sheep and cattle, it is well replenished also with fresh wells, great plenty of wild foul, coneys and quarries of hard ruddy stone, which is oft brought thence to Westchester, where they make the foundations of their buildings withal. There are also two parish churches in the same, dedicated to S. Antony and S. john, but the people are very poor, because they be so oft spoiled by pirates, although the lord of the same be very wealthy through the exchange made with them of his victuals, for their wares, whereof they make good pennyworths, as thieves commonly do of such preys as they get by like escheat, notwithstanding their landing there is very dangerous, and only at one place. Howbeit they are constrained to use it, and there to make their marts. From hence we went on, until we came to the cape of isle Brée, 
Hilberie.  or Hilberie, and point of Wyrale, from whence is a common passage into Ireland, of 18. or 20. hours sailing, if the wether be not tedious. This Island at the full sea is a quarter of a mile from the land, and the stream between four fadams deep, as ship-boys have oft sounded, but at a low water a man may go over thither on the sand. The I'll of itself is very sandy a mile in compass, and well stored with coneys, thither also went a sort of superstitious fools in times past, in pilgrimage, to our lady of Hilberie, by whose offerings a cell of monks there, which belonged to Chester, was cherished and maintained.  
The next Island upon the coast of England is Man or Mona Caesaris, which some name Mana or Manim, but after Ptolemy, Monaoida, as some think, though other ascribe that name to Anglesei, which the Welshmen do commonly call Môn, as they do this Manaw, It is supposed to be the first, as Hirtha is the last of the Hebrides. Hector Boetius noteth a difference between them of 300. miles. But Pliny saith that Mona is 200000. miles from Camaldunum, lib. 2. cap. 75. It lieth also under 53. degrees of latitude, and 30. minutes, and hath in longitude 16. degrees and 40. minutes, abutting on the north side upon S. Ninians in Scotland, Furnesfels on the east, Prestholme and Anglesei on the south, and Ulsther in Ireland on the west. It is greater than Anglesei by a third, and there are two rivers in the same, whose heads do join so near, that they do seem in manner to part the isle in twain. Some of the ancient writers, as Ethicus, etc.: call it Eubonia, 
Eubonia.  and other following Orosius, Mevana 
Meuania.  or Maevania, howbeit after Beda and the Scotish histories, the Mevaniaes are all those Isles aforesaid called the Hebrides, Eubonides, or Hebudes (whereof William Malmesburie, lib. 1. de regibus (beside this our Mona) will have Anglesei also to be one. Wherefore it seemeth hereby that a number of our late writers ascribing the said name unto Mona only, have not been a little deceived. jornandes lib. de Getis speaketh of a second Mevansa; Habet & aliam Mevaniam (saith he) necnon & Orchadas. But which should be prima, as yet I do not read, except it should be Anglesei; and then saith Malmesburie well. In like sort Propertius speaketh of a Mevania, which he called Nebulosa, but he meaneth it evidently of a little town in Umbria where he was borne, lib. 4. eleg. De urbe Rom. Wherefore there needeth no use of his authority. This in the mean time is evident out of Orosius, lib, 1. capite 2. that Scots dwelled sometime in this isle, as also in Ireland, which Ethicus also affirmeth of his own time, and finally confirmeth that the Scots and Irish were sometime one people. It hath in length 24. miles, and 8. in breadth, and is in manner of like distance from Galloway in Scotland, Ireland and Cumberland in England, as Buchanan reporteth.  
In this Island also were some time 1300. families, of which 960. were in the west half, and the rest in the other. But now through joining house to house & land to land (a common plague and canker, which will eat up all, if provision be not made in time to withstand this mischief) that number is half diminished, and yet many of the rich inhabiters want room, and wot not how and where to bestow themselves, to their quiet contentations. Certes this impediment groweth not by reason that men were greater in body, than they have been in time past, but only for that their insatiable desire of enlarging their private possessions increaseth still upon them, and will do more, except they be restrained: but to return to our purpose. It was once spoiled by the Scots in the time of king Athelstane, chiefly by Anlafus in his flight from the bloody battle, wherein Constantine king of Scotland was overcome: secondly by the Scots 1388. after it came to the possession of the English, for in the beginning the kings of Scotland had this Island under their dominion, almost from their first arrival in this Island, and as Beda saith till Edwine king of the Northumber's wan it from them, and united it to his kingdom. After the time of Edwine, the Scots got the possession thereof again, and held it till the Danes & Norway's wan it from them, who also kept it (but with much trouble) almost 370. years under the governance of their viceroys, whom the kings of Norway invested unto that honour, till Alexander the third king of that name in Scotland recovered it from them, with all the rest of those Isles that lie upon the west coast, called also Sodorenses in the days of Magnus' king of Norway. And sithence that time the Scotish princes have not ceased to give laws to such as dwelled there, but also from time to time appointed such bishops as should exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the same, till it was won from them by our princes, and so united unto the realm of England. Finally, 
Chronica Tinemuthi.  how after sundry sales bargains and contracts of matrimony (for I read that William Scroop the king's Uicechamberleine, did buy this isle and crown thereof of the lord William Montacute earl of Sarum) it came unto the ancestors of the earls of Derby, who have been commonly said to be kings of Man, the discourse following shall more at large declare. Giraldus noteth a contention between the kings of England & Ireland for the right of this Island, but in the end, when by a compromise the trial of the matter was referred to the lives or deaths of such venomous worms as should be brought into the same, and it was found that they died not at all, as the like do in Ireland, sentence passed with the king of England, & so he retained the Island. But howsoever this matter standeth, and whether any such thing was done at all or not, sure it is that the people of the said I'll were much given to witchcraft and sorcery (which they learned of the Scots a nation greatly bend to that horrible practice) in somuch that their women would oftentimes sell wind to the mariners, enclosed under certain knots of thread, with this injunction, that they which bought the same, should for a great gale undo many, and for the less a fewer or smaller number. 
Tall men in man..  The stature of the men and also fertility of this Island are much commended, and for the latter supposed very near to be equal with that of Anglesei, in all commodities.  
There are also these towns therein, as they come now to my remembrance, Rushed, Dunglasse, Holme town, S. Brids, Bala cury (the bishop's house) S. Mich. S. Andrew, church Christ, church Lovel, S. Mathees, church S. Anne, Pala sala, church S. Marry, church Concane, church Malu, and Home. But of all these Rushed with the castle is the strongest. 
Rivers.  It is also in recompense of the common want of wood, endued with sundry pretty waters, as first of all the Burn rising in the northside of Warehill botoms, and branching out by south-west of church S. An, it seemeth to cut off a great part of the eastside thereof, from the residue of that Island. From those hills also (but of the south half) cometh the Holm and Holmey, by a town of the same name, in the very mouth whereof lieth the Pile afore mentioned. They have also the Bala passing by Bala cury, on the westside, and the Rame on the north, whose fall is named Ramesei haven, as I do read in Chronicles.  
There are moreover sundry great hills therein, as that whereupon S. Mathees standeth, 
Hills.  in the north-east part of the isle, a parcel whereof cometh flat south, between church Lovel, and church Marie, yielding out of their botoms the water Bala, whereof I spoke before. Beside these and well toward the south part of the isle, I find the Warehils, which are extended almost from the west coast overthwart unto the burn stream. It hath also sundry havens, as Ramsei haven, 
Havens.  by north Laxam haven, by east Port Iris, by south-west Port Home, and Port Michael, by west. In like sort there are divers Ilets annexed to the same, as the Calf of man on the south, 
Calf of man.  the Pile 
The pile. S. Michel's Isle.  on the west, and finally S. Michel's Isle in the gulf called Ranoths way in the east. Moreover the sheep 
Sheep.  of this country are exceeding huge, well wooled, and their tails of such greatness as is almost incredible. 
Hogs.  In like sort their hogs are in manner monstrous. They have furthermore great store of barnacles breeding upon their coasts, 
Barnacles.  but yet not so great store as in Ireland, and those (as there also) of old ships, oars, masts, pieces of rotten timber as they say, and such putrefied pitched stuff, as by wreck hath happened to corrupt upon that shore. Howbeit neither the inhabitants of this isle, nor yet of Ireland can readily say whether they be fish or flesh, 
Barnacles neither fish nor flesh.  for although the religious there used to eat them as fish, yet elsewhere, some have been troubled, for eating of them in times prohibited for heretics and lollards.  
For my part, I have been very desirous to understand the uttermost of the breeding of barnacls, & questioned with divers persons about the same. I have red also whatsoever is written by foreign authors touching the generation of that foul, & sought out some places where I have been assured to see great numbers of them: but in vain. Wherefore I utterly despaired to obtain my purpose, till this present year of Grace 1584. and month of May, wherein going to the court at Gréenewich from London by boat, I saw sundry ships lying in the Thames newly come home, either from Barbary or the Canary Iles (for I do not well remember now from which of these places) on whose sides I perceived an infinite sort of shells to hang so thick as could be one by another. Drawing near also, I took off ten or twelve of the greatest of them, & afterward having opened them, I saw the proportion of a foul in one of them more perfectly than in all the rest, saving that the head was not yet form, because the fresh water had killed them all (as I take it) and thereby hindered their perfection. certainly the feathers of the tail hung out of the shell at least two inches, the wings (almost perfect touching form) were guarded with two shells or shields proportioned like the self wings, and likewise the brestbone had her coverture also of like shellie substance, and altogether resembling the figure which lobel and Pena do give forth in their description of this foul: so that I am now fully persuaded that it is either the barnacle that is engendered after one manner in these shells, or some other seafoule to us as yet unknown. For by the feathers appearing and form so apparent, it cannot be denied, but that some bird or other must proceed of this substance, which by falling from the sides of the ships in long voyages, may come to some perfection. But now it is time for me to return again unto my former purpose.  
There hath sometime been, and yet is a bishop of this isle, 
Bishop of man..  who at the first was called Episcopus Sodorensis, when the jurisdiction of all the Hebrides belonged unto him. Whereas now he that is bishop there, is but a bishop's shadow, for albeit that he bear the name of bishop of Man, yet have the earls of Derby, as it is supposed, 
Patron of man..  the chief profit of his see (saving that they allow him a little somewhat for a flourish) notwithstanding that they be his patrons, and have his nomination unto that living. The first bishop of this isle was called Wimundus or Raymundus, and surnamed Monachus Savinensis, who by reason of his extreme and tyrannical cruelty toward the Islanders, had first his sight taken from him, & then was sent into exile. After him succeeded another monk in king Stephen's days called john, and after him one Marcus, etc.: other after other in succession, the see itself being now also subject to the archbishop of York for spiritual jurisdiction. In time of Henry the second, this Island also had a king, 
King of man..  whose name was Cuthred, unto whom Vinianus the cardinal came as legate 1177. and wherein Hoveden erreth not. In the year also 1228. one Reginald was viceroy or petty king of Man, afterward murdered by his subjects. Then Olaws, after him Hosbach the son of Osmond Hacon, 1290. who being slain, Olaws and Gotredus parted this kingdom of Sodora, in such wise, that this had all the rest of the Isles, the other only the isle of Man at the first; but after the slaughter of Gotredus, Olaws held all, after whom Olaws his son succeeded. Then Harald son to Olaws, who being entered in May, and drowned upon the coasts of Ireland, his brother Reginald reigned twenty and seven days, and then was killed the first of june, whereby Olaws alias Harald son to Gotred ruled in the isle one year. Next unto him succeeded Magnus the second son of Olaws, and last of all juarus, who held it so long as the Norway's were lords thereof. But being once come into the hands of the Scots, one Godred Mac Mares was made lieutenant, than Alane, thirdly Maurice Okarefer, and fourthly one of the kings chapleines, etc. I would gladly have set down the whole catalogue of all the viceroys and lieutenants: but sith I can neither come by their names nor successions, I surcease to speak any more of them, and also of the isle itself, whereof this may suffice.  
After we have in this wise described the isle of Man, with her commodities, we returned eastwards back again unto the point of Ramshed, where we found to the number of six Ilets of one sort and other, whereof the first greatest and most southwesterlie, is named the Wavay. It runneth out in length, 
Wavay.  as we guessed, about five miles and more from the southeast into the northwest, between which and the main land lie two little ones, whose names are Oldborrow and Fowlney. The fourth is called the Fouldra, 
Fouldra.  and being situate southeast of the first, it hath a pretty pile or blockhouse therein, which the inhabitants name the pile of Fouldra. By east thereof in like sort lie the Fola 
Fola. Roa.  and the Roa, plots of no great compass, and yet of all these six, the first and Fouldra are the fairest and most fruitful. From hence we went by Ravenglasse point, 
Ravenglasse.  where lieth an Island of the same denomination, as Reginald Wolf hath noted in his great card, not yet finished, nor likely to be published. He noteth also two other Ilets, between the same and the main land; but Leland speaketh nothing of them (to my remembrance) neither any other card, as yet set forth of England: and thus much of the islands that lie upon our shore in this part of my voyage.  
Having so exactly as to me is possible, set down the names and positions of such Isles, as are to be found upon the coast of the queens majesties dominions, 
Isles in Scotland.  now it resteth that we proceed orderly with those that are seen to lie upon the coast of Scotland, that is to say, in the Irish, the Deucalidonian & the Germans seas, which I will perform in such order as I may, sith I cannot do so much therein as I would. Some therefore do comprehend and divide all the Isles that lie about the north coast of this isle now called Scotland into three parts, saving that they are either occidentals, the west Iles, alias the Orchades & Zelandine, or the Shetlands. They place the first between Ireland and the Orchades, so that they are extended from Man and the point of Cantire almost unto the Orchades in the Deucalidonian sea, and after some are called the Hebrides. In this part the old writers in deed placed the Hebrides or Hemodes, 
Hemodes of some called Acmodes, see Pliny, Mela, Martianus, Capella. Plutarch. de defect. orac..  which divers call the Hebudes and the Acmodes; albeit the writers vary in their numbers, some speaking of 30 Hebudes and seven Hemodes; some of five Ebudes, as Solinus, and such as follow his authority. Howbeit the late Scottish writers do product a sum of more than 300 of these islands in all, which sometime belonged to the Scots, sometime to the Norwegians, and sometime to the Danes. The first of these is our Manaw, of which I have before entreated: next unto this is Alisa a desert. I'll, yet replenished with coneys, soland foul, and a fit harbour for fishermen that in time of the year lie upon the coast thereof for herrings. Next unto this is the Arran, a very hilly and craggy soil, yet very plentiful of fish all about the coast, and wherein is a very good haven: over against the mouth whereof lieth the Moll, which is also no small defence to such seafaring men as seek harbour in that part. Then came we by the Fladwa or Pladwa, no less fruitful and stored with coneys than the Bota, Bura, or Botha, or eight miles long & four miles broad, a low ground but yet very batable, and wherein is good store of short and indifferent pasture: it hath also a town there called Rosse, and a castle named the Camps. There is also another called the Marnech, an Island of a mile in length, and half a mile in breadth, low ground also but yet very fertile. In the mouth likewise of the Glot, lieth the more Cumber and the less, not far in sunder one from another, and both fruitful enough the one for corn, and the other for Platyceraton. The avon another Island lieth about a mile from Cantire, and is very commodious to ships, whereof it is called avon, that is to say, Portuosa, or full of harbour: and therefore the Danes had in time past great use of it. Then have we the Raclind, the Kyntar, the Cray, the Gegaw six miles in length and a mile and a half in breadth; the Dera full of dear, and not otherwise unfruitful: and therefore some think that it was called the isle of dear in old time. 
Scarba.  Scarba four miles in length, and one in breadth, very little inhabited, and thereinto the sea between that and the isle of dear is so swift and violent, that except it be at certain times, it is not easily navigable. Being past these, we come to certain islands of no great fame, which lie scattered here and there, as Bellach, Gyrastell, Longaie, both the Fiolas, the three Yarues, Culbrenin, Duncomell, Lupar, Belnava, Wikerua, Calfile, Luing, Sele I'll, Sound, of which the last three are fruitful, and belong to the earl of Argile. 
Slate I'll.  Then have we the Slate, so called of the tiles that are made therein. The Nagsey, Isdalf, and the Sken (which later is also called Thian, of a wicked herb growing there greatly hurtful, and in colour not much unlike the lily, saving that it is of a more wan and feeble colour) Vderga, king's Isle, Duffa or black I'll, Kirke I'll, and Triarach. There is also the isle Ard, Humble I'll, green I'll, and Heth I'll, Arbour I'll, Goat I'll, Coneys I'll alias idle I'll, Abrid isle or bird I'll, and Lismor, wherein the bishop of argil sometime held his palace, being eight miles in length and two miles in breadth, and not without some mines also of good metal. There is also the Isle Ouilia, Siuna, Trect, Shepey, Fladaw, Stone I'll, Gresse, great I'll, Ardis, Musadell, & Berner, sometime called the holy sanctuary, Vghe I'll, Molochasgyr, and Drinacha, now overgrown with bushes, elders, and utterly spoiled by the ruins of such great houses as have heretofore been found therein. There is in like sort the Wijc, the Ranse, and the Carver.  
In this tract also, there are yet three to entreat of, 
Ila.  as Ila, Mula and jona, of which the first is one of the most, that hath not been least accounted of. It is not much above 24 miles in length, and in breadth 16 reaching from the south into the north, and yet it is an exceeding rich plot of ground very plenteous of corn, cattle, dear, and also lead, and other metals, which were easy to be obtained, if either the people were industrious, or the soil yéeldable of wood to fine and try out the same. In this Island also there is a lake of sweet water called the Lay, and also a bay wherein are sundry islands; and thereunto another lake of fresh water, wherein the Falangam isle is situate, wherein the sovereign of all the Isles sometime dwelled. 
Round I'll.  Near unto this is the round I'll, so called of the consultations there had: for there was a court sometime holden, wherein 14 of the principal inhabitants did minister justice unto the rest, and had the whole disposition of things committed unto them, which might rule unto the benefit of those islands. There is also the Stoneheape, an other Island so called of the heap of stones that is therein. On the south side also of Ila, we find moreover the Colurne, Mulmor, Osrin, Brigidan, Corkerke, Humble I'll, Imersga, Bethy, Texa, Shepeie, Naosig, Rinard, Cane, Tharscher, Aknor, Great I'll, Man I'll, S. john's Isle, and Stackbed. On the west side thereof also lieth Ouersey, whereby runneth a perilous sea, and not navigable, but at certain hours, Merchant I'll, Vsabrast, Tanask, Neff, Waver I'll, Oruans, Hog I'll, and Colavanso.  
Mula is a right noble I'll, 24 miles in length and so many in breadth, 
Mula.  rough of soil, yet fruitful enough: & beside woods, dear, & good harbour for ships, replenished with divers and sundry towns and castles. Over against Columkill also, it hath two rivers, which yield very great store of salmons, and other rivellets now altogether unfruitful, beside two lakes, in each of which is an Island: and likewise in every of these islands a castle. The sea beating upon this isle, maketh four notable bay wherein great plenty and very good herrings are taken. It hath also in the northwest side Columbria, or the isle of doves; on the southeast, Era: both very commodious for fishing, cattle, and corn. Moreover, this is worth the noting in this isle above all the rest, that it hath a pleasant spring, arising two miles in distance from the shore, wherein are certain little eggs found, much like unto indifferent pearls, both for colour and brightness, and thereto full of thick humour, which eggs being carried by violence of the fresh water unto the salt, are there within the space of twelve hours converted into great shells, which I take to be mother pearl; except I be deceived.  
jona was sometime called Columkill, 
jona.  in fame and estimation nothing inferior to any of the other, although in length it exceed little above two miles, and in breadth one. Certes it is very fruitful of all such commodities, as that climate wherein it standeth doth yield, and beareth the name of Columbus the abbot, of whom I have spoken more at large in my chronology. There were sometimes also two monasteries therein, one of monks builded by Fergus, another of nuns: and a parish church, beside many chapels builded by the Scotish kings, and such princes as governed in the Iles. And when the English had once gotten possession of the isle of Manaw, a bishops see was erected in the old monastery of Columbus, whereby the jurisdiction of those Isles was still maintained and continued. Certes there remain yet in this Island the old burials appertein●ng to the most noble families that had dwelled in the west Isles; but three above other are accounted the most notable, which have little houses builded upon them. That in the midst hath a stone, whereon is written, 
Regum tumuli.  Tumuli regum Scotiae, The burials of the kings of Scotland: for (as they say) forty eight of them were there interred. Another is entitled with these words, The burials of the kings of Ireland, because four of them lie in that place. The third hath these words written thereon, The graves of the kings of Norway, for there eight of them were buried also, and all through a fond suspicion conceived of the merits of Columbus. Howbeit in process of time, when Malcolme Cammor had erected his abbeie at Donfermeling, he gave occasion to many of his successors to be interred there.  
About this Island there lie six other Isles dispersed, small in quantity, but not altogether barren, sometimes given by the kings of Scotland and lords of the Isles unto the abbeie of saint Columbus, of which the Soa, albeit that it yield competent pasturage for sheep, yet is it more commodious, by such eggs as the great plenty of wildfowl there breeding do lay within the same. 
The I'll of Shrews.  Then is there the isle of Shrews or of women; as the more sober heads do call it. Also Rudan, & next unto that, the Rering. There is also the Shen half a mile from Mula, whose banks do swarm with coneys: it hath also a parish church, but most of the inhabitants do live and dwell in Mula. There is also the Eorse or the Arse, and all these belong unto saint Columbus abbeie. Two miles from Arse is the Olue, an Island five miles in length, and sufficiently stored with corn and grass, & not without a good haven for ships to lie and harbour in. There is also the Colfans, an Island fruitful enough, and full of cornel trees. There is not far off also the Gomater, Stafa, the two Kerneburgs, and the Moss I'll, in the old British speech called Monad, that is to say Moss. 
Moss I'll.  The soil of it is very black, because of the corruption & putrefaction of such woods as have rotten thereon: whereupon also no small plenty of moss is bred and engendered. The people in like manner make their fire of the said earth, which is fully so good as our English turf. There is also the Long, & six miles further toward the west, Tirreie, which is eight miles in length and three in breadth, & of all other one of the most plentiful for all kinds of commodities: for it beareth corn, cattle, fish, and seafowle abundantly. It hath also a well of fresh water, a castle, and a very good haven for great vessels to lie at safeguard in. Two miles from this also is the Gun, and the Coll two miles also from the Gun. Then passed we by the Calf, a very woody Island, the four green Isles, the two glass or sky islands, the Ardan, the isle of wolves, & then the great Island which reacheth from the east into the west, is sixteen miles in length, and six in breadth, full of mounteins and swelling woods: and for as much as it is not much inhabited, the seafoules lay great plenty of eggs there, whereof such as will, may gather what number them listeth. Upon the high cliffs and rocks also the Soland géefe are taken very plentifully. Beyond this, about four miles also is the Isle▪ of horses: and a little from that the hog Island, which is not altogether unfruitful. There is a falcon which of custom breedeth there, and thereunto it is not without a convenient haven. Not far off also is the Canna, and the Egga, little Isles, but the later full of Soland géefe. Likewise the Sobratill, more apt to hunt in than meet for any other commodity that is to be reaped thereby.  
After this we come to the Sky, 
Sky.  the greatest Isle about all Scotland: for it is two and forty miles long; and somewhere eight, & in some places twelve miles broad: it is moreover very hilly, which hills are thereunto loaden with great store of wood, as the woods are with pasture, the fields with corn and cattle; and (besides all other commodities) with no small herds of mares, whereby they raise great advantage and commodity. It hath five rivers very much abounding with salmons, and other fresh streams not altogether void of that provision. It is environed also with many bay, wherein great plenty of herrings is taken in time of the year. It hath also a noble pool of fresh water; five castles and sundry towns; as Aie, S. john's, Dunwegen, S. Nicholas, etc. The old Scots called it Skianacha, that is, Winged, but now named Sky. There lie certain small islands about this also, as Rausa a batable soil for corn & grass; Conie Island full of woods and coneys; Paba a thievish Island, in whose woods thieves do lurk to rob such as pass by them. Scalp I'll, which is full of dear; Crowling, wherein is very good harbour for ships; Rarsa, full of béechen woods and stags, being in length seven miles, and two in breadth. The Ron, a woody Isle and full of heath: yet hath it a good haven, which hath a little Island called Gerloch on the mouth thereof, and therein lurk many thieves. There is not far off from this Ronvere, to wit about six miles also, the Flad, the Tiulmen, Oransa, buy the less, and buy the more, and five other little trifling Isles, of whose names I have no notice.  
After these we come unto the Ice, a pretty fertile Island, to the Oue, to the Askoome, to the Lindill. And four score miles from the Sky towards the west, to the Ling, the Gigarmen, the Berner, the Magle, the Pable, the Flab, the Scarpe, the Saunder, the Uateras, which later hath a noble haven for great ships, beside sundry other commodities: and these nine last rehearsed are under the dominion of the bishop of the Iles. After this we come to the Bar, 
Bar.  an Island seven miles in length, not unfruitful for grass and corn, but the chief commodity thereof lieth by taking of herrings, which are there to be had abundantly. In one bay of this Island there lieth an Islet, and therein standeth a strong castle. In the north part hereof also is an hill which beareth good grass from the foot to the top, and out of that riseth a spring, which running to the sea, doth carry withal a kind of creature not yet perfectly form, which some do liken unto cockels; and upon the shore where the water falleth into the sea, they take up a kind of shelfish, when the water is gone, which they suppose to be engendered or increased after this manner. Between the Bar and the Uisse lie also these islands, Orbaus, Oue, Hakerset, Warlang, Flad, the two bay, Hay, Helsaie, Gigaie, Lingaie, Fray, Fudaie, and Friskaie. The Uisse is thirty miles long and six miles broad; and therein are sundry fresh waters, but one especially of three miles in length: nevertheless, the sea hath now of late found a way into it, so that it cannot be kept off with a bank of three score foot, but now and then it will flow into the same, and leave sea-fish behind it in the lake. There is also a fish bred therein almost like unto a salmon, saving that it hath a white belly, a black back, and is altogether without scales: it is likewise a great harbour for thieves and pirates.  
Eight miles beyond this lieth the Helscher, appertinent to the nuns of jona: we have then the Hasker, very plentifully benefited by seals, which are there taken in time of the year. Three score miles from this also is the Hirth, whose inhabitants are rude in all good science and religion; yet is the Island very fruitful in all things, and bringeth forth sheep far greater than are elsewhere to be found, for they are as big as our fallow dear, horned like bugles, and have their tails hanging to the ground. He that is owner of this isle, 
Baptism without priests.  sendeth over his bailiff into the same at midsummer, to gather in his duties, and with him a priest to say mass, and to baptise all the children borne since that time of the year precedent: or if none will go over with him (because the voyage is dangerous) then doth each father take pain to baptise his own at home. Their rents are paid commonly in dried seals and sea foul. All the whole isle is not above a mile every way; and except three mountains that lie upon one part of the shore, such as dwell in the other Isles can see no part thereof.  
Being past the Uisse, we came after to Walaie, the Soa, the Strome, to Pabaie, to Barner, Ensaie, Killiger, the two Sagas, the Hermodraie, Scarf, Grie, Ling, Gilling, Hey, Hoy, Farlaie, great So, little So, Ice, Sein the more, Sein the less, Tarant, Slegan, Tuom, Scarpe, Hareie, and the seven holy islands, which are desert and breed nothing but a kind of wild sheep, 
Wild sheep.  which are often hunted, but seldom or never eaten. For in steed of flesh they have nothing but tallow; and if any flesh be, it is so unsavoury, that few men care to eat of it, except great hunger compel them. I suppose, that these be the wild sheep which will not be tamed; and because of the horrible grinning thereof, is taken for the bastard tiger. Their hair is between the wool of a sheep, 
Tigers.  and the hair of a goat, resembling both, shacked, and yet absolutely like unto neither of both: it may be also the same beast which Capitolinus calleth Ouis fera, showed in the time of Gordian the emperor; albeit that some take the same for the Camelopardalis: but hereof I make no warrantise.  
There is also not far off the Garuell, the Lamb, the Flad, the Kellas, the two Bernars, the Kirt, the two Buys, the Uixaie, the Pabaie, the two Sigrams, and the isle of Pigmeys 
I'll of Pigmeys.  (which is so called upon some probable conjecture) for many little skulls and bones are daily there found deep in the ground, perfectly, resembling the bodies of children; & not any of greater quantities, whereby their conjecture (in their opinion) is the more likely to be true. There is also the Fabill I'll, adam's I'll, the isle of Lambs, Hulmes, Uiccoll, Haveraie, Cax, Era, Columbes isle, Tor I'll, Iffurd, Scalp, Flad, and the Sweat; on whose east side is a certain vault or cave, arched over, a flight shoot in length, whereunto mean ships do use to run for harbour with full sail when a tempest overtaketh them, or the raging of the sea, in those parts do put them in danger of wreck. Also we passed by the old castle I'll, which is a pretty and, very commodious plat for fish, foul, eggs, corn and pasture. There is also the Isle Eust or Eu, which is full of wood, and a notable harbour for thieves, as is also the Grinort; likewise the priests Isle, which is very full of sea foul and good pasture. The Afull, the two Herbrerts, to wit, the greater and the less; and the Isles of Horses, and Mertaika: and these 8 lie over against the bay which is called the Lake Brian. After this, we go toward the north, and come to the Haraie, and the Lewis or the Leug, both which make (in truth) but one Island of three score miles in length, and sixteen in breadth, being distinguished by no water, but by huge woods, bounds, and limits of the two owners that do possess those parts. The south part is called Haraie, and the whole situate in the Deucalidon sea, over against the Rosse, & called Thule by Tacitus, 
Lewis called Thule by Tacitus, with no better authority than the Angleseie Mona.  wherein are many lakes, and very pretty villages, as lake Erwi●n, lake Unsalsago: but of towns, S. Clements, Stoie, Nois, S. Columbane, Radmach, etc. In like sort, there are two churches, whereof one is dedicated to saint Peter, an other to S. Clement, beside a monastery called Roadill. The soil also of this isle is indifferent fruitful; but they reap more profit under the ground than above, by digging. There is neither wolf, fox, nor serpent seen in this Island; yet are there great woods therein, which also separate one part from the other. Likewise there be plenty of stags, but far less in quantity than ours: and in the north part of the Island also is a river which greatly aboundeth with salmons. That part also called Lewisa, which is the north half of the isle is well inhabited toward the sea coasts, and hath rivers no less plentiful for salmon than the other half. There is also great store of herrings taken, whereof the fisher men do raise great gain and commodity; and no less plenty of sheep, which they do not sheer, but pluck every year; yet is the ground of this part very heathie, and full of moss, and the face thereof very swart and black, for the space of a foot in depth, through the corruption of such woods as in time past have rotten on the same. And therefore in time of the year they convert it into turf to burn, as need shall serve; and in the year after, having well doonged it in the mean time with slawke of the sea, they sow barleie in the self places where the turfs grew, and reap very good corn, wherewith they live and feed. Such plenty of whales also are taken in this coast, 
Tithe whales.  that the very tithe hath been known, in some one year, to amount unto seven and twenty whales of one greatness and other. This is notable also in this part of the isle, that there is a great cave two yards deep of water when the sea is gone, and not above four when it is at the highest; over which great numbers do sit of both sexes and ages, with hooks and lines, and catch at all times an infinite deal of fish, wherewith they live, and which maketh them also the more idle.  
Being past this about sixty miles, we come unto the Rona, or Ron, which some take for the last of the Hebrides, distant (as I said) about forty miles from the Orchades, and one hundredth and thirty from the promontory of Dungishe. The inhabitants of this isle are very rude and irreligious, the lord also of the soil doth limit their number of households, & having assigned unto them what numbers of the greater and smaller sorts of cattle they shall spend and enjoy for their own provision, they send the overplus yéerlie unto him to Lewis. Their chief payments consist of a great quantity of meal, which is very plentiful among them, sowed up in sheeps skins. Also of mutton and sea foul dried, that resteth over and above, which they themselves do spend. And if it happen that there be more people in the Island than the lords book or rate doth come unto, than they send also the overplus of them in like manner unto him: by which means they live always in plenty. They receive no vices from strange countries, neither know or hear of any things done elsewhere than in their own Island. Many whales are taken also upon their coasts, which are likewise replenished with seal, and porpasse, and those which are either so tame, or so fierce, that they abash not at the sight of such as look upon them, neither make they any haste to fly out of their presence.  
Beyond this isle, about 16 miles westward, there is another called Suilscraie, 
Suilscraie.  of a mile length, void of grass, and without so much as heath growing upon her soil: yet are there many cliffs and rocks therein, which are covered with black moss, whereon innumerable sorts of fowls do breed and lay their eggs. Thither in like sort many do sail from Lewissa, to take them young in time of the year, before they be able to fly, which they also kill and dry in eight days space, and then return home again with them, and great plenty of feathers fathered in this voyage. One thing is very strange and to be noted in this Island, of the Colke foul, 
Colke foul.  which is little less than a goose; and this kind cometh thither but once in the year, to wit, in the spring, to lay her eggs and bring up her young, till they be able to shift for themselves, & then they get them away together to the sea, and come no more until that time of the year which next ensueth. At the same season also they cast their feathers there, as it were answering tribute to nature for the use of her mossy soil: wherein it is wonderful to see, that those feathers have no stalks, neither any thing that is hard in them, but are seen to cover their bodies as it were wool or down, till breeding time (I say) wherein they be left stark naked.  
The Orchades (whose first inhabitants were the Scythians, 
Orchades.  which came from those Isles where the Goths did inhabit, as some sparks yet remaining among them of that language do declare) lie partly in the German, and partly in the Calydon seas, over against the point of Dunghisbie (being in number eight and twenty, or as other say thirty & one, yet some say thirty three, as Orosius, but Pliny saith forty) and now belonging to the crown of Scotland, as are the rest whereof heretofore I have made report, since we crossed over the mouth of the Solueie stream, to come into this country. Certes the people of these Islands retain much of their old sparing diets, and thereunto they are of goodly stature, tall, very comely, healthful, of long life, great strength, whitish colour, as men that feed most upon fish; sith the cold is so extreme in those parts, that the ground bringeth forth but small store of wheat, and in manner very little or no fuel at all, wherewith to warm them in the winter, and yet it seemeth that (in times past) some of these islands also have been well replenished with wood, but now they are without either tree or shrub, in steed whereof they have plenty of heath, which is suffered to grow among them, rather through their negligence, than that the soil of itself will not yield to bring forth trees & bushes. For what store of such hath been in times past, the roots yet found and digged out of the ground do yield sufficient trial. Oats they have very plentifully, but greater store of barleie, whereof they make a nappy kind of drink, and such indeed, as will very readily cause a stranger to overshoot himself. Howbeit this may be unto us in am of a miracle, that although their drink be never so strong, & they themselves so unmeasurable drinkers (as none are more) yet it shall not easily be seen (saith Hector) that there is any drunkard among them, 
If he speak all in truth.  either frantic, or mad man, dolt, or natural fool, meet to wear a coxcomb.  
This unmeasurable drinking of theirs is confessed also by Buchanan, who noteth, that whensoever any wine is brought unto them from other soils, they take their parts thereof abundantly. He addeth moreover, how they have an old bowl (which they call S. Magnus' bowl, who first preached Christ unto them) of far greater quantity than common boles are, and so great, that it may seem to be reserved since the Lapithane banquet, only to quaff and drink in. And when any bishop cometh unto them, they offer him this bowl full of drink, which if he be able to drink up quite at one draft; then they assure themselves of good luck, and plenty after it. Nevertheless this excess is not often found in the common sort, whom penury maketh to be more frugal; but in their priests, and such as are of the richer calling. They secure pirates also, and very often exchange their victuals with their commodities, rather for fear and want of power to resist (their islands lying so scattered) than for any necessity of such gains as they do get by those men: for in truth, they think themselves to have little need of other furniture than their own soils do yield and offer unto them. This is also to be read of the inhabitants of these islands, that ignorance of excess is unto the most part of them in steed of physic; and labour and travel a medicine for such few diseases as they are molested and encumbered withal.  
In like sort they want venomous beasts, chiefly such as do delight in hotter soil, and all kinds of ugly creatures. Their ewes also are so full of increase, that some do usually bring forth two, three, or four lambs at once, whereby they account our anelings (which are such as bring forth but one at once) rather barren than to be kept for any gain. As for wild and tame fowls, they have such plenty of them, that the people there account them rather a burden to their soil, than a benefit to their tables: they have also neat and goats, whereby they abound in white meat, as butter and cheese: wherein, next unto fish, the chief part of their sustenance doth consist. There is also a bishop of the Orchades, who hath his see in Pomona the chief of all the islands, wherein also are two strong castles, and such hath been the superstition of the people here, that there is almost no one of them, that hath not one church at the least dedicated to the mother of Christ. Finally, there is little use of physic in these quarters, less store of éeles, and least of frogs. As for the horses that are bred amongst them, they are commonly not much greater than asses, and yet to labour and travel, a man shall find very few elsewhere, able to come near, much less to match with them, in holding out their journeys. The seas about these islands are very tempestuous, not only through strong winds, and the influences of the heavens and stars; but by the contrary meetings and workings of the west ocean, which rageth so vehemently in the streicts, that no vessel is able to pass in safety amongst them. Some of these islands also are so small and low, that all the commodity which is to be reaped by any of them, is scarcely sufficient to sustain one or two men: and some of them so barren and full of rocks, that they are nothing else but moss or bare shingle. Wherefore only thirteen of them are inhabited and made account of, the rest being left unto their sheep and cattle. Of all these islands also Pomona is the greatest, and therefore called the continent, which containeth thirty miles in length, and is well replenished with people: for it hath twelve parish churches, and one town, which the Danes (sometime lords of that Island) called Cracovia: 
Kirkwa.  but now it height Kirkwa. There are also two pretty holds, one belonging to the king, the other to the bishop: and also a beautiful church, and much building between the two holds, and about this church, which being taken as it were for two towns, the one is called the kings and the other the bishop's town. All the whole Island is full of cliffs and promontories, whereby no small number of bay and some havens are producted.  
There is also tin and lead to be found in six of these Isles, so good and plentifully as any where else in Britain. It lieth four & twenty miles from Cathnesse, being separated from the same by the Pictish sea: wherein also lie certain islands, as Stroma, four miles from Cathnesse, which albeit that it be but four miles from Cathnesse, is not reputed for any of the Orchades. Going therefore from hence northward, we come to the first I'll of the Orchades, called south Ravals, which is sixteen miles from Dunghilsbie, alias Dunachisbie, & that in two hours space, such is the swiftness of the sea in that tract. This I'll is five miles long, and hath a fair port called saint Margaret's haven. Then pass we by two desert Isles, which lie towards the east, wherein nothing is found but cattle: some call them the holmes, because they lie low, and are good for nothing but grass. On the northside lieth the Burr, and two other holmes between the same Pomona. From burr, toward the west lie three Isles, Snu, Flat, and Far: and beyond them Hoie and Uall, which some account for two, and other but for one; because that in March and September, the flats that lie between them, do seem to join them together, after the tide is gone. This nevertheless is certain, that in this single or double I'll, which is ten miles in length, the highest hills are to be seen that are in all the Orchades. And as they lie eight miles from Ravals, so are they two miles from Pomona, from saint Donats in Scotland full twenty miles. And on the north side of it lieth the Brainse, in a narrow streict, as Buchanan doth remember. And these are the Isles which lie between Pomona and Cathnesse. As for the west side of the continent, I find that it lieth open to the sea, without either shelves, islands, or rocks, appearing near unto it: but on the east side thereof Cobesa doth in manner overshadow it. Siapiusa also an isle of six miles long, lieth within two miles of Cracovia. Toward the east, on the west side of Pomona lieth the Rouse, of six miles in length: and by east of that, the Eglisa, wherein (as they say) their patron S. Magnus lieth interred. From hence southward lie the Uera Gersa, and not far off the Uester (which is fourscore miles from Hethland) Papa, & Stronza, which is also eighty miles from Hethland as the Uester. In the midst also of this tract lieth Far, or Fara, which is to say, fair I'll, in old English, fair eye: and within sight so well of Hethland, as the Orchades, by reason of three insuperable rocks which are apparent in the same: a very poor Island, and yet yearly rob (of such commodities as it hath) by such Flemish and English fishermen as pass by the coasts thereof in time of the year, to catch fish for the provision of their countries.  
Next unto this is the greatest of all the Hethlands, an Island called the main, sixty miles in length, and sixteen in breadth, full of rocks, and whose coasts are only inhabited, the innermost parts being lest unto the fowls of the air, because of the barrenness and unfruitfulness of the soil: yet of late some have endeavoured to empeople it, but with no success correspondent to their desire. Wherefore they returned to their former trades, making their chief commodity and yearly gain by fish, as aforetime. Ten miles from this toward the north, lieth the Zeal, twenty miles in length, eight in breadth, and so wild that it will suffer no creature to live thereof, that is not bred therein. Between this Island also and the main, are other smaller islands to be found, as the Ling, Orne, Big, and Sanferre. And from hence nine miles northward Usta, twenty miles long, & six in breadth, plain, pleasant, but environed with a swift and terrible sea. Between this also and the Zeal, are the Uie, the Ure, and the Ling: also towards the west, the two Skins, Chalseie, Nordwade, Brase, and Mouse, on the west side lie the west Skins, Rottia, Papa the less, Wunned, Papa the more, Ualla, Tondra, Burra, Haura the more, Haura the less, & in manner so many holmes dispersed here and there, whereof I have no notice. Some call these the Shetland, and some the Shotland Iles. Buchanan nameth them in the third member of his division Zelandise, and toward the end of his first book seemeth to avouch, that they live in manner as do the inhabitants of the Orchades: although not in so civil wise, nor in such large measure and abundance of diet in their houses. He addeth moreover, that their apparel is after the German cut, comely, but not so chargeable and costly, and how they raise their gain by skins of beasts, as martens, sheep, oxen, and goats skins, and thereunto a kind of cloth which they weave, and sell to the merchants of Norway, together with their butter, fish, either salted or dried, and their train oil, and exercise their trade of fishing also in their uncertain skewes, which they fetch out of Norway.  
Their speech is Gothish, and such of them as by their dealing with foreign merchants do gather any wealth, that they will very often bestow upon the furniture of their houses. Their weights & measures are after the German manner, their country is very healthy, and so wholesome, that of late a man was found which had married a wife at one hundred years of age, and was able to go out a fishing with his boat at one hundred and forty, and of late years died of mere age, without any other disease. Drunkenness is not heard of among them, and yet they meet and make good cheer very often. Neither do I read of any great use of flesh or foul there, although that some of their islands have plenty of each. Nor any mention of corn growing in these parts, and therefore in steed of bread they dry a kind of fish, which they beat in mortars to powder, & bake it in their ovens, until it be hard and dry. Their fuel also is of such bones as the fish yieldeth, that is taken on their coasts: and yet they live as themselves suppose in much felicity, thinking it a great piece of their happiness to be so far distant from the wicked avarice, and cruel dealings of the more rich and civil part of the world.  
Herein also they are like unto the Hirthiens, in that at one time of the year, there cometh a priest unto them out of the Orchades (unto which jurisdiction they do belong) who baptiseth all such children, as have been borne among them, since he last arrived, and having afterward remained there for a two days, he taketh his tithes of them (which they provide and pay with great scrupulosity in fish, for of other commodities pay they none) and then returneth home again, not without boast of his troublesome voyage, except he watch his time. In these Isles also is great plenty of fine Amber to be had 
Amber.  (as Hector saith) which is producted by the working of the sea upon those coasts: but more of this elsewhere. This nevertheless is certain, that these islands, with the Orchades, were never perfectly united to the crown of Scotland, till the marriage was made between king james and the lady Marie daughter to Christian king of Denmark 1468; which Christian at the birth of their son james (afterward king of Scotland and called james the fourth) resigned all his right and title whatsoever either he or his ancestors either presently or heretofore had, might have had, or herafrer may or should have, unto the aforesaid peers, as appeareth by the charter.  
From these Shetland Isles, and until we come southwards to the scar, which lieth in Buquhamnesse, I find no mention of any I'll situate upon that coast, neither greatly from thence, until we come at the Forth, that leadeth up to Sterling, neither thought we it safety for us to search so far as Thule, whence the most excellent brimstone cometh, & thereto what store of islands lie under the more northerly climates, whose secret situations though partly seen in my time, have not yet been perfectly revealed or discovered by any, because of the great abundance of huge islands of ice that moveth to and fro upon their shores, and sundry perilous gulfs and indraughts of water, and for as much as their knowledge doth not concern our purpose, wherefore casting about, we came at the last into the Firth or Forth, which some call the Scotish sea, wherein we pass by seven or eight such as they be, of which the first called the May, the second Baas, and Garwie the third, do seem to be inhabited. From these also holding on our course toward England, we pass by another I'll, wherein Faux castle standeth, and this (so far as my skill serveth) is the last Island of the Scotish side, in compassing whereof I am not able to discern, whether their flats and shallows, number of islands without name, confusion of situation, lack of true description, or mine own ignorance hath troubled me most. No marvel therefore that I have been so oft on ground among them. But most joyful am I that am come home again: & although not by the Thames mouth into my native city (which taketh his name of troy) yet into the English dominion, where good entertainment is much more frank and copious, and better harborough wherein to rest my weary bones, and refresh at ease our wether beaten carcases.  
The first Island therefore which cometh to our sight, after we passed Berwick, is that which was sometime called Lindesfarne, but now Holy Island, 
Lindesfarne or Holy Island.  and containeth eight miles; a place much honoured among our monastical writers, because diverse monks and heremits did spend their times therein. There was also the bishops see of Lindesfarne for a long season, which afterward was translated to Chester in the street, & finally to Duresine, Dunelme, or Durham. It was first erected by Oswald, wherein he placed Aidanus the learned Scotish monk, who came hither out of the isle called Hij, whereof Beda speaking in the third chapter of his third book, noteth, that although the said Hij belong to the kings of Northumberland, by reason of situation & nearness to the coast; yet the Picts appointed the bishops of the same, and gave the isle with the see itself to such Scotish monks as they liked, because that by their preaching they first received the faith. But to return to Lindesfarne. After Aidan departed this life, Finanus finished and builded the whole church with sawed timber of oak, after the manner of his country, which when Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie had dedicated, Edbert the bishop did cover over with lead.  
Next unto this is the isle of Farne, 
Farne.  and herein is a place of defence so far as I remember, and so great store of eggs laid there by diverse kinds of wildfowl in time of the year, that a man shall hardly run for a wager on the plain ground without the breach of many, before his race be finished. About Farne also lie certain Isles greater than Farne itself, but void of inhabitants; and in these also is great store of puffins, 
Puffins.  grey as ducks, and without coloured feathers, saving that they have a white ring round about their necks. There is moreover another bird, 
Saint Cuthberts' fowls.  which the people call saint Cuthberts' fowls, a very tame and gentle creature, and easy to be taken. After this we came to the Cocket Island; so called, because it lieth over against the fall of Cocket water. Herein is a vein of mean seacole, which the people dig out of the shore at the low water; and in this Island dwelled one Henry sometime a famous eremite, who (as his life declareth) came of the Danish race. And from thence until we came unto the coast of Norfolk I saw no more islands.  
Being therefore past S. Edmund's point, we found a little I'll over against the fall of the water that cometh from Holkham, & likewise another over against the Clay, before we came at Waburne hope: the third also in Yarmouth river over against Bradwell, a town in low or little England, whereof also I must needs say somewhat, because it is in manner an Island, and as I guess either hath been or may be one: for the brodest place of the strict land that leadeth to the same, is little above a quarter of a mile, which against the raging waves of the sea can make but small resistance. Little England 
Little England.  or low England therefore is about eight miles in length and four in breadth, very well replenished with towns, as Fristan, Burgh castle, Olton, Flixton, Lestoft, Gunton, Blundston, Corton, Lownd, Ashebie, Hoxton, Belton, Bradwell, and Gorleston, and beside this it is very fruitful and endued with all commodities.  
Going forward from hence, by the Estonnesse (almost an Island) I saw a small parcel cut from the main in Oxford haven, the Langerstone in Orwell mouth, & two pieces or Islets at Cattiwade bridge; and then casting about unto the Colne, we beheld Merseie 
Merseie.  which is a pretty Island, well furnished with wood. It was sometime a great receptacle for the Danes when they invaded England; howbeit at this present it hath beside two decayed blockehouses, two parish churches, of which one is called east Merseie, the other west Merseie, and both under the archdeacon of Colchester, as parcel of his jurisdiction. Foulness is an isle void of wood, 
Foulness.  and yet well replenished with very good grass for neat and sheep, whereof the inhabitants have great plenty: there is also a parish church, and albeit that it stand somewhat distant from the shore, yet at a dead low water a man may (as they say) ride thereto if he be skilful of the causey; it is under the jurisdiction of London. And at this present master William Tabor bachelor of divinity and archdeacon of Essex hath it under his jurisdiction & regiment, by the surrender of master john Walker doctor also of divinity, who lived at such time as I first attempted to commit this book to the impression.  
In Maldon water are in like sort three islands environed all with salt streams, as saint Osithes, Northeie, 
Osithe. Northeie.  and another (after a mersh) that beareth no name so far as I remember. On the right hand also as we went toward the sea again, we saw Ramseie I'll, or rather a Peninsula or Biland, 
Ramseie.  & likewise the Reie, 
Reie.  in which is a chapel of saint Peter. And then coasting upon the mouth of the Bourne, we saw the Wallot isle and his mates, whereof two lie by east Wallot, and the fourth is Foulness, except I be deceived, for here my memory faileth me on the one side, and information on the other, I mean concerning the placing of Foulness. But to proceed. After this, and being entered into the Thames mouth, I find no Island of any name, except you account Rochfort hundred for one, whereof I have no mind to entreat, more than of Crowland, Mersland, Elie, and the rest, that are framed by the ouze, Andredeseie in Trent, so called of a church there dedicated to saint Andrew, and avon (two noble rivers hereafter to be described) sith I touch only those that are environed with the sea or salt water round about, as we may see in the Canwaie 
Canwaie.  Isles, which some call marshes only, and liken them to an hippocras bag, some to a vice, screw, or wide sleeve, because they are very small at the east end, and large at west. The salt rilles also that cross the same do so separat the one of them from the other, that they resemble the slope course of the cutting part of a screw or gimlet, in very perfect manner, if a man do imagine himself to look down from the top of the mast upon them. Between these, moreover and the Leigh town lieth another little Isle or Holme, whose name is to me unknown. Certes I would have gone to land and viewed these parcels as they lay, or at the least have sailed round about them by the whole haven, which may easily be done at an high water: but for as much as a perrie of wind (scarce comparable to the makerell gale, whereof john Anele of Calis one of the best seamen that England ever bred for his skill in the narrow seas was wont to talk) caught hold of our sails, & carried us forth the right way toward London, I could not tarry to see what things were hereabouts. Thus much therefore of our islands, & so much may well suffice where more cannot be had.   

The description of the Thames, and such rivers as fall into the same. Cap. 11.  
Having (as you have seen) attempted to set down a full discourse of all the islands, that are situate upon the coast of Britain, and finding the success not correspondent to mine intent, it hath caused me somewhat to restrain my purpose in this description also of our rivers. For whereas I intended at the first to have written at large, of the number, situation, names, quantities, towns, villages, castles, mountains, fresh waters, plashes or lakes, salt waters, and other commodities of the aforesaid Isles, mine expectation of information from all parts of England, was so deceived in the end, that I was fame at last only to lean to that which I knew myself either by reading, or such other help as I had already purchased and gotten of the same. And even so it happeneth in this my tractation of waters, of whose heads, courses, length, breadth, depth of channel (for burden) ebbs, flowings, and falls, I had thought to have made a perfect description under the report also of an imagined course taken by them all. But now for want of instruction, which hath been largely promised, & slackly performed, and other sudden and injurious denial of help voluntarily offered, without occasion given on my part, I must needs content myself with such observations as I have either obtained by mine own experience, or gathered from time to time out of other men's writings: whereby the full discourse of the whole is utterly cut off, and in steed of the same a mangled rehearsal of the residue set down and left in memory.  
Wherefore I beseech your honour to pardon this imperfection and rudeness of my labour, which notwithstanding is not altogether in vain, sith my errors may prove a spur unto the better skilled, either to correct or enlarge where occasion serveth, or at the leastwise to take in hand a more absolute piece of work, as better direction shall encourage them thereto. The entrance and beginning of every thing is the hardest; and he that beginneth well, hath achieved half his purpose. The ice (my lord) is broken, and from henceforth it will be more easy for such as shall come after to wade through with the rest, sith Facile est inventis addere; and to continue and finish, is not so great a matter in building, as to attempt and lay the foundation or platform of any noble piece of workmanship, though it be but rudely handled. But to my purpose. As I began at the Thames 
Thamesis.  in my description of islands, so will I now do the like with that of famous rivers; making mine entry at the said river itself, of whose fountain some men make as much ado, as in time passed of the true head of Nilus, which, till of late (if it be yet descried) was never found: or the Tanais, whose original was never known, nor shall be: for whilst one placeth it here, another there; there are none at all that deal with it exactly. Wherefore leaning to such men's writings as have of set purpose sought out the spring of the Thames; I affirm, that this famous stream hath his head or beginning out of the side of an hill, standing in the plains of Cotsall, about one mile from Tetburie, near unto the Fosse (an high way so called of old) where it was sometime named Isis, or the Ouse, although diverse do ignorantly call it the Thames even there, rather of a foolish custom than any skill, because they either neglect or utterly are ignorant how it was named at the first. From hence it runneth directly toward the east (as all good rivers should) and meeteth with the Cirne or Churn, (a brook called in Latin Corinium) whereof Cirncester 
Corinium.  town (by which it cometh) doth take the denomination.  
From hence it hasteth unto Créekelade, alias Crekanford, Lechlade, Radcotebridge, Newbridge, and Eovesham, receiving by the way an infinite sort of small streams, brooks, becks, waters, and rundels: and here on this side of the town divideth itself into two courses, of which the one goeth strait to Botleie and Hinkseie, the other by Godstow, a village not far off. This latter spreadeth itself also for a while into sundry smaller branches, which run not far yer they be reunited, and then beclipping sundry pleasant meadows, it passeth at length by Oxford, 
Charwell.  of some supposed rather to be called Ouseford of this river, where it m●eteth with the Charwell, and a little from whence the original branches do join and go together by Abbandune (alias Sensham or Abington as we call it) although no part of it at the first came so near the town as it doth now, 
Some writ, that the main stream was brought thither which ran before between Andredeseie and Culenham.  till a branch thereof was led thither from the main stream, through the industry of the monks, as (beside the testimony of old records thereof yet extant to be seen) by the decay of Cair Dour now Dorchester itself, sometime the thoroughfare from Wal●s and the west country to London, which ensued upon this fact, is easy to be seen. From hence it goeth to Dorchester, and so to Thame, where joining with a river of the same denomination, it looseth the name of Isis or Ouse (whereof Ousencie at Oxford is producted) and from thenceforth is called Thamesis. From Thame it goeth to Wallingford, and so to Reding, 
Pontium.  which in time past, of the number of bridges there, was called Pontium; albeit that the English name doth rather proceed from the, or Ree, 
Saint Marie over Rhee.  the Saxon word for a watercourse or river, which may be seen in Ouerée, or Sutherée, for over the Ree, or south of the Rhee, as to the skilful doth readily appear; yet some hold (and not altogether against probability and likelihood) that the word Sutherée is so called of Sudrijc, to wit, the south kingdom, whereunto in part the Thames is a bound. But that holdeth not in denomination, either of the said church or name of the foresaid county. Other affirm likewise, that Reding is so called of the Greek word (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which is to over flow. Certes, as neither of these conjectures are to be contemned, so the last cometh most near to mine aid, who affirm, that not only the course of every water itself, but also his over flowing was in time passed called the, by such Saxons as inhabited in this Island: and even to this day in Essex I have oft observed, that when the lower grounds by rage of water have been overflown, the people beholding the same, have said; All is on a the, as if they should have said; All is now a river, albeit the word River be derived from the French, and borrowed by them from the Latins: but not without corruption, as it was brought unto them. I will not here give notice how far they are deceived, which call the aforesaid church by the name of S. Marry Auderies, or S. Marie over Isis, or Ise. But I will proceed with the course of this noble stream, which, howsoever these matters stand it hath passed by Reding, and there received the Kenet, 
Kenet.  which cometh from the hills that lie west of Marleborough, & then the Thetis, 
Thetis.  commonly called the Tide that cometh from Thetisford: it hieth to Sudlington otherwise called Maiden head, and so to Windleshore (or Windsor) Eton, and then to Chertseie, where Erkenwald bishop of London, sometime builded a religious house or cell, as I do read.  
From Chertseie it hasteth directly unto Stanes, and receiving an other stream by the way, called the Coal 
Cole.  (whereupon Colbrooke standeth) it goeth by Kingston, Shene, Zion, and Brentford or Bregentford, where it meeteth the Brane or the Brene, another brook descending from Edgeworth, whose name signifieth a frog, in the British speech. Upon this also sir john Thin had sometime a stately house, with a marvelous provision to enclose and retain such fish as should come about the same. 
Brene.  From Brentfoord it passeth by Mortlach, Putneie, Fulham, Batterseie, Chelseie, Lambeth, and so to London. Finally going from thence unto the sea, it taketh the Lée with it by the way upon the coast of Essex, and the Darnt upon Kent side, which riseth near to Tanrige, and cometh by Shoreham, unto Derntford, 
Darwent.  whereunto the Craie 
Craie.  falleth. And last of all the medway a notable river (in mine opinion) which watereth all the south and south-west part of Kent, and whose description is not to be omitted hereafter in this place.  
Having in this manner briefly touched this noble river, and such brooks as fall into the same; I will now add a particular description of each of these last by themselves, whereby their courses also shall be severally described to the satisfaction of the studious. But yer I take the same in hand, I will insert a word or two of the commodities of the said river, which I will perform with so much brevity as is possible; hereby also finding out his whole tract and course from the head to the fall thereof into the sea. It appeareth evidently that the length thereof is at the least, one hundredth and eighty miles, if it be measured by the journeys of the land. And as it is in course, the longest of the three famous rivers of this isle, so it is nothing inferior unto them in abundance of all kind of fish, whereof it is hard to say, which of the three have either most plenty, or greatest variety, if the circumstances be duly weighed. What some other writ of the rivers of their countries it skilleth not, neither will I (as diverse do) invent strange things of this noble stream, therewith to nobilitate and make it more honourable: but this will I in plain terms affirm, that it neither swalloweth up bastards of the Celtish brood, or casteth up the right begotten that are thrown in without hurt into their mother's lap, as Politian fableth of the Rhine, Epistiloram lib. 8. epi. 6. nor yieldeth clots of gold as the Tagus doth: but an infinite plenty of excellent, sweet and pleasant fish, wherewith such as inhabit near unto her banks are fed and fully nourished.  
What should I speak of the fat and sweet salmons, 
Salmons.  daily taken in this stream, and that in such plenty (after the time of the smelled be past) as no river in Europa is able to exceed it. But what store also of barbels, trouts, chevins, perches, smelts, breames, roches, daces, gudging, flounders, shrimps, &c: are commonly to be had therein, I refer me to them that know by experience better than I, by reason of their daily trade of fishing in the same. And albeit it seemeth from time to time, to be as it were defrauded in sundry wise of these her large commodities, by the insatiable avarice of the fishermen, yet this famous river complaineth commonly of no want, but the more it looseth at one time, the more it yieldeth at another. Only in carp it seemeth to be scant, 
Carp a fish late brought into England and later into the Thames.  sith it is not long since that kind of fish was brought over into England, and but of late to speak of into this stream, by the violent rage of sundry land-flouds, that broke open the heads and dams of divers gentlemen's ponds, by which means it became somewhat partaker also of this said commodity, whereof erst it had no portion that I could ever hear. Oh that this river might be spared but even one year from nets, & c! But alas than should many a poor man be undone. In the mean time it is lamentable to see, how it is and hath been choked of late with sands and shelves, through the penning and wresting of the course of the water for commodities sake. But as this is an inconvenience easily remedied, if good order were taken for the redress thereof: so now, the fine or pay set upon the ballaffe sometime freelis given to the merchants by patent, even unto the lands end (jusques au point) will be another cause of harm unto this noble stream, and all through an advantage taken at the want of an (i) in the word ponct: which grew through an error committed by an English notary unskilful in the French tongue, wherein that patent was granted.  
Furthermore, the said river floweth and filleth all his channels wise in the day and night, that is in every twelve hours once; and this ebbing & flowing, holdeth on for the space of seventy miles, within the main land: the stream or tide being always highest at London, when the moon doth exactly touch the north-east and south or west points of the heavens, of which one is visible, the other under the earth, and not subject to our sight. These tides also differ in their times, each one coming latter than other, by so many minutes as pass yer the revolution and natural course of the heavens do reduce, and bring about the said planet unto those her former places: 
The just distance between one tide and another.  whereby the common difference between one tide and another, is found to consist of twenty four minutes, which wanteth but twelve of an whole hour in four and twenty, as experience doth confirm. In like sort we see by daily trial, that each tide is not of equal height and greatness. For at the full and change of the moon we have the greatest floods, and such is their ordinary course, that as they diminish from their changes and fools, unto the first and last quarters; so afterwards they increase again, until they come to the full and change. Sometimes also they rise so high (if the wind be at the north or north-east, which bringeth in the water with more vehemency, because the tide which filleth the channel, cometh from Scotland ward) that the Thames overfloweth her banks near unto London: which happeneth especially in the fools and changes of januarie and February, wherein the lower grounds are of custom soon drowned. This order of flowing in like sort is perpetual, so that when the moon is upon the south-west and north of points, then is the water by London at the highest: neither do the tides alter, except some rough winds out of the west or south-west do keep back and check the stream in his entrance, 
The stream oft checked in her entrance into the land.  as the east and north-east do hasten the coming in thereof, or else some other extraordinary occasion, put by the ordinary course of the northern seas, which fill the said river by their natural return and flowing. And that both these do happen eft among, I refer me to such as have not seldom observed it, as also the sensible chopping in of three or four tides in one natural day, whereof the unskilful do descant many things.  
But how so ever these small matters do fall out, and how often soever this course of the stream doth happen to be disturbed; yet at two several times of the age of the moon, the waters return to their natural course and limits of time exactly. Polydore saith, that this river is seldom increased or rather never overfloweth her banks by landflouds: but he is herein very much deceived, as it shallbe more apparently seen hereafter. For the more that this river is put by of her right course, the more the water must of necessity swell with the white waters which run down from the land: because the passage cannot be so swift and ready in the winding as in the straight course. These landflouds also do greatly strain the finesse of the stream, in so much that after a great landfloud, you shall take haddocks with your hands beneath the bridge, as they float aloft upon the water, whose eyes are so blinded with the thickness of that element, that they cannot see where to become, and make shift to save themselves before death take hold of them. Otherwise the water of itself is very clear, and in comparison next unto that of the sea, which is most subtle and pure of all other; as that of great rivers is most excellent, in comparison of smaller brooks: although Aristotle will have the salt water to be most gross, because a ship will bear a greater burden on the sea than on the fresh water; and an egg sink in this that swimmeth on the other. But he may easily be answered by the quantity of room and abundance of waters in the sea; whereby it becometh of more force to sustain such vessels as are committed to the same, and whereunto the greatest rivers (God wots) are nothing comparable. I would here make mention of sundry bridges placed over this noble stream, of which that of London is most chiefly to be commended, 
London bridge.  for it is in manner a continual street, well replenished with large and stately houses on both sides, and situate upon twenty arches, whereof each one is made of excellent free squared stone, every of them being threescore foot in height, and full twenty in distance one from another, as I have often viewed.  
In like manner I could entreat of the infinite number 
2000 boats upon the Thames and 3000 pooreinen maintained by the same whose gains come in most plentifully in the term tune.  of swans daily to be seen upon this river, the two thousand wherries and small boats, whereby three thousand poor watermen are maintained, through the carriage and recariage of such persons as pass or repass, from time to time upon the same: beside those huge tideboats, tiltbotes, and barges, which either carry passengers, or bring necessary provision from all quarters of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Herfordshire, Midlesex, Essex, Surrie, and Kent, unto the city of London. But for somuch as these things are to be repeated again in the particular description of London, annexed to his card; I surcease at this time to speak any more of them here, as not lingering but hasting to perform my promise made even now, not yet forgotten, and in performance whereof I think it best to resume the description of this noble river again into my hands, and in adding whatsoever is before omitted, to deliver a full and perfect demonstration of his course. How and where the said stream ariseth, is already & with sufficiency set down, noting the place to be within a mile of Tetburie, whereof some do utterly mislike, because that rill in summer drouths is oft so dry, that there is little or no water at all seen running above ground in the same. For this cause the therefore many affirm the very head of Isis 
Isis.  to come from the pool above Kemble. Other confound it with the head of the Cirne or Chirne, called in Latin Corinium that riseth above Coberleie. For my part I follow Leland, as he doth the monk of Malmesburie, which wrote the history entitled Eulogium historiarum, who searched the same of set purpose, and pronounced with Leland, although at this present that course be very small, and choked up (as I hear) with gravel and sand. Proceeding therefore from the head, it first of all receiveth the Kemble water called the Cove, which riseth above Kemble town, 
Cows.  goeth by Kemble itself unto Pool and Somerford, and then (accompanieth the Thames) unto Canes, Ashton, Canes, and Howston, holding on in one channel until they meet with the Chirne, the next of all to be described.  
The Chirne is a fair water arising out of the ground above Coberleie, 
Corinium.  from whence it runneth to Cowleie, Cowlesburne, Randcome, and so into the Isis on the left side above Crekelade. These three waters being thus united and brought into one channel, within a little space of the head of Isis, it runneth on by Crekelade, beneath which town it receiveth the the, descending from Elcombe, 
Rhe.  Escot, Redburne, Widhill, & at the fall into Isis, or not far off joineth with another that runneth west of Purton by Braden forest, etc. Next of all our Isis meeteth with the Amneie on the left hand, which coming from above Holy rood Amneie, 
Amneie.  runneth by Down Amneie, and finally into the Isis a little above Iseie. In like sort I read of another that meeteth withal on the right hand above Iseie also, which so far as I can call to remembrance, cometh from about Orifield and falleth so into our Isis, that they run as one until they come at the Colne, although not so nakedly and without help, but that in this voyage, the main stream doth cross one water that descendeth from Swindon, and going also by Stratton toward Sevingham, is itself increased with two rils by the way, whereof one cometh from Liddenton by Wambreie, as I have been informed.  
The Colne is a fair river rising by north near to Witchington, 
Colneius, Colineus, or Colunus.  & from thence goeth to Shipton's, Compton Abdale, Wittenton, Yarneworth, Colne Deans, and Colne Rogers, Winston, Biberie, Colne Alens, Quenington, Faireford, and west of Lachelade into the river Isis, which hereabout on the southside also taketh in another, whereof I find this remembrance. The Isis being once past Sevingham, crosseth a brook from southest that mounteth about Ashbirie, and receiving a rill from bywest (that cometh from Hinton) beneath Shrineham, it afterward so divideth itself, that the arms thereof include Inglesham, and by reason that it falleth into the Isis at two several places, there is a pleasant Island producted, whereof let this suffice.  
Being past Lechelade a mile, 
Lecus or Leche.  it runneth to saint john's bridge, & the reabout meeteth with the leech on the left hand. This brook, whereof Lechlade taketh the name (a town whereunto one piece of an old university is ascribed, which it did never possess, more than Crekelade did the other) riseth east of Hampnet, from whence it goeth to north Lech, Estenton, Anlesworth, east Lech, south Thorpe, Farendon, & so into the Isis. From hence this famous water goeth by Kenskot toward Radcote bridge (taking in the rill that riseth in an odd piece of Berkshire, and runneth by Langford) and being past the said bridge (now notable through a conspiracy made there sometimes by sundry barons against the estate) it is not long yer it cross two other waters, both of them descending from another odd parcel of the said county, whereof I have this note given me for my further information. There are two falls of water into Isis beneath Radcote bridge, whereof the one cometh from Shilton in Berkshire by Arescote, black Burton and Clarrefield. The other also riseth in the same piece, and runneth by Brisenorton unto Bampton, and there receiving an armelet from the first that break off at black Burton, it is not long yer they fall into Isis, and leave a pretty Island. After these confluences, the main course of the stream hasteth by Shifford to Newbridge, where it joineth with the Winrush. 
Winrush.  The Winrush riseth above Shieburne in Glocestershire, from whence it goeth to Winrush, & coming by Barrington, Burford, Widbrooke, Swinbecke castle, Witneie, Duckington, Cockthorpe, Stanlake, it meeteth with the Isis' west by south of Northmore. From hence it goeth beneath Stanton, Hartingcourt and Ensham, between which and Cassinton, it receiveth (as Leland calleth it) the Bruerne water. 
Briwerus.   
It riseth above Limington, and going to Norton in the Marsh, and through a patch of Worcestershire unto Euenlode, between it and the four shirestones, 
Comus.  it taketh in a rill called Come, coming by the long and the little Comptons'. After this also it goeth by Bradwell, Odington, and so to Bleddenton, above which town it taketh in the Rolrich water that issueth at two heads, in the hills that lie by west of little Rolrich, 
Rolrich.  and join above Kenkeham, and Church hill. From thence also it goeth unto Bruerne, Shipton underwood, Ascot, Short hamton, Chorleburie, Corneburie park, Stonfield, Longcombe, and southeast of Woodstock park, taketh in the Enis, that riseth above Emstone, 
Euis.  and goeth to Ciddington, Glimton, Wotton (where it is increased with a rill that runneth thither from steeple Barton, by the Béechin tree) Woodstock, Blaidon, so that after this confluence, the said Enis runneth to Casunnton, and so into the Isis, which goeth from hence to Oxford, and there receiveth the Charwell, now presently to be described.  
The head of Charwell is in Northamptonshire, 
Charwell.  where it riseth out of a little pool, by Charleton village, seven miles above Banberie north-east, and there it issueth so fast at the very surge, that it groweth into a pretty stream, in manner out of hand. Soon after also it taketh in a rillet called the Bure, 
Bure. Culen.  which falleth into it, about Otmere side: but forasmuch as it riseth by Bincester, the whole course thereof is not above four miles, and therefore cannot be great. A friend of mine prosecuting the rest of this description reporteth thereof as followeth. Before the Charwell cometh into Oxfordshire, it receiveth the Culen, which falleth into the same, a little above Edgcote, and so descending toward Wardington, it meeteth with another coming from by north west, between Wardington and Cropreadie. At Banberie also it meeteth with the Come 
Come.  (which falleth from fenny Conton by Farneboro, and afterwards going by kings Sutton, not far from Aine, it receiveth the discharge of diverse rillets, in one bottom before it come at Clifton. The said water therefore engendered of so many brookelets, consisteth chiefly of two, whereof the most southerly called Oak, 
Ocus.  cometh from Oak, Norton, by Witchington or Wiggington, and the Berfords; and carrying a few blind rils withal, doth meet with the other that falleth from by northwest into the same, within a mile of Charwell.  
That other (as I conjecture) is increased of three waters, whereof each one hath his several name. The first of them therefore height Tudo, 
Tudo.  which coming between Epwell and the Lée by Toddington, joineth about Broughton with the second that runneth from Horneton, named Ornus, 
Ornus.  as I guess. The last falleth into the Tude or Tudelake, beneath Broughton; and for that it riseth not far from Sotteswell in Warwikeshire, some are of the opinion, that it is to be called Sotbrooke. 
Sotbrooke. Sovarus.  The next water that meeteth without Charwell beneath Clifton cometh from about Croughton, and after this is the Sowar 
Sowar.  or Swear, that riseth north of Michael Tew, and runneth by neither Wotton. The last of all is the Reie alias Bure, 
Burus.  whose head is not far above Burcester, alias Bincester, and Burncester: and from whence it goeth by Burecester to Merton, Charleton, Fencote, Addington, Noke, Islip, and so into Charwell, that holdeth on his course after this augmentation of the waters, between Wood and Water Eton, to Marston, and the east bridge of Oxford by Magdalene college, and so beneath the south bridge into our aforesaid Isis.  
In describing this river, 
Midst of England whereabouts.  this one thing (right honourable) is come unto my mind, touching the centre and navel as it were of England. Certes there is an hilly plot of ground in Helledon parish, not far from Danberie, where a man may stand and behold the heads of three notable rivers, whose waters, and those of such as fall into them, do abundantly serve the greatest part of England on this side of the Humber. The first of these waters is the Charwell, already described. The second is the Leme that goeth westward into the fourth avon. And the third is the head of the Nene or fift avon itself, of whose courses there is no card but doth make sufficient mention; and therefore your honour may behold in the same how they do coast the country, and also measure by compasses how this plot lieth in respect of all the rest, contrary to common judgement, which maketh Northampton to be the midst and centre of our country.  
But to go forward with my description of the Ouse, which being past Oxford goeth to Iflie, Kennington, Sanford, Rodleie, Newnham, and so to Abington, sometime called Sensham, without increase, where it receiveth the Oche, 
Ocus.  otherwise called the Coach, a little beneath S. Helen's, which runneth thither of two brooklets, as I take it, whereof one cometh from Compton, out of the vale and west of the hill of the White horse, the other from Kings Letcombe, and Wantage in Berkshire, and in one channel, entereth into the same, upon the right side of his course. 
Arun.  From Abington likewise (taking the Arun withal south-west of Sutton courtney) it goeth by Appleford, long Wittenham, Clifton, Wittenham the less, & beneath Dorchester, taketh in the Thame water, from whence the Isis loseth the pre-eminence of the whole denomination of this river, and is contented to impart the same with the Thame, so that by the conjunction of these two waters Thamesis is producted, and that name continued even unto the sea.  
Thame river riseth in the easterly parts of Chilterne hills, 
Thame.  towards Penleie park, at a town called Tring west of the said park, which is seven miles from the stone bridge, that is between Querendon and Ailsburie (after the course of the water) as Leland hath set down. Running therefore by long Merston, and Puttenham, Hucket, and Bearton, it receiveth soon after a rill that cometh by Querendon from Hardwike, and yer long an other on the other side that riseth above Windover in the Chilterne, and passing by Halton, Weston, Turrill, Broughton, and Ailsburie, it falleth into the Tame west of the said town (except my memory do fail me. From this confluence the Tame goeth by Ethorpe, the Winchingtons', Coddington, Chersleie, Notleie abbeie: and coming almost to Tame, it receiveth one water from southeast above the said town, and another also from the same quarter beneath the town; so that Tame standeth environed upon three sides with three several waters, as may be easily seen. The first of these cometh from the Chiltern east of Below or Bledlow, from whence it goeth to Hinton, Horsenden, Kingseie, Towseie, and so into the Tame. The other descendeth also from the Chilterne, and going by Chinner, Crowell, Siddenham, and Tame park, it falleth in the end into Tame water, and then they proceed together as one by Shabbington, Ricot park, Dracot, Waterstoke, Milton, Cuddesdon, and Chiselton. Here also it taketh in another water from by-east, whose head cometh from Chilterne hills, not far from Stocking church, in the way from Oxford to London. From whence it runneth to Weston (and meeting beneath Cuxham with Watlington rill) it goeth on to Chalgrave, Stadham, and so into the Tame. From hence our stream of Thame runneth to Newenton, Draton, Dorchester (sometime a bishops see, and a noble city) and so into the Thames, which hasteth in like sort to Bensington, Crowmarsh, or Wallingford, where it receiveth the Blave, descending from Blaveburg, 
Blavius.  now Blewberie, as I learn.  
Thus have I brought the Thames unto Wallingford, situate in the vale of White horse that runneth a long thereby. From hence it goeth by Newenham, north Stoke, south Stoke, Goring, Bassilden, Pangburne, where it meeteth with a water that cometh from about Hamsted Norris, runneth by Frizelham, Buckelburie, Stanford, Bradfeld, Tidmarsh and Pangburne. After which confluence it goeth on between Mapledorham and Purleie, to Caversham, and Caversham manor, and a little beneath receiveth the Kenet that cometh thereinto from Reading.  
The Kenet riseth above Ouerton 5 or 6 mile's west of Marleborow, 
Cenethus.  or Marlingsborow, as some call it; & then going by Fifeld; Clatfor, Maulon, & Preshute, unto Marleburie: it holdeth on in like order to Ramsburie, and northwest of little Coat, taketh in a water by north descending from the hills above Alburne chase west of Alburne town. Thence it runneth to little Coat, Charnhamstréet, & beneath Charnhamstréet it crosseth the Bedwin, 
Bedwiine.  which (taking the Chalkburne 
Chalkeburne.  rill withal) cometh from great Bedwiine, & at Hungerford also two other in one bottom somewhat beneath the town. From hence it goeth to Auington, Kinburie, Hamsted marshal, Euburne, Newberie; and beneath this town, taketh in the Lamburne water that cometh by Isberie, 
Lamburne.  Egerston, the Sheffords, Westford, Boxford, Donington castle, and Shaw. From Newberie it goeth to Thatcham, Wolhampton, Aldermaston, a little above which village it receiveth the Alburne, 
Alburnus.  another brook increased with sundry rils: and thus going on to Padworth, Oston, and Michael, it cometh at last to Reading, where (as I said) it joineth with the Thames, and so they go forward as one by Sonning to Shiplake, and there on the east side receive the Loddon that cometh down thither from the south, as by his course appeareth.  
The Loddon riseth in Hamshire between west Shirburne and Wooton toward the south-west, 
Lod●nus.  afterward directing his course toward the northwest, through the vine, it passeth at the last by Bramlie, and through a piece of Wiltshire, to Stradfield, Swallowfield, Arberfield, Loddon bridge, leaving a patch of Wiltshire on the right hand (as I have been informed.) This Loddon not far from Turges town receiveth two waters in one bottom, whereof the westerly called Basing water, cometh from Basingstoke, and through a park unto the aforesaid place.  
The other descendeth of two heads from Mapledour well, and goeth by Skewes, Newenham, Rotherwijc, and yer it come at Hartlie, joineth with the Basing water, from whence they go together to Turges, where they meet with the Loddon (as I have said already.) The next stream toward the south is called Ditford brook. 
Ditis vadum.  It riseth not far from Upton, goeth by Gruel, and beneath Wharnborow castle receiveth the Ikell 
Ikelus.  (coming from a park of the same denomination) from whence they go together by Maddingleie unto Swalowfield, and so into the Loddon. In this voyage also the Loddon meeteth with the Elwie or Elueie that cometh from Aldershare, not far by west of Euersleie: 
Elueius.  and about Eluesham likewise with another running from Dogmansfield named the Duck: 
Ducus.  and also the third not inferior to the rest coming from Erin, 
Erin.  whose head is in Surreie, and going by Ash becometh a limit, first between Surreie and Hamshire; then between Hamshire and Berkshire, and passing by Ash, Erinleie, Black water, Yerleie, and Finchamsted; it joineth at last with the Ditford, before it come at Swalowfield. To conclude therefore with our Loddon, having received all these waters; and after the last confluence with them now being come to Loddon bridge, it passeth on by a part of Wiltshire to Twiford bridge, then to Wargrave, and so into the Thames that now is marvelously increased and grown unto triple greatness (to that it was at Oxford.)  
Being therefore past Shiplake and Wargrave, it runneth by Horsependon, or Harding: then to Henleie upon Thames, where sometime a great rill voideth itself in the same. Then to Remenham, Greneland (going all this way from Shiplake just north, and now turning eastwards again) by Medenham, Hurleie, Bisham, Marlowe the greater, Marlowe the less, it meeteth with a brook soon after that consisteth of the water of two rilles, whereof the one called the Use, 
Us●.  riseth about west Wickham, out of one of the Chilterne hills, and goeth from thence to east Wickham or high Wickham, a pretty market town. The other named Higden, 
Higden.  descendeth also from those mountains but a mile beneath west Wickham, and joining both in one at the last, in the west end of east Wickham town, they go together to Wooburne, Hed●or, & so into the Thames. Some call it the Tide; and that word do I use in my former treatise: but to proceed. After this confluence our Thames goeth on by Cowkham, Topleie, Maidenhead, alias Sudlington, Braie, Dorneie, Clure, new Windsor (taking in nevertheless, at Eton by the way, the burn which riseth out of a Moor, & cometh thither by Burnham) old Windsor, Wraiborow, and a little by east thereof doth cross the Coal, whereof I find this short description ensuing.  
The Coal riseth near unto Flamsted, 
Colus, ali●s Vere and Uertume.  from whence it goeth to Redburn, S. michael's, S. Albon, Aldenham, Watford, and so by More to Richmansworth, where there is a confluence of three waters, of which this Coal is the first. The second called Gadus 
Gadus.  riseth not far from Ashridge, an house or palace belonging to the prince: from whence it runneth to great Gaddesdin, Hemsted, between King's Langleie, and Abbot's Langleie, then to Hunters, and Cashew bridges, and so to Richman swoorth, receiving by the way a rill coming from Alburie by northwest, to Northchurch, Barkehamsted, and beneath Hemsted joining with the same. The last cometh in at northwest from above Chesham, by Chesham itself, then by Chesham Bois, latimer's, Mawdlens, Cheinies, Sarret and Richmanswoorth, and so going on all in one channel under the name of Cole, it runneth to Uxbridge, where it taketh in the Missenden water, from northwest, which rising above Missenden the greater goeth by Missenden the less, Hagmondesham (now Hammersham) the Uach, Chalfhunt Giles, Chalfhunt S. peter's, Denham, and then into the Coal above Uxbridge (as I have said.) Soon after this our Coal doth part itself into two branches, never to join again before they come at the Thames, for the greater of them goeth through the goodly meadows strait to Colebrook, the other unto two mills, a mile and a half east of Colebrook, in the way to London, leaving an Island between them of no small size and quantity.  
Being past the Coal, 
Uindeles.  we come to the fall of the Uindeles, which riseth by northwest near unto Bagshot, from whence it goeth to Windlesham, Chobham, and meeting with a brooklet coming westward from Bisleie, they run together toward Cherteseie, where when they have met with a small rill rising north of Sonning hill in Windlesoure great park, it falleth into the Thames on the north-east side of Cherteseie. When we were come beyond this water, it was not long yer we came unto another on the same side, that fell into the Thames between Shepperton on the one side, and Oteland on the other, 
Ueius.  and is called the Way. The Weigh or the Way rising by west, cometh from Olsted, & soon after taking the Hedleie brook withal (which riseth in Wulmere forest, and goeth by Hedleie and Frensham) hasteth by Bentleie, Farnham, Alton, Waiberleie, Elsted, 
Thuresbie.  and so to Pepper harrow, where it joineth with the Thuresbie water, which cometh not far off from a village of the same denomination. From hence also it goeth to Godalming, and then toward Shawford, but yer it come there, it crosseth Craulie beck, which rising somewhere about the edge of Sussex short of Ridgewtjc, goeth by Uacherie park, 
Crawleie.  Knoll, Craulie, Bramleie, Wonarsh, and so into the Way. From hence then our river goeth to Shawford, and soon after (meeting with the Abbinger water that cometh by Shere, Albirie, 
Abbinger.  and the chapel on the hill) it proceedeth to Guldeford, thence to Stoke, Sutton in the park, Send, Woking, and at Newarke park side taketh in a brook that riseth of two heads, whereof one doth spring between two hills north of Pepper harrow, and so runneth through Henleie park, the other above Purbright, and afterward joining in one, they go forth unto Newarke, and being there united, after the confluence it goeth to Purford court, to Bifler, Waifred, Oteland, and so into the Thames.  
From Oteland the Thames goeth by Walton, Sunburie, 
Molis.  west Moulse●e, Hampton, and yer it come at Hampton court on the northside, and east Moulseie on the other, it taketh in the Moule water, which giveth name unto the two towns that stand on each side of the place, where it falleth into our stream. It riseth in Word forest, and going by Burstow, it meeteth afterward with another gullet, containing a small course from two several heads, whereof one is also in the forest aforenamed, the other runneth from Bebush wood, and coming by Iseld, meeteth with the first above Horleie, and so run on in one channel, I say, till they join with the Moule water, whereof I spoke before.  
After this confluence in like sort, it is not long yer the Moule take in another from by north, which cometh from about Mesham on the one side, and another on the other side, running by Ocleie and capel, and whereinto also a branch or rill cometh from a wood on the northwest part. Finally, being thus increased with these many rilles, it goeth by east Becheworth, west Becheworth, and over against the Swallow on the side of Drake hill, taking in another that cometh thither from Wootton by Darking and Milton, it runneth to Mickleham, Letherhed, Stoke, Cobham, Ashire park, east Moulseie, and so into the Thames, which after this conjunction goeth on to Kingston, and there also meeteth with another beck, rising at Ewell south of nonesuch. Certes, this rill goeth from Ewell by the old park, then to Mauldon, & so to Kingston town. The Thames in like manner being past Kingston, goeth to Tuddington, Petersham, Twickenham, Richmond, and Shene, where it receiveth a water on the northwest side, which coming from about Harrow on the hill, and by west of the same, goeth by Haies, Harlington, Felthan, and Thistle worth into the Thames.  
The next fall of water is at Zion, 
Brane.  near unto new Brainford, so that it issueth into the Thames between them both. This water is called Brane, that is in the British tongue (as Leland saith) a frog. It riseth about Edgeworth, and cometh from thence by Kingesburie, Twiford, Perivall, Hanwell, and Austerleie. Thence we followed our river to old Brentford, Mortlach, Cheswtjc, Barnelmes, Fulham, and Putneie, beneath which towns it crossed a beck from Wandlesworth, that riseth at Woodman's turn, and going by Easthalton, meeteth another coming from Croidon by Bedington, and so going on to Mitcham, Marton abbeie, and Wandlesworth, it is not long yer it fall into the Thames. 
Mariburne.  Next unto this is Mariburne rill on the other side, which cometh in by S. james, so that by this time we have either brought the Thames, or the Thames conveyed us to London, where we rested for a season to take view of the several tides there, of which each one differeth from other, by four & twenty minutes, that is forty eight in a whole day, as I have noted before, except the wether altar them. Being past London, and in the way toward the sea: the first water that it meeteth withal, is the Brome on Kent side, west of Gréenewich, whose head is Bromis in Bromleie parish, and going from thence to Lewsham, 
Bromis.  it taketh in a water from by east, and so directeth his course forth right unto the Thames.  
The next water that it meeteth withal, is on Essex side, almost against Woolwich, and that is the Lée 
Lée.  or Luie, whose head riseth short of Kempton in Hertfordshire, 
Logus.  four mile's southeast of Luton, sometime called Logodunum or Logrodunum, & going through a piece of Brokehall park (leaving Woodhall park on the north, and Hatfield on the south, with another park adjoining) it goeth toward Hartford town. But yer it come there, it receiveth a water (peradventure the Marran) rising at northwest in Brodewater hundred, 
Marran.  from above Welwin, north-east of Digeswell, and going to Hartingfeld bury, where the said confluence is within one mile of the town. Beneath Hatfield also it receiveth the Bean (as I guess) coming from Boxwood by Benington, 
Beane.  Aston, Watton, and Stapleford, and a little lower, the third arm of increase from above Ware, which descendeth from two heads: whereof the greatest cometh from Barkewaie in Edwinster hundred, the other Sandon in Oddesey hundred, and after they be met beneath little Hornemeade, they go together by Pulcherchurch, or Puckrich, Stonden, Thunderidge Wadesmill, Benghoo, and so into the Lée, which from hence runneth on till it come at Ware, which was drowned by the rage of the same 1408, and so to Amwell, where on the north side it receiveth the water that cometh from little Hadham, through a piece of Singleshall park, then by great Hadham, and so from Widford to the aforesaid town. From hence also they go as one to old Stansted called Le Veil, branching in such wise yer it come there, that it runneth through the town in sundry places. Thence it goeth forth to abbots Stansted, beneath which it meeteth with the Stoure, west (as I remember) of Roidon. 
Sturus.  This Sture riseth at Wenden lootes, from whence it goeth to Langleie, Clavering, Berden, Manhuden, & Birchanger (where it taketh a rill coming from Elsingham, & Stansted Mountfitchet.) The 〈◊〉 it hieth on to Bishops Stourford, Sabrichfoord, and beneath this town crosseth with another from the east side of Elsingham, that goeth to Hatfield, Brodocke, Shiring, Harlo, & so into the Stoure, and from whence they go together to Eastwic, Par●edon, and next into the Lée. These things being thus performed, the Lée runneth on beneath Hoddesdon, Broxburne, and Wormleie, where a water breaketh out by west of the main stream, a mile lower than Wormeleie itself, but yet within the paroch, and is called Wormeleie lock.  
It runneth also by Cheston nunnery, and out of this a little beneath the said house, breaketh an arm called the Shirelake, because it divideth Eastsex and Hartford shire in sunder, and in the length of one meadow called Fritheie. This lake runneth not but at great floods, and meeteth again with a succour of ditchwater, at a place called Hockesdich, half a mile from his first breaking out, and half a mile lower at Marsh point joineth again with the stream from whence it came before. Thence cometh the first arm to S. Maulie bridge (the first bridge westward upon that river) upon Waltham causey, & half a mile lower than Maulie bridge, at the corner of Ramnie mead, it meeteth with the king's stream & principal course, of Luy, or Lee, as it is commonly called. The second arm breaketh out of the king's stream at Halifield half a mile lower than Cheston nunnery, and so to the fulling mill, and two bridges by west of the king's stream, wherinto it falleth about a stones cast lower at a place called Malkins shelffe, except I was wrong informed. Cheston & Hartfordshire men do say, that the king's stream at Waltham doth part Hartfordshire and Essex, but the Essex men by forest charter do plead their liberties to hold unto S. Maulies' bridge. On the east side also of the king's stream breaketh out but one principal arm at Halifield, three quarters of a mile above Waltham, & so goeth to the corn mill in Waltham, and then to the K. stream again a little beneath the king's bridge.  
From hence the Lée runneth on by south on Waltonstow till it come to Stretford Langthorne, 
Alfred.  where it brancheth partly of itself, and partly by man's industry for mills. Howbeit herein the dealing of Alfred (sometimes king of England) was not of smallest force, who understanding the Danes to be gotten up with their ships into the country, there to kill and slay his subjects, in the year of grace 896, by the conduct of this river: he in the mean time before they could return, did so mightily weaken the main channel, by drawing great numbers of trenches from the same; that when they purposed to come back, there was nothing so much water left as the ships did draw: wherefore being set on ground, they were soon fired, & the adversaries overcome. By this policy also much meadow ground was won, & made firm land, whereby the country about was not a little enriched, as was also a part of Assyria by the like practice of Cyrus with the Ganges, at such time as he came against Babylon, which river before time was in manner equal with Euphrates. For he was so offended, that one of his knights whom he loved déerlie, was drowned and borne away with the water in his passage over the same, that he swore a deep o'th' yer long to make it so shallow that it should not wet a woman to the knees. Which came to pass, for he caused all his army to dig 46 new drains from the same, whereby the vow that he had made was at the full performed. Senec. de Tra. li. 3. But to conclude with the Lee that sometime overflowed all those meadows, through which it passeth (as for a great way not inferior to the Thames) and I find that being past Westham, it is not long yer it fall into that stream. One thing I read more of this river before the conquest, that is, how Edward the first, & son of Alfred, in the year of grace 912, builded Hartford town: at which time also he had Wittham a town in Essex in hand, as his sister called Aelfled repaired Oxford & London, and all this four years before the building of Maldon, of some called Hertford or Herudford between three waters, that is, the Lée, the Benefuth, and Memmarran, or rather Penmarran: but how these waters are distinguished in these days, as yet I cannot tell. It is possible, that the Bene may be the same which cometh by Benington, and Benghoo: which if it be so, then must the Memmarran be the same that descendeth from Whitwell, for not far from thence is Branfield, which might in time past right well be called Marranfield, for of like inversion of names I could show many examples.  
Being past the Lee (whose channel is begun to be purged 1576, with further hope to bring the same to 
Rodon or Rodunus.  the north side of London) we come unto the Rodon, upon Essex side in like manner, and not very far (for four miles is the most) from the fall of the Lée. This water riseth at little Canfield, from whence it goeth to great Canfield, high Roding, Eithorpe Roding, Ledon Roding, White Roding, Beauchampe Roding, Fifeld, Shelleie, high Ongar, and Cheping Ongar, where the Laver falleth into it, 
Laver.  that ariseth betwixt Matching and high Laver; and taking another rill withal coming from above Northweld at Cheping Ongar, they join (I say) with the Rodon, after which confluence Leland conjectureth that the stream is called jewel: 
juelus.  for my part, I wots not what to say of it. But héerof I am sure, that the whole course being past Ongar, it goeth to Stansted rivers, Theidon mount, Heibridge, Chigwell, Woodford bridge, Ilford bridge, Barking, & so into the Thames.  
The Darwent 
Darwent.  meeteth with our said Thames upon Kent's side, two miles and more beneath Erith. It riseth at Tanridge, or there abouts, as I have been informed by Christopher Saxtons card late made of the same, and the like (I hope) he will do in all the several shires of England at the infinite charges of sir Thomas Sackford knight, & master of the requests, whose zeal unto his country héerin I cannot but remember, & so much the rather, for that he meaneth to imitate Ortelius, & somewhat beside this hath helped me in the names of the towns, by which these rivers for the Kentish part do run. Would to God his plaits were once finished for the rest! But to proceed. The Darwent therefore, rising at Tanridge, goeth on by Titseie toward Brasted, and receiving on each side of that town (& several banks) a river or rill, it goeth on to Nockhold, Shorham, Kinsford, Horton, Darnhith, Dartford or Derwentford, & there taking in the Craie on the left hand that comes from Orpington by 
Craie.  Marie Craie, Paul's Craie, North Craie, and Craiford, it is not long yer it fall into the Thames. But after I had once passed the fall of the brook, it is a world to see what plenty of Serephium groweth upon the Kentish shore, in whose description Fuichfius hath not a little halted; whilst he giveth forth the herb Argentaria for Serephium, between which there is no manner of likelihood. This nevertheless is notable in the said herb, that being translated into the garden, it receiveth another form clean different from the first, which it yielded when it grew upon the shore, and thereunto appeareth of more fat & foggy substance. Which maketh me to think that our physicians do take it for a distinct kind of wormwood, whereof controversy ariseth among them. The next water that falleth into the Thames, is west of the Wavie Isles, a rill of no great fame, neither long course, for rising about Coringham, it runneth not many miles east and by south, yer it fall into the mouth of this river, which I do now describe.  
I would have spoken of one creek that cometh in at Cliff, and another that runneth down from Haltsto by S. Mary's: but sith I understand not with what backewaters they be served, I let them pass as not skilful of their courses. And thus much of the rivers that fall into the Thames, wherein I have done what I may, but not what I would for mine own satisfaction, till I came from the head to Lechlade, unto which, as in am of a farewell, I will ascribe that distichon which Apollonius Rhodius writeth of the Thermodon: 
Huic non est aliud flumen par, nec tot in agros  
Vllum dimittit rivos quot fundit utrinque.   
Next unto the Thames we have the midway water, 
Midwaie.  whereof I find two descriptions, the first beginneth thus. The midway water is called in Latin Medevia (as some writ) because the course thereof is midway in a manner between London and Dorobernia, or (as we now call it) Canturburie. In British it height Dourbrée: and thereof Rochester was sometime called Durobrewm. But in an old charter which I have seen (containing a donation sometime made to the monastery of saint Andrews there by Ceadwalla) I find that the Saxons called this river Wedring; and also a town standing between Malling and east Farleie, Wedrington; and finally, a forest also of the same denomination, Wedrington, now Waterdon, whereby the original name appeareth to be fetched from this stream. It ariseth in Waterdon forest east of Whetlin or Wedring, and joineth with another brook that descendeth from Ward forest in Sussex: and after this confluence they go on together, as one by Ashhirst, where having received also the second brook, it hasteth to Pensherst, and there carrieth withal the Eden, that cometh from Lingfield park. After this it goeth to the southeast part of Kent, and taketh with it the Frith or Firth, on the northwest side, 
Frethus.  and an other little stream that cometh from the hills, between Pevenburie and Horsemon on the southeast. From thence also, and not far from Yalling it receiveth the These (a pretty stream that ariseth about These Hirst) & afterward the Gran or Crane, 
These. Grane alias Cranus.  which having his head not far from Cranbrooke, and meeting with sundry other rivulets by the way, whereof one branch of These is the last, for it parteth at the Twist, and including a pretty Island, doth join with the said midway, a little above Yalding, and then with the Louse. Finally at Maidstone it meeteth with another brook, whose name I know not, and then passeth by Allington, Duton, Newhide, Halling, Cuckestane, Rochester, Chattham, Gillingham, Upchurch, Kingsferrie, and falleth into the main sea between Shepeie and the Grane.  
And thus much out of the first author, who commendeth it also, for that in time past it did yield such plenty of sturgeon, as beside the king's portion, and a due unto the archbishop of Canturburie out of the same, the dean and chapter of Rochester had no small allowance also of that commodity: likewise for the shrimps that are taken therein, which are no less esteemed of in their kind, than the western smelts or flounders taken in the Thames, etc. The second author describeth it after this manner, and more copiously than the other.  
The chief head of this stream riseth in Waterdon forest, from whence after it hath run a pretty way still within the same, east of Whetlin, it meeteth with a brook, whose head is in Ward forest, south-west of Greenested, which goeth to Hartfield, and so to Whetlin, and yer long joineth with the midway. After this confluence it is not long yer it take in another bywest from Cowden ward, and the third above Pensherst, growing from two heads, whereof one is in Lingfield park, the other west of Crawherst; and joining above Edinbridge, it doth fall into the midway beneath Hever town, and Chiddingston. From Pensherst our main stream hasteth to Ligh, Tunbridge, and Twidleie, and beneath the town, it crosseth a water from North, whereof one head is at the Mote, another at Wreteham, the third at west Peckham, & likewise another from southest, that runneth east of capel. Next after this it receiveth the These, whose forked head is at These Hirst, which descending down toward the north, taketh in not far from Scotnie a brook out of the northside of Waterden forest, whose name I find not, except it be the Dour. After this confluence our river goeth to Goldhirst, and coming to the Twist, it brancheth in such wise, that one part of it runneth into midway, another into the Garan, or rather Cranebrooke (if my conjecture be any thing.) The Garan (as Leland calleth it) or the Crane (as I do 
Garunus, Cranus.  take it) riseth near to Cranebrooke, and going by Sissinghir●t, it receiveth yer long one water that cometh by Fretingdon, and another that runneth from great Chard by Smerdon, and Hedcorne, crossing two rilles by the way from by north, Hedcorne itself standing between them both. Finally, the Garan or Crane meeting with midway south of Yalling, they on the one side, and the These on the other, leave a pretty Island in the midst, of four miles in length, and two in breadth, wherein is some hilly soil, but neither town nor village, so far as I remember.  
From Yalling forward, the midway goeth to west Farlegh, east Farlegh: and yer it come at Maidstone, it interteineth a rill that riseth short of jenham, and goeth by Ledes and Otteringden, which is very beneficial to clothiers in dry years: for thither they convey their clothes to be thicked at the fulling mills, sometimes ten miles for the same: there is also at Ledes great plenty of fulling earth, which is a necessary commodity.  
Being past Maidstone, it runneth by Allington, Snodland, Halling, Cuckstane, and Rochester, where it passeth under a fair bridge of stone, with a very swift course, which bridge was begun 1388 by the lord john Cobham, the lady Margaret his wife, and the valiant sir Robert Knolles, who gave the first onset upon that piece of work, and thereunto builded a chapel of the Trinity at the end thereof, in testimony of his piety. In process of time also one john Warner of Rochester made the new coping thereof; and archbishop Warham of Canturburie the iron bars: the bishops also of that see were not slack in their benevolence and furtherances toward that work, especially Walter Merton founder of Merton college in Oxford, who by misfortune perished by falling from the same, as he road to survey the workmen. Being past Rochester, this noble river goeth to Chatham, Gillingham, Upchurin, and soon after branching, it embraceth the Green at his fall, as his two heads do Ashdon forest, that lieth between them both.   

Of such streams as fall into the sea, between the Thames and the mouth of the Sauerne. Chap. 12.  
AFter the midway we have the Stoure that riseth at Kingeswood, 
Stoure.  which is fourteen or fifteen miles from Canturburie. This river passeth by Ashford, 
Nailburne water also (as I hear) near to Cantwarbirie, but I wot not whereabouts: see Marianus Scotus.  Wie, Nackington, Canturburie, Fordish, Standish, and Sturemouth, where it receiveth another river growing of three branches. After our Stoure or Sture parteth itself in twain, & in such wise, that one arm thereof goeth toward the north, and is called (when it cometh at the sea) the north mouth of Stoure; the other runneth southeast ward up to Richborow, and so to Sandwich, from whence it goeth north-east again and falleth into the sea. The issue of this later tract is called the haven of Sandwich. And peradventure the stream that cometh down thither, after the division of the Stoure, may be the same which Beda calleth Wantsome; 
Wantsome.  but as I cannot undo this knot at will, so this is certain, that the Stoure on the one side, and peradventure, the Wantsome on the other, parteth and cutteth the Tenet from the main land of Kent, whereby it is left for an Island.  
There are other little brooks which fall into the Stoure, whereof Leland speaketh, as Fishpoole beck that ariseth in Stonehirst wood, and meeteth with it four miles from Canturburie: another beginneth at Chislet, and goeth into the Stoure gut, which sometime enclosed Thanet, as Leland saith: the third issueth out of the ground at Northburne (where Eadbert of Kent sometime past held his palace) and runneth to Sandwich haven, as the said author reporteth: and the fourth called Bridgewater that riseth by S. Marie burn church, and going by Bishops Burn, meeteth with Canturburie water at Stourmouth: also Wiham that riseth above Wiham short of Adsam, and falleth into Bridgewater at Dudmill, or Wenderton: and the third nameless, which riseth short of Wodensburgh (a town wherein Hengist & the Saxons honoured their grand idol wooden, or Oshine) and goeth by Staple to Wingam: but sith they are obscure I will not touch them here. From hence passing by the Goodwin, a plot very perilous for seafaring men (sometime firm land, that is, until the tenth of the conquerors son, whose name was William Rufus, and wherein a great part of the inheritance of earl Goodwin in time past was known to lie) but escaping it with case, we came at length to Dover. In all which voyage we found no stream, by reason of the cliffs that environ the said coast. Howbeit upon the south side of Dover, there is a pretty fresh river, whose head ariseth at Erwell, not passing four miles from the sea, and of some is called Dour, 
Dour.  which in the British foong is a common name for waters, as is also the old British word avon for the greatest rivers, into whose mouths or falls ships might find safe entrance; and therefore such are in my time called havens, a new word grown by an aspiration added to the old: the Scots call it aven. But more of this elsewhere, sith I am now only to speak of Dour, whereof it is likely that the town & castle of Dover did sometime take the name. From hence we go toward the Camber (omitting peradventure here and there sundry small creeks void of backwater by the way) whereabouts the Rother a noble river falleth into the sea. This Rother 
Rother.  separateth Sussex from Kent, and hath his head in Sussex, not far from Argas hill near to Waterden forest, and from thence directeth his course unto Rotherfield. After this it goeth to Ethlingham or Hitchingham, and so forth by Newendon unto Mattham ferry, where it divideth itself in such wise, that one branch thereof goeth to Appledoure (where is a castle sometime builded by the Danes, in the time of Alfred, as they did erect another at Middleton, and the third at Beamflete) and at this town, where it meeteth the Bilie 
Bilie.  that riseth about Bilsington, the other by Iden, so that it includeth a fine parcel of ground called Oxneie, which in time past was reputed as a parcel of Sussex; but now upon some occasion or other (to me unknown) annexed unto Kent. From hence also growing into some greatness, it runneth to Rye, where it meeteth finally with the Beck, 
beck.  which cometh from Beckleie: so that the plot wherein Rye standeth, is in manner a by-land or peninsula, as experience doth confirm. Leland and most men are of the likeliest opinion, that this river should be called the Limen, which (as Peter of Cornhull saith) 
Limenus.  doth issue out of Andredeswald, where the head thereof is known to be. Certes, I am of the opinion, that it is called the Rother unto Appledoure, & from thence the Limen, because the Danes are noted to enter into these parts by the Limen; and sailing on the same to Appledoure, did there begin to fortify, as I have noted already. Howbeit, in our time it is known by none other name than the Rother or Appledoure water, whereof let this suffice.  
Being thus crossed over to the west side of Rye haven, & in viewing the issues that fall into the same, I meet first of all with a water that groweth of two brooks, which come down by one channel into the east side of the mouth of the said port. The first therefore that falleth into it descendeth from Beckleie or thereabouts (as I take it) the next runneth along by Pesemarsh, & soon after joining with all, they hold on as one, till they fall into the same at the westerly side of Rye: the third stream cometh from the north, and as it mounteth up not far from Munfield, so it runneth between Sescambe and Wacklinton near unto Bread, taking another rill withal that riseth (as I hear) not very far from Westfield. There is likewise a fourth that groweth of two heads between jelingham and Pet, and going by Winchelseie it meeteth with all about Rye haven, so that Winchelseie standeth environed on three parts with water, and the streams of these two that I have last rehearsed.  
The water that falleth into the Ocean, a mile by south-west of Hastings, or thereabouts, is called Aestus 
Aestus.  or Asten: perhaps of Hasten or Hasting the Dane, (who in time past was a plague to France and England) & rising not far from Penhirst, it meeteth with the sea (as I hear) by east of Hollington. Buluerhith 
Buluerhithe.  is but a creak (as I remember) served with no backewater; and so I hear of Codding or Old haven, wherefore I mean not to touch them.  
Into Pevenseie haven diverse waters do resort, 
Pevensete.  and of these, that which entereth into the same on the east side riseth out from two heads, where of the most easterly is called Ash, the next unto the burn, 
Ash. burn.  and uniting themselves not far from Ashburne, they continue their course under the name and title of Ashburne water, as I read. The second that cometh thereinto issueth also of two heads, whereof the one is so many miles from Boreham, the other not far from the Park east of Hellingstowne, and both of them concurring south-west of Hirstmowsen, they direct their course toward Pevenseie (beneath which they meet with another rising at Foington) and thence go in one channel for a mile or more, till they fall together into Pevenscie haven. 
Cucomarus.  The Cuckmer issueth out at several places, and hereof the more easterly branch cometh from Warbleton ward, the other from Bishop's wood, and meeting beneath Halling, they run in one bottom by Micham Arlington, Wellington, old Frithstan, and so into the sea.  
Unto the water that cometh out at Newhaven, 
Isis, ni fallor.  sundry brooks and riverets do resort, but the chief head riseth toward the west, somewhat between Etchinford and Shepleie, as I hear. The first water therefore that falleth into the same on the east side, issueth out of the ground about Uertwood, and running from thence by Langhton and Ripe, on the west side; it falleth into the aforesaid river beneath Forle and Glime, or three miles lower than Lewis, if the other buttall like you not. The next hereunto hath his head in Argas hill, the third descendeth from Ashedon forest, and joining with the last mentioned, they cross the main river a little beneath Isefield. The fourth water cometh from Ashedon forest by Horstéed Caines (or Dusestate Caines) and falleth into the same, likewise east of Linfield. Certes I am deceived if this river be not called Isis, after it is past Isefield. 
Sturewell.  The fift riseth about Storuelgate, and meeteth also with the main stream above Linfield, and these are known to lie upon the right hand as we rowed up the river. On the other side are only two, whereof the first hath his original near unto Wenefield, and holding on his course toward the east, it meeteth with his master between Newicke and Isefield (or Ifield) as some read it. 
Plimus.  The last of all cometh from Plimodune or Plumpton, and having met in like sort with the main river about Barcham, it runneth forth with it, & they rest in one channel by Barcham, Hamseie, Malling, Lewis, Piddingburne, and so forth into the main.  
The next river that we came unto west of Brighthemston is the Sore, 
Soru.  which notwithstanding I find to be called Brember water, in the ancient map of Marton college in Oxford: but in such sort (as I take it) as the Rother or Limen is called Appledoure stream, because of the said town that standeth thereupon. But to proceed, it is a pleasant water, & thereto if you consider the situation of his arms, and branches from the higher grounds, very much resembling a four stringed whip. Whereabout the head of this river is, or which of these branches may safely be called Sora from the rising, in good sooth I cannot say. For after we had passed nine or ten mills thereon up into the land, suddenly the cross waters stopped us, so that we were enforced to turn either east or west, for directly foorthright we had no way to go. The first arm on the right hand as we went, riseth out of a park by south of Alborne, and going on for a certain space toward the northwest, it turneth southward between Shermonburie and Twinham, and soon after meeteth with the Bimar, 
Bimarus.  not much south from Shermonburie, whence they run together almost two miles, till they fall into the Sore. That on the west side descendeth from about Billingeshirst, & going toward the east, it crosseth with the fourth (which riseth a little by west of Thacam) east from Pulborow, and so they run as one into the Sore, that after this confluence hasteth itself southward by Brember, Burleis, the Combs, and yer long into the Ocean.  
The Arun (of which beside Arundel town the castle 
Arunus.  and the valley wherein it runneth is called Vallis Aruntina, or Arundale in English) is a goodly water, and thereto increased with no small number of excellent & pleasant brooks. It springeth up of two heads, whereof one descendeth from the north not far from Gretham, and going by Lis, meeteth with the next stream (as I guess) about Doursford house. The second riseth by west from the hills that lie toward the rising of the sun from East main, and runneth by Peterfield. The third cometh from Beriton ward, and joineth with the second between Peterfield and Doursford, after which confluence they go together in one channel still toward the east (taking a rill with them that commmeth between Fernehirst and S. Luke's chapel, south-west of Linchmere, and meeting with it east of Loddesworth (as I do read, and likewise sundry other in one channel beneath Stopham) to Waltham, Bury, Houghton, Stoke, Arundel, Tortington ford, Climping (all on the west side) and so into the sea.  
Having thus described the west side of Arun, let us do the like with the other in such sort as we best may. The first river that we come unto therefore on the east side, and also the second, rise of sundry places in S. leonard's forest, & joining a little above Horsham, they meet with the third, which cometh from Ifield park, not very far from Slinfeld. The fourth hath two heads, whereof one riseth in Witleie park, the other by west, near unto Heselméere chapel, and meeting by west of Doursfeld, they unite themselves with the channel, growing by the confluence that I spoke of beneath Slinfeld, a little above Billingshirst. The last water cometh from the hills above Linchemere, and runneth west and south, and passing between Billingthirst and Stopham, it cometh unto the channel last mentioned, and so into the Arun beneath Stopham, without any further increase, at the least that I do hear of.  
burn hath his issue in a park near Aldingburrie (or rather a little above the same toward the north, 
burn.  as I have since been informed) and running by the bottoms toward the south, it falleth between north Berflete and Flesham. Erin riseth of sundry heads, 
Elin.  by east of Erinleie, and directing his course toward the sun rising, it peninsulateth Seleseie town on the south-west and Pagham at northwest. Deel springeth about Benderton, 
Delos.  and thence running between middle Lavant and east Lavant, it goeth by west of west Hampnet, by east of Chichester, or west of Rumbaldesdowne, and afterward by Fishburne, where it meeteth with a rill coming north west from Funtingdon (a little beneath the town) & then running thus in one stream toward the sea, it meeteth with another rillet coming by north of Bosham, and so into avant gulf by east of Thorneie Island.  
The Racon riseth by east of Racton or Racodunum (as Leland calleth it) and coming by Chidham, 
Racunus.  it falleth into the sea, north-east of Thorneie aforesaid. The Emill cometh first between Racton and Stansted, 
Emill.  then down to Emilsworth or Emmesworth, & so unto the Ocean, separating Sussex from Hampshire almost from the very head. Having in this manner passed along the coasts of Sussex, the next water that I remember, riseth by east of the forest of Estbirie, from whence it goeth by Southwike, west Burhunt, Farham, and so into the gulf almost full south. 
Badunus forre.  Then come we to Bedenham creak (so called of a village standing thereby) the mouth whereof lieth almost directly against Porchester castle, which is situate about three miles by water from Portesmouth town, as Leland doth report. Then go we within half a mile further to Forten creak, 
Forten or Fordon.  which either giveth or taketh name of a village hard by. 
Osterpoole.  After this we come to Osterpoole lake, a great creek, that goeth up by west into the land, and lieth not far from a round turret of stone, from whence also there goeth a chain to another tower on the east side directly over against it, the like whereof is to be seen in diverse other havens of the west country, whereby the entrance of great vessels into that part may be at pleasure restrained.  
From hence we go further to Tichefeld water, that riseth about Eastmaine park, 
Tichefield.  ten or twelve miles by north-east or there abouts from Tichefeld. From Eastmaine it goeth (parting the forests of Waltham, and Eastberie by the way) to Wicham or Wicombe, a pretty market town & large thoroughfare, where also the water separateth itself into two armlets, and going under two bridges of wood cometh yer long again unto one channel. From hence it goeth three or four miles further, to a bridge of timber by master Writhoseleies house (leaving Tichfeld town on the right side) and a little beneath runneth under Aware bridge, whither the sea floweth as her natural course enforceth. Finally, within a mile of this bridge it goeth into the water of Hampton haven, whereunto diverse streams resort, as you shall hear hereafter.  
After this we come to Hamble haven, 
Hamelrish.  or Hamelrish créeke, whose fall is between saint Andrew's castle, and Hoke. It riseth about Shidford in Waltham forest, & when it is past Croke bridge, it meeteth with another brook, which issueth not far from Bishops Waltham, out of sundry springs in the high way on Winchester, from whence it passeth (as I said) by Bishop's Waltham, then to Budeleie or Botleie, and then joining with the Hamble, they run together by Prowlingsworth, Upton, Brusill, Hamble town, and so into the sea.  
Now come we to the haven of Southampton, 
Southampton.  by Ptolemy called Magnus portus, which I will briefly describe so near as I can possibly. The breadth or entry of the mouth hereof (as I take it) is by estimation two miles from shore to shore. At the west point thereof also is a strong castle lately builded, which is rightly named Caldshore, but now Cawshot, I wot not by what occasion. On the east side thereof also is a place called Hoke (afore mentioned) or hamel hook; wherein are not above three or four fisher houses, not worthy to be remembered. This haven shooteth up on the west side by the space of seven miles, until it come to Hampton town, standing on the other side, where it is by estimation a mile from land to land. Thence it goeth up further about three miles to Redbridge, still ebbing and flowing thither, and one mile further, so far as my memory doth serve me. Now it resteth that I describe the Alresford stream, which some do call the Are or Arle, and I will proceed withal in this order following.  
The Alresford beginneth of diverse fair springs, 
Alresford.  about a mile or more from Alresford, or Alford as it is now called, and soon after resorting to one bottom, they become a broad lake, which for the most part is called Alford pond. Afterward returning again to a narrow channel, it goeth through a stone bridge at the end of Alford town (leaving the town itself on the least hand) toward Hicthingstocke three miles off, but yet it cometh there, it receiveth two rils in one bottom, whereof one cometh from the Forest in manner at hand, and by northwest of old Alresford, the other from Brown Candiver, that goeth by Northenton, Swarewotton, Aberstone, &c: until we meet with the said water beneath Alford town. Being past Hichinstocke, it cometh by Anington to Eston village, and to Worthy, where it beginneth to branch, and each arm to part itself into other that resort to Hide and the lower soils by east of Winchester, there serving the streets, the close of S. Mary's, Wolueseie, and the new college very plentifully with their water. But in this mean while, the great stream cometh from Worthy to the east bridge, and so to saint Elizabeth college, where it doth also part in twain, environing the said house in most delectable manner. After this it goeth toward S. Crosses, leaving it a quarter of a mile on the right hand: then to Twiford (a mile lower) where it gathereth again into one bottom, and goeth six miles further to Woodmill, taking the Otter brook withal on the east side, 
Otter.  and so into the salt créeke that leadeth down to the haven.  
On the other side of Southampton, there resorteth into this haven also both the Test & the Stockbridge water in one bottom, 
Stock.  whereof I find this large description ensuing. The very head of the Stockewater, is supposed to be somewhere about Basing stoke, or church Hockleie, and going from thence between Ouerton and Steventon, it cometh at last by Laverstocke & Whitchurch, and soon after receiving a brook by northwest, called the Bourne (descending from S. Marie Bourne, 
Bourne.  southeast from Horsseburne) it proceedeth by Long paroch and the wood, till it meet with the Cranburne, on the cast side (a pretty rivelet rising about Michelneie, and going by Fullington, Barton, and to Cramburne) thence to Horwell in one bottom, beneath which it meeteth with the Andever water, that is increased yer it come there by an other brook, whose name I do not know. This Andever stream riseth in Culhamshire forest, not far by north from Andever town, and going to upper Clatford, yer it touch there it receiveth the rill of which I spoke before, which rising also néeer unto Anport, goeth to Monketon, to Abbatesham, the Andever, and both (as I said) unto the Test beneath Horwell, whereof I spoke even now.  
These streams being thus brought into one bottom, it runneth toward the south under Stockbridge, and soon after dividing itself in twain, one branch thereof goeth by Houghton, & a little beneath meeteth with a rill, that cometh from bywest of S. Ans hill, and goeth by east of upper Wallop, west of neither Wallop, by Bucholt forest, Broughton, and called (as I have been informed) the Gallop, but now it is named Wallop. 
Ualopius.  The other arm runneth through the park, by north west of kings Somburne, and uniting themselves again, they go forth by Motteshunt, and then receive the Test, 
Test.  a pretty water rising in Clarendun park, that goeth by west Deane, and east Deane, so to Motteshunt, and finally to the aforesaid water, which from thenceforth is called the Test, even unto the sea. But to proceed. After this confluence, it taketh the gate to Kimbebridge, then to Rumseie, Longbridge, and beneath the same receiveth a concourse of two rilles whereof the one cometh from Sherefield, the other from the new Forest, and joining in Wadeleie park, they beat upon the Test, not very far from Murseling. From thence the Test goeth under a pretty bridge, before it come at Redbridge, from whence it is not long yer it fall into the haven.  
The next river that runneth into this port, springeth in the new Forest, and cometh thereinto about. Eling, 
Eling.  not passing one mile by west of the fall of Test. From hence casting about again into the main sea, and leaving Called shore castle on the right hand, we directed our course toward the south-west, unto Beaulieu haven, whereinto the Mineie descendeth. The Mineie riseth not far from Mineiestéed, 
Mineie.  a village in the north part of the new Forest; and going by Beaulieu, it falleth into the sea south-west, west (as I take it) of Exburie, a village standing upon the shore.  
Being past the Mineie, 
Limen.  we crossed the Limen as it is now called, whose head is in the very hart of the new Forest (sometime converted into a place of nourishment for dear by William Rufus, buying his pleasure with the ruin of many towns and villages, as diverse have enclosed or enlarged their parks by the spoil of better occupiengs) & running south-west of Lindhirst & the park, it goeth by east of Brokenhirst, west of Bulder, & finally into the sea south and by east of Lemington. I take this not to be the proper name of the water, but of the haven, for Limen in Greek is an haven: so that Limendune is nothing else, but a down or higher plot of ground lying on the haven: nevertheless, sith this denomination of the river hath now her free passage, I think it not convenient to seek out any other name that should be given unto it. The next fall that we passed by is nameless, except it be called Bure, & as it descendeth from new Forest, 
Bure.  so the next unto it height Mile, 
Milis.  as I have heard in English. Certes the head thereof is also in the south-west part of the said Forest, & the fall not far from Milford bridge, beyond the which I find a narrow going or strictland leading fro the point to Hirst castle which standeth into the sea, as if it hung by a thread, from the main of the Island, ready to be washed away by the continual working and daily beating of the waves.  
The next river that we came unto of any name is the avon, 
avon.  which (as Leland saith) riseth by north-east, and not far from Woolfehall in Wilthshire, supposed to be the same which Ptolemy called Halenus. The first notable bridge that it runneth unto, is at Uphaven, thence four miles further it goeth to little Ambresburie, and there is another bridge, from thence to Woodford village, standing at the right hand bank, and Newton village on the left. The bishops of Sarum had a proper manor place at Woodford, which bishop Shaxton pulled down altogether, because it was somewhat in ruin. Thence it goeth to Fisherton bridge, to Cranebridge, old Salisbury, new Salisbury, and finally to Harnham, which is a stately bridge of stone, of six arches at the least. There is at the west end of the said bridge, a little Island, that lieth betwixt this and another bridge, of four pretty arches, and under this later runneth a good round stream, which (as I take it) is a branch of avon, that breaketh out a little above, & soon after it reuniteth itself again: or else that Wilton water hath there his entry into the avon, which I cannot yet determine. From Harneham bridge it goeth to Dounton, that is about four miles, and so much in like sort from thence to Fordingbridge, to Kingwood bridge five miles, to Christ's church Twinham five miles, and straight into the sea; and hitherto Leland of this stream, which for the worthiness thereof (in mine opinion) is not sufficiently described. Wherefore I think good to deliver a second received of another, which in more particular manner doth exhibit his course unto us.  
Certes this avon is a goodly river, rising (as I said before near) unto Wolf hall; although he that will seek more scrupulouslie for the head in deed, must look for the same about the borders of the forest of Savernake (that is Sour oak) which lieth as if it were embraced between the first arms thereof, as I have been informed. These heads also do make a confluence by east of Martinshall hill, and west of Wootton. From whence it goeth to Milton, Powseie, Manningfield abbeie, Manningfield cross, and beneath Newington taketh in one rill west from Rudborow, and another a little lower that riseth also west of Alcanninges, and runneth into the same by Patneie, Merden, Wilford, Charleton, and Rustisall. Being therefore past Newington, it goeth to Uphaven (whereof Leland speaketh) to Chesilburie, Compton, Ablington, little Almsburie, Darntford, Woodford, old Salisbury, and so to new Salisbury, where it receiveth one notable river from by northwest, & another from north east, which two I will first describe, leaving the avon at Salisbury for a while. The first of these is called the Wilugh, 
Wilugh.  whereof the whole shire doth take her name, and not of the great plenty of willows growing therein, as some fantastical heads do imagine: whereof also there is more plenty in that country than is to be found in other places. It riseth among the Deverels, and running thence by hill Deverell, & Deverell long bridge, it goeth toward Bishop's straw, taking in one rill by west & another from Upton by Werminster at northwest. From Bishop's straw it goeth to Norton, Upton, Badhampton, Steplinford, and Stapleford, where it meeteth with the Winterburie water from by north, descending from Maddenton by Winterburne. From Stapleford it hasteth to Wishford, Newton, Chilhampton, Wilton: and thither cometh a water unto it from south-west, which riseth of two heads above Ouerdonet. After this it goeth by Wordcastell, to Tisburie, and there receiveth a water on each side, whereof one cometh from Funthill, the other from two issues (of which one riseth at Austie, the other at Swalodise) and so keeping on still with his course, our Wilugh runneth next of all by Sutton. Thence it goeth to Fovant, Boberstocke, Southburcombe, Wilton (where it taketh in the Fomington or Nader water) Westharnam, 
Nader beck.  Salisbury, and Eastharnam: and this is the race of Wilugh.  
The other is a naked arm or stream without any branches. It riseth above Colingburne Kingston in the hills, and thence it goeth to Colingburne, the Tidworths (whereof the more southerly is in Wiltshire) Shipton, Cholterton, Newton, Toneie, Idmerson, Porton, the Winterburns, Laverstocke, and so into avon east of Salisbury. And thus is the confluence made of the aforesaid waters, with this our second avon, 
Becquith brook.  whereinto another water falleth (calleth Becquithes brook) a mile beneath Harneham bridge, whose head is five miles from Sarum, and three miles above Becquithes' bridge, as Leland doth remember, 
Chalkeburne.  who noteth the Chalkeburne water to have his due recourse also at this place into the aforesaid river. Certes it is a pretty brook, and riseth six miles from Shaftesburie, and in the way toward Salisbury in a bottom on the right hand, whence it cometh by Knighton and Fennistratford, to Honington, that is about twelve miles from the head, and about two miles and an half from Honington beneath O●stocke, goeth into the avon, a mile lower than Harnham bridge, except he forget himself. This Harnham, whereof I now entreat, was sometime a pretty village before the erection of new Salisbury, and had a church of S. Martin belonging unto it, but now in steed of this church, there is only a barn standing in a very low mead on the northside of S. Michael's hospital. The cause of the relinquishing of it was the moistness of the soil, very oft overflown. And whereas the kings high way lay sometimes through Wilton, licence was obtained of the king and Richard bishop of Salisbury, to remove that passage unto new Salisbury in like manner, and upon this occasion was the main bridge made over avon at Harneham. By this exchange of the way also old Salisbury fell into utter decay, 
Three towns decayed by changing one way.  & Wilton which was before the head town of the shire, and furnished with twelve parish churches, grew to be but a poor village, and of small reputation. Howbeit, this was not the only cause of the ruin of old Salisbury, sith I read of two other, whereof the first was a salve unto the latter, as I take it. For whereas it was given out, that the townsmen wanted water in old Salisbury, it is flat otherwise; sith that hill is very plentifully served with springs and wells of very sweet water. The truth of the matter therefore is this.  
In the time of civil wars, the soldiers of the castle and canons of old Sarum fell at odds, insomuch that after often bralles, they fell at last to sad blows. 
An holy conflict.  It happened therefore in a rogation week that the clergy going in solemn procession, a controversy fell between them about certain walks and limits, which the one side claimed and the other denied. Such also was the hot entertainment on each part, that at the last the Castellanes espying their time, gate between the clergy and the town, and so coiled them as they returned homeward, that they feared any more to gang about their bounds for the year. Hereupon the people missing their belly cheer (for they were wont to have banqueting at every station, a thing commonly practised by the religious in old time, wherewith to link in the commons unto them, whom any man may lead whither he will by the belly, or as Latimer said, with beef, bread and beer) they conceived forthwith a deadly hatred against the Castellans. But not being able to cope with them by force of arms, they consulted with Richard Poor their bishop, and he with them so effectually, that it was not long yer they, I mean the canons, began a new church upon a piece of their own ground called Mirifield, pretending to serve God there in better safety, and with far more quietness than they could do before. This church was begun 1219, the nine and twentieth of April, and finished with the expenses of 42000 marks, 
New Salisbury begun.  in the year 1260, and five & twentieth of March, whereby it appeareth that it was above forty years in hand, although the clerks were translated to the new town 1220, or the third year after the fray. The people also seeing the diligence of the canons, and reputing their harms for their own inconvenience, were as earnest on the other sid● to be near unto these prelates, and therefore every man brought his house unto that place, & thus became old Sarum in few years utterly desolate, and new Salisbury raised up in steed thereof, to the great decay also of Harnham and Wilton, whereof I spoke of late. Nevertheless it should seem to me that this new city is not altogether void of some great hindrances now and then by water: for in the second of Edward the second (who held a parliament there) there was a sudden thaw after a great frost, which caused the waters so fast to arise, that even at high mass time the water came into the minster, and not only overflowed the neither part of the same, but came up all to the king's pavase where he sat, whereby he became wetshod, and in the end enforced to leave the church, as the executor did his mass, lest they should all have been drowned: and this rage endured there for the space of two days, whereupon no service could be said in the said minster.  
Now to return again from whence I thus digressed. Our avon therefore departing from Salisbury, goeth by Burtford, Longford, and taking in the waters afore mentioned by the way, it goeth by Stanleie, 
Sturus.  Dunketon, Craiford, Burgate, Fording bridge, Kingwood, avon, Christ's church; and finally into the sea. But yer it come all there & a little beneath Christ's church, it crosseth the Stoure or S●ure, a very fair stream, whose course is such as may not be left untouched. It riseth of six heads, whereof of three lie on the north side of the park at 〈◊〉 within the pale, the other rise without the park; & of this river the town and barony of Sturfon doth take his name as I guess, for except my memory do too much fail me, the lord Sturton giveth the six heads of the said water in his arms. But to proceed. After these branches are conjoined in one bottom, it goeth to long Laime mill, Stilton, Milton, and beneath Gillingham receiveth a water that descendeth from Mere. Thence the Sture goeth to Bugleie, Stoure, Westover bridge, Stoure provost, and yer long it taketh in the Cale water, 
Cale.  from Pen that cometh down by Wickhampton to Moreland, & so to Stapleford, seven miles from Wickhampton, passing in the said voyage, by Wine Caunton, and the five bridges. After this confluence, it runneth to Hinton Maries, 
Lidden. Devilis.  and soon after crosseth the Lidden and Devilis waters all in one channel, whereof the first riseth in Blackemore vale, and goeth to the bishops Caundell: the second in the hills south of Pulham, and so runneth to Lidlinch; the third water issueth near Ibberton, and going by Fifehed to Lidlington, and there meeting with the Lidden, 
Iber. Blackewater.  they receive the Blackewater above Bagburne, and so go into the Stoure.  
After this the Stoure runneth on to Stoureton minster, Fitleford, Hammond, and soon after taking in one water that cometh from Hargrave by west Orchard, and a second from Funtmill, it goeth on to Chele, Ankeford, Handford, Durweston, Knighton, Brainston, Blandford, Charleton: and crossing yer long a rill that riseth about Tarrent, and goeth to Launston, Munketon, Caunston, Tarrant, it proceedeth forth by Shepw●●●, and by and by receiving another brook on the right hand, that riseth about Strictland, and goeth by Quarleston, Whitchurch, Anderston, and Winterburne, it hasteth forward to Stoureminster, Berford lake, allen bridge, Winburne, alias Twinburne minster, whither cometh a water called allen (from Knolton, Wikehampton, Estambridge, Hinton, Barnsleie) which hath two heads, whereof one riseth short of Woodcotes, and east of Farneham, named Terig, the other at Munketon above S. Giles Winburne, and going thence to S. Giles Ashleie, it taketh in the Horton beck, as the Horton doth the Cranburne. Finally, meeting with the Terig above Knolton, 
This Stoure aboundeth with pike, perch, roch, dace, gudgeon and éeles.  they run on under the name of allen to the Stoure, which goeth to the Canfords, Preston, Kingston, Perleie, and Yolnest: but yer it come at Yolnest it taketh in two brooks in one bottom, whereof one cometh from Woodland park by Holt park, and Holt, another from above upper Winburne, by Edmondesham, Uertwood, and Mannington, and joining about S. leonard's, they go to Hornebridge, and so into Stoure. After which confluence, the said Stoure runneth by Ivor bridge, and so into avon, leaving Christ's church above the meeting of the said waters (as I have said before.)  
Having in this manner passed Christ's church head we come to the fall of the burn, 
burn.  which is a little brook running from Stourefield heath, without branches; from whence we proceeded: & the next fall that we come unto is Pool, 
Poole.  from whose mouth upon the shore, by south-west in a bale of three miles off, is a poor fisher town called Sandwich, where we saw a peer and a little fresh brook. The very utter part of saint Adelmes point, is five miles from Sandwich. In another bay lieth west Lilleworth, where (as I hear) is some profitable harborough for ships. The to wit of Poole is from Winburne about four miles, and it standeth almost as an isle in the haven. The haven itself also, if a man should measure it by the circuit, wanteth little of twenty miles, as I did guess by the view.  
Going therefore into the same, between the north and the south points, to see what waters were there, we left Brunkeseie Island, and the castle on the left hand within the said points; and passing about by Pole, and leaving that creek, because it hath no fresh, we came by Holton and Kesworth, where we beheld two falls, of which one was called the north, the other the south waters. The north stream height Piddle as I hear. 
Piddle.  It riseth about Alton, and goeth from thence to Piddle trench head, Piddle hinton, Walterstow, and yer it come at Birstam, receiveth devils brook that cometh thither from Brugham and Melcombe by Devilish town. 
Devitises.  Thence it goeth to Tow piddle, Ash piddle, Turner's piddle (taking in yer it come there, a water that runneth from Helton by Middleton, Milburne & Bier) then to Hid, and so into Pole haven, and of this water Marianns Scotus speaketh, except I be deceived. The south water is properly called from for Frame. 
from.  It riseth near unto Euershot, and going down by Fromequitaine, Chelmington, and Catstocke, it receiveth there a rill from beside Rowsham, and Wraxehall. After this it goeth on to Chilfrome, and thence to Maden Newton, 
Ocus.  where it meeteth with the Owke, that riseth either two miles above Hoke park at Kenford, or in the great pond within Hoke park, and going by the Tollards, falleth into the from about Maden Newton, & so go as one from thence to Fromevauchirch, Crokewaie, Frampton, and Muckilford, and receiveth near unto the same a rill from above Upsidling by S. Nicholas Sidling, 
Silleie.  and Grimston. From hence it goeth on by Stratton and Bradford Peverell, and beneath this Bradford, it crosseth the Silleie alias Minterne and Cherne brooks both in one channel: 
Minterne▪ Cherne.  whereof the first riseth in upper Cherne parish, the other at Minterne, and meeting above middle Cherne, they go by neither Cherne, Forston, Godmanston, and above Charneminster into from. In the mean time also our from brancheth and leaveth an Island above Charneminster, and joining again near Dorchester, it goeth by Dorchester, and Forthington; but yer it come at Beckington, it meeteth with another Beck that runneth thereinto from Winterburne, Stapleton, Martinstow, Heringstow, Cain and Stafford, and from thence goeth without any further increase as yet to Beckington, Knighton, Tinkleton, Morton, Wool, Bindon, Stoke, & beneath Stoke receiveth the issue of the Luckeford lake, 
Luckford.  from whence also it passeth by Eastholme, Warham, and so into the Bay. 
Seek more for wily brook that goeth by west bury to Pole haven.  From this fall we went about the arm point by sleep, where we saw a little creek, then by Hour, where we beheld an other, & then coming again toward the entrance by saint Helen's, and Furleie castle, we went abroad into the main, and found ourselves at liberty.  
When we were past Pole haven, we lest the Handfast point, the Peverell point, S. Adelmes chapel, and came at last to Lughport haven, whereby and also to the Luckeford lake, all this portion of ground last remembered, is left in manner of a byland or peninsula, and called the isle of Burbecke, wherein is good store of alum and hard stone. In like sort going still westerly, we came to Sutton points, where is a creek. Then unto Way or Wilemouth, by king's Welcombe, which is twenty miles from Pole, and whose head is not full four miles above the haven by northwest at Uphill in the side of a great hill. Hereinto when we were entered, we saw three falls, whereof the first and greatest cometh from Upweie by Bradweie, and Radipoole, receiving afterward the second that ran from east Chekerell, and likewise the third that maketh the ground between Weimouth and Smalmouth passage almost an Island. There is a little bar of sand at the haven mouth, and a great arm of the sea runneth up by the right hand; and scant a mile above the haven mouth on the shore, is a right goodly and warlike castle made, which hath one open barbicane. This arm runneth up also further by a mile as in a bay, to a point of land where a passage is into Portland, by a little course of pebble sand. It goeth up also from the said passage unto Abbatsbirie about seven miles off, where a little fresh rondell resorteth to the sea. And somewhat above this, 
chesil.  is the head or point of the chesil lying northwest, which stretcheth up from thence about seven miles, as a main narrow bank, by a right line unto the southeast, and there abutteth upon Portland scant a quarter of a mile above the Newcastle there. The nature of this bank is such, that so often as the wind bloweth vehemently at southeast, so often the sea beateth in, and losing the bank soaketh through it: so that if this wind should blow from that corner any long time together, Portland should be left an Island as it hath been before. But as the south-west wind doth appair this bank, so a northwest doth bar it up again. It is pretty to note of the Townelet of Waimouth, which lieth straight against Milton on the other side, and of this place where the water of the haven is but of small breadth, that a rope is commonly tied from one side of the shore to another, whereby the ferry men do guide their boats without any help of Oars. But to proceed with our purpose. Into the mouth of this river do ships often come for succour.  
Going by Portland and the point thereof called the Raze, we sailed along by the Shingle, till we came by saint Katharins' chapel, where we saw the fall of a water that came down from Blackdéene Beaconward, by Portsham and Abbatsburie. Thence we went to another that fell into the sea, near Birton, and descended from Litton by Chilcombe, 
Bride. Nature hath set the mouth of this river in manner betwixt two hills, so that a little cost would make an haven there.  then unto the Bride or Brute port, a pretty haven, and the river itself served with sundry waters. It riseth half a mile or more above Bemister, and so goeth from Bemister to Netherburie by Parneham, then to Melplash, and so to Briteport, where it taketh in two waters from by east in one channel, of which one riseth east of Nettlecourt, and goeth by Porestoke and Milton, the other at Askerwell, and runneth by Longlether. From hence also our Bride going toward the sea, 
Simen.  taketh the Simen on the west that cometh by Simensburge into the same, the whole stream soon after falling into the sea, and leaving a pretty have not.  
The next port is the Chare, 
Chare.  served with two rits in one confluence, beneath Charemouth. The chief head of this river is (as Leland saith) in Marshwood park, and cometh down by Whitechurch: the other runneth by west of Wootton, and meeting beneath Charemouth town (as I said) doth fall into the sea. Then came we to the Cobbe, and beheld the Lime water, 
Buddle.  which the townsmen call the Buddle, which cometh about three miles by north of Lime, from the hills, fleeting upon Rocky soil, and so falleth into the sea. Certes, there is no haven here that I could see, but a quarter of a mile by west south-west of the town, is a great and costly iuttie in the sea for secure of ships. The town is distant from Coliton, about five miles. And here we ended our voyage from the avon, which containeth the whole coast of Dorcester, or Dorcetshire, so that next we must enter into Summerset county, and see what waters are there.  
The first water that we meet withal in Summersetshire is the Axe, 
Axe.  which riseth in a place called Are knoll, longing to sir Giles Strangwaie, near unto Cheddington in Dorsetshire, from whence it runneth to Mosterne, Feborow, Claxton, Weiford bridge, Winsham ford, and receiving one rill from the east by Hawkechurch, and soon after another coming from northwest by Churchstoke, from Wainbroke, it goeth to Axeminster, beneath which it crosseth the Yare, 
youare alias A●rte.  that cometh from about Buckland, by Whitstaunton, Yarecombe, Long bridge, Stockeland, Kilmington bridge (where it receiveth a brook from by south, that runneth by Dalwood) and so into the Axe. From hence our Axe goeth to Drake, Musburie, Culliford: but yer it come altogether at Culliford, it meeteth with a water that riseth above Cotleie, and goeth from thence by Widworthie, Culliton, and there receiving a rill also, proceedeth on after the confluence above Culliford bridge, into the Axe, and from thence hold on together into the main sea, whereinto they fall under the roots of the winter cliffs, the points of them being almost a mile in sunder. The most westerly of them called Berewood, lieth within half a mile of Seton.  
But the other toward the east is named White-cliffe, of which I say no more, but that in the time of Athelstane, the greatest navy that ever adventured into this Island, arrived at Seton in Devonshire, being replenished with aliens that sought the conquest of this Island, but Athelstane met and encountered with them in the field, where he overthrew six thousand of his aforesaid enemies. Not one of them also that remained alive, escaped from the battle without some deadly or very grievous wound. In this conflict moreover were slain five kings, which were interred in the churchyard of Axe minster, and of the part of the king of England were killed eight earls of the chief of his nobility, and they also buried in the churchyard aforesaid. hereunto it addeth how the bishop of Shireburne was in like sort slain in this battle, that began at Brunedune near to Coliton, and endured even to Axe minster, which then was called Brunberie or Brunburg. The same day that this thing happened the sun lost his light, and so continued without any brightness, until the setting of that planet, though otherwise the season was clear and nothing cloudy.  
As for the haven which in times past as I have heard, hath been at Sidmouth (so called of Sidde a rillet that runneth thereto) and likewise at Seton, 
Sidde. Seton.  I pass it over, sith now there is none at all. Yet hath there been sometime a notable one, albeit, that at this present between the two points of the old haven, there lieth a mighty bar of pebble stones, in the very mouth of it, and the river Axe is driven to the very east point of the haven called White cliff. Thereat also a very little gull goeth into the sea, whither small fisherbotes do oft resort for succour. The men of Seton began of late to stake and make a main wall within the haven to have changed the course of the Axe, and (almost in the middle of the old haven) to have trenched through the chesil, thereby to have let out the Axe, & to have taken in the main sea, but I hear of none effect that this attempt did come unto. 
Colie.  From Seton westward lieth Coliton, about two miles by west northwest, whereof riseth the river Colie, which going by the aforesaid town, passeth by Colecombe park, and afterward falleth between Axe bridge and Axe mouth town into the Axe river.  
By west of Bereworth point lieth a creek, served (so far as I remember) with a fresh water that cometh from the hills south of Soutleie 
Sid.  or Branscombe. Sidmouth haven is the next, and thither cometh a fresh water by S. Mary's from the said hills, that goeth from S. Mary's aforesaid to Sidburie, & between Saltcombe & Sidmouth into the main sea. 
Autrie alias Ottercie.  By west of Auterton point also lieth another haven, and thither cometh a pretty riveret, whose head is in the Hackpendon hills, and cometh down first by Upauter, then by a park side to Mohuns altar, Munketon, Honniton, Buckewell, and north of Autrie receiveth a rill called Tale, 
Tale.  that riseth northwest of Brodemburie in a wood, and from whence it cometh by Pehemburie, Uinniton, and making a confluence with the other, they go as one between Cadde and Autrie, to Herford, Luton, Collaton, Auterton, Budeleie, and so into the sea. On the west side of this haven is Budeleie almost directly against Otterton. It is easy to be seen also, that within less space than one hundred years, ships did use this haven, but now it is barred up. Some call it Budeleie haven of Budeleie town, others Salterne port, of a little creek coming out of the main haven unto Salterne village, that hath in time passed been a town of great estimation.  
The Exe riseth in Exemore in Summersetshire, 
Exe.  near unto Exe cross, and goeth from thence unto Exeford, Winsford, and Extun, where it receiveth a water coming from Cutcombe, by north. After this confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it meet with a pretty brook rising north-east of Whettell (going by Brunton Regis) increased at the least with three rilles which come all from by north. These being once met, this water runneth on by west of the beacon that beareth the name of Haddon, & soon after taketh in the Barleie, 
Barleie. Done alias Done stroke.  that receiveth in like sort the Done at Hawkbridge, and from hence goeth by Daverton, and Comb, and then doth meet with the Exe, almost in the very confines between Dorset & Summerset shires. Being past this conjunction, our Exe passeth between Brushford and Murbath, and then to Exe bridge, where it taketh in (as I hear) a water by west from east Austie: and after this likewise another on each side, whereof one cometh from Dixford, 
Woodburne.  and Baunton, the other called Woodburne, somewhat by east of Okeford. From these meetings it goeth to Cave and through the forest and woods to Hatherland and Washfields, until it come to Tiverton, and here it receiveth the Lomund water that riseth above Ashbrittle, & cometh down by Hockworthie, upper Loman, and so to Tiverton that standeth almost even in the very confluence. Some call this Lomund the Simming brook or Sunnings bath. 
Lomund or Simming.  After this our Exe goeth to Bickleie, Theverten (taking in a rill by west) neither Exe, Brainford, beneath which it joineth with the Columbe that riseth of one head north-east of clary Haidon, 
Columbe.  and of another south of Shildon, and meeting beneath Columbe stock, goeth by Columbe and Bradfeld, and there crossing a rill that cometh by Ashford, it runneth south to Wood, More hays, Columbton, Brandnicke, Bear, Columbe john, Horham, and joining (as I said) with the Exe at Brainford, passing under but one bridge, yer it meet with another water by west, growing of the Forten and Cried waters (except it be so that I do judge amiss.) 
Cried. Forten.  The Cried riseth above Wolle sworthie, and near unto Upton: after it is past Dewrish, crosseth a rill from between Puggill and Stockeleie by Stock English, etc. From hence it goeth to Fulford, where it meeteth with the Forten, whereof one branch cometh by Caldbrooke, the other from S. Marie Tedburne, and joining above Crediton, the channel goeth on to the Cried, (which yer long also receiveth another from by north, coming by Stockeleie and Combe) then between Haine and Newton Sires, to Pines, and so into the Exe, which stayeth not until it come to Excester. From Excester (whither the burgesses in time passed laboured to bring the same, but in vain) it runneth to Were, there taking in a rill from by west, and an other lower by Exminster, next of all unto Toppesham; 
Cliws.  beneath which town the clive entereth thereinto, which rising about Plumtree, goeth by Clift Haidon, Clift Laurence, Brode Clift, Honiton, Souton, Bishops Clift, S. Marie Clift, Clift saint George, and then into the Exe, that runneth forward by Notwell court, Limston and Ponderham castle. Here (as I hear) it taketh in the Ken, 
〈◊〉  or Kenton brook (as Leland calleth it) coming from Holcombe park, by Dunsdike, Shillingford, Kenford, Ken, Kenton, and so into Exe haven, at whose mouth lie certain rocks which they call the Checkstones, except I be deceived. The next fall, whereof Leland saith nothing at all, cometh by Ashcombe and Dulish, and hath his head in the hills thereby.  
The Teigne mouth is the next fall that he came to, 
Teigne.  & it is a goodly port four miles from Exemouth. The head of this water is twenty miles from the sea at Teigne head in Dartmore among the Gidleie hills. From whence it goeth to Gidleie town, 
Crokerne.  Teignton drew, where it receiveth the Crokerne coming from by north, and likewise an other west of Fulford park. Then it goeth to Dufford, Bridford, Kirslowe, Chidleie, Knighton, and beneath the bridge there receiveth the Bovie, whose course is to north Bovie, Lilleie, and Bovitracie. Thence it runneth to kings Teignton, 
Bovie. Eidis.  taking in Eidis, a brook beneath Preston that cometh from Edeford by the way. And when it is passed this confluence, at kings Teignton, 
Leman.  it crosseth the Leman, which cometh from Saddleton rock by Beckington, and Newton Bushels: 
Aller.  and soon after the Aller that riseth between Danburie and Warog well, afterward falling into the sea by Bishops Teignton, south of Teignmouth town.  
The very utter west point of the land, at the mouth of Teigne is called the Nesse, and is a very high red cliff. The east part of the haven is named the Poles, a low sandy ground, either cast up by the spewing of the sand out of the Teigne, or else thrown up from the shore by the rage of wind and water. This sand occupieth now a great quantity of the ground between the haven where the sand riseth, and Teignmouth town, which town (surnamed Regis) hath in time passed been sore defaced by the Danes, and of late timeby the French.  
From Teignemouth we came to Tor bay, whereof the west point is called Birie, and the east Perritorie, between which is little above four miles. From Tor bay also to Dartmouth is six miles, where (saith Leland) I marked diverse things. First of all upon the east side of the haven a great hilly point called Downesend, and betwixt Downesend, and a pointlet named Wereford is a little bay. Were itself, in like sort, is not full a mile from Downesend upward into the haven. Kingswere town standeth out as another pointlet, and betwixt it & Wereford is the second bay. Somewhat moreover above Kingswere town goeth a little creek up into the land from the main stream of the haven called Waterhead, and this is a very fit place for vessels to be made in. In like sort half a mile beyond this into the landward goeth another longer creek, and above that also a greater than either of these called Gawnston, whose head is here not half a mile from the main sea, by the compassing thereof, as it runneth in Tor bay.  
The river of Dart or Darent (for I read Derenta muth for Dartmouth) 
Dart.  cometh out of Dartmore fifteen miles above Totnesse, in a very large plot, and such another wild morish & forrestie ground as Ermore is. Of itself moreover this water is very swift, and through occasion of tin-workes whereby it passeth, it carrieth much sand to Totnesse b●●dge, and so choketh the depth of the river downward, that the haven itself is almost spoiled by the same. The mariners of Dartmouth account this to be about a kenning from Plymouth. The Darent therefore proceeding from the place of his uprising, goeth on to Buckland, 
Ashburne.  from whence it goeth to Buckland hole; and soon after taking in the Ashburne water on the one side that runneth from Saddleton rock by north, 
Buckeastlich.  and the Buckfastlich that cometh from north west, it runneth to Staunton, Darington, Hemston, and there also crossing a rill on each side passeth forth to Totnesse, Bowden, and above Gabriel Stoke meeteth with the Hartburne that runneth under Roast bridge, two miles above Totnes, 
Hartburne.  or (as another saith) by Ratter, Harberton, Painesford, and Asprempton into Darent, which yer long also cometh to Corneworthie, Grenewaie, Ditsham, Darntmouth town (whereunto king john gave sometimes a mayor, as he did unto Totnesse) from thence between the castles, and finally into sea.  
From hence we went by Stokeflemming to another water, which cometh from black Auton, then to the second that falleth in east of Slapton, and so coasting out of this bay by the Start point, we sail almost directly west, till we come to Saltcombe haven. Certes this port hath very little fresh water coming to it, and therefore no marvel though it be barred; yet the head of it (such as it is) riseth near Buckland, and goeth to Dudbrooke, which standeth between two créekes. Thence it hieth to Charleton, where it taketh in a rill, whose head cometh from south and north of Shereford. Finally, it hath another creek that runneth up by Ilton: and the last of all that falleth in north of Portlemouth, whose head is so near the bay last afore remembered, that it maketh it a sorry peninsula (as I have heard it said.)  
Then come we to the Awne, 
Awne.  whose head is in the hills far above Brent town, from whence it goeth to Dixford wood, Loddewell, Hache, Aunton, Thorleston, and so into the sea over against a rock called S. Michael's burrow. Arm riseth above Harford, 
Arme.  thence to Stoford, ivy bridge, Armington bridge, Fleet, Orchardton, Ownewell, and so unto the sea, which is full of flats and rocks, so that no ship cometh thither in any tempest, except it be forced thereto, through the uttermost extremity and desperate hazard of the fearful mariners. King Philip of Castille lost two ships here in the days of king Henry the seventh, 
See Hen. 7. pag. 792, 793, 794.  when he was driven to land in the west country by the rage of weather. 
Yaline.  Yalme goeth by Cornewood, Slade, Stratleie, Yalmeton, Collaton. Newton ferry, and so into the sea, about four miles by south east from the main stream of Plymouth. Being past these portlets, than next of all we come to Plymouth haven, 
Plim.  a very busy piece to describe, because of the numbers of waters that resort unto it, & small help that I have for the knowledge of their courses; yet will I do what I may in this, as in the rest, and so much I hope by God's grace to perform, as shall suffice my purpose in this behalf.  
The Plimne or Plim, 
Plim.  is the very same water that giveth name to Plimpton town. The mouth of this gulf, wherein the ships do ride, is walled on each side and chained over in time of necessity, and on the south side of the haven is a block house upon a rocky hill: but as touching the river itself, it riseth in the hills west of Cornewood, and cometh down a short course of three miles to Newenham after it be issued out of the ground. From Newenham also it runneth to Plimpton, and soon after into the Stoure, 
Stoure alias Catwater.  which Stoure ariseth northwest of Shepistour, & goeth from thence to Memchurch, Hele. Shane, Bickleie, and so to Eford, where taking in the Plim, it runneth down as one under the name of Plim, until it go past Plymouth, and fall into the haven south east of Plymouth aforesaid. I have oftentimes traveled to find out the cause why so many rivers in England are called by this name Stoure, and at the first supposing that it was grown by the corruption of Dour, the British word for a stream, I rested thereupon as resolved for a season: but afterward finding the word to be mere Saxon, and that Stouremare is a province subject to the duke of Saxony, I yielded to another opinion: whereby I conceive that the said name was first derived from the Saxons. But to return to our purpose.  
Plymouth itself standeth between two créeks, not served with any backewater, therefore passing over these two, we enter into the Thamer that dischargeth itself into the aforesaid haven. Going therefore up that stream, which for the most part parteth Devonshire from Cornwall, the first riveret that I met withal on the east side is called Davy, 
Tave or Davy.  the head whereof is among the mounteins four miles above Peter's Davy, beneath which it meeteth with another water from by west, so that these two waters include Marie Davy between them, though nothing near the confluence. From hence the Tave or Davy runneth to Tavstock, above which it taketh in a rill from by west, and another above north Buckland, whose head is in Dartmore, and cometh thereunto by Sandford and Harrow bridge. From hence it goeth into Thamar, by north Buckland, monks Buckland, Bear, and Tamerton folly. Having thus dispatched the Davy, 
Lid.  the next that falleth in on the east side upwards is the Lid, which rising in the hills above Lidford, runneth down by Curriton and Siddenham, and so to Lidstone, above which it receiveth the Trushell brook, 
Trushell.  which rising north east of Brediston, goeth by Trusholton to Ibaine, where it receiveth a rill that cometh by Bradwood from Germanswike, and after the confluence runneth to Liston, and from thence into the Thamar. The next above this is the Corewater, 
Core.  this ariseth somewhere about Elwell or Helwell, and going by Uirginston, runneth on by saint Giles without any increase until it come to Thamar. Next of all it taketh in two brooks not much distant in sunder, whereof the one cometh in by Glanton, the other from Holsworthie, and both east of Tamerton, which standeth on the further bank, & other side of the Thamar, and west northwest of Tedcote, except the quarter deceive me.  
Certes, the Thamar 
Thamar.  itself riseth in Summersetshire, about three mile's north-east of Hartland, and in manner so crosseth over the whole west country between sea and sea, that it leaveth Cornwall, a byland or peninsula. Being therefore descended from the head, by a tract of six miles, it cometh to Denborow, Pancrase well, Bridge Revel, Tamerton, Tetcote, Luffencote, Boiton, and Wirrington, where it meeteth with a water on the west side called Arteie, 
Arteie.  that riseth short of jacobstow. Two miles in like sort from this confluence, we met with the Kenseie, whose head is short of Warpeston by south east: 
Kenseie.  from whence it goeth by Treneglos, Tremone, Tresmure, Trewen, Lanfton, and so into the Thamar, that runneth from hence by Lowwhitton unto Bradston, and going on toward Dunterton, taketh in a rill from south Pitherwi●c, 
Enian.  and by Lesant; beneath Dunterton also it crosseth the Enian. This river riseth at Davidston, and directeth his race by saint Clethir, Lancast, and Trelaske first; and then under sundry bridges, until it meet with the Thamar. From hence also the Thamar goeth by Siddenham to Calstocke bridge, Calstocke town, Clifton, Cargreve (there abouts taking in a creek above Landilip) and running on from thence, hasteth toward Saltash, 
Liver.  where it receiveth the Liver water. The head of Liver is about Broomwellie hill, from whence it goeth on to North hill, Lekenhorne, South hill, and taking in a rill by east (from above Kellington) it runneth on to Newton, Pillaton, Wootton, Blosfleming, saint Erne, and beneath this village crosseth a rillet that runneth thither from Bicton by Quithiocke, saint Germans, and Sheviocke. But to proceed. After the confluence, it goeth between Erlie and Fro Martin castle, and soon after taking in a rill from by north, that passeth west of saint Stevens, it is not long yer it fall into the Thamar, which after this (receiving the Milbrooke creak) goeth on by Edgecombe, and between saint Michael's Isle and Ridden point into the main sea. And thus have I finished the description of Plymouth water, and all such falls as are between Mewston rock on the east side, and the Ram head on the other.  
After this we proceeded on with our journey toward the west, 
Sutton.  and passing by Longstone, we came soon after to Sothan bay, where we crossed the Seton water, whose head is about Liscard, & his course by Minheniet, Chafrench, Tregowike, Sutton, and so into the sea. Then came we to Low, 
Low.  and going in between it and Mount I'll, we find that it had a branched course, and thereto the confluence above Low. The chief head riseth in the hills, as it were two miles above Gain, and going by that town, it ceaseth not to continue his course east of Dulo, till it come a little above Low, where it crosseth and joineth with the Brodoke water that runneth from Brodokes by Trewargo, and so into the sea. Next unto these are two other rils, of which one is called Polpir, 
Polpir. Fawie.  before we come at Foy, or Fawy.  
Foy or Fawy river riseth in Fawy moor, on the side of an hill in Fawy moor, from whence it runneth by certain bridges, till it meet with the Glin water west of Glin town, 
Glin.  which rising above Temple, & meeting with a rill that cometh in from S. Neotes, doth fall into Fawy a mile and more above Resprin from by east. After this confluence then, it goeth to Resprin bridge, Lestermen castle, Loftwithiell bridge, Pill, saint Kingtons', saint Winnow, and Golant, and here also receiveth the Lerine water out of a park, 
Lerinus.  that taketh his way into the main stream by Biconke, Tethe, and the Fining house. Being thus united, it proceedeth unto Fawy town, taking in a rill or creak from above it on the one side, and another beneath it south of Halling on the other: of which two this latter is the longest of course, sith it runneth three good miles before it come at the Foy. Leland writing of this river addeth very largely unto it after this manner. 
Faw.  The Fawy riseth in Fawy moor (about two miles from Camilford by south, and sixteen miles from Fawy town) in a very quave mire on the side of an hill. From hence it goeth to Drainesbridge, to Clobham bridge, Lergen bridge, New bridge, Resprin bridge, and lostwithiel bridge, where it meeteth with a little brook, and near thereunto parteth itself in twain. Of these two arms therefore one goeth to a bridge of stone, the other to another of timber, and soon after joining again, the main river goeth to saint Gwinnowes, from thence also to the point of saint Gwinnowes wood, which is about half a mile from thence, except my memory doth fail me. Here goeth in a salt créeke half a mile on the east side of the haven, and at the head of it is a bridge called Lerine bridge; the creek itself in like manner bearing the same denomination.  
From Lerine creak, to S. Caracs' pill or créeke, 
In the middle of this creek was a cell of S. Ciret in an Islet longing sometime to Mountagew a priory.  is about half a mile, and Lower on the east side of the said haven: it goeth up also above a mile and an half into the land. From Caracs' creek to Poulmorland a mile, and this likewise goeth up scant a quarter of a mile into the land, yet at the head it parteth itself in twain. From Poulmorland weto Bodnecke village half a mile, where the passage and repassage is commonly to Fawy. From Bodnecke to Pelene point (where a creek goeth up not fully a thousand paces into the land) a mile, thence to Poulruan a quarter of a mile, and at this Poulruan is a tower of force, marching against the tower on Fawy side, between which (as I do hear) a chain hath sometime been stretched, and likely enough; for the haven there is hardly two bow shot over. The very point of land at the east side of the mouth of this haven, is called Pontus' cross, but now Panuchecrosse. It shall not be amiss in this place somewhat to entreat of the town of Fawy, which is called in Cornish Comwhath, 
Comwhath.  and being situate on the northside of the haven, is set hanging on a main rocky hill, being in length about one quarter of a mile, except my memory deceive me.  
The renown of Fawy rose by the wars under king Edward the first, Edward the third, and Henry the fift, partly by feats of arms, and partly by plain piracy. Finally, the townsmen feeling themselves somewhat at ease and strong in their purses, they fell to merchandise, and so they prospered in this their new devise, that as they traveled into all places, so merchants from all countries made resort to them, whereby within a while they grew to be exceeding rich. The ships of Fawy sailing on a time by Rhie and Winchelseie in the time of king Edward the third, refused stoutly to vale any bonnet there, although warning was given them so to do by the portgreves or rulers of those towns. Hereupon the Rhie and Winchelseie men made out upon them with cut and long tail: but so hardly were they entertained by the Fawy pirates (I should say adventurers) that they were driven home again with no small loss and hindrance. Such favour found the Fawy men also immediately upon this bickering, that in token of their victory over their wenching adversaries, and riding ripiers (as they called them in mockery) they altered their arms and compounded for new, wherein the scutcheon of Rhie and Winchelseie is quartered with theirs, and beside this the Foyens were called the gallants of Fawy or Foy, 
Gallants of Foy or Fawy.  whereof they not a little rejoiced, and more peradventure than for some greater booty. And thus much of Fawy town, wherein we see what great success often cometh of witless and rash adventures. But to return again to our purpose from whence we have digressed, and as having some desire to finish up this our voyage, we will leave the Fawmouth & go forward on our journey.  
Being therefore past this haven, we come into Trewardith bay, which lieth into the land between Canvas and the Black head point, and hereabout Leland placeth Vrctoum promontorium. In this we saw the fall of two small brooks, not one very far distant from another. The first of them entering west of Trewardith, the other east of saint Blaies, and both directly against Curwarder rock, except I mistake my compass. Neither of them are of any great course, and the longest not full three miles and an half. Wherefore sith they are neither branched nor of any great quantity, what should I make long harvest of a little corn, and spend more time than may well be spared about them?  
When we were past the Black head, we came to Austell brook, 
Austell.  which is increased with a water that cometh from above Mewan, and within a mile after the confluence, they fall into the sea at Pentoren, from whence we went by the Black rock, and about the Dud●●an point, till we came to Chare haies, where falleth in a pretty water, 
Chare.  whose head is two miles above saint Tues. Thence we went by here and there a mere salt créeke, till we passed the Grey rock, in Gi●in●raith bay, and S. Anthony's point, where Leland maketh his account to enter into Falamouth haven.  
The Fala riseth a little by north of Penuenton town, 
Fala.  and going westward till it come downwards toward saint Dionise, it goeth from thence to Melader, saint Stevens Grampont, Goldon, Crede, Corneleie, Tregue, Moran, Tregu●●an, it falleth into the haven with a good indifferent force: and this is the course of Fala. But lest I should seem to omit those creeks that are between this and S. Anthony's point, I will go a little back again, and fetch in so mani● of them, as come now to my remembrance. Entering therefore into the port, we have a creek that runneth up by saint Anthony's toward saint Gereus, than another that goeth into the land by east of saint Mary's castle, with a forked head, passing in the mean time by a great rock that lieth in the very midst of the haven, in manner of the third point of a triangle, between saint Mary's castle and Pendinant.  
Thence we cast about by the said castle, and came by another creek that falleth in by east, than the second above saint justus, the third at Ardenora, the fourth at Rilan. And having as it were visited all these in order, we come back again about by Tregonnian, and then going upward between it and Taluerne, till we came to Fentangolan, we found the confluence of two great creeks beneath saint Clements, whereof one hath a fresh water coming down by S. Mer●her, the other another from Truro, increased with sundry branches, though not one of them of any greatness, and therefore unworthy to be handled. Pole hole standeth upon the head almost of the most easterly of them. S. Kenwen and Truro stand above the confluence of other two. The fourth falleth in by west from certain hills: as for the fift and sixth, as they be little créeks and no fresh, so have I less language and talk to spend about them.  
Of saint Caie, and saint Feokes créeke, whose issue is between Restronget and créeke of Trurie, I see no cause to make any long speech; yet I remember that the town of S. Feoke standeth between them both. 
S. Caie. S. Feoks  That also called after this saint, rising above Perannarwothill, and coming thence by Kirklo, falleth into Falamouth, north-east of Milor, which standeth upon the point between it and Milor créeke. Milor creak is next Restronget: 
Milor.  some call it Milor pool, from whence we went by Trefusis point, and there found an other great fall from Perin, which being branched in the top, hath Perin town almost in the very confluence. And thus much by my collection of the fall. But for somuch as Leland hath taken some pains in the description of this river, I will not suffer it to perish, sith there is other matter contained therein worthy remembrance, although not delivered in such order as the thing itself requireth.  
The very point (saith he) of the haven mouth (being an hill whereon the king hath builded a castle) 
Fala.  is called Pendinant. It is about a mile in compass, almost environed with the sea: and where the sea covereth not, the ground is so low that it were a small mastery to make Pendinant an Island. Furthermore, there lieth a cape or foreland within the haven a mile and a half, and betwixt this and master Killigrewes' house one great arm of the haven runneth up to Penrine town, which is three miles from the very entry of Falamouth haven, and two good miles from Penfusis. 
Levine.  Moreover, there is Levine, Priselo, betwixt saint Budocus and Pendinas, which were a good haven but for the bar of sand. But to proceed.  
The first creak or arm that casteth on the northwest side of Falemouth haven, goeth up to Perin, and at the end it breaketh into two arms, whereof the less runneth to Glasenith, Viridis nidus, the green nest, or Wagméere at Penrine: the other to saint Glunias the parish church of Penrine. In like sort out of each side of Penrine créeke, breaketh an arm yer it come to Penrine. This I understand also that stakes and foundations of stone have been set in the creek at Penrine a little lower than the wharf, where it breakech into arms: but howsoever this standeth, betwixt the point of Trefusis and the point of Restronget is Milor créeke, 
Milor.  which goeth up a mile into the land, and by the church is a good road for ships. The next creak beyond the point of Restronget wood, is called Restronget, which going two miles up into the main, 
Restronget.  breaketh into two arms. In like order betwixt Restronget and the creak of Trurie be two créekes; one called saint Feokes, 
S. Feoks.  the other saint Caie, 
S. Caie.  next unto which is Trurie créeke that goeth up about two mile's creeking from the principal stream, and breaketh within half a mile of Trurie, casting in a branch westward even hard by Newham wood.  
This creak of Trurie is divided into two parts before the town of Trurie, 
Trurie creek  and each of them having a brook coming down and a bridge, the town of Trurie standeth betwixt them both. In like sort Kenwen street is severed from the said town with this arm, and Clement's street by east with the other. Out of the body also of Trurie creak breaketh another eastward a mile from Crurie, and goeth up a mile and a half to Cresilian bridge of stone. At the very entry and mouth of this creek is a road of ships called Maples road: and here fought not long since eighteen ships of Spanish merchants, with four ships of war of Deep, but the Spaniards drove the Frenchmen all into this harborough. A mile and an half above the mouth of Crurie creak, is another named Lhan Moran of S. Morans church at hand. 
Moran.  This creek goeth up a quarter of a mile from the main stream into the haven, as the main stream goeth up two miles above Moran créeke ebbing and flowing: and a quarter of a mile higher is the town of Cregowie, where we found a bridge of stone upon the Fala river. Fala itself riseth a mile or more west of Roche hill, and goeth by Grand pont, where I saw a bridge of stone.  
This Grand pont is four miles from Roche hill, 
Grand pont.  and two little miles from Cregowie, betwixt which the Fala taketh his course. From Cregowie to pass down by the body of the haven of Falamouth to the mouth of Lanie horn pill or créeke, on the south side of the haven is a mile, and (as I remember) it goeth up half a mile from the principal stream of the haven. From Lanihorne pill also is a place or point of sand about a mile way of forty acres or thereabout (as a peninsula) called Ardeverauter. As for the water or créeke that runneth into the south southeast part, it is but a little thing of half a mile up into the land, and the creek that hemmeth in this peninsula, of both doth seem to be the greater. From the mouth of the west creak of this peninsula, unto saint Iustes creak, is four miles or more.  
In like manner from saint Iustes pill or créeke (for both signify one thing) to saint Maws creak is a mile and a half, 
S. justus. S. Maws.  and the point between them both is called Pendinas. The creek of saint Maws goeth up a two miles by east north-east into the land, and beside that it ebbeth and floweth so far, there is a mill driven with a fresh creek that resorteth to the same. Half a mile from the head of this downward to the haven, is a creek in manner of a pool, whereon is a mill also that grindeth with the tide. And a mile beneath that on the south side entereth a creek (about half a mile into the country) which is barred from the main sea by a small sandy bank, and another mile yet lower, is an other little créekelet. But how so ever these créekes do run, certain it is that the banks of them that belong to Fala are meruellouslie well woodded. And hitherto Leland, whose words I dare not alter, for fear of corruption and alteration of his judgement. Being past Falmouth haven therefore (as it were a quarter of a mile beyond Arwennach, master Killegrewes' place which standeth on the brim or shore within Falmouth) we came to a little haven which ran up between two hills, but it was barred: wherefore we could not learn whether it were served with any back fresh water or not.  
From thence we went by Polwitherall creak 
Polwitherall. Polpenrith.  (parted into two arms) then to the Polpenrith, whereunto a riveret falleth that riseth not far from thence, and so goeth to the main stream of the haven at the last, whither the creek resorteth about three miles and more from the mouth of the haven, 
Wike.  and into which the water that goeth under Gare 
Gare.  and Mogun 
Mogun.  bridges, do fall in one bottom (as Leland hath reported.) Unto this haven also repaireth the Penkestell, 
Penkestell.  the Callous, 
Callous.  the Cheilow, 
Cheilow.  and the Gilling, 
Gilling.  although this latter lieth against saint Mawnons on the hither side hard without the haven mouth (if I have done aright.) For so motheaten, mouldy, & rotten are those books of Leland which I have, and beside that, his annotations are such and so confounded, as no man can (in a manner) pick out any sense from them by a leaf together. Wherefore I suppose that he dispersed and made his notes intricate of set purpose: or else he was loath that any man should easily come to that knowledge by reading, which he with his great charge & no less travel attained unto by experience. Thus leaving Fala haven, as more troublesome for me to describe, than profitable for seafaring men, without good advise to enter into, we left the rock on our left hand, and came strait south-west to Helford haven, whose water cometh down from Wréeke (where is a confluence of two small rilles whereof that rill consisteth) 
Hail.  by Mawgan and Trelawarren, and then it receiveth a rill on the north ripe from Constantine, after whose confluence it goeth a main until it come to the Ocean, where the mouth is spoiled by sand coming from the tin-works. See Leland in the life of S. Breaca. Beneath this also is another rill coming from S. Martyrs, by whose course, and another over against it on the west side that falleth into the sea by Winniton, all Menage is left almost in manner of an Island. From hence we go south to the Manacle point, than south-west to Lisard, and so north and by west to Predannocke points, beyond which we meet with the fall of the said water, that riseth in the edge of Menag, and goeth into the sea by Melien on the north, and Winniton on the south. By north also of Winniton is the Curie water that runneth short of Magan, 
Curie.  and toucheth with the Ocean south of Pengwenian point.  
From hence we sailed to the Loo mouth, 
Loo.  which some call Lopoole, because it is narrower at the fall into the sea, than it is between the sea and Hailston. It riseth above S. Sethians, and coming down by Wendron, it hasteth to Hailston or Helston, from whence only it is called Loo: but between Helston and the head, men call it commonly Cohor. Of this river Leland saith thus: The Lopoole is two miles in length, and betwixt it and the main Ocean is but a bar of sand that once in three or four years, what by weight of the fresh water, and working of the sea breaketh out, at which time it maketh a wonderful noise: but soon after the mouth of it is barred up again. At all other times the superfluity of the water of Lopole (which is full of trout and éele) draineth out through the sandy bar into the open sea: certes if this bar could always be kept open, it would make a goodly haven up unto Haileston town, where coinage of tin is also used, as at Trurie and lostwithiel, for the queens advantage.  
Being passed the Loo, I came to another water that descendeth without any increase from Crowan by Simneie, 
Simneie.  whose whole course is not above three miles in all. Then going by the Cuddan point, we entered the mounts Bay, and going straight north (leaving S. Michael's mount a little upon the left hand) we came to the Lid, which rising short of Tewidnacke, descendeth by Lidgenan, 
Lid.  and so into the sea. Certes the course of these waters cannot be long, sith in this very place the breadth of land is not above four miles, and not more than five at the very lands end. There is also a rill east of Korugie, and Guluall, and another west of the same hard at hand, and likewise the third east of Pensants: and not a full quarter of a mile from the second, south-west of Pensants also lieth the fourth that cometh from Sancrete ward by Newlin, from whence going south-west out of the bay by Moushole I'll, that lieth south of Moushole town, we come to a water that entereth into the Ocean betwixt Remels & Lamorleie point. Truly the one head thereof cometh from by west of Sancrete, the other from by west of an hill that standeth between them both, and joining above Remels, it is not long yer they salute their grandam. After this, and before we come at Rosecastell, there are two other créekes, whereof one is called Boskennie, that riseth south of saint Buriens, and an other somewhat longer than the first, that issueth by west of the aforesaid town, wherein is to be noted, that our cards made heretofore do appoint S. Buriens to be at the very lands end of Cornwall, but experience now teacheth us, that it cometh not near the lands end by three miles. This latter rill also is the last that I do read of on the south side, and likewise on the west and north, till we have sailed to S. jes' bay, which is full ten miles from the lands end, or Bresan I'll eastward, 
Bresan I'll  & rather more, if you reckon to the fall of the Hail, which lieth in the very midst and highest part of the bay of the same. The soil also is very hilly here, as for saint Ies town, it is almost (as I said) a byland, and yet is it well watered with sundry rilles that come from those hills unto the same.  
The Hail riseth in such manner, 
Hail.  and from so many heads, as I have before said: howbeit I will add somewhat more unto it, for the benefit of my readers. Certes the chief head of Hail riseth by west of Goodalfin hills, and going down toward saint Erthes, it receiveth the second, and best of the other three rilles from Goodalfin town: finally, coming to saint Erthes, and so unto the main bay, it taketh in the Clowart water from Guimer, 
Clowart.  south of Phelacke, which hath two heads the said village standing directly betwixt them both.  
The Cain riseth southeast of Caineburne town a mile and more, 
Caine.  from whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian, and so into the sea west of Mara Darwaie. From hence we coasted about the point, & left the bay till we came to a water that riseth of two heads from those hills that lie by south of the same: one of them also runneth by saint Uni, another by Redreuth, and meeting within a mile, they fall into the Ocean beneath Luggam or Tuggan. 
Luggam.  A mile and a half from this fall we come unto another small rill, and likewise two other créekes, betwixt which the town of saint Agnes standeth; and likewise the fourth half a mile beyond the most easterly of these, whose head is almost three miles within the land in a town called saint Alin. Thence going by the Manrocke, and west of saint Piran in the sand, we find a course of three miles and more from the head, and having a forked branch, the parts do meet at west above saint Kibbard, and so go into the sea. I take this to be saint Pirans créeke, 
S. Pirans creak. Carantocke.  for the next is Carantocke pill or créeke, whose head is at Guswarth, from whence it goeth unto Trerise, and soon after taking in a rill from by west, it runneth into the sea coast of saint Carantakes. Beyond this is another creek that riseth above little saint Colan, and goeth by less saint Columbe: and east and by north hereof cometh down one more whose head is almost south of the Nine stones, & going from thence to great saint Columbes, it passeth by Lamberne, and so into the sea. S. Merous creek is but a little one, rising west of Padstow, and falling in almost over against the Gull rock. Then turning between the point and the black rock, we entered into Padstow haven three miles lower than port Issec, and a mile from port Gwin, 
Padstow. Locus bufonis. Alannus.  whose waters remain next of all to be described.  
The Alan ariseth flat east from the haven mouth of Padstow, well near eight or nine miles about Davidstone, near unto which the Eniam also issueth, 
Eniam.  that runneth into the Thamar. Going therefore from hence it passeth to Camelford, saint Aduen, saint Bernard (both Cornish saints) and soon after receiveth a rill at north-east, descending from Rowters' hill. Thence it goeth to Bliseland, and Helham, the first bridge of name that standeth upon Alin. Yer long also it taketh in one rill by south from Bodman, another from saint Laurence, the third by west of this, and the fourth that cometh by Wethiell, no one of them exceeding the course of three miles, and all by south. From hence it goeth toward Iglesaleward, and there receiveth a water on the east side, which cometh about two miles from saint Teeth, by Michelston, saint Tuchoe, saint Maben (more Cornish patrons) and finally south of Iglesall, meeteth with the allen that goeth from thence by S. Breaca to Woodbridge. Hereabout I find, that into our Alein or allen, there should fall two riverets, whereof the one is called Carneseie, 
Carneseie. Lain.  the other Lain, and coming in the end to full notice of the matter, I see them to issue on several sides beneath Woodbridge almost directly the one against the other. That which descendeth from northwest, and riseth about saint Kew, is named Carneseie, as I hear: the other that cometh in on the south-west bank height Lain, and noted by Leland to rise two miles above S. Esse. But howsoever this matter standeth, there are two other créekes on each side also, beneath these, as Pethrike creak, 
Pethrike. Minner.  and Minner créeke (so called of the Cornish saints) for that soil bred many, wherewith I finish the description of allen, or (as some call it) Dunmere, 
Dunmere.  and other Padstow water.  
From Padstow haven also they sail out full west to Waterford in Ireland. There are likewise two rocks, which lie in the east side of the haven, secretly hidden at full sea, as two pads in the straw, whereof I think it taketh the name. Yet I remember how I have read that Padstow is a corrupted word for Adlestow, and should signify so much as Athelstani locus, as it may well be. For it is evident that they ●ad in time past sundry charters of privilege from Athelstane, although at this present it be well stored with Irishmen. But to our purpose. Leland supposeth this river to be the same Camblan, where Arthur fought his last and fatal conflict: for to this day men that do ear the ground there, do oft blow up bones of a large size, and great store of armour, or else it may be (as I rather conjecture) that the Romans had some field (or Castra) thereabout, for not long since (and in the remembrance of man) a brass pot full of Roman coin was found there, as I have often heard. Being thus passed Padstow haven, and after we had gone three miles from hence, we came to Portgwin a poor fisher town, where I find a brook and a peer. Then I came to Portissec alias Cunilus two miles further, and found there a brook, a peer, and some succour for fisher boats. Next of all unto a brook that ran from south east, directly north into the Sauerne sea, and within half a mile of the same lay a great black rock like an Island. From this water to Trevenni is about a mile, where the paroch church is dedicated to saint Simphorian, and in which paroch also Tintagell or Dundagie castle standeth, which is a thing inerpugnable for the situation, and would be made with little reparations one of the strongest things in England. For it standeth on a great high terrible crag environed with the sea. There is a chapel yet standing in the dungeon thereof, dedicated to saint Ulet. Tintagell town and Trevenni are not a mile in sunder.  
The next creak is called Bosinni, which is a mile from Tintagell, and to the same Tredwie water resorteth, 
Tredwie.  and so they go to the sea betwixt two hills, whereof that on the one side lieth out like an arm or cape, and maketh the fashion of an havenet or peer, whither shiplets sometime do resort for succour. A friar of late days took upon him to make an haven at this place, but in vain. There lie also two black rocks as Ilets, at the west northwest point, or side of this creek, the one (saving that a little gut doth part them) joining with the other, and in these by all likelihood is great store of gulls. I can not tell whether this be the water that runneth by Boscastell or not, but if it be not, then have I this description of the latter. 
Boscastell.  Boscastell créeke that lieth east of Tintagell, is but a small thing, running at the most not above two miles, into the land, yet it passeth by four towns, whereof the first is called Lesneth, the second saint juliet, the third Minster, and the fourth Boscastell or Bushcastell, as some men do pronounce it.  
In Bede bay I find the Bedewater, 
Bede.  whose chief head is not far from Norton. Thence running to Strat●on, 
Lancels.  it receiveth the Lancels rill before it come at Norham. And here also it crosseth another whose head is east of saint Marie w●ke, from whence it runneth by Wolston and Whalesborow, and thence into the sea between Efford and Plough hill. And thus much of the waters that lie between the point of Cornwall, and the Hartland head upon the north side of Cornwall. Now let us do the like with those that remain of Devonshire, whereof the said Hartland is the very first point in this our poetical voyage. Having therefore brought Hartland point on our backs, we come next of all to Barstable bar, and so into the haven, where into two principal streams do perpetually unburden their channels.  
The first and more westerly of these is called Ocus, 
Ocus.  whose head is not far west of the head of Darnt, and doth in Darntmore. Rising therefore in the aforesaid place, it runneth northwest to Snorton, and so to Okehampton, beneath which town it meeteth with an other water coming from southeast, & riseth not much west from the head of Tawe. From hence it goeth to Stow Exborne, monk Okington, & Iddesleie, 
Tanridge. Turrege.  where it taketh in the Tanridge a very pretty streamelet, whose issue is not full a mile by east from the head of Thamar, three miles by north east from Hartland. Coming therefore by west and east Putford, Bulworthie, Bockington, Newton, and Shebbor, it receiveth a forked rill that runneth from each side of Bradworthie by Sutcombe, Treborow, Milton, & so to Thornebirie, where meeting with an other forked water (whereof one head coming from Duns●and, joineth with the other north of Cockbirie) it goeth with speed into the Tanridge water. After this confluence it runneth on to Shéepewash (by west whereof falleth in the Buckland water from by north) thence to high Hainton, 
Buckland.  and so to Haitherlaie, north whereof it taketh in a rill from by south, and endeth his race at Iddesleie, by joining with the Oak. Hence than the Ocus hasteth to Dowland, and between it and Doulton, receiveth one rill from by east, as it doth an other between Doulton and Marton from by west, and so proceeding on with his course, it cometh cast of Torrington the less, and taking in a water at east, that runneth from three heads (by Wollie park) between which Comb and Roughborow are situate, it descendeth to Torington the more, and meeting with the Langtrée water on the one side, 
Langtrée.  and the Ware brook on the other, 
Were or Ware.  it proceedeth to Bediford, crossing a rill by the way that cometh unto it between Annarie & Littham. From Bediford bridge it goeth without any increase to Westleie, Norham, Appledoure, and so into the haven.  
The Taw of both is the more noble water, 
Taw.  notwithstanding that his haven be barred with sand; and thereby dangerous, and hath most rils descending into his channel. Howbeit, by these two is all the hart of Devonshire well watered on the northside of the moors. The Tawy riseth directly at south west of Throwleie, and north of the head of Darnt, or (as Leland saith) in Exmoore south east from Barstable. From thence also it runneth to Sele, South Taveton, Cockatre, Bath, Northtaveton, Ashridge, Colridge, and soon after receiveth the Bowmill créeke, 
Bowmill.  whereof one head riseth at Bow, the other at Mill, and meeting beneath Bishops Morchard, they fall into the Taw north of Nimeth Rowland, as I have been informed. From hence then it runneth by Edgeforth, to Chimligh, by south whereof it meeteth with a rill coming down of two heads from about Rakenford, by Wetheridge and Chawleie. Thence it goeth to Burrington, and Chiltenholtwood, and there taketh in the Moulebraie water 
Moulebraie.  consisting of two in one channel, whereof the Moll doth rise above north Moulton, and coming to Moulton receiveth another rill running from Molland, and soon after the second that growing by two brooks (the head of one being at Knawston, and of the other west of Crokeham, and both uniting themselves beneath Mariston) doth fall into the same yer long also, and so go together till it cross the Braie, which (being the second of the two that maketh the Moulbraie) riseth at Braie, 
Braie.  cometh by Buckland, and south of Holtwood doth make his confluence with Taw. Being past the wood, it goeth on to Brightleie hall, Taveton, Tavestocke, & Berstable, sometime a pretty walled town with four gates, but now a little thing; and such in deed, as that the suburbs thereof are greater than itself. I suppose that the name of this town in the British speech was Abertaw, because it stood toward the mouth of Taw, and Berdnesse pronounced short (as I guess) for Abernesse. As for Staple, it is an addition for a market, & therefore hath nothing to do in the proper name of the town. King Athelstane is taken here for the chief privileger of the town. This is also worthy to be noted hereof, that the houses there are of stone, as most are in all the good towns thereabout.  
But to proceed with our purpose. Beneath this town there falleth in a water that hath one head near about Challacombe, & another at east Down, whereof this descending by Stoke river, and the other by Sherwell, they unite themselves within three miles of Berstaple. Soon after also it taketh in another that descendeth from Bitenden by Ashford, and the last of all east of saint Anthony's chapel, named the Doneham, 
Doneham.  because one head is at west Done, and the other at Ham, both of them meeting west of Ash. And thus is Tave described, which is no great water nor quick stream, as may appear in Low water mark at Berstable, and yet is it a pretty riveret. This also is worthy to be noted thereof, that it receiveth no brook from by west, whereof I would somewhat marvel, if Taurige were not at hand.  
Being past the Tave, Cried bay and Bugpoint alias Bagpoint, we go by More bay, Morstone alias Mortstone, and then toward the north-east, till we come by a créekelet to Ilfare comb, & so to Comb Marton, 
Paradine.  whereat (I mean each of them) are sundry créekes of salt water, but not served with any fresh that I as yet do hear of. Marry there is between Martinbow & Trensow, a creek that hath a backewater, which descendeth from Parracombe (so far as I call to mind named Parradine beck) but the greatest of all is between Linton and Connisberie called Over, 
Orus.  which riseth in Summersetshire in Exmore (east of Hore oak, more than a mile) and going by Hour, falleth into the sea between Linton and Conisberie, so that the whole race thereof amounteth in and out to an eight miles, as I have heard reported. Thus have I finished the discourse of the waters of Devonshire, 
The breadth of Devonshire & Cornwall.  whose breadth in this place from hence overthwart to the Checkstones in the mouth of Ex, on the south side of the isle, is eight and thirty miles or under forty, and so much likewise is it from Plymouth to Hartland point, but the broadest part there cometh to six and thirty miles, whereas the broadest part of Cornwall doth want two miles of forty.  
Being past the aforesaid limits of the counties we came to Portloch bay, 
Loch.  whither cometh a water named Loch that descendeth from Stokepero, Lucham and Portloch without increase. Thence to Dunsteir brook, 
Durus.  which runneth from about Wootton, and courtney by Tunbercombe and Dunsteir, then to another that cometh west of Old Cliff, leaving a park on the west side, next of all to Watchet water, 
Vacetus.  whereof one head cometh from the Quantocke hills south of Bickualer by Westquantocke head, and almost at Doniford, receiveth the Williton 
Williton.  beck, then to east Quantocke brook (omitting a créeket) & next of all to Doddington 
Doddington.  water, that goeth by Holford, Alfoxton, and afterward into the sea. From hence we go by Bottesall point, to start point, where two noble rivers do make their confluence, which I will severally describe, as to my purpose appertaineth.  
The first of these is called the jewel, or (as I find it in an ancient writer) You, 
juelus.  who saith that the river You doth run from Ilchester to Bridgewater, and so into the sea. It riseth above Oburne, and at Shirburne receiveth a water, whereof Leland saith thus. There are seven springs in an hill called the seven sisters, 
The seven sisters.  north east from Shireburne, which gather into one bottom, & come into the Mere. Another brook likewise cometh by Heidon from Puscandell, three miles from thence by flat east, betwixt the park and the Mere full so great as the stream of the Mere, and joining at the lower mill of Shireburne, with the Mere water, it is not long yer it fall into the Evil. Thence our Evil goeth on towards Glasen Bradford, and yer it come there taketh in a forked rill from by south, descending from about west Chelburie and Chetnall in Dorsetshire, beneath which town the other head falleth into the same, so that they run forth by Bearhaggard and Thorneford (till they meet with the jewel) and so to Clifton, evil a proper market town, Trent, Mutford, Ashinton, and east of Limminton it meeteth with the Cade 
Cade.  that runneth from Yarlington, by north Cadbirie, and soon after crossing a rill also from by east, that cometh from Blackeford by Compton, it hasteth to south Cadbirie, Sparkeford, Queen's Camel, west Camel, and so into jewel, which runneth on to Kimmington, Ilchester, Ilbridge, long Sutton, and yer it come at Langport, taketh in two famous waters in one channel, next of all to be remembered before I go any further. The first of all these riseth southeast between the Parrots (where it is called Parrot water) and goeth to Crokehorne, 
Parrot.  and at Meriot taketh in a brook from the east, which consisteth of two courses united at Bowbridge, whereof the one descendeth from Pen by Hasilburie, the other from above the three Chenocks, as I do understand.  
From hence also they go as one with the Parrot water, toward south Pederton (taking in at east a beck coming from Hamden hill) thence to Pederton, Lambrooke, Thorneie bridge, and Muchelneie where it meeteth with the second called Ill or Ilus, 
iii.  whose head is above Chellington, & coming down from thence by Cadworth, before it come at Dunniet, it taketh in a rill that runneth by Chascombe and Knoll. Thence leaving Ilmister on the east side, it meeteth with another from by east, descending from about Whitlakington. Then it goeth to Pokington (where it crosseth the Ilton water by west) 
Ilton.  next to Ilbruers, and there it joineth with a rillet that riseth by west at Staple, and runneth by Bicknell and abbots Ilie, and after this confluence goeth on toward Langport. And here after some men's opinion, the jewel looseth his name, and is called Parrot: but this conjecture cannot hold, sith in the old writers it is called jewel, till it fall into the sea. Nevertheless, how soever this matter standeth), being past Langport, it goeth by Awber toward saint Anthony's, where it meeteth with the Tone next of all to be described.  
The Tone issueth at Clatworthie, 
Tone.  and goeth by west of Wivelscombe, to Stawleie, Ritford; Runton, Wellington and Bradford, beneath which it taketh in a fair water coming from Sanford Combe, Elworthie, Brunt Ralph, Miluerton, Oak and Hilfarens. After this confluence also it runneth to Helebridge, and there below meeteth with one water that runneth by Hawse, Hethford and Norton, than another from Crokeham by bishops Slediard, and the third & fourth at Taunton, that descendeth from Kingston by north, and another by south that riseth about Pidmister. And thus is the Tone increased, which goeth from Taunton to Riston, Crech, Northcurrie, Ling, and so by Anthony into the jewel, that after this confluence meeteth yer long with the Chare, a pretty river that cometh by east from Northborow, 
Chare or Care.  by Carleton, Badcare, Litecare, Somerton, Higham, Audrie moor, Audrie, and Michelsborow. From whence going on between queens moor and North moor, it receiveth one brook called Peder from by south-west, that runneth through Pederton park and North moor; 
Peder.  and likewise another that passeth by Durleie, yer it do come at Bridgewater. From Bridgewater it goeth by Chilton directly north west, and then turning flat west, it goeth northward towards the sea, taking in two waters by the way, whereof one runneth by Coripole & Camington, 
Camington. Brier.  and beareth the name of Camington, the other by Siddington and Comage, and then receiving the Brier before it come at Start point, they fall as one into the Ocean, whereof let this suffice for the description of the jewel, whose stream doth water all the west part of Summersetshire and leaveth it very fruitful.  
The Brier, 
Brier.  Bruer, or Bréer, riseth of two waters, whereof one is in Selwood forest, & cometh down by Bruecombe, 
Leland writeth the first Brievelus and the second Mellodunus or the Milton water.  Bruham, and Bruton. The other which Leland nameth Mellos, is northest of Staffordell town, and going by the same, it runneth by Redlinch, to Wike; where it meeteth with the other head, and thence go on as one to Awnsford, Alford (where it taketh in a water called Dulis from by north that riseth near Dolting, 
Dulis.  and cometh by Euerchurch park) then to the Lidfords, Basborow wood, the Tor hill, 
Sowaie or Stowaie.  Pont perilous (whereinto they fable that Arthur being wounded to death did throw Calibur his sword) by Glastenburie and so into the Mere. Beside this river there are two other also that fall into the said Méere, whereof the one called Sowaie cometh from Créechurch park, and Pulton by Hartlacke bridge, 
Cos.  the other named Cos or the Coscombe water, from above Shepton, Mallet (which east of Wike taketh in a water coming from Welles) by Wike, Gedneie, and so into the Mere. Finally, returning all into one channel, it runneth to Burtlehouse, and soon after dividing it self, one arm goeth by Bastian alias Brent bridge, to High bridge, leaving Huntspill a market town by south-west, the other by Mark to Rokes bridge, Hebbes passage, and so into the sea, leaving a fair Island, wherein beside Brentmarsh are seven or eight towns, of whose names I have no knowledge.  
Now as touching the water that cometh from Welles, which falleth (as I said) into the Coscombe water on the right hand of the Cawseie; you shall understand that as many springs are in Wells, so the chief of them is named Andres well, which riseth in a meadow plat not far from the east end of the cathedral church, and afterward goeth into the Coscombe, in such place as I have noted. Leland speaketh of the Milton & Golafer waters, 
Milton. Golafer.  which should fall likewise into the Brier: but whether those be they whereof the one riseth above Staffordell, and in the descent runneth by Shipton, Pitcombe, and so to Awnsford on the one side, as the other doth rise between Batcombe and Upton noble on the other half; or unto whether of them either of these names are severally to be attributed: as yet I do not read.  
The second Axe which cometh by Axe town in old time called Uexa, 
Axe. 2. The Chederbrooke, driveth twelve miles within a quarter of a mile of his head.  issueth out of Owkie hole, from whence it goeth by Owkie town, afterward meeting with the Chederbrooke that cometh from the Cheder rocks, wherein is an hole in old time called Carcer Aeoli, whereof much hath been written & surmised past credit. It runneth by Were, Ratcliff, and after a little compass into the north-east branch of the aforesaid river last described, between Rokes bridge and Hebbes passage, as I have been informed. From the fall of Axe we come to an other called Bane, north-east of Woodspring, 
Bane.  whose head is about Banwell park, or else in Smaldon wood. Then to an other, and to the third, called Artr●, 
Artro.  which riseth about Litton, and going by the Artroes, Ubbeie, Perribridge (receiving a rill yer it come thither from by south) beneath Cungesbirie, or (as I learn) between Kingston and Laurence Wike, it meeteth with the sea.  
Sottespill water riseth between Cheveleie and Naileseie, 
S●ttespill.  howbeit it hath no increase before it come into the sea at Sottespill, more than the next unto it, which is named Cleveden water, of a certain town near to the fall thereof. 
Cleveden.  It riseth southeast of Barrow, goeth by Burton Naileseie, and so unto Clevedon. The avon, commonly called the third avon, is a goodly water, 
avon. 3.  and grown to be very famous by sundry occasions, to be particularly touched in our description of Bristol. Yet thus much will I note here thereof as a rare accident, how that in king Edgar's days, the very same year that the old monastery of Euesham fell down by itself, a porpasse was taken therein near to the said monastery, and never any before or since that time heard of to have been found in that stream. And even so not many years before I first wrote this treatise, 
Sturgeon taken in Rochester water.  a sturgeon was taken alive in Rochester stream, which the bishop gave unto your honour, and you would as gladly have sent it to the queens majesty, if she might have been presented withal alive as it was taken. Certes both these rare occurrents gave no less occasion of strange furmises to the inhabitants of both places, than the blocks of Brerton, when they appear, do unto that family; of which the report goeth that they are never seen but against some mischief or other to befall unto that house. But how far am I gone from my purpose?  
The avon therefore riseth in the very edge of Tetburie, and goeth by long Newton to Brokenton, Whitchurch, and Malmsburie, where it receiveth two waters, that is to say, one from by west coming by Foxeleie and Bromleham, which runneth so near to the avon in the west suburb of Malmsburie, that the town thereby is almost made an Island. Another from Okeseie park by Hankerton, Charleton, and Garesden. After this confluence it hasteth to Cole park, then goeth it toward the southeast, till it meet with a water coming from south-west (between Hullavington and Bradfield) by Aston: and soon after with another at the northside from Binall by Wootton Basset (through the park to Gretenham, and Idover bridges) and after the confluence to Dauntseie, Segar, Sutton, Christ-malford, avon, Calwaies house, and then to west Tetherton. Beneath this town also it taketh in a water increased by two brooks, whereof one coming from Cleve by Hilmarton, Whitleie house and Bramble (and there receiving another that cometh by Calne) passeth on by Stanley into the avon, which from thence forth goeth to Chippenham, Rowdon, Lekham, and then receiving Cosham water, 
Cosham.  goeth to Lacocke, Melsham, and yer it come at Whaddon, crosseth two other in one channel, whereof one riseth about Brumham house, and goeth to Seine, the other about the Divizes, and from thence runneth to Potterne wood, creak wood, Worton, Maston, Bucklington, and joining with the other above Litleton, they run by Semmingto●, and north of Whaddon aforesaid into the main stream, whereof I now entreat. From hence our avon runneth to Staverton, and south-west of that town meeteth with the Were that cometh from Upton by Dilton, 
Were.  Brooke park (there crossing a rill called Bisse from Westbirie under the plain) then to north Bradleie, 
Westbirie under the plain, never without a thief or twain.  Trubridge, and so into avon that goeth from thence to Bradford, & within a mile or there abouts, before it come at Freshford, it meeteth with the from, whose description doth ensue.  
The from riseth in the east part of Mendip hills, 
from.  and from thence runneth by Astwti●, the Coal pits, Lie under Mendip, Whateleie, Elmesbridge, and soon after taketh in the Nonneie water, coming from Nonneie castle, 
Nonneie.  thence to Walls and Orcharleie bridge, where it receiveth a pretty brook descending from from Selwood west of Brackleie, increased with sundry rils, whereof two come out of Selwood forest (and one of them from the Fratrie) another out of Long lead park, from Horningsham, and the fourth from Cofleie. Hence our from goeth to Lullington, Beckington, Farleie castle, Bord and Fresh ford, and taking in the Silling brook, falleth into the avon beneath Bradford, and east of Freshford. From thence going beneath Stoke, 
Silling.  it receiveth on the left hand a water coming from south-west, increased by sundry brooks, whereof one cometh from Camlet by Litleton, and Dankerton, the other from Stone Eston, Midsummer Norton, by Welston, Rodstocke, Wrigleton, Foscot, and Wellow, and there (taking in a rill from Phillips Norton) it goeth by Claverton to Hampton, and there it meeteth with another water coming from Barthford, whose head is at Litleton from whence it runneth by west Kineton to castle comb (where it joineth with a rill rising by north from Litleton drew) and thence cometh south to Slaughtenford, Haselburie, Box, Baithford, and so into the avon, which turning plain west, hasteth to Baithwijc, and (meeting with another in his passage from Caldaston) to Bath, the Tivertons, and Coston.  
Here also it taketh in a rill by the way from Markesburie by Wilmerton and Newton, and then going on to Sawford, it meeteth with one rill soon west of Northstocke, 
Swinford.  named Swinford, and another by Bitton, from Durhain by Wike, and so proceedeth still holding on his way to Caimsham, 
Swinford parteth Summerset & Glocestershires in sunder.  a town in Summerset shire (so called of Caim an English saint, by whose prayers, as the country once believed, all the adders, snakes and serpents were turned into stone, their forms reserved, and for a certain space of ground about the said town, and whereof some store as yet is to be found in those quaries. But this miracle is so true as the history of Hilda, or that S. Patrick should chase all venomous creatures out of Italy with his staff; or that maid Radegund should drive the crows to the pound, which did annoy her corn while she went unto a chapel to hear & see a mass) where it crosseth the Chute, which issueth at Winford, and goeth by bishops Chue to Penford, and there receiveth the Clue coming from Cluton, and from thence to Chute, & so into the avon. The avon likewise after all these confluences goeth to Briselton, and so to Bristol, beneath which it receiveth a rill on each side (whereof one cometh from about Stoke lodge in Glocestershire, being a fair water and running by Acton, Frampton, Hambroch, Stapleton, and through Bristol, the other by south from Dundreie hill and town, by Bisport and Bedminster) and so descending yet lower, goeth to Rawneham passage and Clifton, then by S. Uincents' rock and Lay, next of all to Crocampill, and finally into the sea, whither all waters by nature do resort.  
Beside this water, Leland maketh mention of Alderleie 
Alderleie.  brook, which in some ancient records is also called avon, and runneth by Barkeleie. In like manner he talketh of Douresleie book, whose principal head is in Douresleie 
Douresleie.  town: howbeit he saith no thing of it more, than that it serveth sundry tucking lucking mills, and goeth by Tortworth or four miles further, 
Torworth.  before it come at the Sauerne. Finally, making mention of an excellent quarry of hard stone about Douresleie, he telleth of the Tortworth beck, that runneth within a flight shot of Barkeleie town, and falleth on the left hand into Sauerne marches, taking with all the Alderleie or avon, except I mistake his meaning, which may soon be done among his confused notes.   

The description of the Sauerne, & such waters as discharge themselves into the same. Chap. 13.  
THe Sauerne which Ptolemy calleth Sabriana, 
Sauerne.  Tacitus Sabrina, divideth England or that part of the Island, which sometime was called Lhoegres from Cambria, so called of Camber, the second son of Brute, as our histories do report. But now that region height Wales, of the German word Walsh, whereby that nation doth use to call all strangers without respect of country. This river took the name of a certain lady, called Habren or Hafren, base daughter to Locrinus begotten upon Estrildis daughter to Humber otherwise called Cumbrus or Umar, and for which some writ Chonibrus king of Scythia, that sometime invaded this Island, and was overthrown here in the days of this Locrinus, as shall be showed at hand: although I suppose rather that this lady was called Ine, and that the word Sabrina is compounded of Aber and Ine, and the letter S added Propter euphoniam: for the mouth or fall of every river in the British speech is called Aber, whereby Aber Ine is so much to say as, the fall of Ine. But let us return again to our discourse of Humber or Umar, which is worthy to be remembered.  
For after the death of Locrinus, it came to pass that Guendolena his wife ruled the kingdom in the nonage of her son: and then getting the said Estrildis and Habren her daughter into her hands, she drowned them both in this river. And in perpetual remembrance of her husband's disloyalty towards her, she caused the stream to be called Habren of the young lady, for which the Romans in process of time for readiness and mildness of pronunciation, wrote Sabrina, and we at this time do pronounce the Sauerne. Of the drowning of the said Abren also I find these verses ensuing: 
In fluuium praecipitatur Abren,  
Nomen Abren, fluuio de virgine, nomeneidem  
Nomine corrupto deinde Sabrina datur.   
But to return to our Sauerne. It falleth into the main sea between Wales and Cornwall, which is and shall be called the Sauerne sea, so long as the river doth keep her name. But as the said stream in length of course, bounty of water, and depth of channel cometh far behind the Thames: so for other commodities, as trade of merchandise, plenty of carriage, & store of all kind of fish, as salmon, trouts, breames, pikerell, tench, perch, &c: it is nothing at all inferior or second to the same. Finally, there is nothing to be discommended in this river, but the openness thereof in many places to the weather, whereby sundry perils oft overtake such as fish or sail in small vessels on the same.  
The head of this noble stream is found in the high mountains of south Wales called Helennith or Plim limmon; in English, the black mounteins, or moor heads, from whence also the Wie and the Rhidoll do proceed: and therefore these three waters are commonly called the three sisters, and have in latitude two and fifty degrees ten minutes, in longitude fifteen and fifty, as the description inferreth. So soon as it is out of the ground, it goeth southeastward, till it come within a mile of Laundlos, where it receiveth a channel from by south south-west, called the Dulas, which cometh thereinto on the south side, & south-west of Lan Idlos. It riseth (as it should seem) of diverse heads in the edge of Radnorshire, and taking in sundry small rilles, it meeteth at the last with the Brueham brook, 
Brucham.  and so they go together till they fall into the Sauerne. Beneath Lan Idlos it taketh in the Clewdogh from northwest, 
Clewdogh.  a water producted by the influence of four pretty brooks, whereof one is called Bacho, 
Bacho.  another Dungum 
Dungum..  coming out of lin Glaslin, the third Lhoid 
Lhoid.  rising in lin Begilin, and the most southerly called Bigga. 
Bigga.  After which confluence our Sauerne proceedeth on by Berhlaid toward Landiman, taking in by the way, on the east side the Covine, 
Covine.  thence to Cairfuse castle, where it meeteth with the Carnon, 
Carnon.  and the Taran 
Taran.  both in one channel, and going not far from the aforesaid fortress. After this it crosseth the Haws 
Hawes.  on the north half beneath Abcerhawes, next of all the Dulesse 
Dulesse. 2.  that riseth in the edge of Radnor shire, and meeteth with it before it come at Newton in Powisie, otherwise called Trenewith, as I find in British language. Being come to Trenewith, I cannot eschew (right honourable) to give one note, as by the way, touching the original of my lady your bedfellows ancestry, which came from hence, & were surnamed Newtons' only, for that the grandfather of sir john Newton either dwelled or was borne there: otherwise the right name is Caradoc, for which some do corruptly write Cradocke, respecting rather the shortness of pronunciation, than the true orthography and writing of the word. Certes the Caradockes have been, and yet are a lineage of great honour, antiquity, and service; their lands also sometime belonged (for the most part) to the noble Gonnoanies of Summersetshire: but in what order they descended to the Newtons', in good sooth I cannot tell. But to proceed with our river, which being past Newton, runneth forth by Landilovarne, and so forth on till it come to the fall of the Mule, whose head is in the edge of Radnor also, 
Mule.  and thereto his passage by Kerie and Lanmereiwtjc. After this also it proceedeth further till it meet with the Kenlet 
Lenlet.  or the Camalet, 
Camalet.  which taketh in also the Tate 
Tate.  or Tadbrooke water rising out of the hills a mile from Bishop's town, the whole course thereof being about seven miles from the head (as I have often heard.) Of this also I find two descriptions, whereof one I borrow out of Leland, who saith that it is a pretty brook, running in the vale by Mountgomerie, and coming within half a mile of the place where Chirbirie priory stood, it falleth into the Sauerne about a mile from thence. Of the rilles (saith he) that run from the hills through Mountgomerie, which are a mile from the Sauerne shore, 
Lan Idlos.  and likewise of the Lan Idlos brook that meeteth withal within four miles of the head, I speak not, but think it sufficient to touch those of some estimation, only leaving the rest to such as may hereafter deal with things more particularly as time and travel may reveal the truth to them. And hitherto Leland, whose words I dare not alter. But another noteth this Camalet or Kenlet to run by More, Liddiom, Sned, Churchstocke, Chirbirie, Walcote, and Winsbirie, and so into the Sauerne.  
From hence then, and after this confluence it goeth on by Fordon, Leighton, and Landbrevie toward Meluerleie, and there it meeteth with sundry waters in one channel, 
Tanet. Pevereie or Murnewie.  whereof the one called the Tanet is a very pretty water (whereinto the Pevereie or Murneweie doth fall, which descendeth from the hills by west of Matrafall not far from Lhan Filin) the other Auerneie, 
Auernie.  and joining beneath Abertannoth, or above Lannamonach near unto the ditch of Offa, 
Mordant.  it is not long yer they meet with the Mordant brook, and there lose their names so soon as they join and mix their waters with it. The head of the Mordant issueth out of the Lanuerdan hills, where diverse say, that the parish church of cross Oswald or Oswester sometimes stood. Certes, Oswester is thirteen miles northwest from Shrewesburie, and containeth a mile within the walls. It hath in like sort four suburbs or great streets, of which one is called Stratlan, another Wuliho, the third Beterich, wherein are one hundred and forty barns standing on a row belonging to the citizens or burgesses, and the fourth named the Blackegate street, in which are thirty barns maintained for corn & hay. There is also a brook running through the town by the cross, coming from Simons well, a bow shoot without the wall; 
Simons beck.  & going under the same between Thorowgate & Newgate, running under the Black gate. There is another, over whose course the Baderikes or Bederich gate standeth, and therefore called Bederich brook. 
Bederich.  The third passeth by the Willigate or Newgate, & these fall all together with the Cross brook, a mile lower by south into the Mordant that runneth (as I said) by Oswester. From hence also it goeth to Mordant town, and between Landbrevie and Meluerleie doth fall into the Sauerne. After this our principal stream goeth to Sheaverdon castle, Mountford, and Bicton chapel: and here it receiveth a water on the left hand, that riseth of two heads, whereof one is above Merton, the other at Ellismere, and joining between Woodhouses & Bagleie, the confluence runneth on by Radnall, Halton, T●ddesmer, Roiton, Baschurch, Walford, Grafton, Mitton, and so into the Sauerne. From hence it runneth to Fitz, Eton, or Leiton, Barwtjc, upper Rossall, Shelton, and so to Shrewsburie, where it crosseth the meal water, whose head (as I hear) is said to be in Weston.  
The meal therefore rising at Weston, 
Mele.  goeth by Brocton, Worthen, Aston Pigot, Westleie, Afterleie, 
Haberleie.  and at Lea it meeteth with the Haberleie water that cometh down by Pontesford and Aunston. After this confluence also it runneth to Newenham & Crokemele, there taking in a rill on the other side that descendeth by Westburie and Stretton, & thence going on to Hanwood, Noball, Pulleie, Bracemele, and Shrewesburie, it falleth (as I said) into the open Sauerne. From hence our Sauerne hasteth to Uffington, Preston, and between Chilton and Brampton taketh in the Terne, a fair stream and worthy to be well handled; if it lay in me to perform it. This river riseth in a mere beside Welbridge park, near unto Ternemere village in Staffordshire. From whence it runneth by the parks side to Knighton, Norton, Betton, and at Draiton Hales crosseth with a water coming from about Adbaston (where master Brodocke dwelleth) and runneth by Chippenham and Amming: 
turn.  so that the turn on the one side, and this brook on the other, do enclose a great part of 
* See Hen. 6. pag. 649.  Blore heath, where a noble battle was sometime purposed between king Henry the sixth, and the duke of York: but it wanted execution.  
But to proceed. After this confluence, it runneth to Draiton Hales, Ternehill bridge: and yer long taking in a rill from Sandford by Blechleie, it goeth to Stoke Allerton, Peplaw, and Eton, where it crosseth with a brook that riseth about Brinton, and going by Higham, Morton, the great Mere, Forton, Pilson, Pickstocke, Keinton, Tibberton, and Bolas, it joineth with the said Terne not far from Water Upton. Thence passing to Crogenton, it meeteth with another brook that cometh from Chaltwen Aston, by Newport, Longford, Aldneie, and so through the Wild moor to Kinsleie & Sleep, and finally into the turn, which hasteth from thence to Eston bridge, and near unto Walcote taketh in the Roden. This water riseth at Halton in Cumbermere lake: 
Roden.  and coming to Ouenleie, crosseth a rill from Cowlemere by Leniall. Thence it goeth to Horton, and (joining with another rill beneath Nonlaie that cometh from Middle) runneth on to Wen, Aston, there crossing a rill beneath Lacon hall from Prées ward, and so to Lée, Befford, Stanton, Morton Shabrée, Painton, Roden, Rodington, and then into Terne, that runneth from thence by Charlton, Upton, Norton, Barwijc, Acham, and so into the Sauerne two miles beneath Shrewesburie (as I ween.)  
Thus have I described the turn in such wise as my simple skill is able to perform. Now it resteth that I proceed on (as I may) with the Sauerne stream, with which, after this former confluence, it goeth unto Roxater or Roxcester, Brampton, Eton upon Sauerne, 
Euerne.  Draiton, where it joineth with the Euerne that runneth from Frodesleieward by Withiall and Pitchford, Cresfedge, Garneston, Leighton, and between the two Bildasses' crosseth the the or Wenlocke water, 
Wenlocke or Rhe.  and so goeth on to Browsleie and Hoord park, where it uniteth itself with another brook to be described in this place, whilst the Sauerne rests, and recreates itself here among the pleasant bottoms.  
This water ariseth above Tongcastell, and yer it have run any great distance from the head, it meeteth with a rill coming by Sheriff Hales, and Staunton. Thence it goeth on to Hatton, Roiton, and there crossing another from Woodhouses, coming by Haughton and Euelin, it proceedeth to Beckebirie and Higford, and not omitting here to cross the Worfe 
Worfe.  (sometime a great stream that runneth unto it out of Snowdon pool) and so passeth forth to Badger, Acleton, Worffield: a little from whence (about Wickin) it taketh in another brook into it called Churl, & so goeth on to Rindleford, and then into Sauerne somewhat above Bridgenorth at Penston mill (except mine information deceive me.) From Bridgenorth our Sauerne descendeth to Woodburie, Ouatford, and there taking in the Marbrooke beneath Eton that riseth above Collaton, 
Marbrooke.  and goeth by Moruill & Underton, it runneth by Didmanston, Hempton, Aueleie, & beneath in the way to Bargate, crosseth with a brook coming from Upton park, by Chetton, Billingsleie, and Highleie, which being admitted, it holdeth on to Areleie, 
Dowlesse.  Ciarnewood park, Hawbach and Dowlesse. Here also it meeteth with the Dowlesse water, a pretty brook issuing out of the Cle hills in Shropshire, very high to look upon, and three miles or thereabouts from Ludlow, which runneth through Clebirie park in Wire forest, 
Lempe.  & taking withal the Lempe, doth fall into the Sauerne not far from Bewdleie.  
But to proceed. From Bewdleie our Sauerne hasteth directly to Ribford, Areleie and Redston, and here it meeteth with a water called Stoure, descending from Elie, 
Stoure.  or out of the ponds of Hales Owen in Worcestershire, where it receiveth a rill from the left hand, and another from the right, and then goeth on to Sturbridge (taking in there the third water yet long running from Sturton castle) then to Kniver Whittenton, Ouerleie and Kidormister, above which it crosseth one brookelet that cometh thither by Church hill, and another beneath it that runneth by Belborow, betwixt which two waters lieth an odd piece of Staffordshire included, and also the Cle hill. From hence the aforesaid Sauerne hasteth by Redston to Shrawleie; and above this town receiveth the Astleie water, 
Astleie.  as beneath the same it doth another. From Witleie then it goeth on to Holt castle, and so to Grimleie, taking in thereabout with the Dour, 
Dour. Sulwaie.  and Sulwaie waters, whereof this riseth at Chadswijc, and runneth by Stoke priory, & Droitwich, the other above Chaddesleie, and cometh by Dourdale. After this it goeth forth unto Worcester, in old time called Cair Brangon, or Cair Frangon, where it meeteth with the Tiber, or Tiberton water, 
Tiber.  on the right hand above that city, and beneath it near unto Powijc with the Temde, whose description shall be set down before I proceed or go any further with the Sauerne.  
The Temde, or (as some name it) the Tame riseth up in Radnorshire, out of the Melenith hills, 
Temde.  and soon after his issue, meeting with a water from Withal, it runneth to Begeldie, Lanuerwaterden, and so to Knighton, which is five or six miles (as I hear) from his original. From Knighton it goeth over the ditch of Offa unto Standish, 
Clude.  and crossing a rill that cometh from between the park named Clude, (and is a bound of Radnorshire) it goeth to Buckton, Walford, and Lanuarden, where it meeteth with the Bardwell or Berfield, and the Clun, both in one channel, of which I find these descriptions here following word for word in Leland. The Bardwell or Barfield riseth above New Chapel, in the honour of Clun, 
Barfield Clun.  hard by the ditch of Offa, and goeth by Bucknell. The Clun issueth out of the ground between Lhan Uehan and Maiston, and going on by Bucton, Cluncastell, Clundon, Purslaw, and Clunbirie, it crosseth with a brook that runneth along by Kempton and Brampton. Thence going forth by Clunbirie, Brome, Abcot and Marlowe, it meeteth with the Bardwell, and so in the Temde, not very far from Temderton. I suppose that Leland calleth the Bardwell by the name of Owke, 
Owke.  but I will not abide by it because I am not sure of it. After these confluences therefore, our Temde goeth by Trippleton, Dounton, Burrington, and Broomefield, where it meeteth with the Oneie, which is an indifferent stream, 
Oneie.  and increased with sundry waters, whereof I say as followeth.  
The first of all is called the Bow. 
Bow.  It riseth (as I learn) in the hills between Hissingten and Shelue, and from thence cometh down by Lindleie and Hardwtjc, 
Warren.  where it crosseth the Warren that issueth out of the ground about Rotlie chapel, and runneth by Adston and Wentnor. After the confluence also going on by Choulton and Cheinies, it taketh in the Queneie and Strabroke both in one channel, 
Queneie and Strabroke.  whereof the first riseth at Lebo●wood, and cometh down by the Strettons, till it pass by Fellanton. The second mounteth about Longuill, and goeth by Rushburie, Newhall, Harton, and Alcaster, from whence it is not long yer it fall into the Queneie, and so by Stratford into the Oneie, which hath borne that name since the confluence of the Bow and Warren at Hardwtjc, whereof I spoke before. Finally, the Oneie which some call the Somergill being thus increased, 
Somergill.  it runneth on to Hawford chapel, Oneibirie, Broomefield, and so into Temde, and next of all to Ludlow. 
Corue.  The Temde being thus brought to Ludlow, meeteth with the Corue, which cometh through Coruedale from above Brocton by Morehouses, Shipton, Hungerford, and a little beneath taking in a rill that cometh by Tugford, and Brencost castle, goeth on to Corsham castle, and there crossing another from saint Margaret's Clée, it hieth to Stanton Lacie, and so likewise to Ludlow.  
From Ludlow in like sort it goeth to Ludford, the Ashfordes, little Hereford, Burrington, and at Burfford uniteth itself with the Ladwich that cometh beneath Milburne stoke, 
Ladwich.  from between Browne, Cleehill, and Stittertons hill, to Middleton, Henleie, Ladwich, Conam, and so into Temde, which beneath Temdbirie receiveth another rill on the other side, and the second on the left hand called the, 
Rhe.  that cometh from above Ricton, Staterton, Hound, Nene, Clebirie, Knighton, and then into the Temde. From hence the Temde doth go by Astham, Lingridge, Shelleie Welch, Clifton, Whitburne (and crossing a water that cometh from the Sapies) to Knightwtjc and Bradwaies. Hereabout again it interteineth a rill that descendeth from about Kidburie on the right hand, and goeth by Collomatherne, Credeleie, Aufrike, and so into Temde, and then proceeding forward, the said stream runneth to Braunford, and yer long (taking in the Langherne that riseth about Martleie, 
Langherne.  and passeth by Kengewtjc) it goeth to Powtjc, and so into the Sauerne before it come at Wickecester.  
Thus have I brought all such streams before me that fall into the Sauerne from the head, until I come to Powijc, whereof (as you may easily perceive) the Temde is the most excellent. Now it resteth that I proceed with the rest of the discourse intended concerning this our river. Certes, from Powtjc mills which are about half a mile beneath Worcester, the Sauerne runneth on to Kempseie and Cleveld, whence after it hath crossed a brook coming from Cowleie, it hasteth first to Stoke, and so to Upton, which is eleven or twelve miles from Gloucester, whither it floweth many times at high tides, but yer it come there, it drowneth another fall descending from Maluerne hills by Blackamoor park, & soon after the third growing by two branches, whereof one cometh also from Maluerne hills by little Maluerne and Welland, the other from Elderford by Pendocke and Longdon. After these confluences in like sort, it runneth to Bushelleie, and Tewkesburie, where it receiveth the avon, that follweth next of all in order to be described, before I proceed any further in my discourse of Sauerne.  
The avon riseth at Navesbie in the borders of Northhamptonshire, 
avon 4.  a little side hand of Gillesborow and foot of the hills whereon Navesbie standeth, and even out of the church yard of the said village. From hence it goeth to Welford, Stamford, Lilburne, Clifton, and Rugbie, by north whereof it crosseth a water called Swiff, which cometh from above Kimcote, to Lutterworth, Browne over and Colsford. 
Swivethus.  From thence also it goeth to Newbold, Wolston, Ruington, and between the Stonlies' taketh in the Sow. 
Sows.  This Sow is a pretty water coming from above Calendon to Whitleie, and soon after meeting with a riveret from Coventrie, which some do call Shirburne water, it goeth thence to Bagginton, where it taketh in a rill called Kinell, as I have red from Kenelsworth, 
Kinell.  from whence it runneth to Stonleie, & so into the avon. After this confluence the avon proceedeth on to Stonleie abbeie, Ashehow, Miluerton, edmond's cote, and apace to Warwijc.  
But yer it come there, it meeteth from south east with two waters in one channel, whereof the least cometh to Marton from Bishops Itchington, by Herburbirie and Thorpe, where it crosseth a rill from Southam. 
Leame.  The other is called Leame, or Lime that descendeth from about Helladon, or near unto Catesby in Northamptonshire, and going by Ouencote, Braunston, Lemington and Mertun, it joineth with the other, and then go from thence together under the name of Leame, to Hunnington, Cobbington, and so into the avon, as I gave notice before. At Warwick also the avon taketh in a water running northwest from Grove park. Thence it goeth on to Bereford, and there crossing another from Shirburne, it passeth forth to Bishops Hampton, meeting finally with the third, from Kineton that runneth by Walton and Charle●ote. After this last rehearsed confluence, it hasteth to Stretford upon avon, and then to Luddington ward, where it taketh in the Stoure that riseth above Cherington, & whose course from thence is such, 
Stoure.  as that being once past the head, it goeth by Weston, and yer long crossing a water from Campden, hanging Aston, & Todnam, it runneth to Barcheston, Aldermaston, Clifford, & so into the avon.  
From hence then the said avon goeth to Luddington, Burton, Bitford, and Cleve, and being parted from the said town, yer it come at Sawford, it receiveth the A-row or Aur, 
A-row.  which rising in the black hills in Worchestershire, cometh by Alchurch, Beleie park, Ypsleie, Studleie, and then taking in another rill called Alne, 
Alne.  out of Fecknam forest, and going by Coughton park, it hasteth to Alcester, A-row, Ragleie, Wheteleie, Bovington, Standford, and so into avon, which after this conjunction goeth to Uffenton & then to Eovesholme: but yer it come there it receiveth two waters in one channel, whereof the first riseth about Willerseie, the other near to Buckland, and joining beneath Badseie, they fall into avon, 
Pludor.  under the name of Pludor brook, before it come to Eovesholme.  
Being past Eovesholme it crosseth the Uincell, which rising out of the hills somewhere about Sudleie, runneth two miles further to Winchelcombe, 
Vinc●lus.  and Gretton, and taking in a rill by the way from hails, proceedeth on (going within one quarter of a mile of hails abbaie) to Tuddington, or Doddington, beneath which when it hath crossed another rill that cometh from Stanwaie, it goeth to Warmington, Sedgeborow, and receiving there the last on the right hand also (as all above rehearsed) it falleth into the avon, when it is come by Hinton, unto a town called Hampton, or (as some do write it) Ampton. After this confluence the avon goeth to Charleton, to Crapthorne (and there taking in a rill on the left hand) to Fladbirie wike, and almost at Persore bridge, meeteth with a branched water that cometh by Piddle, whereof one head is at Alberton, an other at Piddle. 
Piddle.  From Persore it goeth to Birlingham, and soon after caring a brook withal descending from Fakenham, by Bradleie, Himbleton, Huddenton, Crowleie, Churchhill, Pibleton, Besseford and Desseford, it fleeteth to Eckington, Bredon, Twining, Mitton, and Tewkesburie, where it joineth with the Sauerne.  
Now to resume the course of the Sauerne, you shall understand, that from Tewkesburie it goeth to Derehirst, the How passage, and soon after receiving the Chiltenham water that cometh thither by Bodenton, 
Chilus.  Sawton, and Norton, it runneth to Ashelworth, Sainthirst; and here it parteth itself till it come to Gloucester, where it uniteth itself again. But in the mean time the easterly branch receiveth a forked channel, whereof one head is not far from leek Hampton, the other about Witcombe, from whence it goeth to Brockworth. The other branch or arm taketh in the Leadon that cometh down by Preston, 
Leadon.  Dimmocke, Pantleie upper Leadon, Leadon court, and there taking in one rill that cometh from Linton by Areknoll, and another beneath it from Tainton by Rudford, it falleth into the said branch on the right side, before it come at Gloucester.  
The Sauerne therefore being past Gloucester, it meeteth with a little rill on the right hand, and thence holding on his course by Elmore, Minsterworth, Longneie, to Framilode, it receiveth yer it come at this latter the Strewed brook, which rising not far from Side, 
Strewed.  goeth by Massade, Edgeworth, Frampton, Strewed, and receiving there a water that cometh from Panneswijc Lodge, by Pittescombe on the one side, and another from Radbridge on the other, it prosecuteth his voyage to Stone house, Eslington, white Mizzen, & so toward Framilode, where the said Strewed doth fall into the Sauerne. After the fall of Strewed, the Sauerne goeth from thence to Newenham, and Arlingham, and soon after receiving a water on each side, whereof one cometh from Uleie by Cham and Chambridge, the other by Blackneie and Catcombe, it goeth forth till it meet with another water on each side, whereof that on the English half is forked, so that one head thereof is to be found about Boxwell, the other at Horton, and meeting above Tortworthie, they run by Stone and Barkeleie castle, and so into the Sauerne. That on the Welsh half is named Newarne, which cometh from the forest of Deane, 
Newarne.  and so into the Sauerne.   

Of such waters as fall into the sea in compass of the Island, between the Sauerne a●d the Humber. Chap. 14.  
THe Sauerne being thus described, it resteth that I go forward with the names of those that lie upon the coast of Southwales, making my entry at the ferry over between Aust in Glocestershire, and a village on the further bank of Sauerne, 
Wie mouth.  not far from Tarendacus chapel, in the mouth of the river Wie, which ferry is about three miles over (saith Leland) or else my memory doth fail me. 
Guy alias Wie.  This river Guy or Wie beginneth (as I said before) on the side of the hills where the Sauerne doth arise, and passing through Wenceland, that is, southeast by Raiader Guy to Buelt (where the Irwon meeteth withal) it goeth to Glasburie, Hereford, Monmouth, and finally into the Sauerne sea at Chepstow: for so they call Monhafren, which severeth Wales from Summersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall: as for the Rhidoll which is the third sister, it hath the shortest course of all, for it runneth northward, and into the sea at Aberistwith, which is not far off, as the writers do report.  
Leland writing of this river Guy or Wie saith thus; The Wie goeth through all Herefordshire by Bradwarden castle, belonging to sir Richard Uehan, and so to Hereford east, thence eight miles to Rosse, 
Umber a fish only in the Wie.  a market town in Herefordshire: and in this river be umbers, otherwise called grailing. It is also found by common experience, that the salmon of this river is in season, when the like fish to be found in all other rivers is abandoned and out of use; whereof we of the east parts do not a little marvel. But let us not stay upon these descriptions, sith an other is come to my hand more exact than either of these.  
The Guy therefore riseth out of the black mountains of Wales, out of which the Sauerne springeth in Radnorshire, and coming by Lhangerike, and Raiadargoie, it receiveth one rill from the west called Darnoll, 
Darnoll.  and another from by north-east coming by saint Harmon. Thence it goeth to Lhanuthell, and in the way betwixt Raiader and Lhanuthell, it joineth with the Elland, 
Elland.  whose head is near to Comerrstwith, and taketh likewise into him the Clardwen 
Clardwen.  that divideth for a season Radnorshire from Brecknoch, which Clardwen is likewise increased by the Clarthie within three miles of his head and less, having his course from south-west & hilly soil adjacent. From Lhanuthell it goeth west of Dissart, where it receiveth the Ithan, 
Ithan.  a river rising above Lhanibister, and from whence it runneth to Landwie, and Lambaderne vawr: beneath which it crosseth a water on each side, whereof that on the right hand consisteth on the Dulesse 
Dulesse.  and the Cluedoch, 
Cluedoch.  after their confluence: the other height Lomaron, whose head is above Lanihangle, 
Lamaron.  and in the forest of Blethwag. After these confluences, it runneth on crinkeling in strange manner, under the name of Ithor, till it come to Dissart, taking in the Hawie 
Hawie.  on the left side yet it come there, and then into the Wie on the north side, which directeth his course further to Bealt, where it receiveth the Yrwon, 
Yrwon.  a notable stream, descending from the hills above Lanihangle Abergwessen, and thence coming down by Lanurid Lang marsh, Lanavan, Uechan, Langantan, and so to Beth or Bealt, being enlarged by the way with sundry fair waters, as the Wevereie, 
Wevereie.  whose head is about Lanavan moor, the Dulasse, 
Dulasse.  or (as some call it) the Dowlass, that cometh from the hills west of the head of Wevereie. The Comarch whose head and course is west of the Dowlass on the north side, and likewise by two other on the south-west, and Dilasse from by south-west, which last rehearsed falleth into him half a mile and more above the influence of the Comarch 
Comarch.  which lieth on the other side. After this our Yrwon goeth to Lhanuareth, 
Dulesse.  where it crosseth the Dehon 
Dehon.  on the south-west side, then to Aberedwie, and there receiveth the Edwie 
Edwie.  on the north-east, which ariseth in the hills above Botins' chapel, and cometh down by Crigend and Lanhaderne, thence the Guy goeth on to Lanstephan, and there (or a little above) 
Machaweie.  taketh in the Machaweie that cometh by castle Paine, and so going on in process of time with the Levenni, 
Levenni.  whereof Leland in his commentaries doth write as here ensueth.  
The Levenni, otherwise called the Ever 
Ever.  or Every, 
Every.  is a far stream rising in Welsh Talgarth hard by Blaine Levenni, among the Atterill hills, from whence it goeth to Brecknoch mere, which is two miles long, and a mile broad, and where men do fish in Vniligneis or boats of one piece, as they do in Lhin Sevathan, which is four miles from Brecknoch. Finally, bringing great store of red sand withal, 
Brennich.  and there with the Brennich water (that hath his original issue at Mennith gather, and is increased with the Trufrin) 
Trufrin.  it falleth into the Wie above Glesbiri● three miles from Hay, at a place that of the only fall of this brook is named Aberlenenni, after this the Guy. Being come to Hay, a pretty town where much Roman coin is found, which they call Iewes money: and after it hath passed or crossed a little brook, which cometh from Lanigon, it meeteth with the Dulesse 
Dulesse.  that cometh also from the Atterill by Kersop, and from thence goeth to Clifford castle (being now entered into Herefordshire, and leaving Radnor, whereunto it hath for a long course been march) then to the Whitneies', Winferton, Letton, Bradwarden, Broberie, Monington, Biford, Bridgesalers, Eton, Brinton, and Hereford, without any influence of river worthy of memory, and yet with many windlesses, & there meeteth with a water rising short of Wormesleie, which goeth by Maunsell, Lacie, Brinsop, Crodnell, Stretton, and Huntingdon, and soon after into the Wie, beside a little rill that runneth between them both even into Hereford town. From hence in like sort the Wie hasteth to Rotheras church, Hampton, and Mor●●ford, where it taketh in sundry waters in one channel, of which the Lugier or Luie 
Lug.  is the principal, and next of all to be described, before I go any further with the course of the Wie, whereinto it dischargeth the channel. It riseth in the edge of the forest of Kemples above Langunlo: from whence it goeth to Momonacht, Pilleth Whitton, Fuldibrooke, Prestaine, so into Herefordshire, where between Bonie & Beton, or Bitton, it receiveth in the Somergill, whose crotched head being march to Radnor forest, directeth his stream between the new and old Radnors, to Knill, to Nash, and so into the Lugier, which presently passeth by Kinsham, Shirleie, Ailmister, Kingsland, Eton chapel, and so into Lemister, where it crosseth the Oneie (a streamelet rising short of Shobden, and going by Chorlester) a little before it come to the west side of the town.  
At Lemister itself in like sort three waters do meet, and almost environ the town, that is to say, the Lugier, the Pinfulleie or Pinsell 
Pinsell.  (a riveret rising at Kingsland two miles from Lemister) & the Kenbrooke, 
Kenbrooke.  which cometh out of the black mounteins, from Lemister, otherwise called Leofminster, of the builder, and also Leonminster, the Lugier or Luie goeth on to Eton, and there taketh in a rill beneath Hampton, and above Hope, whereof one head is between Hatfield and Bickleton, another near unto Marston, and meeting of both at Humber. From Hampton it goeth to Bodenham, Wellington, Morton, Sutton, Shelwijc, Lugwardin, and Longward, where it crosseth the Fromeie 
Fromeie.  or from, a pretty water, and worthy to be remembered. It riseth about Wolferelaw, from whence it cometh down toward the southest by Edwinsloch to Bromyard, Auenburie, Bishops from, castle from, Can from, 
Laden aliás Acton.  to Stretton upon from, and there taking in a water called Laden, coming from above Bishops Grendon, by Pencombe, Cowarne, Stoke Lacie, Cowarne, and Engleton, our from goeth on to Yarkeleie, Dornington, and Longward, and so into the Lugier, between Longward and Suston, which runneth forthwith to Mordford, or Morthford, and there into the Wie, unto whose description I now return again.  
Being come therefore unto Mordford, it goeth to Fawnehope, Hamlacie, Ballingham, Capull regis, where it receiveth a water called Treske, from little Berch by Treske, 
Treske.  Fawleie, How, Capull Inkeston, Foie, Brampton, Bridstow, Wilton castle, the Rosse, and there a rill from Bishops Uptonward by Rudhall, Weresend, Ham, Glewston, Godderich, here in like sort meeting with another that cometh from Ecleswall in the confines of Glocestershire, by Peniard castle & Coughton, to Welsh Bicknor, English Bicknor, Huntesham, including a parcel of Monmouthshire, being an outliggand, as ye may find in that parcel of Herefordshire which butteth upon Glocestershire (as you shall find the like piece of Herefordshire in the confines of Salop and Worcester, wherein Rochfort standeth, beside many other which I have elsewhere spoken of) Whitchurch, where it taketh in Gainar water that cometh from Much Birch, by Lanwarne, Michael church, and at Langarran crosseth the Garran 
Gainar.  brook, 
Garran.  that riseth in Gregwood, short of Arcop, six miles from Monemouth by northwest: after which these two do run as one to Marston, and almost Whitchurch, and so into the Wie, which goeth from thence to Gunnarew, S. Michael, Dixton, and Monemouth, where I will stay a while, till I have described the Moon, 
Mona.  next of all to be remembered here.  
The Mona or Monbecke, riseth in the forest of Hene, twenty miles from Monemouth by west in Eirisland, and going by Creswell, or Craswall chapel not far from the marches of Brecknock, and north-east of Hatuill hills, 
Elkon.  which after it hath run a good distance from the head receiveth first the Eskle, 
Eskill.  and passeth by La●●hangle and the old Court, from northester, than the Olcon, from south-west, which meeteth withal near Cledoll or Knedoch, & passing by the old town, it hasteth to Altrinis, where it becometh march betwêene Hereford and Monemouth shires, and taketh in a water coming by Trewin, & likewise the Hordwie 
Hordwie.  or Hodneie which riseth in Brecknock▪ among the Saterelles, & runneth by capel a fin, Lantonie, Cumroie, Michael church in Monemouthshire, and joineth with our Mona at Altrinis, which after this confluence hasteth to Walderstone, Lansillo Langua, between which and Kinechurch it joineth with the Dour that riseth about the Bache above Dourston, which is six miles above Dour 
Dour.  abbey, so that it runneth through the Gilden dale, by Peterchurch, Fowchurch, Morehampton, Newcourt, Dour, and beneath Dour taketh in the Dulesse, 
Dulesse.  from south-west and Lanihangle, by Harleswas castle on the one side, and yet long the Wormesbecke, 
Wormesbecke.  descending from above Kevernall by Didleie, Deverox, Workebridge, and Kenderchurch on the other, and so running all in one channel unto Mona, that river goeth on to Kinech church, Grismond, Cardwaie, Skenfrith, Warnethall, Perthire, and so to Monemouth, where it meeteth with the Wie, over each of which rivers Monemuth town hath his particular bridge.  
The Guy or Wie therefore being increased with thus many brooks and waters, passeth on from hence, and going toward Landogo, it meeteth with the Trollie 
Trollie.  beck, whose head is above Lannam ferry in the north part of Monemouth shire, and goeth from thence by Lhantellio, Lanhangle, Gracedive, Diggestow, Wonastow, troy, and so into Wie, that runneth also by Wies would chase, taking in there the Elwie 
Elwie.  that cometh from above Landelwie by Langowen, Lannissen, Penclase, Trilegh, and Langogo, where meeting with the aforesaid stream, the Wie directeth his course from thence by Tinterne abbey (where it crosseth a rill from Trile grange) chapel hill, Parcasicke, Penterie chapel, Lancante, Chepstowe, and so into the sea, leaving the Treacle (a chapel standing on a rock) on the hand between it & Sauerne, over against the point that lieth south of Betteslie. Next unto the Wie, I find a rill of no great course, coming down from Mounton chapel, by a place of the bishops of Landaffe. Thence passing by Charston rock, and the point whereon Trinity chapel standeth, I come unto the fall of Trogie, 
Trogie.  which riseth short of Trogie castle, and runneth toward the sea, by Landuair, Dewston, Calicot, and so into the Ocean, over against the Charston rock. The next fall is of a water that cometh from above Penho by saint Brides, 
Dennie Island in the midst of the Sauerne, and likewise another little one called Beverage.  north and by west of Dennie Island, which lieth midway between that fall & Porshot point, and before I touch at Goldcliffe point, I cross another fall of a fresh brook, whose head is above Landueigo in Wencewood, and course by Lhanbed, Langston, Lhanwarme, and through the More to Witston.  
Next unto this is the Aberwish, or Wiske, 
Wiske.  in Latin Osca, whereon Caerleon standeth, sometime called Chester and Civitas legionum, because the Romans sojourned there, as did afterward Arthur the great, who also held a noble parliament in the same, whereof Galfride maketh mention Lib. 7. cap. 4. affirming thereto, that in those days the majesty thereof was such, as that all the forefronts of their houses were in manner laid over with gold, according to the Roman usage. There was in the same in like sort a famous university, wherein were 200 philosophers; also two goodly churches erected in the remembrance of julius and Aaron, two British martyrs, whereby it might well be reputed for the third metropolitical see in Britain. But to our water, whereof I read that it is furthermore one of the greatest in Southwales, and huge ships might well come to the town of Caerleon, as they did in the time of the Romans, if Newport bridge were not a let unto them; nevertheless, big boats come thereto. It is eight Welsh or twelve English miles from Chepstow or Strigull, and of some thought to be in base Wenceland, though other be of the contrary opinion. But howsoever the matter standeth, this river is taken to be the bounds of Brechnockshire, as Renni is middle to Wenceland & Glamorganshire. But to leave these by-matters, and come to the description of the water.  
You shall understand that the Uske or Wiske, 
Uske.  in Latin Osca riseth in the black mounteins ten miles above Brechnocke toward Carmardine, the hill being properly called Yminidh Duy out of which it falleth, and situate in the very confines between Brechnocke and Carmardine shires, from whence winding into the north-east, it cometh to Trecastle, and in the way between it and capel Ridburne, it taketh in the Craie brook, 
Craie.  on the right hand before it come to Ridburne chapel. Going also from thence toward Devinocke, it crosseth the Senneie on the same side (which riseth above capel Senneie) next of all the Camblas, 
Sennie.  & at Aberbraine, the Brane, 
Camblas'.  or the Bremich, whose head is three miles from Brechnocke, 
Brane.  and running by Lanihangle, it meeteth I say with the Uske, about master Awbries' manor. 
yster.  Beneath Aber Yster, it receiveth the Yster, which riseth northwest above Martyr Kinoch, and cometh by Battle chapel, and going from thence by Lanspithed and Newton, it runneth in the end to Brechnocke, 
Hodneie.  where it taketh in the Hodneie or Honthie on the one side, whose head is in Blaine Hodneie, and coming down from thence by Defrune chapel, Lanthangle and Landivilog, it meeteth with the Uske or Brechnocke towns end, which of the fall of this water was sometime called Aberhodni, as I have been informed: on the other half likewise it receiveth the Tertarith that riseth among the Bane hills, 
Tertarith.  five miles from Brechnocke, and cometh likewise into the very suburbs of the town, beneath Trenewith, or new troy, whereby it taketh the course.  
After these confluences, the Uske proceedeth on toward Aberkinurike, 
Kinuricke.  or the fall of a water whose head is in the roots of Menuchdennie hill, and passage by Cantresse. Thence it goeth by Lanhamlaghe, Penkethleie castle, Lansanfreid, Landettie, Langonider, and soon after receiving the Riangall 
Riangall.  (which riseth about the hill whereon Dinas castle standeth, and runneth by Lanihangle and Tretoure) it passeth between Laugattocke and Cerigkhowell, to Langroinie, and there about crosseth the Groinie brook, 
Groini.  that descendeth from Monegather, Arthur hill, by Peter church, as I find. When the Uske is passed this brook, it taketh in three other short rils, from by south within a little distance, whereof the first height Cledoch Uaur, 
Cledoch vaur.  the second Fidan, 
Fidan.  and the third Cledochvehan. 
Cledochvehan.  Of these also the last falleth in near to Lanwenarth. From hence the Uske runneth to Abergevenni town, where it meeteth with the Kebbie water from by north, 
Kebbie. Gevenni.  that riseth short of Bettus chapel above the town, and the Gevennie that descendeth from above Landilobartholl beneath not far from Colbroke, and so goeth on to Hardwijc, beneath which it crosseth three nameless rilles, on the right hand or south-west side before it come at Lanihangle upon Uske, of whose courses I know not any more than that they are not of any length, nor the channel of sufficient greatness severally to entreat of. 
Birthin. Caer uske standeth on one side of Uske, and Caerleon on the other, but Caer uske by diverse miles further into the land.  Between Kemmeis and Trostreie it meeteth with such an other rill that cometh down by Bettus Newith. Thence it goeth to Caer Uske or Brenbigeie (whose bridge, I mean that of Uske, was overthrown by rage of this river, in the six and twentieth year of king Henry the eight, upon saint Hugh's day after a great snow) but yer it come there, it receiveth the Birthin on the right hand, which is a pretty water, descending from two heads, whereof the first is northwest of Manihilot, as the other is of Lanihangle and Pentmorell.  
Next unto this it joineth with the Elwie above Lanbadocke, 
Elwie.  whose head is east of Penclase, and running westwards by Penclase, Lanislen, Langowen (and beneath Landewie taking in a brooket from Ragland castle, that cometh down thither by Ragland park) it bendeth south-west, until it come at the Uske, which crinkling towards the south, and going by Lanhowell, meeteth with three rilles before it come to Marthenie chapel, whereof the first lieth on the right hand, and the other on the left: the middlemost falling into the same, not far from Lantressen, as I have been informed. From the mouth of the Romeneie to the mouth of the Taffe are two miles. Certes the Taffe is the greatest river in all Glamorganshire, called (by Ptolemy Rhatostathybius, as I guess) and the city Taffe itself of good countenance, sith it is endued with the cathedral see of a bishop. The course of the water in like manner is very swift, and bringeth off such logs and bodies of trees withal from the woody hills, that they do not seldom cruth the bridge in pieces, but for so much as it is made with timber it is repaired with lighter cost, whereas if it were of hard stone, all the country about would hardly be able to amend it. It riseth in Brechnockshire among the woody hills, from two heads, whereof one is in Monuchdenie, the other west of that mountain, of which the first called Taffe vaure, goeth by capel lan vehan, Uainor, and Morlais, the other by capel Nantie, and joining at south-west beneath Morlais castle, they go to Martyr Tiduill, and toward Lannabor, but by the way it taketh in from northwest a brook called Cunnon, which cometh out of Brechnockshire by Abardare, and afterward the Rodneie coming out of the same quarter (but not out of the same shire) which runneth by Estridinodoch, a crotched brook, & therefore divided into Rodneie vaure, & Rodneie vehan, that being joined with the Taffe, doth run on withal to Eglefilian, castle Coach, Whitchurch, Landaffe, Cardiff, and so into the sea, not far from Pennarth point, where also the Lay doth bid him welcome unto his channel or stream. Furthermore, from Marthellie it hasteth to Kemmeis, and yer it come at Caerleon or Chester in the south, taketh in two waters on the right hand, of which the first cometh down from the north between Landgwie, Landgweth, and by Lhan Henoch, without any further increase: but the other is a more beautiful stream, called avon, and thus described as I find it among my pamphlets. 
avon.  The avon riseth in the hills that seem to part Monemouth and Brechenocke shires in sunder, and after a rill received from Blorench hill on the northside of the same, running down from thence by capel Newith and Trivethin, it receiveth a water from by south almost of equal course, and from that quarter of the country, and in process of time anotehr little one from the same side, yet it come to Lanurgwaie and Lanihangle, from whence it goeth to Euennocke and Penrose, & so in Uske before it go by Caerleon. But here you must note, that the course of this stream joining beneath Quenocke chapel, with the other which descendeth (as I said) from the hills about four miles above Landgwaie and Langweth, doth make an Island above Caerleon, where Penrose standeth, & much Roman coin is found of all sorts, so that the influence of the one into the other seemeth to me to be but a drain devised by man, to keep the city from the violence of such water as otherwise would oft annoy the same.  
Being past Caerleon it runneth to Crindie, where master Harbert dwelleth, and there carrying another brook withal, that riseth north of Tomberlow hill, and descendeth by Henlis and Bettus chapel, it runneth forth to Newport (in Welsh castle, Newith) and from thence under a bridge, after three or four mile's course to the sea, taking the Ebowith water withal, 
Ebowith.  which meeteth with the same almost in the very mouth or fall, and riseth in the edge of Brecknoch shire, or (as Leland saith) high Winceland, from two heads, of which one is called Eberith Uehan, the other Eberith Mawr, as I have been informed. The course of the first head is by Blamgrent, and after the confluence they pass together by Lanhileths, and coming by west of Tomberlow hill (crossing a rill, from north east by the way) it taketh in thereabout the Serowie, 
Serowie.  that runneth by Trestrent, & is of less race hitherto than the Ebowith, and from that same quarter. After this confluence it goeth to Risleie, Rocheston castle, next of all through a park, and so by Greenefield castle, and is not long yer it fall into the sea, being the last issue that I do find in the county, which beareth the name of Monemouth, and was in old time a part of the region of the Silures.  
The Romeneie or 
Romeneie.  (as some corruptly call it) the Nonneie, is a goodly water, and from the head a march between Monemouth & Glamorgan shires. The head hereof is above Egglins Tider vap hoel otherwise called Fanum Theodori, or the church of Theodorus, whence cometh many springs, & taking one bottom, the water is called Canoch and not Romeneie till it be come to Romeneie. It receiveth no water on the east side, but on the west diverse small becks, whereof three (and one of them called Ifra) are between the rising and Brathetere chapel, the fourth cometh in by capel Gledis, and Kethligaire, the first from between the Faldraie and Lanuabor, the sixth & seventh before it come to Bedwas, and the eight over against Bedwas itself from chapel Martin, Cairfillie castle, and Thavan, after which confluences it runneth on by Maghan, Keven, Mableie and Romeneie, & yer long crossing a beck at north west that cometh from above Lisuan, Lamssen and Roch, it falleth into the sea, about six miles from the Wish, and albeit the mouth thereof be nothing profitable for ships, yet is it also a march between the Silures and Glamorganshire.  
The Lay falleth into the sea a mile almost from the Taffe, 
Lay.  and riseth in the hills above Lantrissent (for all the region is very hilly.) From whence coming by Lantrissent and Auercastell, it runneth by Coit Marchan park, Lambedder, S. Brides, Lhannihangle, saint Fagans and Elaie, Leckwith, Landowgh, Cogampill, and so into the sea, without any manner increase by any rils at all saving the Dunelais, 
Dunelais.  which riseth four miles from his fall, 
Methcoid.  east north-east, and meeteth withal a little more than a quarter of a mile from Pont Uelim Uaur, 
Pedware.  and likewise by west, the Methcoid that cometh from Glinne Rodeneie, and wherein to the Pedware dischargeth that small water gathered in his channel. Here will I stay a little and break off into a discourse, which Leland left also as parcel of this coast who toucheth it after this manner.  
From Taffe to Lay mouth or Eel river a mile, 
Lay.  from Lay mouth (or rather Penarth, that standeth on the west point of it) 
Thawan.  to the mouth of Thawan river (from whence is a common passage over unto Mineheved in Summersetshire of 17 miles) are about seven Wealth miles, which are counted after this manner. A mile and a half above Thawan is Scilleie havenet 
Scilleie.  (a pretty succour for ships) whose head is in Wenno paroch two miles and a half from the shore. 
Barrie.  From Scilleie mouth to Aber Barrie a mile, and thither cometh a little rill of fresh water into Sauerne, 
This Isle went fifty years agone for x. pounds.  whose head is scant a mile off in plain ground by north-east, and right against the fall of this beck lieth Barrie Island a flight shot from the shore at the full sea. Half a mile above Aber Barrie is the mouth of Come kidie, 
Come kidie  which riseth flat north from the place where it goeth into the Sauerne, and serveth oft for harbour unto seafarers. Thence to the mouth of Thawan are three miles, whereunto ships may come at will.  
Two miles above Thawan is Colhow, 
Colhow.  whither a little rill resorteth from Lau Iltuit, thence to the mouth of allen four miles, that is a mile to saint Dinothes castle, and three miles further. 
Alen.  The allen riseth by north-east up into the land at a place called Lhes Broimith, or Skirpton, about four miles above the plot where it cometh by itself into Sauerne. From thence to the mouth of Ogur alias Gur 
Ogur.  three miles. Then come they in process of time unto the Kensike or Colbrooke river, which is no great thing, 
Kensike.  sith it riseth not above three miles from the shore. 
avon.  From Kensike to Aber avon two miles, and herein do ships molested with weather oftentimes seek harborough. It cometh of two arms, whereof that which lieth north-east is called avon Uaur, the other that lieth northwest avon Uehan. They meet together at Lhanuoie Hengle, about two miles above Aber avon village, which is two miles also from the sea.  
From hence to the Neth is about two miles and a half, 
Neth.  thereon come shiplets almost to the town of Neth from the Sauerne. From the mouth of Neth unto the mouth of Crimline beck is two miles, and being passed the same we come unto the Davy, 
Davy.  which descendeth from the aforesaid hills and falleth into the sea by east of Swanseie. Being past this we come unto the Lichwr, 
Lochar.  or Lochar mouth, and then gliding by the worms head, 
Wandres.  we passed to the Wandresmouth, whereof I find this description following in Leland. 
Uendraith Uaur, Uendraith Uehan.  Both Uendraith Uaur and Uendraith Uehan rise in a piece of Carmardineshire, called Issekenen, that is to say, the low quarter about Kennen river, and betwixt the heads of these two hills is another hill, wherein be stones of a gréenish colour, whereof the inhabitants make their lime. The name of the hill that Uendraith Uaur riseth in, is called Mennith Uaur, and therein is a pool as in a moorish ground, named Lhintegowen, where the principal spring is, and this hill is eight or nine miles From Kidwellie: the hill that Uendraith Uehan springeth out of, is called Mennith Uehan, and this water cometh by Kidwellie town.  
But about three or four mile's yer it come thither, it receiveth a brook called Tresgirth, the course whereof is little above a mile from the place where it goeth into Uendraith, and yet it hath four or five tucking mills and three corn mills upon it. At the head of this brook is an hole in the hills side, where men often enter and walk in a large space. And as for the brook itself, it is one of the most plentiful and commodious that is to be found in Wales. All along the sides also of Uendraith Uaur, you shall find great plenty of sea-coles. There is a great hole by head of Uendraith Uehan, where men use to enter into vaults of great compass, and it is said, that they may go one way under the ground to worms head, and another way to Cairkemen castle, which is three miles or more into the land. But how true these things are, it is not in me to determine; yet this is certain, that there is very good hawking at the Heron in Uendraith Uehan. There are diverse prints of the passage of certain worms also in the cave, at the head of Uendraith Uehan, as the inhabitants do fable: but I never heard of any man that saw any worm there, and yet it is believed that many worms are there. Hitherto out of Leland. But now to return to mine own course.  
Leaving the Lay, 
Lay.  which some call Elaie, and passing the Pennarth bay, that lieth between the Pennarth and the Laverocke points, we left Scilly Eyelet (which lieth on the mouth of Scilly haven before described) and came unto the Barrie, 
Barrie.  whose head is above Wrinston castle, and from whence he runneth by Deinspowis, Cadoxton, Barrie, and so into the sea.  
Being past the Barrie water, 
Aberthaw  we come to a fall called Aberthaw, which riseth two or three miles above Lansanor, and going by Welsh Newton, it cometh at length to Cowbridge, and from thence goeth to Lanblethian, Landoch, Beanpéere, Flimston, Gilston, and between the east and the west Aberthaw, & into the Sauerne sea. But yer it come all there it receiveth a brook called Kensan, or Karnsan, or Kensech, on the east side, whose head is east of Bolston, & coming by Charnelhoid, Lhancaruan, & Lancadle, it falleth into the former above either of the Thawans. 
Kensan.  Leland saith, that Kensan hath two heads, whereof the more northerly called Brane, lieth in Luenlithan, and runneth seven miles before it meet with the other. Leaving this water we sailed on, casting about the Nash point, omitting two or three small waters (whereof Leland hath already as ye see made mention) because I have nothing more to add unto their descriptions, except it be, that the Colhow taketh in a rill from Lan Iltruit, of whose course (to say the truth) I have no manner of knowledge.  
The Ogur or Gur, 
Ogur.  which some call the Ogmur, is a well fair stream (as we were wont to say in our old English) whose head is in the same hills, where the Rodeneys are to be found, but much more westerly, and running a long course yer it come to any village, it goeth at the length beneath Languinevere or Langovodoch, to S. Brides upon Ogur, then to Newcastle, and Marthermaure, beneath which it meeteth the Wennie, 
Wennie.  half a mile from Ogur or Ogmur castle on the east side of the bank. It riseth five or six miles from this place, among the hills, and coming down at last by Lanharne, it crosseth a rill yer long from north-east, and the confluence passeth forth by Coitchurch, Ogur castle, & so into the Ogur. Leland writing of the waters that fall into this Ogur saith thus. 
Garrow.  Into the Ogur also resorteth the Garrow two miles above Lansanfride bridge, descending from Blaingarow. It taketh furthermore (saith he) 
Levennie.  another called Levennie rising in the parish of Glin Corug, at northwest, and then running two miles lower, 
Corug.  uniteth itself with the Corug brook, a little short thing, and worthy no longer speech. From this confluence the Levennie goeth seven miles further yer it meet with the Ogur on the west side, at Lansanfride, two miles above Penbowt. And so far Leland. But I wots not what he meaneth by it.  
Next unto the Ogur is the Kensig water, 
Kensig.  that cometh down by the Pile and Kensig castle, 
Margan.  and being past the same we cross the Margan rill, 
avon.  where sir Edward Manxell dwelled, and so unto avon, which having two heads (as is said) the more easterly of them cometh down by Havodaport chapel, the other by Glin Corug, Michael church, Aber avon, and so into the sea, yielding also in time of need a good harbour for ships to lodge and ride in. From hence we went along by the Coal pits to the mouth of the Neth. 
Neth.  The Neth is a fair water, rising of diverse heads, whereof the more easterly named Nethuehan riseth not far from the head of the Kennon, 
Nethuehan.  and coming down by Penedorin to Aberpirgwin, 
Nethuaur.  it receiveth Nethuaur, a little above the town, 
Trangarth.  which rising not far southeast of the head of Davy in Brecknoch shire (as all the rest do) receiveth the Trangarth, 
Meltaie.  the Meltaie and the Hepsaie, all which are accounted as members of his head in one channel, 
Hepsaie.  about a mile or more before it join with Nethuehan. For as Trangarth riseth east of Nethuaur, so the Melta riseth by east of Trangarth, and joineth with the same above Istrad wealthy, and a little beneath the same town taketh in the Hepsaie. So that albeit their several risings be half or a whole mile in sunder, yet have they (in a manner) like distance from Aberpirgwin, and their final confluence in the edge of Glamorganshire, which they directly do cross. After these confluences, the main stream runneth in and out by sundry miles, and through the woody soils, till it meet with Cledaugh, which joineth with the same beneath the Resonlaie, and goeth withal to Lanisted, where it taketh in the Dulesse, 
Dulesse.  whose head is above Chapel Krenaunt, in the marches of Brecknoch. Thence it goeth to Cadox town, or between it and Lannistide, then to Neth town, whither small vessels often come: 
Cledoch.  and beneath the same receiving the Cledoch that runneth by Kelebebilch (and also Neth abbey where master Crumwell dwelleth) it goeth on by Coitfranke forest, Nethwood, Briton ferry, and so into the sea.  
The Davy riseth in the thickest of the black mountains in Brecknochshire west of Nethuaur, 
Davy.  and coming down west of Calwen chapel, it receiveth on the east bank a rill named Coiell that runneth thither by Coielburne chapel: 
Coilus.  and being thus united, the channel passeth forth by Istradgunles, 
Torch.  and then meeting with the Turch or Torch water that cometh from the foot of the black mountains, and is march to parcel of Caermardinshire, it runneth to Langoge, Lansamled, saint john's, Swanseis, and so into the Bay. Being past this, we come by another little fall, whose water runneth three or four mile's yer it come into Swanseie bay, but without name. Thence we go to the Crimline beck, whose description I neither have, nor find any great want thereof. Wherefore going about by Oistermont castle, and Mumbles point, we pass forth toward the south-west by Penmarch point, till we come to Ilston water, 
Ilston.  whose head is not far within the land; and yet as it cometh through the woodland, and down by Penmarch castle, a rill or two doth fall into the same. Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and sailing flat north by the Holm (having passed the Wormeslead and S. Kennets chapel) and then north-east by Whitford point, we went at length to the Lochar or Loghar, 
Lochar.  or as Lhoyd nameth it, the Lichwr, whose indraught for a certain space is march between Caermardine and Glamorgan shires. It riseth above Gwenwie chapel, from whence it goeth to Landbea, and above 
Amond.  Bettus receiveth a rill named Amond that entereth thereinto from north-east. Being past Bettus, it passeth by Laneddie, Arthelas' bridge, and over against Landilo Talabout, it crosseth from by west, the Combwilie 
Combwilie.  by west of Parkreame, and afterward the Morlais 
Morlais.  above Langnarch on the same side. Then coming to Loghor castle, it taketh in on the east side, the Lhu, 
Lhu.  whose course is not above five miles, and thence losing the name of Lochar, it is called Burraie, 
Burraie.  as some guess, until it come to the sea, where it parteth itself going on each side of Bachannie Island, a small thing, and not worthy (for any thing I read thereof) as yet to be particularly described. From this water we passed (I say) by Bachannies' Isle, to the Aberlheddie water, whose head being in the hills above Prenacrois, it passeth by Lhaneltheie, and thence into the sea. Then went we to the Dulesse a little rill, 
Dulesse.  whose head is not far from Trinsaren: thence by the Pembraie and Calicoit points, 
Wandres.  till we came about to the Wandres or Uendraith mouth, whose description is partly touched already; but because it is not such as I would with it to be, I will here after my own manner deal somewhat further withal. Gwendrath or Uendraith vaur riseth in the lower ground, or not far from the hill runneth Uaur, whereon castle Careg standeth, and descending by a pretty long course under sundry bridges, cometh at the last to Glin, then to Capull Lanberie, and so unto the sea, being little augmented with influences by the way. Uendraith Uehan riseth a mile higher towards the north than Uendraith Uaur, but out of the same soil, & thence directing his course toward the south-west, it goeth by Lancharog, Langendarne, Capull Langell, Bithon, Leighdenie, Kidwillie, and so into the sea, about one mile from the fall of Uendraith Uaur.  
The Towie riseth in the mountains of Elennith four miles by southeast from Lintive, 
Towie.  and two from Lingonon, in a moorith ground four & twenty miles from Caermardine, and in a forest called Bishop's forest, midway betwixt Landwibrevie & Landanuerie castle. For fish, in my opinion, this is much better than the Taw or Taffe, whose head breedeth no fish, but if it be cast into it, they turn up their bellies, float aloft, and die out of hand. It parteth Brecknoch from Cardigonshire also for a certain season, 
Trausnant.  till it come by the water of Trausnant, that falleth thereinto from by cast out of the confins of Brecknoch, unto Pilin capel, and so to Istrodefine, 
Tothee.  where it meeteth with the Tothee that cometh thither from Lhinuerwin where it riseth, and so through Rescoth forest, uniting itself by the way with the Pescotter, 
Pescotter.  which mounting out of the ground in the edge of Cardigonshire, runneth along as a limit and march unto the same, till it join with the Tothée, and both come together beneath Istrodefine into Towie, which we have now in hand. After this confluence it cometh to Lhanuair Awbreie, Lanthowell, and Lanimphsrie, and here it receiveth two waters in one channel, whereof the first is called Brane, 
Brane.  the other Gutherijc 
Gutherijc.  (which lieth more southerly of the two) and fall (as I said) into Towie beneath Landonuereie, which runneth on till it meet with the first Dulesse that goeth by Lenurdie, 
Dulesse.  then with the Morlais, 
Morlais.  and these on the northwest. Certes the Brane is a pretty brook rising two or three miles above capel Newith, and descending by Lanbrane and Ustradwalter, it meeteth (I say) with the Gutherijc, whose head is west of Tridcastell in Brecknochshire, and thereby it is not a little increased. But to proceed with the Towie, which being past Lanimphfrie and a rill that meeteth with the same, descending from northwest of Lanurdan, it taketh in the influences of diverse waters in one channel, of which the greatest is called Modewie, and thereof I find this description.  
The Modewie, 
Modewie.  or (as some pronounce it) Moshevie, riseth of two heads, which joining above Lanihangle, the stream runneth on till it meet with the Cledoch on the left hand, 
Cledoch.  proceeding also further toward Langadocke, it receiveth not far from thence the Sawtheie, 
Sawtheie.  whose two heads descend from the black mountains or east edge of Carmardineshire (as mine information leadeth me.) After this 
Dulesse. 2.  confluence the second Dulesse doth meet with the Towie, whose head is in the hills above Talthogaie abbey, northwest from Langadocke full five miles: then coming down by Landilovaur, Newton; Dinefar castle, and Golden grove, 
Dulesse. 3.  it receiveth the third Dulesse from by north that cometh in by Lanihangle and Drislan castle, 
Cothie.  and after that the Cothie, whose race is somewhat long, and therefore his description not utterly to be passed over.  
Not far from the head (which is three miles from Landanbrevie, under the hulk of Blame Icorne, a narrow passage, and therein many heaps of stones) and somewhat beneath Lana Pinsent chapel, it taketh in the Turche beck that runneth thither from above Lanacroies: 
Turche.  thence it goeth to Lansawell, Abergorlech, Breghuangothie, Lannigood, and so into Towie, which hasting forward by chapel dewy, receiveth the Ravelthie from by north, 
Ravelthie. Gwilie.  than the Gwilie from northwest, whose head is above Lanie Pinsent, and race by Canwell, Eluert, Comewilie, and Merling hill, as I have often heard. After this confluence with the Gwilie, the Towie goeth to Caermardine, then to Lanigang, then to Lanstephan, S. ismael's, and so into the sea.  
Next unto the Towie is the Tave, 
Tave.  whose head is in the black mountains, as at the roots of Wrenni vaur hill in Pembrookeshire, from whence it runneth by Lanuurnach, Langludien, Lanualteg, and taking in the Dudderie from south-west, 
Dudderie.  out of the same county by Lanbederuelfraie, and Lindwie, it goeth to Eglesware chapel, beneath which it crosseth the Marlais by north that runneth by Lanbedie and Whitland. 
Marlais.  Thence meeting with one rill called Uenni, 
Uennie.  as I take it, that cometh through Cardith forest on the one side, and the Cairo 
Cairo.  on the other that runneth into it west of Landowror, it hasteth to S. Clares, 
Carthkinnie.  where it taketh in the Carthkinnie, or Barthkinnie (as Leland calleth it) and the Gow 
Gow.  or Tow both in one channel, of which the first riseth above capel Bettus, from whence it runneth by Talacouthe, Kilsant, and Langinnin, the other issueth out of the ground above Trologh Bettus, by Midrun, & joining with the former a little above S. Clares, they run into the Tave, and from thence to Lanihangle, and between it and Abercowen, admitteth finally the Gown or Gow stream, 
Gown.  which coming likewise from the black mountains, goeth by Ebbernant, & so into the Tave, who directeth his course by Lancharne castle, and then into the sea.  
The next water that we come to is the Gwair, 
Gwair.  which is but a small thing rising above Lambeder Uelfraie, and going from thence by east of castle Merhie hill, Cruinuier and Argwaire, it is not long yer it fall into the sea, and so we leave Cairdinshire, and go over into Pembroke. Then passed we by an other coming out of Rathe forest called Coit Rathe, the water itself rising about Templeton. Thence leaving the Monkeston rock, we came to Tenbie or Diubechie Piscood, and passing into the port between the castle and S. Katherine's rock, we found it served with two little back waters, 
Brechnocke.  of so small countenance, that they are not worthy of any further talk to be spent in their descriptions: yet the one seemeth to be called Florence brook, the other Fresto, Gunfreston standing between them both, whereby their sight cannot perish. After this we passed between Londie and an other Eyelet or rock lying by northwest of the same, 
From Londie to Caldie thirty miles.  to Ludsop point, & so to Abertrewent, where I found a silly fresh water named Trewend that riseth a mile or thereabout within the land. 
Trewent.  From thence we went southwards by Broad haven, till we came to S. Gowans point. Then gathering west and by north before we came at Sheep Island, we found another fresh water, that riseth short of Kiriog Maharen, and running south of Uggarston, Windmill hill, or between it and Castle Norton and Gupton, it holdeth on flat west all the way till it come to the Ocean.  
Being passed this water, we cast about toward the northwest, by the Poptons' and Pennar, till we came to the Pennar mouth, 
Pennar.  out of which the salt water issueth that in manner invironneth Penbroke. From this (omitting sundry salt créekes on both sides of the haven, not appertinent to our purpose) we came to the fall of two waters in one channel, above whose confluence Williamston park standeth, and whereof one (a mere salt course) encloseth three parts of Carew castle. The other rising near to Coit Rath forest is a fresh, & going by Geffraiston, Creswell & Lawrenie, it leaveth the park on the south side, & goeth into the haven after confluence with the former.  
Now come I to the two swords, 
Dugledu.  or haven of Milford, whereinto two rivers direct their course from the north-east called Dugledu or the two swords, 
Cultell.  and between them both is a rill which they call also Cultlell (that is to say) the knife. Hereof riseth a merry tale of a Welshman, that lying in this place abroad all night in the cold weather, and peradventure not very well occupied, was demanded of his hostess (where he did break his fast the next morrow) at what inn he lay in the night precedent, because he came so soon to her house yer any of her maids were up? Oh good hostess (quoth he) be contented, I lay to night in a dangerous estate, for I slept between two swords with a long knife at my heart; meaning indeed that he lay between these two rivers, and his breast towards the south near to the head of Cultlell. But to pass over these jests. Here Leland speaketh of a river called Gwilie, 
Gwilie.  but where it riseth or falleth, he maketh no certain report: wherefore it is requisite that I proceed according to my purpose.  
The one of these swords is called Clotheie or Clothie, of which I find this short and brief description. 
Clotheie.  The Clothie riseth at the foot of Wrennie vaure hill and coming down to Monachlodge, Langelman, Lannakeven, and Egremond, it receiveth a rill from by northwest before it come at Lanhaddon castle, which cometh from above the more by Clarbaston and Bletherston, his head arising in the hill west of Mancloghaie, as Leland doth inform me. Yer long also and beneath Lanhaddon it taketh in another on the cast side from Narbarth castle, coming by Robeston, then going by Eunaston, Slebach, Picton castle, Sister houses, Minware & Martheltwie, at Rise castle point west of Coit Kenles (as I have been informed) it taketh in the other sword, 
Dugledie.  named Dugledie, whereof I read as followeth. The head of the Dugledie is somewhere at northwest, betwixt S. Laurences & S. Dugwels, from whence it runneth to Travegarne, Redbaxton, & taking in a rill by the way from Camrose at the west, it goeth to Haverford or Hereford west, and there uniteth itself with a water, which peradventure is the same that Leland called Gwilie. 
Gwilie.  Certes it riseth short of Walton, and coming by S. leonard's chapel and Pendergest, it falleth I say into the Dugledie, over against the town of Haverford or Herford west, but in Welsh Hulford; as Lhoid doth set it down. Beneath Herford it taketh in another water from south west, whose head is short of S. Margaret's chapel, and entrance between Harraldston and Herford, which Harraldstone receiveth the name of Herald the successor of Edward the confessor as some call him, who was a grievous mall unto the Britons that remained in the time of the said Edward; as I have noted elsewhere. Then the Dugledie still descending taketh in the Frese from Fresethorpe, a rill of no great account, and therefore I go from it making haste unto Culthell, & omitting two rils between it and the Clotheie on the southside, of no great weight and moment. The Cultlhell cometh into the Dugledie beneath Bolston, with a straight course from by north, of three or four miles, rising by west of Slebach, and coming by Bowlston, after whose unition with the aforesaid water, they run on as one till they meet with the Clothie, casting out by the way sundry salt créekes, as the main channel doth from thence forth until it pass the Sandie haven, the Dale road (whither a silly fresh rill cometh of small value) & be come about again to the large Ocean.  
Having thus showed the courses of those few fresh waters that come to Milford haven, we cast about by the Blockehouse and S. Anne's chapel to Gateholme I'll, 
Gateholme I'll.  that lieth between S. Annes and the Wilocke point, directly over against Stockeholme 
Stockeholme I'll.  Island that is situate further off into the sea, toward the south-west, and is full half so great as the Scalmeie that I elsewhere described. Between the Willocke point also and the Scalmeie, directly west is the Midland I'll, 
Midland I'll.  full so great as the Gateholme. 
Gresholme.  As for the two rocks that lie by north and south of the Scalmeie, of which the one is called the Yardland stone, the other Mewstone, it shall not be greatly requisite to stand on their discourses, sith they are such as may hardly be taken for islands, and even in like sort we may judge of S. Bride's Isle, which is south-west of Calthrop road, & likewise of the Gresholme, whereof I find this short description. The Gresholme lieth directly west of Scalmeie, from whence if you sail thither on the south side, you must needs pass by the Mewstone rock: if on the north of Scalmeie, you must leave the Yarland stone on your left hand. Whereto if you note well the situation of these islands already named, and confer them with the Ramseie and S. David's land, you shall find them to produce as it were two dangerous points, including the Brid bay, wherein (notwithstanding the greatness) are 1000 perils, and no fresh brooks for me to deal withal. Finally, having doubled the Willocke point, we thought it not good altogether to leave that bay unsearched, at lestwise to see what islands might there be found, & long entered into the same, we beheld one which the men of the country call S. Bride's Island, 
S. Bride's Island.  a very little place and situate near the land, before I came at Galtroie road. From thence we went about by the little haven, Doluach haven, Caruaie haven, Shirelace rock, Carnbuddie, and Earnaie bay, Portelais, and so into the found between Ramseie and the point. In this sound likewise is a little I'll, almost annexed to the main: but in the midst thereof, I mean of the sound, is a rock called the horse (a mile and more by north of Ribbie rock, that lieth south east of Ramseie) and more infortunate than ten of Seians colts, but thanked be God I never came on his back. 
A fort of dangerous rocks lying on a row upon the west end of Southwales called the Bishop & his clerks.  Thence passing by S. stephan's, and Whitesand bay, we saluted the Bishop and his clerks, as they went in procession on our left side (being loath to take any salted holy water at their hands) and came at last to the point called S. David's head, which Ptolemy calleth Octapitanum promontorium, except I be deceived. But here gentle reader give me leave to stay a while, and insert the words of Leland touching the land called S. Dewies or S. David's land, whereof some men may peradventure have use, his words are these. Being therefore past this haven and point of Demetia, in casting about the coast we come to S. Dewies or S. David's land, 
S. dewy or David a● one,  which Ptolemy calleth Octapitanum promontorium, I read to be separated from the rest of the country much after this manner, although I grant that there may be and are diverse other little creeks betwixt Newgale and S. David's head, and betwixt S. David's and Fischard, beside those that are here mentioned out of a register of that house.  
As we turn therefore from Milford, S. David's land beginneth at Newgale, a créeke served with a back fresh water. Howbeit there is a bay before this creak betwixt it and Milford. From hence about four miles is Saluach creak, otherwise called. Saverach, 
Saluach.  whither some fresh water resorteth: the mouth also thereof is a good rescue for balingers, as it (I mean the register) saith. Thence go we to Portelais three miles, 
Portelais.  where is a little portlet, whither the allen 
Alen.  that cometh through saint Dewies close doth run. It lieth a mile south-west from S. Dewies, saint Stinans Chapel also is between Portelais, and Portmaw. 
Portmaw Maw.  The next is Port Maw, where I found a great estuarie into the land. The Pendwie 
Pendwie.  half a mile from that: Lhand Uehan 
Lannuehan.  is three miles from Pendwie, 
Tredine.  where is a salt créeke, then to Tredine three miles, where is another creak to Langunda, four miles, 
Langunda.  and another creek is there in like sort where fishermen catch herrings. Here also the Gwerne river divideth Penbidiane from Fischerdine Kemmeis land. 
Fischard.  From Langunda to Fischard at the Gwerne 
Gwerne.  mouth four miles, and here is a portlet or havenet also for ships. And thus much of S. David's land.  
Besides this also, Leland in a third book talketh of lhinnes and pools, but for as much as my purpose is not to speak of lakes and lhinnes, I pass them over as hasting to Teifie, in Latin Tibius, and after Ptolemy Tuerobius or Tivirobius, which is the next river that serveth for my purpose. And yet not forgetting to touch the Gwerne, for after we came from saint David's head, we coasted along toward the southeast, till we came over against saint Catherine's, where going northwards by the bread haven, and the Strombles head, we sailed thence north-east, and by north, to Langlas head, then flat south by the Cow and Calf (two cruel rocks) which we left on the left hand, & so coasted over to Abergwin or Fischard, 
Gwerne.  where we found a fresh water named Guin, or Gwerne, whose course is in manner directly out of the east into the west, from Uremie hills by pont Vaunt and Lanichair, until it come within a mile of the foresaid town. It riseth flat north of the parsley hill, from whence it goeth by Pont vain, Laverillidoch, Lanchar, Landilovair, & so to Abergwine, or Abergwerne, for I read both. From Abergwine, we cast about by Dinas head, till we come to the fall of Neverne, 
Neverne.  where Newport standeth. The head of this river is above capel Nantgwin, from whence it runneth by Whitchurch, but yer it come at Kilgwin, it taketh in a little water that riseth short of Wrenie vaure, and thence go forth as one until they come to Newport. Cardigan haven is the next fall that I did stumble on, wherein lieth a little Island over against the north point. Hereinto also cometh the Teifie, 
Teifie or Tine.  a noble river which riseth in Lintinie, and is fraught with delicate samons, and herein and not else where in all the rivers of Britain, is the Castor or Beaver to be found. But to proceed. The very head thereof (I say) is four miles above Stradflore in Luitie, and after it hath run from thence a little space, it receiveth a brook from southeast that cometh out of Lin Legnant, and then after the confluence runneth on to Stradflore abbeie, beneath which it meeteth with the Miricke water 
Miricke.  (that riseth above Stradmirich) and soon after with the Landurch 
Landurch.  (both from the northwest) and finally the Bremich above Tregaron, that cometh in by the east; as Leland hath set down.  
Near to Landwibrevie also it crosseth the Bromis by east north-east, 
Bromis.  and then goeth to Landuair, Cledogh, 
Matherne.  Kellan, and soon after taking in the Matherne from by east, that parteth Cardigan partly from Carmardine shire, 
Dulas.  and likewise that Dulas above Lanbedder (which riseth above Langibbie, and goeth thence to Bettus) on the northwest, it goeth next of all to Lanbedder town, then to Lanivair, beneath which it crosseth the Gravelth, 
Gravelth.  thence to Pencarocke, Lanibether, Lanlonie, Lanihangle, and Sandissell, and there it uniteth itself with the Clethor or Dettor, 
Clethor.  which cometh down thither by Lantisilued chapel, Lanfraine, and finally Landissell from by north, as I do here affirm. After this confluence it proceedeth on to Landuaie, Alloine, Bangor, Langeler, Landeureog and Newcastle, yer long taking in the Kerie from by north, 
Kerie.  whose head is not far from that of Clethor, and whose course is somewhat enlarged by such rilles as descend into the same. For west of Kenwith two becks in one channel do fall into it, which be nameless, and but of a little length.  
Beneath Tredwair also it crosseth another from by west, that runneth along by Bettus, evan, and finally meeting with the Teifie, they run as one by Kennarth (still parting Cardigon shire from Carmardin, as it hath done sith it met with the Matherne) and so forth on till they join with the Cheach, 
Cheach.  which rising southeast above chapel evan, doth part Carmardine and Brechnocke shire in sunder, till it come unto the Teifie. From this confluence, and being still a limit unto Cardigon shire, it goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in one rill from by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardive or Marierdive, and two other from by south-west, of which the one cometh in beneath Kilgaron castle, the other from Lantwood northwest of Oswid Mortemer, which lieth southeast of Cardigan, and then going forward between S. Dogmaile, & Langordinere, it is not long yer it fall into the Irish sea, flat west and by north from his uprise, and sending us forth from Penlooke into Cardigon shire, whereunto it hath become march ever sithence it came from Kellam, or confluence with the Matherne.  
Being come into Cardigon shire, and having passed the Cardigon point, an Island of the same denomination lying by west thereof, we came unto the fall of Airon three miles beneath Lancleere, 
Airon.  it riseth in the mountains by a chapel called Blame Peniall belonging to Landwie brevie about three or four miles from tive banks, & runneth on by Lamberwooddie, Langitho, Tregrigaron hill, Trevilian, Talaferne, and soon after taking in a rill from by south from Siliam by Lanleir it runneth by Istrade, Kilkennen, Lanicharin, and finally into the sea, crossing by the way the Bidder brook, which coming from Dehewide, 
Bidder.  doth fall into the same, between Lanchairin, and Henuenneie. 
Arth.  The Arth which is the next fall is no great thing, neither of any long course, yet somewhat crotched, and it riseth three or four miles or more within the land slopewise, and coming by Lambaderne, and Treveglois, it falleth into the sea, north-east of Aberarth.  
Being past the Arth, & having stayed there a while because we found some harborough, we came next of all unto the Wereie, which riseth of two heads, 
Ris alias Wereie.  above whose confluence standeth a town, named Lanihangle, Redrod, and from whence it goeth by Lanigruthen to Laristed, & so into the Ocean. Then went we to the Ystwith, which riseth in the black mounteins above Comerstwith, from whence it runneth certain miles, 
Istwith.  until it come unto Ispittie, Istwith, Lananon, Laniler, Lan Nachairne, and so into the sea, taking withal first the Meleven, than the Ridall or Redholl not far from the shore, 
Redholl.  whereof I have this description. The Ridall riseth in the top of Plimlimmon hill out of a lake named Lin Ridall, from whence going toward Spittie Kinwen, it crosseth one water on the north, and another beneath it on the southeast, and so goeth on by Lanbeder vaure, till it come to Aberistwith, the Istwith, and so into the Ocean. Having thus viewed the Istwith, and taken ourselves again to the sea, we crossed the Salke or Salic brook, 
Salic.  whereof I find this memorial.  
The Salic brook descendeth in like sort from the black mounteins, & going from Ummabove, toward Gogarth, or Gogirthar, it receiveth the Massalique, 
Massalique.  and from thence goeth into the sea, south-west from his original. From hence we went to the Lerie, an indraught of no great quantity, 
Lerie.  neither commodious as I guess (yet I may be deceived) for any ship to harborough in. It riseth toward the lower ground of the black hills, and going by Lanthangle castle Gualther, it runneth from thence north-east into the Ocean, receiving a rill by the way from the hills which lie by north-east of his course. But what stand I upon trifles?  
Thus have I brought myself out of Caerdigan shire unto the Wie, 
Wie.  which is limit between it and Merioneth for a certain space, & being entered in the mouth thereof we got up to the head, minding in the description of the same to come downward as in the rest, which we will do in such good manner as for the time and want of some information is possible to be performed. It ariseth in the south part of Snowdonie and goeth on forth right to Lammothwie, by Mowdhewie, Mathan laith, and coming down to Dinas Matthew, it receiveth two rilles from northwest, and the third coming by Mailroid called Cludoch from north-east, & so holdeth on crossing the Angel water at the west, which boundeth Mongomerie shire in part, 
Romis.  till it come to Romis, beneath which water it taketh in the Towin that passeth by Lambrin mawr from Talgarth, and then goeth to Mathraverue, crossing another from by north and so forth to Lanworing, where it meeteth with the Kerig on the one side, and the Gwidall which cometh from Dorowen on the other.  
After this, our main river goeth by Pengos, and beneath the same taketh in an influence from southeast, called the Dulas, and another from the northwest from thence it hasteth on to Magenillet, or Machenlet, first crossing the Levennie from southeast, secondly the Peniall from northwest, thirdly the Einon, fourthly the Kinar, fiftly the Cleidor, these three last rehearsed falling into it from southeast, & the last having his course by Langwinhelin and so into the sea, as mine instruction upholdeth. It seemeth in some men's judgements to part North-wales and Westwales in sunder, and the same which in Latin height Dews, in Welsh or British Dift or dewy, whereof the Latin doth seem to fetch his sound. But to proceed with the rest of such falls and waters as are to be found in this county. Going therefore northwestward we come to a fall from the north called Towen Merionneth which is the mouth of the Difonnie stream, a pretty river rising in the hills above Lanihangle, and west of castle Traherne receiveth the Ridrijc, which cometh from Chadridrtjc hill, by Tallillin castle, Treherie, and so into the Difonnie from southeast, fetching his course by Lanegrin, and so into the sea within five miles thereof.  
Being past this we did cast about by the Sarnabigh point, till we came to the Lingoven beck, and so to the Bar, which is a fair water, and therefore worthy to be with diligence described, yet it is not called Bar from the head, but rather Moth or Derie, for so are the two chief heads called out of which this river descendeth, and are about six mile's west of the Lin, out of which the Dée hath his issue, and between which the Raran vaure hills are situate and have their being. After the joining of the two heads of this Bar, as I name it from the original, it receiveth a rill from north-east called Cain, & another beneath the same, coming from Beurose wood, and so holdeth on towards the south between Laniltid and Kemmor abbaie, till it meet a little by west of Dolgelth with the avon vaure, which coming also out of the Woodland soil, & taking in a rill from Gwannas, hasteth northwestward (by Dolgelth) to join with the Bar, and being met they receive the Kessilgunt, than the Hirgun, & after a course of four to five miles it falleth into the sea, having watered the very hart & inward parts of this shire. From hence we cross the Skethie which runneth by Corsogdale and Lanthwie, alias Lanthonie, than the Lambader which receiving the Artro above Lambader, doth fall into the sea, southeast of the point, and flat south of Landango, which is a town situate on the other side of the turning.  
After this we passed by Aberho, so named of the river Ho, 
Ho.  that falleth there into the sea, and cometh thither from the Alps or hills of Snowdonie, mounteins, no less fertile for grass, wood, cattle, fish and foul, than the famous Alps beyond the seas, whereof all the writers do make so honourable report. From hence we sailed by Abermawr or mouth of Mawr, 
Mawr.  which cometh in like sort from Snowdonie, and taketh diverse rivers with him whose names I do not know. 
Artro.  Then unto the Artro a brook, whose head cometh from by north east, and in his course receiveth the Gedar on the north side, and so holdeth on till it fall into the sea, after a few windlesses which it maketh as it passeth. After this we come to Traith vehan, which is the fall of the Drurid, a pretty river coming from the marches of Caernaruon-shire, which passing by Festimog, soon after taketh in the Cunwell, than the Uelenrid; and so holdeth on to Deckoin, where it falleth into the said Traith. For of the other two rilles that lie by south hereof, and have their issue also into the same, I make but small account, because their quantity is not great. Next unto this we have Traith mawr, whereinto the Farles hath his issue, 
Farles.  a river proceeding from Snowdonie or the Snowdon hills, descending by Bethkelerke and Lanwrothen, without mixture of any other water in all his course and passage. It is parcel of the march also between Merioneth and Caernaruon shires. From Traith mawr we pass by the Krekith, and come to another water descending from the north by Lanstidwie, and after that to the Moie, whose mouths are so near together, that no more than half a mile of the land doth seem to keep them in sunder.  
Then come we unto the Erke, 
Erke.  a pretty brook descending from Madrtjn hills, into whose mouth two other of no less quantity than itself do seem to have their confluence, and whose courses do come along from the west and northwest; the most southerly being called Girch, and the other the Hellie: except my memory do fail me. Then casting about toward the south (as the coast lieth) we saw the Abersoch or mouth of the Soch river upon our right hand, 
Soch.  in the mouth whereof, or not far by south thereof lie two islands, of which the more northerly is called Tudfall, and the other Penrtjn: as Leland did observe. I would set down the British names of such towns and villages as these waters pass by; but the writing of them (for want of the language) is so hard to me, that I choose rather to show their falls and risings, than to corrupt their denominations in the writing: and yet now and then I use such words as our Englishmen do give unto some of them, but that is not often, where the British name is easy to be found out and sounded.  
After this, going about by the point, and leaving Gwelin Isle on the right hand, we come to Daron river, 
Daron.  whereupon standeth Aberdaron a quarter of a mile from the shore betwixt Aberdaron and Uortigernes vale, where the compass of the sea gathereth in a head, and entereth at both ends. Then come we about the point to Edarne beck, 
Edarne beck.  a mile and more south of Newin. And ten or twelve miles from hence is the Uennie brook, whose course is little above so many miles; and not far from it is the Livan, a far less water, coming also from the east: and next unto that another, wherinto the Willie by south and the Carrog by north after their conjunction do make their common influence. Having passed this river, we cast about toward the north east, and enter at Abermenaie ferry, into the streicts or stream called Menaie, between Angleseie and the main, meeting first of all with the Gornaie, which cometh from the Snowdonie out of the Trevennian lake, and passeth by Lanunda into the sea or Menaie stream at South crock. Next of all we meet with the Saint, which cometh from Lin Lanbereie, passeth by Lanihangle, and so falleth into the Menaie at Abersaint, which is on the south-west side of Caernaruon: on the other side also of the said town is the Skevernocke, whereby it standeth between two rivers, of which this hath his head not far from Dinas Orueg.  
Then come we (saith Leland) to Gwiniwith mirith (or Horse brook) two miles from Moilethon, and it riseth at a Well so called full a mile from thence. Moilethon is a bow shot from Aberpowle, from whence ferry boats go to the Termone or Angleseie. Aberpowle runneth three miles into the land, 
Conte.  and hath his head four miles beyond Bangor in Meneie shore: and here is a little coming in for boats bending into the Meneie. 
Gegeine.  Aber Gegeine cometh out of a mountain a mile above, 
Torronnen.  and Bangor (through which a rill called Torronnen hath his course) almost a mile above it. Aber Ogwine is two miles above that; 
Ogwine.  it riseth at Tale linne, Ogwine pool, five miles above Bangor in the east side of Withow. Aber avon is two miles above Aberogwene, 
avon.  and it riseth in a pool called Lin man avon, three miles off. 
Lannar Uehan.  avon lan var Uehan riseth in a mounteine thereby, and goeth into the sea, two miles above Duegevelth. 
Duegevelth.  avon Duegevelth is three miles above Conweie, which rising in the mounteins a mile off, goeth by itself into Meneie salt arm. On the said shore also lieth Conweie, and this river doth run betwixt Penmaine Maur, and Penmaine Uehan. It riseth about three miles from Penmaclon hills which lie about sixty miles from Conweie abbeie, now dissolved out of a lake called Lin Conweie, and on the north and west of this river standeth the town of Conweie, which taketh his name thereof.  
This river (which Ptolemy calleth Toesobius, 
Téec.  as I take it) after the derivation thereof from the head, passeth on the west side by Spittievan and Tiherio, beneath which it taketh in a stream coming from the east out of Denbighshire, derived from three heads, and of the greatest called Nag. Soon after also another, and then the third, which cometh in from the west by Lanpen Mawr: next of all the Leder on the same side, which cometh by Dolathelan castle: and above that from a Lin of the same denomination. Beneath this and self hand lieth likewise the Ligow or Ligwie, 
Ligow.  proceeding from two lakes, that is, the Number and the Ligow. On the right hand as we still descend, is the Coid, than the Glin, & a little lower we meet with the Lin Gerioneth: and after we be passed another on the right side, we come to the Perloid, which cometh out of Lin Cowlid, to the Ygan, to the Idulin, to the castle Water on the left, & then to the Melandider on the right, without the sight of any other, till we come almost to Conweie, where we find a notched stream coming from by west, and called Guffen or Gyffin into the same by one channel on the norrtheast side of the town, beneath Guffin or Gyffin, and over against Lansanfraid in Denbighshire; so far as I now remember. Some part of Carnaruonshire stretcheth also beyond Aber Conweie, or the fall of Conweie, 
Ormeshed.  & it is called Ormeshed point, wherein also is a rill, whose fall into the sea is between Penrin and Landright. And thus we have made an end of the chief waters which are to be found in this county.  
The next is a corner of Denbigh, by which we do as it were step over into Flintshire, and whose first water is not great, yet it cometh from south-west, and falleth into the north or Irish sea called Virginium, beneath Landilas; as the next that cometh south from Bettas' doth the like three miles beneath Abergele, 
Gele.  and is not only called Gele (as the name itself importeth) but also noted to take his course through the Canges. Having thus gone over the angle of Denbighshire, that lieth between those of Carnarvan and Flint, we come next of all unto Aber Cluide, or the fall of Clotha or Glota, which is a stream not to be shortly entreated of. It riseth among certain hills, which lie not far distant from the confines of Merioneth and Denbighshires. Southeast from his fall, and having run four or five miles from the head, it cometh about to Darwen, taking in the Maniton on the left hand, 
Maniton.  and the Mespin on the right: and soon after the third from bywest, whose head is not far from Gloucanocke. Beneath Ruthen also it taketh in the Leveneie: and after that another, and the third, all on the right hand, 
Cluedoch.  and so holdeth on till it meet with the Cluedoch, then with the Ystrade, which passeth by Whitchurch on the left hand. After which we come to the Whéeler on the right, and so to his joining with the Elwie, which is beneath S. Asaphes', a bishops see that is environed with them both. 
Elwie.  This Elwie riseth above Gwitherne, & beneath Lanuair taketh in the Alode, which cometh from lin Alode, by Lanfannan, and joineth with him five miles beneath Langrenew. The Cluda therefore and the Elwie being met, the confluence passeth on to the sea by Rutland castle, where it taketh in the Sarne, which cometh from by east, and hath a course almost of sixteen miles. From hence we took sea toward the Dée mouth: and as we passed by the rest of the shore, we saw the fall of a little brook near Basing work, of another near to Flint, of the third at Yowleie castle, which with his two arms in manner includeth it; and the fourth beneath Hawarden hold, which in like sort goeth round about the same, & from whence we came to the Dée, where we landed and took up our lodging in Chester. In this place also it was no hard matter to deliver & set down the names of such rivers and streams as are also to be found in Angleseie, finding myself to have some leisure and fit opportunity for the same: and imagining a journey thither also, as unto the other places mentioned in this description, whither as yet it hath not been my hap to travel: I thought it not amiss to take it also in hand, and perform it after this manner.  
Ferrieng therefore over out of Carnaruonshire to Beaumarise, I went by land without crossing of any river or stream worthy memory, till I came to the Brant, which hath his fall not far from the southest point of that Island. This Brant riseth far up in the land, not far from Lauredenell, and holding on his course southward to Lanthoniell Uaall, it goeth on to Bodoweruch, Langainwen, and so into the sea.  
The next fall we came unto was called Maltrath, and it is producted by the confluence of two rivers, the Gevennie and the Gint, who join not far from Langrestoll. This also last rehearsed hath his head near to Penmoneth, the other being forked riseth in the hilly soil above Tregaion and Langwithlog: so that part of the Island obtaineth no small commodity and benefit by their passage. Next unto this we came unto the Fraw, 
Fraw.  whose head is near to Langinewen, and passage by Cap Maer; after which it falleth into a lake, from whence it goeth east of Aberfraw, and so into the sea. The next river hath no name to my knowledge: yet hath it a longer course than that which I last described. For it riseth two or three miles above Haneglosse: and passing from thence to Trevalghmaie, after the descent of four miles, it falleth into the sea. After this we came to an other, which riseth more to Cap legan ferwie, and falleth into the sea; southeast of the little Island, which is called Ynis Wealth, it is nameless also as the other was: and therefore having small delight to write thereof, we passed over the salt créeke by a bridge into Cair Kibie, which by the same, is as it were cut from the main Island, and in some respect not unworthy to be taken for an isle. In the north side therefore of Cair Kibie is a little rill or créeke: but whether the water thereof be fresh or salt, as yet I do not remember.  
This place being viewed, I came back again by the aforesaid bridge, into the main of Angleseie, and going northwards I find a fall enforced by three riverets, each one having his course almost south from other; and the last falling into the confluence of the two first, not half a mile from the west, where I first espied the stream: the name of the most northerly is Linon, 
Linon.  of the second Allo; 
Allo.  but the third is altogether nameless for aught that I can learn, wherefore it shall not be necessary to spend any time in the further searching of his course. Being past this, we went northwards till we came to the point, and then going eastward, we butted upon the fall of a certain confluence growing by the joining of the Nathanon and the Geger, which meet beneath and near to the Langechell. And after the same we passed on somewhat declining southward by the Hilary point, toward the southeast, till we came to the Dulesse: and from thence to Pentraeth water: after which we turned northward, then eastward; and finally southward, till we came to Langurdin; from whence unto Beaumarise (where began our voyage) we find not any water worthy to be remembered. And thence I go forward with the description of the Dee.  
The Dee or Deva (as Ptolemy calleth it) is a noble river, 
Dée or Deva.  & breeder of the best trout, whose head is in Merioneth shire, about three miles above the lake, situate in the county of Penthlin, and called Lin Tegnis, whose stream yet very small, by reason of the shortness of his course, falleth into the said lake, not far from Lanullin. There are sundry other waters which come also into the said lake, which is four or slew miles in length, and about two miles over; as one from by south, whose fall is east, and not many furlongs from the Dee: another hath his issue into the same by Langower: the third on the north side of Lanullin, named Leie: the fourth at Glanlintegid called the javerne, the lake itself ending about Bala, 
Trowerin.  and from thence running into the Trowerin, a pretty stream, and not a little augmented by the Kelme and Monach which fall by north into the same, and joineth with the Dée south of Lanuair; from whence forth it looseth the name, and is afterward called Dée. East of Bala in like sort, it receiveth the Ruddoch, than the Cleton, and so passing on by Land-right to Langar, 
Ruddoch.  it meeteth with a confluence proceeding from the Alwen and the Giron, 
Cleton.  of which this riseth in the hills above Langham, the other in the mounteins about five or six miles by northwest of Lanihangle in Denbighshire, where (as I guess) it falleth into the ground; and afterward rising again between Lanihangle and Bettus, it holdeth on about two miles, and then joineth with the Giron, full six miles above Dole, and before it come to the Dee. From hence the Dee goeth by Lansanfraid, and the marches of Merioneth into Denbighshire, and so to Langellon, Dinas, Bren, &c: keeping his course by certain windlesses; 
Gristioneth.  till he receive the Gristioneth, descending by Ru●bon, than another est of the same; the third, 
Keriog.  from by west called Keriog (whose head is not far from the bounds of Merioneth and course by Lanarmon, Lansanfraid, and Chirke) the fourth from south east out of Shropshire, called Morlais, and so passeth as bounds between Denbighshire, and the Outliggand of Flintshire, to wit by Bistocke on the one side and Bangor on the other, till it come to Worthenburie: whereabout it receiveth a channel descending from four influences, of which one cometh by Penlie chapel, the second from Hamnere, which goeth down by Emberhall, and falleth in a little by east of the other; the third from Blackmere (by Whitchurch) &c: and the fourth from between Chad and Worsall. These two later meeting above neither Durtwich, do hold on to Talerne, as mine information instructeth me.  
From Wrothenburie the Dee goeth northwestwards toward Shocklige, meeting by the way with the confluence of the Cluedoch 
Cluedoch.  (or Dedoch original mother to those trouts for which the Dée is commended) and descendeth from capel Moinglath) and the Gwinrogh, 
Gwinrogh.  that runneth through Wrexham, both joining a mile and more beneath Wrexham, not far from Hantwerne. Soon after also our main river receiveth another beck from by east, which is bound on the northwest side to the Outliggand of Flintshire, and so passeth on between Holt castle and Ferneton, Almere and Pulton, as march between Denbighshire and Cheshire, and then taketh in the Alannus or allen; 
Alannus.  a pretty river and worthy to be described. The head of this allen the refore is in Denbighshire, and so disposed that it riseth in two several places, each being two miles from other, the one called allen Mawr, the other allen Uehan, as I do find reported. They meet also beneath Landegleie, and run northwards till they come beyond Lanuerres, where meeting with a rill coming from by west, it runneth on to the Mould to Horsheth, and so in and out to Greseford, taking the Cagidog from south-west with it by the way; then to Trave allen, and so into the Dée, a mile and more above the fall of Powton beck, which also descendeth from south-west out of Flintshire, and is march unto the same, even from the very head. After which confluence the Dée having Chestershire on both sides, goeth to Aldford with a swift course, where it meeteth with the Beston brook, whereof I do find this description following.  
The Beston water riseth in the woody soil between 
Beston.  Spruston and Beston castle with a forked head, and leaving Beston town on the north-east, it goeth to Tarneton, and to Hakesleie, where it divideth itself in such wise, that one branch thereof runneth by Totnall, Goldburne, and Léehall, to Alford, and so into the Dée, the other by Stapleford, Terwine, Barrow, Picton, and Therton, where it brancheth again, sending forth one arm by Stanneie pool, and the park side into Merseie arm, toward the northwest, and another by south-west, which cometh as it were back again, by Stoke, Croughton, Backeford, Charleton, Upton, the Baits, and so under a bridge to Chester ward, where it falleth into the Dée arm at Flocks brook, excluding Wirall on the northwest as an Island, which lieth out like a leg between the Merseie and the Dée arms, and including and making another fresh Island within the same, whose limits by northwest are between Thorneton, Chester, & Aldford, on the north-east Thorneton and Hakesleie, and on the southeast Hakesleie and Aldford, whereby the form thereof doth in part resemble a triangle. And thus much of the Dee, which is a troublesome stream when the wind is at south-west, and very dangerous, in so much that few dare pass thereon. Sometimes also in harvest time it sendeth down such store of water, when the wind bloweth in the same quarter, that it drowneth all their grass and corn that groweth in the lower grounds near unto the banks thereof. Certes it is about three hundred foot, at his departure from the Tignie, and worthily called a litigious stream; because that by often alteration of channel, it enforceth men to seek new bounds unto their lands, for here it layeth new ground, and there translateth and taketh away the old, so that there is nothing more unconstant than the course of the said water. Of the monastery Bangor also, by which it passeth after it hath left Orton bridge, I find this note, which I will not omit, because of the slaughter of monks made sometime near unto the same. For although the place require it not, yet I am not willing altogether to omit it.  
This abbeie of Bangor stood sometime in English Mailor, 
The situation of the monastery of Bangor.  by hither and south of the river Dée. It is now ploughed ground where that house stood, by the space of a Welsh mile (which reacheth unto a mile and an half English) and to this day the tilers of the soil there do blow up bones (as they say) of those monks that were slain in the quarrel of Augustine, and within the memory of man some of them were taken up in their rotten weeds, which were much like unto those of our late black monks, as Leland set it down: yet Erasmus is of the opinion, that the apparel of the Benedictine monks was such as most men did wear generally at their first institution. But to proceed. This abbeie stood in a valley, and in those times the river ran hard by it. The compass thereof likewise was as the circuit of a walled town, and to this day two of the gates may easily be discerned, of which the one is named Port Hogan lying by north, the other Port Clais situate upon the south. But the Dée having now changed his channel, runneth through the very midst of the house betwixt those two gates, the one being at the left a full half mile from the other. As for the squared stone that is found hereabout, and the Roman coin, there is no such necessity of the rehearsal thereof, but that I may pass it over well enough without any further mention.  
Being past the Dée we sailed about Wirall, passing by Hibrie or Hilbrée Island, and Leverpole, Nasse, making our entry into Merseie arm by Leverpole haven, where we find a water falling out between Seacombe and the Ferie, which doth in manner cut off the point from the main of Wirall. For rising near to the northwest shore, it holdeth a course directly toward the southeast by Wallaseie and Poton, and so leaveth all the north part beyond that water a peninsula, the same being three square, environed on two sides with the Ocean, & on the third with the aforesaid brook, whose course is well near three miles except I be deceived. From hence entering further into the haven, we find another fall between Bebington and Brombro chapel, descending from the hills, which are seen to lie not far from the shore, and thence crossing the fall of the Beston water, we come next of all unto the Wiver, 
Wiver.  than the which I read of no river in England that fetcheth more or half so many windlesses and crinklings, before it come at the sea. It riseth at Buckle hills, which lie between Ridleie and Buckle towns, and soon after making a lake of a mile & more in length called Ridleie pool, it runneth by Ridleie to Chalmondlie.  
Thence it goeth to Wrenburie, where it taketh in a water out of a more that cometh from Marburie: and beneath Sandford bridge the Combrus from Combermer or cumber lake: 
Combrus.  and finally the third that cometh from about Moneton, and runneth by Langerslaw, then between Shenton and Atherlie parks, and so into the Wiver, which watereth all the west part of England, and is no less notable than the first avon or third Duze, whereof I have spoken already. After these confluences it hasteth also to Audlem, Hawklow, and at Barderton crosseth the Betleie water, 
Betleie.  that runneth by Duddington, Widdenberie, and so by Barderton into the aforesaid stream. Thence it goeth to Nantwich, but yer it come at Marchford bridge, it meeteth with a rill called Salopbrooke (as I guess) coming from Caluerleie ward, 
Salop.  and likewise beneath the said bridge, 
Lée and Wuluarne.  with the Lée and the Wuluarne both in one channel, whereof the first riseth at Weston, the other goeth by Copnall. From thence the Wiver runneth on to Minchion and Cardeswijc, and the next water that falleth into it is the Ash 
ash.  (which passeth by Darnall Grange) and afterward going to Work, the vale Royal, and Eton, it cometh finally to Northwich where it receiveth the Dane, to be described as followeth. 
Dane.  The Dane riseth in the very edges of Chester, Darbishire, & Staffordshire, and coming by Warneford, Swithamleie and Bosleie, is a limit between Stafford and Derby shires, almost even from the very head, which is in Maxwell forest.  
It is not long also yer it do meet with the Bidle water, 
Bidle.  that cometh by Congerton, and after the confluence goeth unto Swetham, the hermitage, Cotton and Croxton, there taking in two great waters, 
Whelocke.  whereof the one is called Whelocke, which coming from the edge of the county by Morton to Sandbach, crosseth another that descendeth from church Cawhlton, and after the confluence goeth to Warmingham, joining also beneath Midlewish with the Croco or Croxston, the second great water, whose head cometh out of a lake above Bruerton (as I hear) and thence both the Whelocke and the Croco go as one unto the Dane, 
Croco.  at Croxton, as the Dane doth from thence to Bostocke, Davenham, Shebruch, Shurlach, and at Northwich into the foresaid Wiver. After this confluence the Wiver runneth on to Barneton, and there in like sort receiveth two brooks in one channel, whereof one cometh from above Allostocke, by Holme & Lastocke, the other from beyond Birtles mill, 
Pivereie.  by Chelford (where it taketh in a rill called Pivereie) thence to over Pever, 
waterless.  Holford, and there crossing the waterless brook (growing of two becks and joining at neither Tableie) it goeth forth to Winshambridge, and then meeting with the other, after this confluence they proceed till they come almost at Barneton, where the said channel joineth with a pretty water running through two lakes, whereof the greatest lieth between Comberbach, Rudworth and Marburie. But to go forward with the course of the main river. After these confluences our Wiver goeth to Warham, Actonbridge, and Dutton, over against which town, on the other side it meeteth with a rill, coming from Cuddington: also the second going by Norleie, and Gritton, finally the third soon after from Kimfleie, and then proceedeth on in his passage by Asheton chapel, Frodesham, Rockesavage, and so into the sea: and this is all that I do find of the Wiver, whose influences might have been more largely set down, if mine injunctions had been amply delivered, yet this I hope may suffice for his description, and knowledge of his course.  
The Merseie riseth among the Peke hills, 
Merseie.  and from thence going down to the Woodhouse, and taking sundry rilles withal by the way, it becometh the confines between Chester and Darbishires. Going also toward Goitehall, 
Goite.  it meeteth with a fair brook increased by sundry waters called Goite, whereof I find this short and brief description. The Goite riseth not far from the Shire mere hill (wherein the Dove and the Dane have their original) that parteth Darbishire and Chestershire in sunder, and thence cometh down to Goite houses, Ouerton, Taxhall, Shawcrosse, and at Weibridge taketh in the Frith, 
Frith.  and beneath Berdhall, the Set 
Set.  that riseth above Thersethall and runneth by Ouerset. After this confluence also the Merseie goeth to Goite hall, & at Stockford or Stopford town meeteth with the Tame, 
Tame.  which divideth Chestershire and Lancastershire in sunder, and whose head is in the very edge of Yorkshire, from whence it goeth southward to Sadleworth Firth, then to Mukelhirst, Stalie hall, Ashdon Underline, Dunkenfield, Denton, Reddish, and so at Stockford into the Merseie stream, which passeth forth in like sort to Diddesbirie, receiving a brook by the way that cometh from Lime park, by Brumhall park and Chedle.  
From Diddesbirie it proceedeth to Norden, 
Irwell.  Ashton, Aiston, Flixston, where it receiveth the Irwell a notable water, and therefore his description is not to be omitted before I do go forward any further with the Merseie, although it be not navigable by reason of sundry rocks and shalowes that lie dispersed in the same. It riseth above Bacop, and goeth thence to Rosendale, and in the way to Aitenfield it taketh in a water from Haselden. After this confluence it goeth to Newhall, Brandlesham, Brurie, and above Ratcliff joineth with the Rache water, 
Raeus, or Rache.  a fair stream and to be described when I have finished the Irwell, as also the next unto it beneath Ratcliff, because I would not have so many ends at once in hand wherewith to trouble my readers. Being therefore past these two, our Irwell goeth on to Clifton, 
Leland speaketh of the Corue water about Manchester; but I know nothing of his course.  Hollond, Edgecroft, Strengwaies, and to Manchester, where it uniteth itself with the Irk, 
Irk.  that runneth thereinto by Roiton Midleton, Heaton hill, and Blackeleie. Beneath Manchester also it meeteth with the Medlocke, 
Medlocke.  that cometh thither from the north-east side of Oldham, and between Claiton and Garret halls, and so between two parks, falling into it about Holne. Thence our Irwell going forward to Woodsall, Whicleswt●c, Ecles Barton, and Develhom, it falleth near unto Flixton, into the water of Merseie, where I will stay a while withal, till I have brought the other unto some pass, of which I spoke before.  
The Rache, 
Rache.  Rach or Rish consisteth of sundry waters, whereof each one in manner hath a proper name, but the greatest of all is Rache itself, which riseth among the black stony hills, from whence it goeth to Littlebrough, and being past Clegge, receiveth the Beile, 
Beile.  that cometh thither by Milneraw chapel. After this confluence also, it meeteth with a rill near unto Rachedale, and soon after with the Sprotton 
Sprotton.  water, and then the Sudleie 
Sudleie.  brook, whereby his channel is not a little increased, which goeth from thence to Grisehirst and so into the Irewell, before it come at Ratcliff. 
Bradsha.  The second stream is called Bradsha. It riseth of two heads, above Tureton church, whence it runneth to Bradsha, and yer long taking in the Walmesleie beck, 
Walmesleie.  they go in one channel till they come beneath Bolton in the More. From hence (receiving a water that cometh from the roots of Ravenpike hill by the way) it goeth by Deane and Bolton in the More, and so into Bradsha water, which taketh his way to Levermore, Farnworth, Leverlesse, and finally into the Irwell, which I before described, and whereof I find these two verses to be added at the last: 
Irk, Irwell, Medlocke, and Tame,  
When they meet with the Merseie, do lose their name.   
Now therefore to resume our Merseie, you shall understand that after his confluence with the Irwell, he runneth to Partington, and not far from thence interteineth the Gles, 
Gles.  or Glesbrooke water, increased with sundry arms, whereof one cometh from Lodward, another from above Houghton, the third from Hulton park, and the fourth from Shakerleie: and being all united near unto Leigh, the confluence goeth to Holcroft, and above Holling green into the swift Merseie. After this increase the said stream in like sort runneth to Rigston, & there admitteth the bolein or Bolling brook water into 
Bolleiu brook.  his society, which rising near the Chamber in Maxwell forest goeth to Ridge, Sutton, Bollington, Prestbirie, and Newton, where it taketh in a water coming from about Pot Chapel, which runneth from thence by Adlington, Woodford, Wimesleie, Ringeie, 
Birkin.  and Ashleie, there receiving the Birkin brook that cometh from between Allerton and Marchall, by Mawberleie, and soon after the Marus or Mar, 
Mar.  that cometh thereinto from Mar town, by Rawstorne, and after these confluences goeth on to Downham, and over against Rixton beneath Crosford bridge into the Merseie water, which proceeding on, admitteth not another that meeteth with all near Limb before it go to Thelwall. Thence also it goeth by Bruche and so to Warrington, a little beneath crossing a brook that cometh from Par by Browseie, Bradleie, and Saukeie on the one side, and another on the other that cometh thither from Gropenhall, and with these it runneth on to neither Walton, Acton grange, and so to Penkith, where it interteineth the Bold, 
Bold.  and soon after the Grundich 
Grundich.  water on the other side, that passeth by Preston, and Daresbirie. Finally our Merseie going by Moulton, it falleth into Lirepoole, or as it was called of old Liverpool haven, when it is past Runcorne. And thus much of the Merseie, comparable unto the Wiver, and of no less fame than most rivers of this Island.  
Being past these two, we come next of all to the Tarbocke water, 
Tarbocke.  that falleth into the sea at Harbocke, without finding any more till we be passed all Wirall, out of Lirepoole haven, and from the black rocks that lie upon the north point of the aforesaid Island. Then come we to the Altmouth, 
Alt or Ast.  whose fresh rising not far into the land, cometh to Feston, and soon after receiving another on the right hand, that passeth into it by Aughton, it is increased no more before it come at the sea. Neither find I any other falls till I meet with the mouth of the Yarrow and Duglesse, which have their recourse to the sea in one channel as I take it. 
Duglesse or Duiesse.  The Duglesse cometh from by west of Ravenspike hill, and yer long runneth by Andertonford to Worthington, and so (taking in two or three rilles by the way) to Wigen, where it receiveth two waters in one channel, of which one cometh in south from Brin park, the other from north-east. Being past this, it receiveth one on the north side from Standish, and another by south from Hollond, and then goeth on toward Rufford chapel taking the Taud withal, that descendeth from above Skelmersdale town, 
Tanned or Skelinere.  and goeth through Lathan park, belonging (as I hear) unto the earl of Derbie. 
Merton.  It meeteth also on the same side, with Merton mere water, in which mere is one Island called Netholme beside other, and when it is passed the hanging bridge, it is not long yer it fall into the Yarrow.  
The Yarrow 
Yarrow.  riseth of two heads, whereof the second is called Bagen 
Bagen.  brook, and making a confluence beneath Helbie wood, it goeth on to Burgh, Eglestan, Crofton, and then joineth next of all with the Dugglesse, after which confluence, the main stream goeth forth to Bankehall, Charleton, How, Hesket, and so into the sea. Leland writing of the Yarrow, saith thus of the same, so far as I now remember. Into the Dugglesse also runneth the Yarrow, which cometh within a mile or thereabout of Chorleton town, that parteth Lelandshire from Derbieshire. Under the foot of Chorle also I find a rill named Ceorle, and about a mile and a half from thence a notable quarreie of stones, whereof the inhabitants do make a great boast and price. And hitherto Leland.  
The Ribble, 
Ribble.  a river very rich of salmon and jampreie, doth in manner environ Preston in Andernesse, and it riseth near to Kibbesdale above Gisborne, from whence it goeth to Sawleie or Salleie, Chathburne, Woodington, Clithero castle, 
Odder.  and beneath Mitton meeteth the Odder at northwest, which riseth not far from the cross of Gréet in Yorkshire, and going thence to Shilburne, Newton, Radholme park, and Stony hirst, it falleth yer long into the Ribble water. From hence the Ribble water hath not gone far, 
Calder.  but it meeteth with the Calder from southeast. This brook riseth above Holme church in Yorkshire, which lieth by east of Lancastershire, and goeth by Towleie and Burneleie, where it receiveth a trifling rill, thence to Higham, and yer long crossing one water that cometh from Wicoler by Colne, and another by and by named Pidle brook, 
Pidle.  that runneth by New church in the Pidle, it meeteth with the Calder, which passeth forth to Paniam; and thence receiving a beck on the other side, it runneth on to Altham, and so to Martholme, 
Henburne.  where the Henburne brook doth join withal, that goeth by Akington chapel, Dunkinhalgh, Rishton, and so into the Calder, as I have said before. The Calder therefore being thus enlarged, runneth forth to Read, where master Nowell dwelleth, to Whallie, and soon after into Ribble, that goeth from this confluence to Salisbury hall, Ribchester, Osbastin, Samburie, Keverden, Law, Ribbles bridge, & then taketh in the Darwent, 
Darwent.  before it goeth by Pontwarth or Pentwarth into the main sea. The Darwent divideth Lelandshire from Andernesse, and it riseth by east above Darwent chapel; and soon after uniting itself with the Blackeburne, and Rodlesworth water, 
Blackeburne Rodlesworth.  it goeth through Houghton park, by Houghton town, to Walton hall, and so into the Ribble. As for the Sannocke brook, 
Sannocke.  it riseth somewhat above Longridge chapel, goeth to Broughton town, Cotham, Lée hall, and so into Ribble. And here is all that I have to say of this river.  
The Wire riseth eight or ten miles from Garstan, 
Wire.  out of an hill in Wiresdale forest, from whence it runneth by Shireshed chapel, and then going by Wadland, or Waddiler, Grenelaw castle (which belongeth to the earl of Derby) Garstan, and Kirkland hall, it first receiveth the second Calder, that cometh down by Edmerseie chapel, than another channel increased with sundry waters, 
Calder. 2.  which I will here describe before I proceed any further with the Wire. I suppose that the first water is called Plimpton brook, it riseth south of Gos●●er, and cometh by Cawford hall, 
Plimpton.  and yer long receiving the Barton 
Barton.  beck, it proceedeth forward till it joineth with the Brook rill that cometh from Bowland forest, 
Brooke.  by Clanghton hall, where master Brooke-hales doth lie, & so through Mersco forest. After this confluence the Plime or Plimpton water meeteth with the Calder, and then with the Wire, which passeth forth to Michael church, and the Raw cliffs, and above Thorneton crosseth the Skipton that goeth by Potton, then into the Wire road, 
Skipton.  and finally through the sands into the sea, according to his nature. When we were past the fall of the Wire, we coasted up by the salt coats, to Coker mouth, 
Coker.  whose head, though it be in Weresdale forest, not far from that of the Wire, yet the shortness of course deserveth no description. The next is Cowdar, 
Cowdar.  which is coming out of Wire dale, as I take it, is not increased with any other waters more than Coker, and therefore I will rid my hands thereof so much we sooner.  
Being past these two, 
Lune.  I came to a notable river called the Lune or Loin, or (as the book of statutes hath) Lonwire Anno 13 Ric. 2. cap. 19, and giveth name to Lancaster, Lonecaster, or Lunecaster, where much Roman money is found, and that of diverse stamps, whose course doth rest to be described as followeth; and whereof I have two descriptions. The first being set down by Leland, as master Moor of Catharine hall in Cambridge delivered it unto him. The next I exhibit as it was given unto me, by one that hath taken pains (as he saith) to search out and view the same, but very lately to speak of. The Lune (saith master Moor) of some commonly called the Loin, riseth at Crosseho, in Dent dale, in the edge of Richmondshire out of three heads. North also from Dent dale is Garsdale, an uplandish town, wherein are seen many times great store of red dear that come down to feed from the mounteins into the valleys, and thereby runneth a water, which afterward cometh to Sebbar vale, where likewise is a brook meeting with Garsdale water, so that a little lower they go as one into Dent dale beck, which is the river that afterward is called Lune, or Lane, as I have very often noted it. Beside these waters also before mentioned, it receiveth at the foot of Sebbar vale, a great brook, which cometh out of the Worth, between Westmoreland and Richmondshire, which taking with him the aforesaid channels, doth run seven mile's yer it come to Dent dale foot. From hence it entereth into Lansdale, corruptly so called, peradventure for Lunesdale, & runneth therein eight or nine miles southward, and in this dale is Kirbie. Hitherto master Moor, as Leland hath exemplified that parcel of his letters. But mine other note writeth hereof in this manner. 
Burdecke.  Burbecke water riseth at Wustall head, by west, and going by Wustall foot to Skaleg, 
Breder.  it admitteth the Breder that descendeth thither from Breder dale. From hence our Burbecke goeth to Breder dale foot, & so to Tibarie, where it meeteth with four rilles in one bottom, of which one cometh from besides Oxton, another from between Rasebecke and Sunbiggin, the third and fourth from each side of Langdale: and after the general confluence made, goeth toward Roundswath, 
Barrow.  above which it uniteth itself with the Barrow. Thence it runneth to howgil, Delaker, Firrebanke, and Killington, beneath which it meeteth with a water coming from the Moruill hills, and afterward crossing the Dent brook, 
Dent.  that runneth thither from Dent town, beneath Sebbar, they continue their course as one into the Burbecke, from whence it is called Lune. From hence it goeth to Bourbon chapel, where it taketh in another rill coming from by east, then to Kirbie, Lansdale, and above Whittenton crosseth a brook coming from the county stone by Burros, and soon after beneath Tunstall and Greteie, 
Greteie.  which descending from about Ingelborow hill, passeth by Twiselton, Ingleton, Thorneton, Burton, Wratton, and near Thurland castle, toucheth finally with the Lune, which brancheth, and soon after uniteth itself again. After this also it goeth on toward New park, 
Wennie.  and receiveth the Wennie, and the Hinburne 
Hinburne.  both in one channel, of which this riseth north of the cross of Greteie, and going by Benthams and Robert's hill, above 
Rheburne.  Wraie taketh in the Rheburne that riseth north of Wulfecrag. After this confluence also above New park, it maketh his gate by Aughton, Laughton, Skirton, Lancaster, Excliffe, Awcliffe, Soddaie, Orton, and so into the sea. Thus have you both the descriptions of Lune, make your conference or election at your pleasure, for I am sworn to neither of them both.  
The next fall is called Docker, 
Docker.  and peradventure the same that Leland doth call the Kerie, 
Kerie.  which is not far from Wharton, where the rich Kitson was borne, it riseth north of Docker town, and going by Barwtjc hall, it is not increased before it come at the sea, where it falleth into the Lune water at Lunesands. Next of all we come to Bitham beck, which riseth not far from Bitham town and park, in the hills, where about are great numbers of goats kept and maintained, and by all likelihood resorteth in the end to Linsands.  
Being past this, we find a forked arm of the sea called Kensands: into the first of which diverse waters do run in one channel, as it were from four principal heads, one of them coming from Grarrig hall, another from by west of Whinfield, & joining with the first on the east side of Skelmere park. The third called Sprot or Sprota riseth at Sloddale, 
Sprota.  & cometh down by west of Skelmer park, so that these two brooks have the aforesaid park between them, & fall into the fourth east of Barneside, not very far in sunder. The fourth or last called Ken, cometh from Kentmers' side, 
Ken.  out of Ken moor, in a pool of a mile compass, very well stored with fish, the head whereof, as of all the barony of Kendal is in Westmoreland, & going to Stavelope, it taketh in a rill from Chappleton Inges. Then leaving Colnehead park by east, it passeth by Barneside, to Kendal, Helston, Sigath, Siggeswijc, Levenbridge, Milnethorpe, and so into the sea. Certes this Ken is a pretty deep river, and yet not safely to be adventured upon, with boats and balingers, by reason of rolling stones, & other huge substances that off annoy & trouble the midst of the channel there. 
Winstar.  The other piece of the forked arm, is called Winstar, the head whereof is above Winstar chapel, & going down almost by Carpmaunsell, & Netherslake, it is not long yer it fall into the sea, or sands, for all this coast, & a gulf from the Ramside point to the Mealenasse, is so pestered with sands, that it is almost incredible to see how they increase. Those also which environ the Kenmouth, are named Kensands: but such as receive the descent from the Fosse, Winander, and Spark, are called Levesands, as I find by sufficient testimony. The mouth or fall of the Dodon also is not far from this impechment: wherefore it is to be thought, that these issues will yer long become very noisome, if not choked up altogether. The Winander water riseth about Cimbarlrasestones, 
Winander.  from whence it goeth to Cangridge, where it maketh a mere: then to Ambleside, and taking in yer it come there, two rilles on the left hand, and one on the right that cometh by Clapergate, it maketh (as I take it) the greatest mere, or fresh water in England; for I read it is ten miles in length. Finally, coming to one small channel above Newbridge, it reacheth not above six mile's yer fall into the sea. There is in like sort a water, called the Fosse that riseth near unto Arneside, 
Fosse.  and Tillerthwates, and goeth forth by Grisdale, Satrethwate, Rusland, Powbridge, Bowth, and so falleth with the Winander water into the main sea. On the west side of the Fosse also cometh another through furnace fells, and from the hills by north thereof, which yer long making the Thurstan lake not far from Hollinhow, and going by Bridge end, in a narrow channel, passeth forth by Nibthwaits, Blareth, Cowlton, & Spark bridge, and so into the sea. 
Spark.  Having passed the leaven or Conisands, or Conistonesands, or Winander fall (for all is one) I come to the Lew, 
Lew.  which riseth at Cewike chapel, and falleth into the sea beside Plumpton. The Rawther 
Rawther.  descending out of low furnace, hath two heads, whereof one cometh from Penniton, the other by Ulmerstone abbey, and joining both in one channel, they hasten into the sea, whither all waters direct their voyage,. Then come we to another rill south-west of Aldingham, descending by Glaiston castle; and likewise the fourth that riseth near Lindell, and running by Dawlton castle and furnace abbey, not far from the Barrow head, it falleth into the sea over against Waveie and Waveie chapel, except mine advertisements mislead me.  
The Dodon, 
Dodon.  which from the head is bound unto Cumberland and Westmoreland, cometh from the Shire stone hill bottom, and going by Blackehill, Southwake, S. john's, Uffaie park, & Broughton, it falleth into the faltwater, between Kirbie, and Mallum castle. And thus are we now come unto the Ravenglasse point, and well entered into Cumberland county.  
Coming to Ravenglasse, I find hard by the town a water coming from two heads, and both of them in lakes or pools, whereof one issueth out of Denocke or Devenocke mere, 
Denocke.  and is called Denocke water, the other named Eske from Eske pool which runneth by Eskedale, Dalegarth, and soon after meeting with the Denocke, 
Eske.  between Mawburthwate and Ravenglasse, falleth into the sea. On the other side of Ravenglasse also cometh the Mite brook, 
Mite.  from Miterdale as I read. Then find we another which cometh from the hills, and at the first is forked, but soon after making a lake, they gather again into a smaller channel: finally meeting with the bring, 
Brenge.  they fall into the sea at Carleton southeast, as I ween of Drig. The Cander, 
Cander.  or (as Leland nameth it) the Calder, cometh out of Copeland forest, by Cander, Sellefield, and so into the sea. Then come we to Ever water, descending out of a pool above Coswaldhow, and thence going by Euerdale, it crosseth a water from Arladon, and after proceedeth to Egremond, S. john's, and taking in another rill from Hide, it is not long yer it meeteth with the sea.  
The next fall is at Moresbie, whereof I have no skill. From thence therefore we cast about by saint Bees to Derwentset haven, whose water is truly written Dargwent or Deruent. 
Dargwent.  It riseth in the hills about Borrodale, from whence it goeth unto the Grange, thence into a lake, in which are certain islands, and so unto Keswtjc, where it falleth into the Bure, whereof the said lake is called Bursemere, 
Burthméere.  or the Burthmere pool. In like sort the Bure or Burthmere water, rising among the hills goeth to Tegburthesworth, Forneside, S. john's, and Threlcoe: and there meeting with a water from Grisdale, by Wakethwate, called Grise, it runneth to Burnesse, 
Grise.  Keswtjc, and there receiveth the Darwent. From Keswtjc in like sort it goeth to Thorneswate (and there making a plash) to Armanswate, isel, Huthwate and Cokermouth, 
Cokar.  and here it receiveth the Cokar, which rising among the hills cometh by Lowsewater, Brakenthwate, Lorton, and so to Cokarmouth town, from whence it hasteth to Bridgeham, and receiving a rill called the Wire, on the south side that runneth by Dein, it leaveth Samburne and Wirketon behind it, and entereth into the sea.  
Leland saith that the Wire is a creek where ships lie oft at road, 
Wire.  and that Wirketon or Wirkington town doth take his name thereof. He addeth also that there i●iron and coals, beside lead over in Wiredale. Nevertheless the water of this river is for the most part fore troubled, as coming through a suddie or soddie more, so that little good fish is said to live therein. 
Elmus.  But to proceed. The Elm rises in the mines above Amautrée, and from Amautre goeth to Yeresbie, Harbie, Brow, and there taking in a rill on the left hand coming by Torpennie, it goeth to Hatton castle, Alwarbie, Birthie, Dereham, and so into the sea. Thence we go about by the chapel at the point, and come to a bay served with two fresh waters, whereof one rising westward goeth by Warton, Rabbie, Cotes, and so into the main, taking in a rill withal from by south, called Croco, that cometh from Crockdale, by Bromefield. 
Croco.  The second is named Wampoole brook, 
Uanius.  & this riseth of two heads, whereof one is about Cardew. Thence in like sort it goeth to Thuresbie, Croston, Owton, Gamlesbie, Wampall, the Larth, and between Whiteridge and Kirbie into the salt-water. From hence we double the Bowlnesse, and come to an estuarie, whither three notable rivers do resort, and this is named the Solueie mouth. But of all, the first exceedeth, which is called Eden, and whose description doth follow here at hand.  
The Eden well fraught with famon, 
Eden.  descendeth (as I hear) from the hills in Athelstane moor at the foot of Husstat Moruell hill, where Small also riseth, and southeast of Mallerstang forest. From thence in like manner it goeth to Mallerstang town, Pendragon castle, Wharton hall, Netbie, Hartleie castle, Kirkebie Stephan, and yer it come at great Musgrane, it receiveth three waters, whereof one is called Helbecke, 
Helbecke.  because it cometh from the Derne and Elinge mounteins by a town of the same denomination. The other is named Bellow, 
Bellow.  and descendeth from the east mounteins by Sowarsbie, & these two on the north-east: the third falleth from Ravenstandale, by Newbiggin, Smardale, Soulbie, Blaterne, and so into Eden, that goeth from thence by Warcop; 
Orne.  and taking in the Orne about Burelles on the one side, and the Morton beck on the other, it hasteth to Applebie, 
Moreton.  thence to Cowlbie, where it crosseth the Dribecke, 
Dribecke.  thence to Bolton, and Kirbie, and there meeting with the Trout beck, 
Trout beck.  and beneath the same with the Livenet 
Linenet.  (whereinto falleth an other water from Thurenlie meeting withal beneath Clebron) it runneth finally into Eden. After the confluences also the Eden passeth to Temple, and soon after meeting with the Milburne and Blincorne 
Milburne. Blincorne.  waters, in one channel, it runneth to Winderwarth and Hornebie, where we will stay till I have described the water that meeteth withal near the aforesaid place called the Ulse. 
Ulse.   
This water cometh out of a lake, which is fed with six rils, 
Mark.  whereof one is called the Mark, and near the fall thereof into the plash is a town of the same name; 
Harteshop.  the second height Harteshop, & runneth from Harteshop hall by Depedale; the third is Paterdale 
Paterdale.  rill; the fourth Glent Roden, 
Roden.  the fift Glenkguin, 
Glenkguin.  but the sixth runneth into the said lake, south of Towthwate. Afterward when this lake cometh toward Pole town, it runneth into a small channel, & going by Barton, Dalumaine, it taketh in a rill by the way from Daker castle. Thence it goeth to Stockebridge, Yoneworth, and soon after meeteth with a pretty brook called Loder, 
Loder.  coming from Thornethwate by Bauton, and here a rill; then by Helton, and there another; thence to Askham, Clifton, and so joining with the other called Ulse, they go to Brougham castle, Nine churches, Hornebie, and so into Eden, taking in a rill (as it goeth) that cometh down from Pencath. Being past Hornebie, our Eden runneth to Langunbie, and soon after receiving a rill that cometh from two heads, and joining beneath Wingsell, it hasteth to Lasenbie, then to Kirke Oswald (on each side whereof cometh in a rill from by east) thence to Nonneie, and there a rill, Anstable, Cotchill, Corbie castle, Wetherall, Newbie: where I will stay, till I have described the Irding, and such waters as fall into the same before I go to Carleill.  
The Irding ariseth in a moor in the borders of Tindale, 
Irding.  near unto Horse head crag, where it is called turn beck; 
turn.  until it come to Spicrag hill, that divideth Northumberland and Gillesland in sunder, from whence it is named Irding. Being therefore come to Ouerhall, it receiveth the Pultrose beck, 
Pultrose.  by east, and thence goeth on to Ouerdenton, Netherdenton, Levercost, and Castelstead, where it taketh in the Cambocke, 
Cambocke.  that runneth by Kirke Cambocke, Askerton castle, Walton, and so into Irding, which goeth from thence to Irdington, Newbie, & so into Eden. But a little before it come there, 
Gillie.  it crosseth with the Gillie that cometh by Tankin, and soon after falleth into it. After these confluences, our Eden goeth to Linstocke castle, (and here it interteineth a brook, coming from Cotehill ward by Aglionbie) and then unto Carleill, which is now almost environed with four waters.  
For beside the Eden it receiveth the Peder, 
Pedar alias Logus.  which Leland calleth Logus from southeast. This Peder riseth in the hills south-west of Penruddocke, from whence it goeth to Penruddocke, then to Grastocke castle, Cateleie, and Kenderside hall, and then taking in a water from Unthanke, it goeth to Cathwade, Pettrelwaie, Newbiggin, Carleton, and so into Eden, north-east of Carleill. But on the north side the Bruferth brook doth swiftly make his entrance, running by Leverdale, 
Bruferth.  Scalbie castle, and Housedon; as I am informed. The third is named Candan (if not Deva after Leland) which rising about the Skidlow hills, runneth to Mosedale, Caldbecke, Warnell, Saberham, Rose castle, Dawston, Brounston, Harrington, and west of Carleill falleth into Eden, which going from thence by Grimsdale, Kirke Andros, Beaumond, falleth into the sea beneath the Rowcliffe castle. And thus much of the Eden, which Leland nevertheless describeth after another sort, whose words I will not let to set down here in this place, as I find them in his commentaries.  
The Eden, after it hath run a pretty space from his head, 
Wise after Leland.  meeteth in time with the Ulse water, which is a great brook in Westmoreland, and rising above Maredale, a mile west of Loder, it cometh by the late dissolved house of shape priory, 
Loder.  théee miles from shape, and by Brampton village into Loder or Lodon. Certes this stream within half a mile of the head, becometh a great lake for two mile's course, and afterward waxing narrow again, it runneth forth in a mean and indifferent bottom. The said Eden in like sort receiveth the Aimote about three miles beneath Brougham castle, 
Aimote.  and into the same Aimote falleth the Dacor beck (already touched) which riseth by northwest in Materdale hills, four miles above Dacor castle, 
Dacor.  and then going through Dacor park, it runneth by east a good mile lower into Eimote, a little beneath Delamaine, which standeth on the left side of Dacor. In one of his books also he saith, how Carleill standeth between two streams, 
Deva.  that is to say the Deva, which cometh thither from by south-west, and also the Logus that descendeth from the southeast. He addeth moreover how the Deva in times past was named Uala or Bala, 
Uala.  and that of the names of these two, Lugibala for caerleil hath been derived, etc. and thus much out of Leland. But where he had the cause of this his conjecture as yet I have not read. Of this am I certain, that I use the names of most rivers heat and elsewhere described, accordingly as they are called in my time, although I omit not to speak here and there of such as are more ancient, where just occasion moveth me to remember them, for the better understanding of our histories, as they do come to hand.  
Black leaven 
leaven.  and white leaven waters, fall into the sea in one channel, and with them the Lamford 
Lamford.  and the Eske, 
Eske.  the last confluence being not a full mile from the main sea. The white and black leaven joining therefore above Bucknesse, the confluence goeth to Bracken hill, Kirkleventon, and at Tomunt 
Tomunt.  water meeteth with the Eske. In like sort the Kirsop 
Kirsop.  joining with the Lid 
Lid.  out of Scotland at Kirsop foot, running by Stangerdike side, Harlow, Hathwater, and taking in the Eske above the Mote, it looseth the former name, and is called Eske, until it come to the sea.  
Having thus gone through the rivers of England, now it resteth that we proceed with those which are to be found upon the Scotish shore, in such order as we best may, until we have fetched a compass about the same, and come unto Barwike, whence afterward it shall be easy for us to make repair unto the Thames, from which we did set forward in the beginning of our voyage. The first river that I met withal on the Scotish coast, 
Eske.  is the Eske, after I came past the Solueie, which hath his head in the Cheviot hills, runneth by Kirkinton, and falleth into the sea at Borow on the sands. This Eske having received the Ewis falleth into the Solueie first at Atterith. After this I passed over a little creek from Kirthell, and so to Anand, whereof the valley Anandale doth seem to take the name. There is also the Nide, whereof cometh Nidsdale, the Ken, the Dée, the Crale, and the Bladnecke, and all these (besides diverse other small rilles of less name) do lie upon the south of Gallowaie.  
On the north side also we have the Ruan, the Arde, the Cassile Dune, the Burwin, the Cluide (whereupon sometime stood the famous city of Alcluide, and whereinto runneth the Carath) the hamel, the Dourglesse, and the Lame. From hence in like manner we came unto the Levind mouth, whereunto the Blake on the south-west and the Lomund lake, with his fleeting Isles and fish without fins (yet very holesone) doth seem to make his issue. This lake of Lomund in calm weather ariseth sometimes so high, and swelleth with such terrible billows, that it causeth the best mariners of Scotland to abide the leisure of this water, before they dare adventure to hoist up sails on high. The like is seen in windy weather, but much more perilous. There are certain Isles also in the same, which move and remove, oftentimes by force of the water, but one of them especially, which otherwise is very fruitful for pasturage of cattle.  
Next unto this is the Leave, 
Leve.  the Rage, the Long, 
Long.  the Goile, & the Heke, 
Goile, Heke.  which for the exceeding greatness of their heads, are called lakes. Then have we the Robinseie, 
Robinseie.  the Foreland, the Tarbat, 
Forlan Tarbat.  the Lean, 
Lean.  and the Abir, 
Abir.  whereunto the Spanseie, the Loin, the Louth, the Ark, 
Ark.  and the Zefe 
Zefe.  do fall, there is also the Sell, 
Sell.  the Zord, 
Zord.  the Owin, 
Owin.  the Newisse, 
Newisse.  the Orne 
Orne.  the Lang, 
Lang.  the Drun, 
Drun.  the Hue, 
Hue.  the Brun, 
Brun.  the Kell, 
Kile.  the Dower, 
Dower.  the Faro, 
Faro.  the Nesse, 
Nesse.  the Herre, 
Herre.  the Con, 
Con.  the Glass, 
Glass.  the Maur, 
Maur.  the Urdall, 
Urdall.  the Fers (that cometh out of the Caldell) the Fairsoke, which two latter lie a little by west of the Orchades, and are properly called rivers, because they issue only from springs; but most of the other takes, because they come from linnes and huge pools, or such low bottoms, fed with springs, as seem to have no access, but only recess of waters, whereof there be many in Scotland.  
But to proceed. Having once past Dungisbie head in Cathnesse, we shall yer long come to the mouth of the Wifle, a pretty stream, coming by south of the mounteins called the Maiden's paps. Then to the Browre, the Clin, the Twin (whereinto runneth three rivers, 
Fez.  the Shin, the Sillan, and Carew) the Nesse, 
Calder.  which beside the plenty of salmon found therein is never frozen, 
Wifle.  nor suffereth ice to remain there, that is cast into the pool. 
Browre.  From thence we come unto the Narding, 
Clin.  the Finderne, the Spaie (which receives the vine) the Fitch, 
Twin.  the Bulich, 
Shin.  the Arrian, the Levin, and the Bogh, from whence we sail until we come about the Buquhan head, 
Sillan.  and so to the Down, and Dee: which two streams bring forth the greatest samons that are to be he had in Scotland, 
Carew.  and most plenty of the same. 
Nesse.  Then to the north Eske, whereinto the Esmond runneth above Brechin, 
Narding.  the south Eske, than the loven and the Taw, 
Spaie.  which is the finest river for water that is in all Scotland, 
Down.  and whereunto most rivers and lakes do run. 
Dée.  As Farlake, Yrth, Goure, 
Eske.  Loich, Cannach, Linell, Loion, Irewer, Erne, and diverse other besides small rillets which I did never look upon.  
Then is there the lake Londors, upon whose mouth saint Andrew's doth stand, the lake Lewin, unto whose stream two other lakes have recourse in Fifland, and then the Firth or Fortha, which some do call the Pictish and Scotish sea, whither the kingdom of the Northumber's was sometime extended, and with the river last mentioned (I mean that cometh from Londors) includeth all Fife, the said Fortha being full of oysters and all kinds of huge fish that use to lie in the deep. How many waters run into the Firth, called by Ptolemy Loxa, it is not in my power justly to declare: yet are there both rivers, rills, & lakes that fall into the same, as Clack, 
Clack.  Alon, 
Alon.  Dune, 
Dune.  Kerie, 
Kerie.  Cambell, 
Cambell.  Cumer, 
Cumer.  Tere, 
Tere.  Man, 
man..  Torkeson, 
Torkesan.  Rosham, 
Rosham.  Mushell, 
Mussel.  Blene, 
Blene.  and diverse other which I call by these names, partly after information, and partly of such towns as are near unto their heads. Finally, when we are passed the Hay, then are we come unto the tweed, 
 whereinto we entered, leaving Barwike on the right hand and his appurtenances, wherein Halidon hill standeth, and containeth a triangle of so much ground beyond the said river, as is well near four miles in length, and three miles in breadth in the broad end: except mine information do fail me.  
The tweed (which Ptolemy nameth Tovalsis or Toesis, & between which and the Tine the county of Northumberland is in manner enclosed, and watered with sundry noble rivers) is a noble stream and the limbs or bound between England & Scotland, whereby those two kingdoms are now divided in sunder. It riseth about Drimlar in Eusbale (or rather out of a fair well (as Leland saith) standing in the moss of an hill called Airstane, or Harestan in tweed dale ten miles from Pibble) and so coming by Pibble, Lander, Dribiwgh, Lelse, Work, Norham and Hagarstone, it falleth into the sea beneath Barwike, as I hear. Thus saith Leland. But I not contented with this so short a discourse of so long a river & brief description of so fair a stream, will add somewhat more of the same concerning his race on the English side, and rehearsal of such rivers as fall into it. Coming therefore to Ridam, it receiveth between that and Carham a beck, which descendeth from the hills that lie by west of Windram. Going also from Ridam by Longbridgham (on the Scotish side) and to Carham, it hasteth immediately to Work castle on the English, and by Spilaw on the other side, then to Cornwall, Caldoro stream, and Tilmouth, where it receiveth sundry waters in one bottom which is called the Till, and whose description ensueth here at hand.  
Certes there is no head of any river that is named Till, 
Till.  but the issue of the furthest water that cometh hereinto, riseth not far from the head of Uswaie in the Cheviot hills, where it is called Brennich, whereof the kingdom of Brennicia did sometime take the name. From thence it goeth to Hartside, Ingram, Branton, Crawleie, Hedgeleie, Beveleie, and Bewije, beneath which it receiveth one water coming from Rodham by west, and soon after a second descending from the middleton's, and so they go as one with the Bromish, 
Bromis.  by Chatton to Fowbreie (where they cross the third water falling down by north from Howborne by Hescibridge) thence to Woller, there also taking in a rill that riseth about Middleton hall, and runneth by Hardleie, Whereleie, and the rest afore remembered, whereby the water of Bromis is not a little increased, and after this latter confluence beneath Woller, no more called Bromis but the Till, until it come at the tweed. The Till passing therefore by Wetel and and Dedington, meeteth soon after with a fair stream coming from by south-west, which most men call the Bowbent or Bobent.  
It riseth on the west side of the Cocklaw hill, 
Bobent.  and from thence hasteth to Hattons, beneath the which it joineth from by southeast with the Hellerborne, and then goeth to Pudston, Downeham, Kilham, and a little by north of Newton Kirke, and between it and west Newton, it taketh in another water called Glin, coming from the Cheviot hills by Heth pool, and from thenseforth runneth on without any further increase, by Copland, Euart, and so in the Till. The Till for his part in like sort after this confluence goeth to Broneridge, Fodcastell, cattle castle, Heaton, & north of T●mouth into the tweed, or by west of weasel, except my memori● doth fail me. After this also our aforesaid water of tweed descendeth to Grotehugh, the Newbiggins, Norham castle, Ford, Lungridge, 
Whitaker.  & crossing the Whitaker on the other side from Scotland beneath Cawmill, it runneth to Ordo, to Barwike, and so into the Ocean, leaving (as I said) so much English ground on the northwest ripe, as lieth in manner of a triangle between Cawmils, Barwike, and Lammeton, which (as one noteth) is no more but two miles and an half every way, or not much more; except he be deceived.  
Being past this noble stream, we came by a rill that descendeth from Bowsden by Barington. Then by the second which ariseth between Middleton and Detcham or Dereham, and runneth by Eskill and the Rosse, next of all to Warnemouth of whose back water I read as followeth. The warn or Gwerne riseth south-west of Crokelaw, and going by Warneford, 
warn.  Bradford, Spindlestone, and Bud●●, it leaveth Newton on the right hand, and so falleth into the Ocean after it hath run almost nine miles from the head within the land, and received a rill beneath Yessington, which cometh down between Newland and Olchester, and hath a bridge beneath the confluence, which leadeth over the same. From Warnemouth, we sailed by Bamborow castle, and came at last to a fall between Bedwell and Newton. The main water that serveth this issue, riseth above Carleton from the foot of an hill, which seemeth to part the head of this and that of warn in sunder. It runneth also by Carleton, Tonleie, Oxford, Brunton, and Tuggell, and finally into the sea, as to his course appertaineth.  
From this water we went by Dunstanbugh castle, 
Ail, or Alne, alias Chain.  unto the Chalne or Alnemouth, which is served with a pretty riveret called Alne, the head whereof riseth in the hills west of Alnham town, and called by Ptolemy, Celnius. From thence also it runneth by Rile, Kile, Estington, and Whittingham, where it crosseth a rill coming from by south, and beneath the same, the second that descendeth from Eirchild at Brone, & likewise the third that riseth at Newton, and runneth by Edlingham castle and Lemmaton (all on the southeast side or right hand) and so passeth on further, till it meet with the fourth, coming from above Shipleie from by north, after which confluence it goeth to Alnewije, & then to Denntie, receiving there a rillet from by south and a rill from by north, and thence going on to Bilton, between Ailmouth town and Wooddon, it sweepeth into the Ocean.  
The Cocket 
Cocket.  is a goodly river, the head also thereof is in the roots of Kemblespeth hills, from whence it goeth to Whiteside, and there meeting with the Uswaie 
Uswaie.  (which descendeth from the north) it goeth a little further to Linbridge, and there receiveth the Ridleie by south-west, and after that with another, called (as I think) the Hoc, which cometh from the Woodland and hilly soil by Allington, & falleth into the same, west of Park head. It joineth also yer long with the Ridland, 
Ridlcie.  which cometh in north by Bilstone, and then hieth to Sharpton, to Harbotle, where it crosseth the Yardop water by south, 
Yardop.  then to Woodhouse, and swallowing in a little beck by the way from south-west, to Bickerton, to Tossons, Newton, and running apace toward Whitton tower, it taketh a brook withal that cometh in northwest of Alnham, near Elthaw, and goeth by Skarnewood, over neither Trewhet, Snitter, and Throxton, and soon after uniteth itself with the Cocket, 
It may, be Leland mistaketh Tickington water for one of these.  from whence they go together to Rethburie, or Whitton tower, to Holy, to Brinkehorne, Welden, taking withal soon after the Tod or burn called Tod, which falleth in from by south, then to Elihaw, Felton (receiving thereabout the Fareslie brook, that goeth by wintering by south east, and Sheldike water, that goeth by Hason, to Brainsaugh by north) and from thence to Morricke Warkworth ca●●ell, and so into the sea.  
There is furthermore a little fall, between Hawkeslaw and Drurith, which riseth about Stokes wood goeth by east Chevington, and Whittington castle, and afterward into the Ocean. 
Lune.  The Lune is a pretty brook rising west of Espleie, from whence it goeth to Tritlington, Ugham, Linton, and yer long in the sea. Wansbecke (in old time Diva) is far greater than the Lune. 
wansbecke.  It issueth up west and by north of west Whelpington, thence it runneth to Kirke Whelpington, Wallington, Middleton, and Angerton. Hear it meeteth with a water running from about Farnelaw by the grange, and Hartburne on the north, and then going from Angerton, it runneth by Moseden to Mitforth, and there in like manner crosseth the Font, 
Font.  which issuing out of the ground about Newbiggin, goeth by Nonneie Kirke, Witton castle, Stanton, Nunriding, Newton, and so into the Wansbecke, which runneth in like manner from Mitford to Morpheth castle (within two miles whereof it ebbeth and floweth) the new Chapel, Bottle castle, Shepwash, and so into the sea, three miles from the next haven which is called Blithe.  
Blithe water riseth about kirk Heaton, and goeth by Belfe, 
Blithe.  Ogle, and (receiving the Port alias the Brocket, that springeth east of S. Oswolds) passeth by Portgate, Whittington, Fennike hall, Madfennes, Hawkewell, the Grange, & Dis●●ngtons. After it hath taken in the Pont from the east (whose head is not far from that of Hartleie stream) and is past 
Hartleie.  Barwijc on the hill, it runneth by Harford, Bedlington, Cowpon, and at Blithe's nuke, into the deep Ocean. Hartleie streamelet riseth in Wéeteslade parioch, goeth by Haliwell, and at Hartleie town yieldeth to the sea.  
The Time or Tinna, 
North Tine.  a river notably stored with salmon, and other good fish, and in old time called Alan, riseth of two heads, whereof that called north Tine, is the first that followeth to be described. It springeth up above Belkirke in the hills, 
She'll.  & thence goeth to Butterhawgh (where it receiveth a confluence of Kirsop and the She'll) thence to Cragsheles, Leapelish (receiving on the south a rill out of Tindale) then to Shilburne, against which it taketh in a beck that cometh out of Tindale called Shill, also two other on the same side, between Yarro and Fawston hall, and the third at Thorneburne, and so goeth on to Grenested, and there carrieth withal a fall, from by north also made by the confluence of one rill coming by Thecam, and another that passeth by Holinhead, and likewise another on the south coming from Tindale, by Chuden, Dalacastell, and Brokes: after which our north Tine goeth by Hellaside, to Billingham, and at Rhedes' mouth meeteth with the Rid, a very pretty water, whose description is given me after this manner. 
Rid.   
The Rid therefore riseth within three miles of the Scotish march, as Leland saith, & cometh through Riddesdale, whereunto it giveth the name. Another writeth how it riseth in the roots of the Carter, and Redsquibe hills, and yer it hath gone far from the head, beside a few little rilles it taketh in the Spelhop 
Shelop.  or Petop from the north and the Cheslop 
Cheslop.  on the south, beside sundry other wild rits nameless and obscure, as one on the north side next unto the Potop or Spelhop; another by south out of Riddesdale, the third west of Burdop, the fourth runneth by Wullaw to Rochester, than two from south-west, another from by north which goeth by Durtburne, and is called Dirt or Durth, than the Smalburne from the west. Next to the same is the Otter or Otterburne on the north side also the Ouereie, and finally the last which descendeth from Ellesdon hills, by Munkrige and joineth with our Rid, northwest of Nudhowgh, after which the said Rid goeth by Woodburne, Risingham, Leame, and so into the Tine, a little lower than Belingham or Bilingham, which standeth some what aloof from north Tine, and is (as I take it) ten miles at the least above the town of Hexham. After this confluence it passseth to Léehall, 
3. burns.  to Carehouse (crossing Shitlington 
Shitlington.  beck by west which also receiveth the Yare on the south side of Shitlington) another also beneath this on the same side, made by the confluence of Works burn, and Middle burn, at Roseburne, beside the third called Morleis or Morelée above, and Simons burn beneath Shepechase, and likewise the Swine from by forth that runneth by Swinburne castle, next of all the Rial from the north-east, which cometh by Erington, & so holding his course directly southward, it goeth by S. Oswolds through the Pictithwall, to Wall, and so into south Tine, beneath Accam, and northwest (as I do ween) of Hexham.  
The south Tine ariseth in the Cheviot hills, 
Tine. S.  and yet it hath gone far from the head, it meeteth with Esgill on the east, 
Esgin.  and another rill on the west, and so going by the houses toward Awsten moor, it ●ometh with Schud from by west, and soon after with the Uent from by east above Lowbier. From Lowbier it goeth to Whitehalton, 
Uent.  to Kirke Haugh (crossing the Gilders beck 
Gilders beck.  on the one side, and the Alne on the other) to Thornehope, where it is enlarged with a water on each side, to Williamstone, and almost at Knaresdale, 
Knare.  taketh in the Knare, and then runneth withal to Fetherstone angle. At Fetherstone angle likewise it meeteth with Hartleie water, by south-west coming from Sibins or Sibbenes, another a little beneath from southeast, and thence when it cometh to Billester castle, it carrieth another withal from by west, Thirlewall called Rippall which riseth in the forest of allows, and goeth by the Waltowne, Blinkinsop, & Widon, and after which confluence it taketh in another from by north rising west of Swinsheld, which goeth by Grenelegh to Haltwestell: thence going by Unthanke, it crosseth another rill from by south, descending from thee hills that lie north of Todlewood, and then proceeding unto Wilmotteswije, it admitteth the Wilmots beck from the south, and another running by Bradleie hall on the north side of Beltingham; after which it meeteth with the allen a proper water, and described after this manner.  
The allen or Alon hath two heads, 
East Alen.  whereof one is called east allen, the other west Alen. The first of them riseth southeast of Sibton Sheles, & going by Sundorp, it taketh in a rill withal from by est; after which confluence it runneth to Newshele, Allington, Caddon, Old town, & in the course to Stavertpele, meeteth with the west Alen. The west allen riseth in Killop low hills above Whe●ele●e sheles, 
West Alen.  from whence it goeth to Spartwell, Hawcopole, Owston, and taking in a rill thereabouts, if proceedeth on to Permandbie, and crossing there another rill in like manner from by west, it goeth by Whitefield, and joining soon after with the est allen, they run as one to Stavert pool, Plankford, and so into the Tine between Beltingham and Lées, from whence the Tine runneth on by Lees Haddon, Woodhall, Owners, Whernebie, Costleie, & so by Warden, till it cross the north Tine, and come to Hexham, from whence it goeth to Dilstan, crossing two waters by the way, whereof one cometh from by south, and is called the Wolsh, which holdeth her course by Sielehall, and Newbiggin receiveth another coming from Grimbridge: the other called Dill so me what lower descending from Hedleie, and running by Rising, till it fall into the south side of our stream from Dilstan, it goeth to Bywell castle, over against which it receiveth a rill that runneth by Hindleie, thence it hasteth to Eltingham, Pruddo, Willam, (and there it meeteth with another beck) then to Reton, Blaidon, and next of all joineth with the Darwent, from by south.  
This river riseth above Knewdon, and Rudlamhope in Northumberland, 
Darwent.  from two heads: the northerly being called Dere, and the southerly the Guent: and joining so well yer long in channel as in name, they run on to Humsterworth, new Biggin, Blankeland, Acton, Aspersheles, Blackheadlie, Brentfield side, Pansheles, E●chester, and there taking in a water from Hedlere in Northumberland, near to Black hall in the bishopric, it goeth on to Spen, Holl inside, Wickham Swalwell, and so into Tine, which passeth from thence by Elswijc, and meeting with another water coming from Shildraw, by Ravensworth castle to Redhugh, it goeth on to Newcastle, felin, Netherheworth, Walker, Waswon, Hedburne, and next to jerco or Girwie, where Beda dwelled in an abbeie; now a gentleman's place (although the church be made a parish church, whereunto diverse towns resort, as monk Eton where Beda was borne, which is a mile from thence, Southsheles, Harton, Westhow, Hebburne, Hedworth, Wardleie, felin, Follinsbie, the Heworthes) and from thence to the south and Northsheles, and so into the sea, five miles by northwest of Weremouth, and (as I guess) some what more.  
Beneath the confluence in like sort of both the Tines, standeth Corbridge, a town sometime inhabited by the Romans, and about twelve miles from Newcastle, and hereby doth the Corue run, that meeteth yer long with the Tine. Not far off also is a place called Colchester, whereby Leland guesseth that the name of the brook should rather be Cole than Corue, 
Corue.  and in my judgement his conjecture is very likely; for in the life of S. Oswijn (otherwise a feeble authority) the word Colbridge is always used for Corbridge, whereof I thought good to leave this short advertisement. In this country also are the three vales or dales, whereof men have doubted whether thieves or true men do most abound in them, that is to say, Riddesdale, Tuidale, and Liddesdale: this last being for the most part Scotish, and without the marches of England. Nevertheless, sithence that by the diligence chiefly of master Gilpin, and finally of other learned preachers, the grace of God working with them, they have been called to some obedience and zeal unto the word, it is found that they have so well profited by the same, that at this present their former savage demeanour is very much abated, and their barbarous wildness and fierceness so qualified, that there is great hope left of their reduction unto civility, and better order of behaviour than hitherto they have been acquainted withal. But to proceed with the rest.  
Ptolemy, writing of the Were, calleth it Uedra, a river well known unto Beda the famous priest, who was brought up in a monastery that stood upon the banks thereof. 
Were.  It riseth of three heads in Kelloppeslaw hill, whereof the most southerly is called Burdop, 
Burdop.  the middlemost Wallop, 
Wallop.  and the northerliest Kellop, 
Kellop.  which uniting themselves about S. john's chapel, or a little by west thereof, their confluence runneth through Stanhope park, by east Yare, and so to Frosterleie. But yer it come there, it receiveth three rilles from the north in Weredale, whereof one cometh in by Stanhope, another west of Woodcroft hall, and the third at Frosterleie afore mentioned. And a little beneath these, I find yet a fourth on the south side, which descendeth from south-west by Bolliop, Bishopsleie, Milhouses, and Landew, as I have been informed. Being therefore united all with the Were, this stream goeth on to Walsingham, 
Wascrop.  there taking in the Wascropburne, beside another at Bradleie, the third at Harpleie hall (and these on the north side) and the fourth between Witton and Witton castle called Bedburne, coming by Hamsterleie, 
Bedburne.  whereby this river doth now wax very great. Going therefore from hence, it hasteth to Bishops Akeland, and beneath it receiveth the Garondlesse, which (as Leland saith) riseth six miles by west of Akeland castle, and running south thereof, passeth by west Akeland, S. Helen's Akeland, S. Andrew's Akeland, and bishops Akeland, and then into the Were which goeth to Newfield, and Willington. near unto this place also and somewhat beneath Sunderland, the Were, crosseth one brook from southest by Haet, Croxseie, Cronefurth, Tursdale, and Coxdale, and two other from by northwest in one bottom, whereof the first cometh from above Ash by Langleie: the other called Cove, from above Kinchleie by Newbiggin, Lanchester, north Langlie, and through Bear park, & so meeting beneath Relleie or Hedleie with the other, they fall both as one into the Were, between south Sunderland and Burnall. From hence our river goeth on to Howghwell, Shirkeleie, old Duresme (and there taking in the Pidding brook 
Pidding brook.  by north-east) it goeth to Duresme, Finkeleie, Harbarhouse, Lumleie castle (where it meeteth with the Pilis, 
Pilis.  whose heads are united between Pelton and Whitwell (and after called Hedleie) and from thence to Lampton, Harroton, the Bedikes, Ufferton, Hilton park, Bishops, Weremouth, and so into the sea, between north Sunderland and north Weremouth town, which now is called monk Weremouth of the monastery sometime standing there, wherein Beda read & wrote many of his books, as to the world appeareth. This mouth of Were is eight miles from Durham, and six from Newcastle. Being thus passed the Were, & entered into the Bishoprijc, yet we come at the mouth of the These, almost by two miles, over passing a rill that runneth by castle Eden, and Hardwijc, and likewise Hartlepoole town, which lieth over into the sea in manner of a byland or peninsula, we meet with a pretty fall, which groweth by a river that is increased with two waters, whereof one riseth by northwest about Moretons, and goeth by Stotfeld and Claxton, the other at Dawlton, going by Breerton, Owtham, and Grettam, finally joining within two miles of the sea, they make a pretty portlet: but I know not of what security.  
The These, 
Thesis'.  a river that beareth and feedeth an excellent salmon, riseth in the Black allows, above two miles flat west of the southerly head of Were called Burdop, and south of the head of west allen, and thence runneth through Tildale forest: and taking in the Langdon water from northwest it runneth to Durtpit chapel, to Newbiggin, and so to Middleton, receiving by west of each of these a rill coming from by north (of which the last is called Hude) and likewise the Lune afterward by south-west 
Hude.  that riseth at three several places, whereof the first is in the borders of Westmoreland and there called Arnegill beck, the second more southerly, named Lunebecke, and the third by south at Bandor Skarth hill, 
Lune.  and meeting all above Arnegill 
Arnegill.  house, they run together in one bottom to Lathekirke bridge, and then into the These. Having therefore met with these, it runneth to Mickelton (& there taking in the Skirkwith water) it goeth to Rombald kirk (crossing 
Skirkewith.  there also one rill and the Bander brook by south 
Bander  west) and then going to Morewood hag, and Morewood park, till it come to Bernard's castle.  
Here also it receiveth the Thuresgill water coming east of Rear cross in Yorkshire, 
Rear cross.  from the spittle in Stanmore by Crag almost south-west, and being united with the These, it goeth by Stratford, Eglesdon, Rokesbie, Thorpe, Wickliff, Ouington, Winston, and between Barfurth and Gainfurth meeteth with another rill, that cometh from Langleie forest, between Rabie castle and Standorpe, of whose name I have no knowledge. But to proceed. The These being passed Ramforth, runneth between Persore and cliff, and in the way to Croffs bridge taketh in the Skerne a pretty water, which riseth about Trimdon, 
Skerne.  and goeth by Fishburne, Bradburie, Preston, Braforton, Skirmingham, the Burdons, Haughton and Darlington, & there finally meeting with the Cock beck or Dare, it falleth in the These beneath Stapleton, before it come at Croffs bridge, and (as it should seem) is the same which Leland calleth Gretteie or Grettie. From thence it runneth to Sockburne, neither Dunsleie, Middleton row, Newsham, Yarn (crossing a brook from leaven bridge) called leaven or Levinus in Latin, whose crinkling course is notable, and the stream of some called Thorpe, which I find described in this manner.  
The Thorpe riseth of sundry heads, 
Thorpe alias Levand.  whereof one is above Pinching Thorpe, from whence it goeth to Nonnethorpe, and so to Stokesleie. The second hath two branches, and so placed, that Kildale standeth between them both: finally, meeting beneath Easbie they go by Eton, and likewise unto Stokesleie. The last hath also two branches, whereof one cometh from Inglesbie, and meeteth with the second beneath Broughton; & going from thence to Stokesleie, they meet with the Thorpe above the town, as the other fall into it somewhat beneath the same. From hence it goeth to Ridleie, 
Trawthorne.  and there taketh in another rill coming from Potto, thence to Crawthorne brook, Levanton, Milton, Hilton, Inglesbie, and so into the These, between Yarn and Barwtjc, whereof I made mention before. After this confluence our These hasteth on to Barwtjc, Presston, thorn abbeie, and Arsham, which standeth on the southeast side of the river almost between the falls of two waters, whereof one descendeth from west Hartburne by long Newton, Elton, & Stockton; the other from Stillington, or Shillington, by Whitton, Thorpe, Blackestone, Billingham, and Norton. From Arsham finally it goeth to Bellasis, Middleburgh, and so into the sea. Leland describing this river speaketh of the Wiske, which should come thereinto from by south under Wiske bridge, by Danbie, and Northalarton, and should join with a greater stream: but as yet I find no certain place where to bestow the same.  
Next of all we come unto the high Cliff water, which rising above Hutton, goeth by Gisborow, and there receiveth another stream coming from by southeast, and then continuing on his course, it is not long yer it fall into the sea. The next is the Scaling water, which descendeth from Scaling town, from whence we come to the Molemouth, not far from whose head standeth Molgrave castle: then to Sandford creak, 
Eske.  and next of all to Eske mouth, which riseth above Danbie wood, and so goeth to Castelton, there meeting by the way with another rill coming from about Westerdale by Danbie, and so they go on together by Armar and Thwate castle, till they join with another water above Glasdule chapel, thence to new Biggin, taking yet another brook with them, running from Goodland ward, and likewise the Ibur, and so go on without any further increase by Busworth, 
Ibur.  yer long into the sea.  
There is also a creek on each side of Robin Hood's bay, of whose names and courses I have no skill, saving that Fillingale the town doth stand between them both. There is another not far from Scarborow, on the north side called the Harwood brook. It runneth through Harwood dale by Cloughton, Buniston, and soon after meeting with another rill on the south-west, they run as one into the ocean sea. From Scarborow to Bridlington, by Flamborow head, we met with no more falls. This water therefore that we saw at Bridlington, riseth at Dugglebie, from whence it goeth to Kirbie, Helperthorpe, Butterwtjc, Boithorpe, Foxhole, (where it falleth into the ground, and riseth up again at Rudston) Thorpe, Cathorpe, Bridlington, and so into the Ocean.  
Being come about the spurn head, I meet yer long with a river that riseth short of Withersie, and goeth by Fodringham and Wisted, from thence to another that cometh by Rosse, Halsham, Carmingham: then to the third, which riseth above Humbleton, and goeth to Esterwtjc, Heddon, and so into the Humber. The fourth springeth short of Sprotleie, goeth by Witton, and falleth into the water of Humber at Merslete, as I hear.  
The next of all is the Hull water, 
Hull.  which I will describe also here, and then cross over unto the southerly shore. The furthest head of Hull water riseth at Kilham, from whence it goeth to Lewthorpe créeke, and so to Fodringham, a little beneath which it meeteth with sundry waters, whereof one falleth in on the northest side, coming from about Lisset; the second on the northwest bank from Nafferton; the third from Emmeswell and Kirkeburne: for it hath two heads which joined beneath little Drifield, and the fourth which falleth into the same: so that these two latter run unto the main river both in one channel, as experience hath confirmed. From hence then our Hull goeth to to Ratseie, to Goodale-house, and then taking in a water from Hornesie mere, it goeth on through Beverleie meadows, by Warron, Stoneferrie, Hull, and finally into the Humber. Of the rill that falleth into this water from south Netherwijc, by Skirlow, and the two rilles that come from Cottingham and Woluerton, I say no more, sith it is enough to name them in their order.   

The description of the Humber or Isis, and such watercourses as do increase her channel. Chap. 15.  
THere is no river called Humber from the head. 
Humber.  Wherefore that which we now call Humber, Ptolemy Abie, Leland Aber, as he guesseth, hath the same denomination no higher than the confluence of Trent with the Ouze, as beside Leland sundry ancient writers have noted before us both. Certes it is a noble arm of the sea, and although it be properly to be called Ouze or Ocellus even to the Nuke beneath Ancolme, yet are we contented to call it Humber of Humbrus or Umar, a king of the Scythians, who invaded this isle in the time of Locrinus, thinking to make himself monarch of the same. But as God hath from time to time singularly provided for the benefit of Britain, so in this business it came to pass, that Humber was put to flight, his men slain: and furthermore, whilst he attempted to save himself by hasting to his ships (such was the press of his nobility that followed him into his own vessel, and the rage of weather which hastened on his fatal day) that both he and they were drowned together in that arm. And this is the only cause wherefore it hath been called Humber, as our writers say; and whereof I find these verses: 
Dum fugit obstat ei flumen submergitur illic,  
Déque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquae.   
This river in old time parted Lhoegres or England from Albania, which was the portion of Albanactus, the youngest son of Brute. But since that time the limits of Lhoegres have been so enlarged, first by the prowess of the Romans, then by the conquests of the English, that at this present day, the tweed on the one side, & the Solve on the other, be taken for the principal bounds between us and those of Scotland. In describing therefore the Humber, I must needs begin with the Ouze, whose water bringeth forth a very sweet, fat and delicate salmon, as I have been informed, beside sundry other kinds of fish, which we want here on the south and south-west coasts & rivers of our land, whereof I may take occasion to speak more at large hereafter.  
The Ure therefore riseth in the furthest parts of all Richmondshire, 
Ure alias Ouze, or Isis.  among the Coterine hills, in a moss, toward the west fourteen miles beyond Midleham. Being therefore issued out of the ground, it goeth to Holbecke, Hardraw, Hawshouse, Butterside, Askebridge (which Leland calleth the Askaran, and saith thereof and the Bainham, that they are but obscure bridges) then to Askarth, through Wanlesse park, Wenseleie bridge (made two hundred years since, by Alwin, parson of Winslaw) New park, Spennithorne, Danbie, Geruise abbeie, Clifton and Masham. When it is come to Masham, it receiveth the burn, 
burn.  by south west (as it did the Wile, 
Wile.  from very deep scarrie rocks, before at Askaran) and diverse other wild rilles not worthy to be remembered. From Masham, it hasteth unto Tanfield (taking in by the way a rill by south-west) then to another Tanfield, to Newton hall, and Northbridge, at the hither end of Rippon, and so to Huickes bridge. But yer it come there it meeteth with the Skell, 
Skell.  which being incorporate with the same, they run as one to Thorpe, then to Alborow, and soon after receive the Small. 
Small.   
Here (saith Leland) I am brought into no little streict, what to conjecture of the meeting of Isis and Ure, for some say that the Isis and the Ure do meet at Borowbridge, which to me doth seem to be very unlikely, sith Isurium taketh his denomination of Isis and Vro, for it is often seen that the less rivers do mingle their names with the greater, as in the Thamesis and other is easy to be found. Neither is there any more mention of the Ure after his passage under Borowbridge, but only of Isis or the Ouze in these days, although in old time it held unto York itself, which of the Ure is truly called Urewtjc (or York short) or else my persuasion doth fail me. I have red also Ewerwtjc and Yorwtjc. But to proceed, and leave this superfluous discourse.  
From Borowbridge, the Ouze goeth to Aldborough, and (receiving the Small by the way) to Aldworke, taking in Usburne water, from the south-west, then to Linton upon Ouze, to Newton upon Ouze, and to Munketun, meeting with the Nid yer long, and so going withal to the Redhouses, to Popleton, 
Fosse.  Clifton, York (where it crosseth the Fosse) to Foulfoorth, Middlethorpe, Acaster, & Acaster, Kelfléet, Welehall, Barelebie, Selby, Turmonhall, Skurthall, Hokelath, Hoke, Sandhall, Redness, Whitegift, Uslet, Blacketoff, Foxfléet, Brownfléet, and so into Humber.  
The course of the Ouze being thus described, 
Ouze.  and as it were simply without his influences, now will I touch such rivers as fall into the same also by themselves, contrary to my former proceeding, imagining a voyage from the Ravenspurne, until I come near to the head of These, & so southwards about again by the bottom of the hilly soil until I get to Buxston, Sheffeld, Scrobie, & the very south point of Humber mouth, whereby I shall cross them all that are to be found in this walk, & leave (I doubt) some especial notice of their several heads and courses. 
Hull or Hulne.  The course of the Hull, a stream abounding with sturgeon and lampreie, as also the rivers which have their issue into the same, being (as I say) already described, I think it not amiss, as by the way to set down what Leland saith thereof, to the end that his travel shall not altogether be lost in this behalf; and for that it is short, and hath one or two things worthy to be remembered contained in the same.  
The Hulne (saith he) riseth of three several heads, whereof the greatest is not far from Oriefield, now a small village sixteen miles from Hull. Certes it hath been a goodly town, and therein was the palace of Egbright king of the Northumber's, and place of sepulture of Alfred the noble king sometime of that nation, who died there 727, the nineteen Cal. of julie, the twentieth of his reign, and whose tomb or monument doth yet remain (for aught that I do know) to the contrary with an inscription upon the same written in Latin letters. Near unto this town also is the Danefield, wherein great numbers of Danes were slain, and buried in those hills, which yet remain there to be seen over their dones and carcases. The second head (saith he) is at Estburne, and the third at Emmeswell, and meeting all together not far from Orifield, the water there beginneth to be called Hulne, as I have said already.  
From hence also it goeth through Beverleie meadows, and coming at the last not far from an arm led from the Hulne by man's hand (and able to bear great vessels) almost to Beverleie town, which in old time either height or stood in Deirwald, until john of Beverleie (whom Leland nameth out of an old author to be the first doctor or teacher of divinity that ever was in Oxford, and (as it should seem also by an ancient monument yet remaining) to be of an hostel where the university college now standeth; & therefore they writ him, Sometime fellow of that house) began to be of fame, of whom it is called Beverleie (as some affirm) to this day. In deed all the country between the Deirwent & the Humber was sometime called Deira, and the lower part Cava Deira in respect of the higher soil, but now it is named the east Riding. But what is this to my purpose? The Hulne therefore being come almost to Beverleie town, & meeting thereabout also with the Cottingham 
Cottingham.  beck coming from Westwood by the way, it hasteth to Kingston upon Hulne or Hull, and so into the Humber without any manner impeachment.  
The Fowlneie riseth about Godmanham, 
Fowlncie.  from whence it goeth by Wighton, Hareswell, Seton, William's bridge, and soon after spreading itself, one arm called Skelfleet goeth by Cane Cawseie to Brownefléet and so into the Ouze. 
Skelfléet.  The other passeth by Sandholme, hearts dike, Scalbie chapel, Blacketoff, and so into the aforesaid Ouze, leaving a very pretty Island, which is a parcel (as I hear) of Walding fen more, though otherwise obscure to us that dwell here in the south.  
The Darwent riseth in the hills that lie west of Robin hood's bay, 
Darwent.  or two miles above Aiton bridge, west from Scarborow as Leland saith: and yer it hath run far from the head, it receiveth two rilles in one bottom from by west, which join withal about Longdale end. Thence they go together to Broxeie, and at Hacknesse take in another water coming from about Silseie. Afterward it cometh to Aiton, then to Haibridge, and there crosseth the Kenford that descendeth from Roberteston. 
Kenford.  After this also it goeth on to Potersbrumton where it taketh in one rill, as it doth another beneath running from Shirburne, and the third yet lower on the further bank, that descendeth from Brumton. From these confluences it runneth to Fowlbridge, Axbridge, Yeldingham bridge, & so to Cotehouse, receiving by the way many waters, & yielding great plenty of delicate samons to such as fish upon the same. Leland reckoning up the names of the several brooks, numbereth them confusedly after his accustomed order. The Darwent (saith he) receiveth diverse streams, as the Shirihutton. 
Shirihutton.  The second is the Crambecke, 
Crambecke.  descending from Hunderskell castle (so called Tanquam à centum fontibus, or multitude of springs that rise about the same) and goeth the Rye, 
Rye.  which coming out of the Blackamoor, passeth by Rivers abbey, taking in the Ricoll 
Ricoll.  on the left hand, than the Seven, 
Seven.  the Costeie, 
Costeie.  and Pickering 
Pickering.  brook. The Sevin also (saith he) riseth in the side of Blacke-moore, and thence goeth by Sinnington four miles from Pickering, and about a mile above a certain bridge over Rye goeth into the stream. The Costeie in like sort springeth in the very edge of Pickering town, at a place called Keld head, and goeth into the Rye two miles beneath Pickering, about Kirbie minster, Finally, Pickering water ariseth in Blackamoor, and half a mile beneath Pickering falleth into Costeie, meeting by the way with the Pocklington beck, 
Pocklington.  and an other small rill or two, of whose names I have no knowledge. Hitherto Leland. But in mine opinion, it had been far better to have described them thus. Of those waters that fall into the Darwent beneath Cotehouse, the first cometh from Swenton, the second from Ebberston, the third from Ollerston, the fourth from Thorneton & Pickering, and the fift on the other side that cometh thither from Wintringham. For so should he have dealt in better order, and rid his hands of them with more expedition, referring the rest also unto their proper places.  
But to proceed after mine own manner. Being past Cotehouse, & yer the Darwent come at Wickham, 
Rye.  it crosseth the Rye, which riseth of two heads, and joining west of Locton they run through Glansbie park. Finally, receiving the Costeie, 
Costeie.  it meeteth at the last with an other stream increased by the falls of six waters and more yer it come into the Darwent. The most easterly of these is called Seven, 
Seven.  and riseth (as is aforesaid) in Blackamoor, from whence it goeth by Sinnington, Murton, Normanbie, Newsound, How, and so into the Rye. The second named Dou hath his original likewise in Blackamoor, 
Dou or Dove.  and descending by Rasmore, Keldon and Edston (where it receiveth the Hodgebecke, 
Hodgebecke.  that cometh by Bernesdale, Kirkedale, & Welburne) it goeth to Sawlton, and there taketh in first the Ricoll, 
Ricoll.  that goeth by Careton, and whereof Ridall (as some think, but falsely) doth seem to take the name. Then Fez, 
Fez.  which riseth above Bilisdale chapel, and meeteth with the Rye at the Shaking bridge, from whence they go together under the Rye bridge, to Rivis abbeie, and thence (after it hath crossed a beck from the west) through a park of the earl of Rutland's to Newton, Muniton, and so to Sawton or Sawlton, as I do find it written. Here also it taketh in the Holbecke brook, 
Holbecke.  that cometh thithex from by west by Gilling castle, and Stangrave, from whence it goeth on to Brabie, next into the Seven, then into the Rye, and so into the Darwent, which from thence doth run to Wickham.  
Being past Wickham, it meeteth with a water that cometh thereinto from Grinston to Setterington at southeast, and thence it goeth on the Malton and Malton (where the proverb saith that a bushel of rye and an other of malt is worth but six pence, carry away whilst you may, so as you can keep them from running through the sarkes) Sutton, Wellam, Furbie, and Kirkeham, receiving by the way one rill on the one side and an other on the other, whereof this cometh from Burdfall, that other from Conisthorpe. From Kirkeham it goeth to Cramburne and Owsham bridge (crossing by the way an other brook coming from saint Edward's gore, by Faston) then to Aldbie, Buttercram (alias Butterham) bridge, Stamford bridge, Kexbie bridge Sutton, Ellerton, Aughton, Bubwith, Wresill, Babthorpe, and so into the Ouze, wherewith I finish the description of Darwent: saving that I have to let you understand how Leland heard that an arm ran some time from the head of Darwent also to Scarborow, till such time as two hills betwixt which it ran, did shalder and so choke up his course.  
The Fosse (a slow stream yet able to bear a good vessel) riseth in Nemore Calaterio, 
Fosse:  that is, Galters wood or Cawood, among the woody hills, and in his descent from the higher ground, he leaveth Crake castle, on his west side: thence he goeth by Marton abbey, Marton, Stillington, Farlington, Towthorpe, Erswtjc, Huntingdon, & at York into the Ouze. The Kile riseth flat north at Newborow, 
Kile.  from whence it goeth by Thorneton on the hill, Ruskell park, Awne, Tollerton, and so into the Ouze about Newton upon Ouze. 
Small.  The Small is a right noble river, & march in some places between Richmondshire and Westmoreland, it riseth not far from Pendragon castle in the hills above Kirkedale, and from this town it goeth to Kelde chapel, Carrot house, Crackepot, Whiteside, and near unto Yalen taketh in the Barneie water, 
Barneie.  which cometh from the north east. Thence it goeth by Harcaside to Reth (where it meeteth with the Arcleie) 
Arcleie.  and so to Flemington, Grinton, Marrike (taking in the Holgate that cometh from by south: 
Holgate.  and in the way to Thorpe, the Mariske beck, 
Mariske beck.  or peradventure Applegarth water, as Leland calleth it, that descendeth from the north) then to Thorpe, Applegarth, Richmond, Easbie and Brunton.  
Here by north it interteineth two or three waters in one channel, called Ravenswath water, whereof the two furthest do join not far from the Dawltons, 
Ravenswath.  and so go by Ravenswath, Hartfoorth, Gilling, and at Skebie meet with the third, coming from Richmond beaconward. By west also of Brunton, the Small meeteth with the the, 
Rhe.  running from Resdale, and being past Brunton, it goeth to Caterijc bridge beneath Brunton, then to Ellerton, Kirkebie, Langton parva, Thirtoft, Anderbie steeple: and before it come unto Gatenbie, it meeteth with the bedal brook, alias Lemings beck, 
bedal alias Leming.  that cometh west of Kellirbie, by Constable, Burton, Langthorpe, bedal, and Leming chapel. From Gattenbie likewise it goeth to Mawbie, & at Brakenbirie receiveth the Wiske, 
Wiske.  which is a great water, rising between two parks above Swanbie in one place, and southeast of Mountgrace abbey in another; and after the confluence which is about Siddlebridge, goeth on between the Rughtons to Appleton, the Smetons, Birtbie, Hutton Coniers, Danbie, Wijc, Yafford, Warlabie, and taking in there a rill from Brunton Aluerton, it proceedeth to Otterington, Newly, Kirbie Wiske, Newson, and Blackenburie, there meeting (as I said) with the Small, that runneth from thence by Skipton bridge, Catton, Topcliffe, and Raniton, and above Eldmire meeteth with sundry other rilles in one bottom, whereof the northwesterlie is called Cawdebec: 
Cawdebec Kebecke.  the south easterly Kebecke, which join est of Thorneton moor, and so go to Thorneton in the street, Kiluington, Thruske, Sowerbie, Grastwijc, and soon after crossing another growing of the mixture of the Willow, and likewise of the Cuckewold becks, 
Cuckwolds beck.  which join above Bridforth, and running on till it come almost at Dawlton, it maketh confluence with the Small, and go thence as one with all their samons by Thorneton bridge, Mitton upon Small, and so into the Ouze.  
The Skell riseth out of the west two miles from fountains abbeie, 
Skell.  and cometh (as Leland saith) with a fair course by the one side of Rippon, as the Ure doth on the other. And on the banks hereof stood the famous abbey called fountains or Adfontes, so much renowned for the lusty monks that sometimes dwelled in the same. It receiveth also the Laver water (which riseth three miles from Kirbie, 
Laver.  and meeteth withal near unto Rippon) and finally falleth into the Ure, a quarter of a mile beneath Rippon town, & almost midway between the North and Huicke bridges.  
The Nidde, 
Nidde.  which the book of statutes called Nidor (anno 13. Edw. 1) and thereto noteth it to be enriched with store of salmon, as are also the Wheof and air, riseth among those hills that lie by west northwest of Gnarresborow, five miles above Pakeleie bridge, and going in short process of time by West-houses, Lodgehouses, Woodhall, Newhouses, Midlesmore, Raunsgill, Cowthouse, Gowthwall, Bureleie, Brimham, Hampeswale, and soon after meeting with the Killingale beck, 
Killingale.  it goeth after the confluence by Bilton park, Gnaresbridge, Washford, Cathall, Willesthorpe, Munketon, or Nonmocke, and so into the Ouze, fourteen miles beneath Gnaresborow, being increased by the way with very few or no waters of any countenance. Leland having said thus much of the Nidde, addeth here unto the names or two other waters, that is to say, the Cover 
Cover.  and the Burn, 
burn.  which do fall likewise into the Ure or Ouze. But as he saith little of the same, so among all my pamphlets, I can gather no more of them, than that the first riseth six miles above Coverham by west, and falleth into the Ure, a little beneath Middleham bridge, which is two miles beneath the town of Coverham. As for the burn, it riseth at More hills, and falleth into the said river a little beneath masham bridge. And so much of these two.  
The Wharf or Gwerfe ariseth above Ughtershaw, 
Wharfe alias Gwerfe.  from whence it runneth to Beggermons, Rosemill, Hubberham, Backden, Starbotton, Kettlewell, Cunniston in Kettlewell, and here it meeteth with a rill coming from Haltongill chapel, by Arnecliffe, and joining withal north-east of Kilneseie crag, it passeth over by the lower grounds to Girsington, and receiving a rill there also from Tresfeld park, it proceedeth on to Brunfall bridge. Furthermore at Appletréew●jc, it meeteth with a rill from by north, and thence goeth to Barden tower, Bolton, Beth and Misseie hall, where it crosseth a rill coming from by west, thence to Addingham, taking in there also another from by west, and so to Ikeleie, and receiving yer long another by north from Denton hall, it hasteth to Weston Uavasour, Oteleie, and Letheleie, where it taketh in the Padside, 
Padside.  & the Washburne 
Washburne.  (both in one stream from Lindleie ward) and thence to Casteie chapel, and there it crosseth one from by north, and another yer long from by south, and so to Yardwood castle, Kerebie, Woodhall, Collingham, Linton, Wetherbie, Thorpatch, Newton, Tadeaster, and when it hath received the Cockebecke from south-west, that goeth by Barwie, 
Cockebecke.  Aberfoorth, Leadhall, and Grimston, it runneth to Exton, Kirbie Wharfe, Uskell, Rither, Nunapleton, & so into the Ouze beneath Cawood, a castle belonging to the archbishop of York, where he useth oft to lie when he refresheth himself with change of air and shift of habitation, for the avoiding of such infection as may otherwise engender by his long abode in one place, for want of due purgation and airing of his house.  
The Air or Are riseth out of a lake or tarne south of Darnbrooke, 
Air.  wherein (as I hear) is none other fish but red trout, and perch. Leland saith it riseth near unto Orton in Craven, wherefore the odds is but little. It goeth therefore from thence to Mawlam, Hamlith, Kirbie, Moldale, Calton hall, Areton, and so forth till it come almost to Gargrave, there crossing the Otterburne 
Otterburne.  water on the w●st, and the Winterburne 
Winterburne.  on the north, which at Flasbie receiveth a rill from Helton, as I hear. Being past Gargrave, our Air goeth on to Eshton, Elswood, and so forth on, first receiving a brook from south-west (whereof one branch cometh by Marton, the other by Thorneton, which meet about Broughton) than another from north-east, that runneth by Skipton castle. After this confluence it hasteth by manifold windlesses, which caused thirteen bridges at the last to be over the same within a little space, to Newbiggin, Bradleie, and Kildwijc, by south east whereof it meeteth with one water from Mawsis, and Glusburne or Glukesburne, 
Glike.  called Glike; another likewise a little beneath from Seton, beside two rilles from by north, after which confluence it runneth by Reddlesden, and over against this town the Lacocke 
Lacocke.  and the Worth 
Worth.  do meet withal in one channel, as the Moreton 
Moreton.  water doth on the north, although it be somewhat lower. Thence it goeth to Rishfoorth hall, and so to Bungleie, where it taketh a rill from Denholme park to Shipeleie, and there crossing another from Thorneton, Leventhorpe, and Bradleie, it goeth to Caluerleie, to Crystal, and so to Léedes, where one water runneth there into by north from Wettlewood, & two other from by south in one channel, whereof the first hath two arms, of which the one cometh from Pudseie chapel, the other from Adwalton, their confluence being made above Farnesleie hall. The other likewise hath two heads, whereof one is above Morleie, the other cometh from Domingleie, and meeting with the first not far south-west of Leedes, they fall both into the Air, and so run with the same to Swillington, and there taking in the Rodwell beck south of the bridge, it proceedeth to Ollerton, Castleford, Brotherton & Ferribridge, there receiving the Went, a beck from Pontefract or Pomfret, 
Redwell. Went.  which riseth of diverse heads, whereof one is among the coal pits. Thence to Beall, Berkin, Kellington, middle Hodleseie, Templehirst, Gowldall, Snath, Rawcliffe, Newland, Army, and so into the Ouze with an indifferent course. Of all the rivers in the north, Leland (in so many of his books as I have seen) saith least of this. Mine annotations also are very slender in the particular waters wherbie it is increased: wherefore I was compelled of necessity to conclude even thus with the description of the same, and had so left it in deed, if I had not received one other note more to add unto it (even when the leaf was at the press) which saith as followeth in manner word for word.  
There is a noble water that falleth into Air, whose head (as I take it) is about Stanford. From whence it goeth to Creston chapel, to Lingfield, and there about receiving one rill near Elfrabright bridge, and also the Hebden by northwest, it goeth to Brearleie hall, 
Hebden.  and so taking in the third by north, it proceedeth on eastward by Sorsbie bridge chapel (and there a rill from south-west) and so to Coppeleie hall. Beneath this place I find also that it receiveth one rill from Hallifax, which riseth from two heads, and two other from south-west, of which one cometh by Baresland, and Staneland in one channel, as I read. So that after this confluence the aforesaid water goeth on toward Cowford bridge, and as it taketh in two rilles above the same on the north side, so beneath that bridge there falleth into it a pretty arm increased by sundry waters coming from by south, as from Marsheden chapel, from Holinesworth chapel, and Kirke-Heton, each one growing of sundry heads; whereof I would say more, if I had more intelligence of their several gates and passages.  
But to proceed. From Cowford bridge it runneth to Munfeld, and receiving yer long one rill from Leversage hall, and another from Burshall by Dewesburie, it goeth on north-east of Thornehull, south of Horbirie thorns, and thereabout crossing one rill from by south from Woller by new Milner Dam, and soon after another from northwest, called Chald; 
Chald.  rising in the Peke hills, whereon Wakefield standeth, and likewise the third from southeast, and Warerton hall, it goeth by Warmefield, Newland, Alto●●es, and finally into the Air, west of Castelworth, as I learn. What the name of this river should be as yet I hear not, and therefore no marvel that I do not set it down, yet is it certain that it is called Chald, after his confluence with the Chald, and finally Chaldair or Chaldar after it hath joined with the Air or Ar. But what is this for his denominations from the head? It shall suffice therefore thus far to have showed the course thereof: and as for the name I pass it over until another time.  
The Trent is one of the most excellent rivers in the land, 
Trent.  not only for store of salmon, sturgeon, and sundry other kinds of delicate fish wherewith it doth abound, but also for that it is increased with so many waters, as for that only cause it may be compared wither with the Ouze or Sauerne, I mean the second Ouze, whose course I have lately described. It riseth of two heads which join beneath Norton in the moor, and from thence goeth to Hilton abbey, Bucknell church, and above Stoke receiveth in the Foulebrooke water, which cometh thither from Tunstall, 
Foulebrooke.  by Shelton, and finally making a confluence they go to Hanfleet, where they meet with another on the same side, that descendeth from Newcastle under Line, which Leland taketh to be the very Trent itself, saying: that it riseth in the hills above Newcastle, as may be seen by his commentaries.  
But to proceed. At Trentham, or not far from thence, it crosseth a riveret from north-east, whose name I know not, & thence going to Stone Aston, Stoke Burston, the Sandons and Weston, a little above Shubburne & Hawood, it receiveth the Sow, a great channel increased with sundry waters, which I will here describe, leaving the Trent at Shubburne, till I come back again. 
Sow.  The Sow descendeth from the hills, above Whitemoore chapel, and goeth by Charleton, and Stawne; and beneath Shalford joineth with another by north-east that cometh from bishops Offeleie, Egleshall, Chesbie, Raunton. After this confluence also it runneth by Bridgeford, Tillington, & Stafford, beneath which town it crosseth the Penke beck, that riseth above Nigleton, 
Penke.  & Berwood, & above Penke bridge uniteth itself with another coming from Knightleie ward, by Gnashall church, Eton: and so going forth as one, it is not long yer they fall into Sow, after they have passed Draiton, Dunstan, Acton, and Banswich, where losing their names, they with the Sow & the Sow with them do join with the Trent, at Shubburne, upon the southerly bank.  
From Shubburne the Trent goeth on to little Harwood (meeting by the way one rill at Ousleie bridge, and another south of Riddlesleie) thence by Hawksberie, Mavestane, Ridware, and so toward Yoxhall; where I must state a while to consider of other waters, wherewith I meet in this voyage. Of these therefore the lesser cometh in by south from Farwall, the other from by west, a fair stream, and increased with two brooks, whereof the first riseth in Nedewood forest, north-east of Haggersleie park, whereinto falleth another west of Hamsteed Ridware, called Blithe, 
Blithe.  which riseth among the hills in Whateleie moor, above Weston Conie, and thence going to the same town, it cometh to Druicote, alias Dracote, Painsleie, Gratwitch, Grimleie, Aldmaston, Hamstéed, Ridware, and finally into the Trent, directly west of Yoxhall, which runneth also from thence, & leaving kings Bromleie in a park (as I take it) on the left hand, and the Black water coming from Southton and Lichfield on the right, goeth straightway to Catton, where it meeteth with the Tame, 
Tame.  whose course I describe as followeth.  
It riseth in Staffordshire (as I remember) not far from Petteshall, and goeth forth by Hamsted, toward Pirihall and Brimichams Aston, taking in by the way a rill on each side, whereof the first groweth through a confluence of two waters, the one of them coming from Tipton, the other from Aldburie, and so running as one by Wedburie till they fall into the same. The latter cometh from Woolfhall, and joineth with it on the left hand. After this, and when it is passed the aforesaid places, it crosseth in like sort a rill from Smethike ward: thence it goeth to Yarneton hall, beneath which it meeteth with the Rhée, and thence through the park, at Park hall by Watercote, 
Rhée. coat.  crossing finally the Coal, whose head is in the forest by Kingesnorton wood, and hath this course, whereof I now give notice. It riseth (as I said) in the forest by Kingesnorton wood, and going by Yareleie and Kingeshirst, it meeteth between that and the park, with a water running between Helmedon and Sheldon.  
Thence it passeth on to Coleshull, by east whereof it joineth with a brook, 
Blithe.  mounting south-west of Golthull called Blithe, which going by Henwood and Barston, crosseth on each side of Temple Balshall, a rill, whereof one cometh through the queens park or chase that lieth by west of Kenelworth, & the other by Kenelworth castle itself, from about Haselie park. After which confluences it proceedeth in like manner to Hampton in Arden, and the Packington's, and so to Coleshull, where it meeteth with the Coal, that going a little further, uniteth itself with the burn on the one side (whereinto runneth a water coming from Ansleie on the east) 
burn.  and soon after on the other doth fall into the Tame, that which some call the Rhee, 
Rhée.  a common name to all waters that move and run from their head. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek is to flow and run, although in truth it is proper to the sea only to flow. Leland nameth the Brimicham water, whose head (as I hear) is above Norffield, so that his course should be by Kingesnorton, Bremicham, Budston hall, till it fall beneath Yarneton into the Tame itself, that runneth after these confluences on by Lée, Kingesbirie park, and going by east of Oraiton, Basset park, to Falkesleie bridge, it meeteth with another water called Burn, also coming from Hammerwich church, by Chesterford, Shenton, Thickebrowne, and the north side of Oraition, Basset park, whereof I spoke before. From hence our Tame runneth on to Tamworth, there taking in the Anchor by east, whose description I had in this manner delivered unto me.  
It riseth above Burton, from whence it goeth by Nonneaton, 
Anchor.  Witherleie and Atherstone. Yer long also it taketh in a water from north-east, which cometh by Huglescote, Shapton, Cunston, Twicrosse (uniting itself with a water from Bosworth) Ratcliff, & so to the Anchor, which after this confluence passeth by Whittendon, Crindon, polesworth, Armington, Tamworth, & so into Tame, that hasteth to Hopwash, Comberford hall, Telford, and soon after crossing a rill that riseth short of Swinfield hall, and cometh by Festirike, it runneth not far from Eroxhall, and so to Catton, thereabout receiving his last increase not worthy to be omitted. This brook is named Mese, 
Mese.  and it riseth in the great park that lieth between Worthington, and Smothike, from whence also it goeth by Ashhie de la Souche, Packington, Mesham, and Stretton, and thereabout crossing a rill about Nethersale grange, from Ouersale by east, it proceedeth by Chilcote, Clifton, Croxall, into the Thame, and both out of hand into the main river a mile above Repton. Leland writing of this river (as I erst noted) saith thereof in this wise. Into the Thame also runneth the Bremicham brook, which riseth four or five miles about Bremicham in the Black hills in Worcestershire, and goeth into the aforesaid water a mile above Crudworth bridge. Certes (saith he) this Bremicham is a town maintained chiefly by smiths, nailers, cutlers, edgetoole forgers, lorimers or bitmakers, which have their iron out of Stafford and Warw●jc shires, and ●oles also out of the first county. Hitherto Leland. Now to resume the Trent, which being grown to some greatness, goeth on to Walton, Drakelow, and there crossing a water that cometh by Nowbold hall, it runneth to Stapenell, Winshull, Wightmere, and Newton South, where it receiveth two channels within a short space, to be described apart.  
The first of these is called the Dou or Dove, it riseth about the three shires mere, 
Dou.  and is as it were limbs between Stafford and Darbishires, until it come at the Trent. Descending therefore from the head, it goeth by Earlesbooth, Pilsburie grange; Hartington, Wolscot, Eton, Hunsington grange; and above Thorpe receiveth the Manifold water, 
Manifold.  so called, because of the sundry crinkling rills that it receiveth, and turnagaines that itself showeth before it come at the Dou. Rising therefore not far from Are edge cross (in the bottom thereby) it runneth from thence to Longmore, Shéene, Warslow chapel, and Welton, Beneath Welton also it taketh in the Hansleie water▪ that cometh out of Blackamoor hills to Watersall, 
Hansleie.  where it falleth into the ground: and afterward mounting again is received into the Manifold, north of Throwleie (as I hear) which goeth from thence to Ilam, and above Thorpe doth cast itself into Dou. Having therefore met together after this manner, the Dou proceedeth on to Maplington, beneath which it crosseth one water descending from Brassington by fenny Bentleie, and another somewhat lower that cometh from Hooston hall by Hognaston and Ashburne, and then going to Matterfield, Narburie, Ellaston, Rawston Rowcester, it meeteth with the Churn, 
Churn.  even here to be described before I go any further. It riseth a good way above Delacrasse abbey, and coming thither by Hellesbie wood, it taketh in the Dunsmere, 
Dunsmere.  between Harracrasse and Leike.  
Thence it goeth to the Walgrange, and a little beneath receiveth the Yendor that cometh from above Harton, 
Yendor.  thence to Cheddleton, and having crossed the Ashenhirst brook above Cnutes' hall, 
Aula Canuti. Ashenhirst.  it runneth by Ypston, Froghall, Below hill, Alton castle, Préestwood, and at Rowcester falleth into the Dou, which yer long also receiveth a rill from Crowsden, 
Teine.  and then going to Eton meeteth first with the Teine that cometh thither from each side of Chedleie by Teinetwone, Bramhirst and Stranehill. secondly with the Uncester or Uttoxeter water, 
Uttoxeter or Uncester.  and then going on to Merchington, Sidberie, Cawlton, it crosseth a brook from Sidmister college, by Saperton. From this confluence in like sort it passeth forth to Tilberie castle, Mars●on, and at Edergton meeteth with the water that cometh from Yeldersleie by Longford (where into runneth another that cometh from Hollington) and so to Hilton. These waters being thus joined, and many ends brought into one, the Dou itself falleth yer long likewise into the Trent, above Newton Souch. So that the main river being thus enlarged, goeth onwards with his course, and between Willington and Repton meeteth with two waters on sundry sides, whereof that which falleth in by Willington, riseth near Dawberie Lies, and runneth by Trusselie and Ash: the other that entereth above Repton, descendeth from Hartesburne, so that the Trent being past these, hasteth to Twiford, Inglebie, Staunton, Weston, Newton, and Aston, yer long also meeting with the Darwent; next of all to be dispatched. 
Darwent.  The Darwent, or (to use the very British word) Dowrgwine (but in Latin Fluuius Derevantanus) riseth plain west, near unto the edge of Darbishire, above Blackwell a market town, and from the head runneth to the New chapel, within a few miles after it be risen. From hence moreover it goeth by Howden house, Darwent chapel, Yorkshire bridge, and at Witham bridge doth cross the Neve or Novius that cometh from Newstole hill, 
Neue.  by Netherburgh, Hope (crossing there one rill from Castelton, another from Bradwell, and the third at Hathersage, from Stony ridge hill) and so goeth on to Padleie, Stockehall, receiving a rill by the way from by west, to Stony Middleton, and Baslow, and having here taken in the Burbrooke on the one side, and another from Halsop on the other, 
Burbroke.  it goeth to Chatworth and to Rowseleie, where it is increased with the Wie coming from by west, and also a rill on the east, a little higher. But I will describe the Wie before I go any further.  
The Wie riseth above Buxston well, 
Wie.  and there is increased with the Hawkeshow, 
Hawkeshow.  and the Wile 
Wile.  brook, whose heads are also further distant from the edge of Darbishire than that of Wie, and races somewhat longer, though neither of them be worthy to be accounted long. For the Wile, having two heads, the one of them is not far above the place where Wilebecke abbey stood, the other is further off by west, about Wilebecke town: and finally joining in one they run to Cuckneie village, where receiving a beck that cometh down from by west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the second rill, and so resort to Rufford, or the Manbecke. Unto this also do other two rills repair, 
Rufford alias Manbecke.  whereof the one goeth through and the other hard by Maunsfield, of which two also this latter riseth west about four miles, and runneth forth to Clipston (three miles lower) and so likewise to Rufford, whereof I will speak hereafter. In the mean time to return again to the Wie. From Buxston well, it runneth to Staddon, Cowdale, Cowlow, New meadow, Milhouses, Bankewell, and Haddon hall, beneath which it receiveth the Lath kell, 
Lathkell.  that runneth by Ouerhaddon, and the Bradford, 
Bradford.  both in one bottom after they be joined in one at Alport. And this is the first great water that our Darwent doth meet withal. Being therefore past the Rowsleys, the said Darwent goeth to Stancliffe, Darleie in the peake, Wensleie, Smitterton hall, and at Matlocke taketh in a rill by north-east, as it doth another at Crumford that goeth by Boteshall.  
From mattock, it proceedeth to Watston, or Watsond, Well bridge, Alderwash, and joineth with another stream called Amber coming in from by north by Amber bridge, 
Amber.  whose description shall ensue in this wise, as I find it. The head of Amber is above Edleston hall, or (as Leland saith) est of Chesterfield, and coming from thence by Middleton to Ogston hall, it taketh withal another brook, descending from Hardwijc wood, by Alton and Streton. Thence it goeth to Higham, Brackenfield, and above Dale bridge meeteth with a brook running from Hucknalward to Shireland park side, there crossing the Moreton beck, 
Moreton.  and so to Alferton, except I name it wrong. From Dale bridge it goeth by Wingfeld, to Hedge, Fritchlin, and so into Darwent, taking the water withal that descendeth from Swanswtjc by Pentridge, as Leland doth remember. From this confluence likewise it runneth to Belper, where it meeteth with a rill coming from Morleie park: thence to Makenie, and at Duffeld, 
Eglesburne.  receiveth the Eglesburne, which ariseth about Wirkesworth or Oresworth, but in the same parish out of a rock, and cometh in by Turnedich. From Duffeld, it passeth to Bradsall, Darleie abbeie, and at Derby taketh in a rill coming from Mirkaston by Weston underwood, Kidleston and Merton. If a man should say that Darwent river giveth name to Derby town, he should not well know how every one would take it, and peradventure thereby he might happen to offend some. In the mean time I believe it, let other judge as pleaseth them, sith my conjecture can prejudice none. To proceed therefore. From Derby it runneth on by Aluaston, Ambaston, the Welles, and so into Trent, which goeth from hence to Sawleie, and north of Thrumpton taketh in the Sore, a fair stream, and not worthy to be overpassed. 
Sora, or Surus.   
It riseth in Leicestershire above Wigton, and thence goeth to Sharneford, Sapcote, and beneath Staunton taketh in a rill that cometh by Dounton and Broughton Astleie. Thence to Marleborow, and before it come to Eston, crosseth another on the same side (descending by Burton, Glen, Winstow, Kilbie and Blabie) then to Leircester town, Belgrave, Burstall, Wanlip; and yer it come at Cussington or Cositon, crosseth the Eye, 
Eye.  which riseth near Occam above Bramston, 
Leland calleth one of these rilles Croco.  going by Knawstow, Somerbie; Pickwell, Whitesonden; and beneath (a little) receiveth a rill on the right hand from Coldnorton. Thence to Stapleford, & soon after crossing a brook from above Sproxton, Coson, Garthorpe and Saxbie, it runneth to Wiverbie, Brentingbie; and yer it come at Milton, meeteth with two other small rilles, from the right hand whereof one cometh from about Caldwell by Thorpe Arnold, and Waltham in the Would; the other from Skaleford ward, and from Melton goeth by Sisonbie, there meeting with another from north-east over against Kirbie Hellars, after which time the name of Eye is changed into Work or Urke, and so continueth until it come at the Sour. 
Work, Urke, or Wr●ke.  From hence also it goeth to Asterbie, Radgale, Habie, Trussington, Ratcliff; and soon after crosseth sundry waters not very far in sunder, whereof one cometh from Oueston, by Twiford, Ashbie, and Gadesbie; another from Losebie, by Baggrave, and Crawston, and joining with the first at Ouennihow, it is not long yer they fall into the Work. The second runneth from Engarsbie, by Barkeleie, and Sison. But the third and greatest of the three, is a channel increased with three waters, whereof one cometh from Norton by Burton, Kilbie, Foston and Blabie, the other from Dounton by Broughton and Astleie, and meeting with the third from Sapcoth, and stony Staunton, they run together by Narborow, and soon after joining above Elston, with the first of the three, they go as one by Elston to Leircester, Belgrave, Wanlip, and above Cussington do fall into the Work, and soon after into the Sour. The Sour in like sort going from thence to mount Sorrel, & taking in another brook south-west from Leircester forest, by Glenfield, Austie, Thurcaston and Rodelie, joineth with the Sour, which goeth from thence to mount Sorrel, and Quarendon (where it taketh in a water coming from Charnewood forest, and goeth by Bradegate and Swithland) and then proceedeth to Cotes, Lughborow and Stanford, there also taking in one rill out of Notinghamshire by north-east; and soon after another from south-west, coming from Braceden to Shepesheved, Garrington, & Dighlie grange, and likewise the third from Worthington, by Disworth, long Whitton, and Wathorne. Finally, after these confluences, it hasteth to Sutton, Kingston, and Ratcliff, and so into the Trent.  
These things being thus brought together, and we now resuming the discourse of the same river, it doth after his meeting with the Some, proceed withal to Barton, where it taketh in the Erwash, which riseth about Kirbie, 
Erwash.  and thence goeth to Sel●●on, Wansbie, Codnor castle, Estwood, and crossing a water from Be●all, runneth to Coshall, Trowe● (and there taking in another rill coming from Henor by Shipleie) it proceedeth on to Stapleford, long Eton, and so into the Trent. This bring soon it goeth to Clifton, and yer it come at Wilford, it meeteth with a brook that passeth from Staunton by Bonnie and Rodington, and thence to Nottingham, where it crosseth the Line, wh●● riseth above Newsted; and passing by Papple 〈◊〉, H●eknall, Bafford, Radford and Linton, next of all to Thorpe & Farmdon, where it brancheth and maketh an Island, and into the smaller of them goeth a brook from Beaver castle, which rising between east Well and Eton in Leircester is called the Dene, 
Dene.  and from thence runneth by Bramston to Knipton, & beneath Knipton meeteth with a brook that cometh by west of ●roxston, and thence holdeth on with his course, between Wille●●horpe and Beaver castle aforesaid▪ and so to Bottesworth, Normanton, Killington▪ Shilton, there receiving the Snite from by south (whose head is near Clauston, 
Snite.  & course from thence by Hickling, Langer, Whalton, Orston, and Flareborow) and yer long another coming from Bingham, and Sibthorpe. Thence our Trent runneth to Coxam, Hawton, Newarke castle, and so to Winthorpe, where the branches are reunited, and thence go on by Holme to Cromwell (and soon after taking in a brook coming from Bilsthorpe, by Kersall, Cawnton, Norwell and Willoughby) to Carlton, and to Sutton, there making a little I'll, then to Grinton, where it toucheth a stream on each side, whereof one cometh from Morehouse by Weston & Gresthorpe, another from Langthorpe, by Collingham, and Bosthorpe. From hence likewise it passeth to Clifton, Newton, Kettlethorpe, Torkeseie, Knath, Guinsborow, Waltrith, Stockwith; and leaving Axholme on the left hand, it taketh withal Hogdike water out of the isle, and so goeth forth to Wildsworth, Eastferrie, Frusworth, Burringham, Guinmeis, Hixburgh, Burton, Walcote, and at Ankerburie into the Humber, receiving the swift Dove by the way, which for his nobleness is not to be overpassed, especially for that Anno 1536 Hen. 8, 28, it was (by God's providence) a stay of great bloodshed like to have fallen out between the king's side and the rebels of the north, in a quarrel about religion. For the night before the battle should have been stricken, and without any apparent cause (a little shower of rain 
A miracle.  excepted far unpossible upon such a sudden to have made so great a water) the said river arose so high, & ran with such vehemency, that on the morrow the armies could not join to try & fight it out: after which a pacification ensued, and those countries were left in quiet. secondly, the description hereof is not to be overpassed, because of the fine grass which groweth upon the banks thereof, which is so fine and batable, that there goeth a proverb upon the same; so oft as a man will commend his pasture, to say that there is no better feed on Dove bank: that maketh it also the more famous.  
The Dove therefore riseth in Yorkshire among 
Dove.  the Peke hills, and having received a water coming by Ingbirchworth (where the colour thereof is very black) it goeth to Pennistone, which is four miles from the head: then by Oxspring to Thurgoland, and soon after (joining by the way with the Midhop water, 
Midhop.  that runneth by Midhop chapel, and Hondshelfe) it meeteth with another coming from Bowsterston chapel. Then goeth it by Waddesleie wood to Waddesleie bridge, and at Aluerton receiveth the Bradfeld water. Then passeth it to Croaks, and so to Sheffeld castle (by east whereof it receiveth a brook from by south that cometh through Sheffeld park.) Thence it proceedeth to Westford bridge, Briksie bridge; and south-west of Timsleie receiveth the Cowleie stream that runneth by Ecclefield. 
Cowleie.  Next of all it goeth to Rotheram, where it meeteth with the Rother, 
Rother.  a goodly water, whose head is in Darbieshire about Pilsleie, from whence it goeth under the name of Doleie, till it come at Rotheram, by north Winfield church, Wingerworth, and Foreland hall, twelve miles from Rotheram, to Chesterford, where it meeteth with the Iber, 
Iber.  and Brampton 
Brampton.  water that cometh by Holme hall, both in one channel. Thence it runneth to Topton castle, and yer long crossing one water coming from Dronefeld by Whittington on the one side, and the second from above Brimington on the other, it goeth through Stalie park, and soon after meeteth with the Crawleie beck, whereof I find this note.  
The Crawleie riseth not far from Hardw●jc, 
Crawleie.  and going by Stanesbie and Woodhouse, it receiveth above Netherhorpe, one water on the one side coming from the Old park, and another from Barlborow hill on the other, that runneth not far from Woodthorpe. After this confluence likewise they run as one into the Rother, which hasteth from thence to Eckington (there crossing a rill that runneth by Birleie hill) and so to Kilmarsh, in the confines of Darbieshire, 
Gunno.  where it taketh in the Gunno from by east. Thence to Boughton, uniting itself thereabout with another by west from Gledles, called Mesebrooke, 
Mesebrooke.  which divideth Yorkshire from Darbieshire, and so runneth to Treton, Whiston, there taking in a rill from Aston, and so to Rotheram, where it meeteth with the Dove, and from whence our Dove (yielding plenty of salmon all the way as it passeth) hasteth to Aldwa●ke, Swaiton, Mexburge, there taking in the Darne, which I will next describe, and stay with the Dove, until I have finished the same. It riseth at Combworth, and so cometh about by Bretton hall, to Darton ward, where it crosseth a water that runneth from Gonthwake hall, by Cawthorne united of two heads. From hence it goeth to Burton grange, then to Drax, where it toucheth with a water from south-west, & then goeth to Derfield and Goldthorpe: but yer it come to Sprotborow, it uniteth itself with a fair river, increased by diverse waters, before it come at the Dove, & whereinto it falleth (as I hear) north-east of Mexburgh. After this confluence likewise the Dove goeth by Sprothorow, to Warnesworth, Doncaster, Wheatleie (there meeting with the Hampall creek on the north-east side, 
Hampall.  which riseth east of Kirbie) thence to sandal, Kirke sandal, Branwith ferry, Stanford, Fishlake, and so to Thuorne or Thurne, where it crosseth the Idle (whose description followeth) and finally into Trent, and so into the Humber.  
But before I deal with the description of the Idle, I will add somewhat of the Rheum, a fair water. For though the description thereof be not so exactly delivered me as I looked for; yet such as it is I will set down, conferring it with Lelands' book, and helping their defect so much as to me is possible. It riseth by south of Maunsfield, five miles from Rumford abbeie, and when the stream cometh near the abbeie, it casteth itself abroad and maketh a fair lake. After this it cometh again into a narrow channel, and so goeth on to Rumford village, caring the Budbie and the Gerberton waters withal. 
Budbie Gerberton.  From thence, and with a meetly long course, it goeth to Bawtrie or Uautrie, a market town in Nottinghamshire, five miles from Doncaster, and so into the Trent. Beneath Rumford also cometh in the Gird, which goeth unto Southwell mills, 
Gird.  and so into the Trent. Now as concerning our Idle.  
The Idle, which some call Brier stream, 
Idle.  riseth at Sutton in Ashfield, from whence it runneth to Maunsfield, Clipston & Allexton, where it taketh in a water that riseth in the forest, one mile north of Bledworth, and runneth on by Rughford abbey, till it come to Allexton. 
Manbecke.  The foresters call this Manbecke, whereof Leland also speaketh, who describeth it in this manner. Manbrooke riseth somewhere about Linthirst wood, from whence it goeth to Blisthorpe, and so to Allerton. But to proceed. The Idle having taken in the Manbecke, it runneth to Bothomsall, by Boughton, & Perlethorpe: but yer it come there, it meeteth the Meding Maiden, or Midding brook, which rising about Teversall, 
Meding beck.  goeth to Pleasleie, Nettleworth, Sawcan, Warsop, Budleie, Thursbie, Bothomsall, and so into the Idle. After this it proceedeth to Houghton, west Draiton, but yer it touch at Graunston or Gaunston, it taketh in the Wily, 
Wily.  which cometh from Clown, to Creswell, Holbecke, Woodhouse, Wilebecke, Normenton, Elsleie, Graunston, and so into the Idle. Being thus increased, the Idle runneth on to Idleton, Ordsall, Retford, Bollam, Tilneie, Matterseie abbeie, and so to Bawtrie, where it meeteth another from the shire Okes, that riseth above Geitford, passeth on to Worksop (or Radfurth) Osberton, 
Blithe.  Bilbie, and Blithe, there uniting itself with three rilles in one bottom, whereof one cometh from Waldingwell to Careleton, and so through a park to Blithe town, another from by west Furbecke three miles, and so to Blithe: but the third out of the White water near to Blithe, and there being united they pass on to Scrobie, and so into the Idle.  
From hence it runneth on to Missen, to Saddler's bridge, and next of all to Santoft, where it meeteth with the Sandbecke, 
Sandbecke.  which rising not far from Sandbecke town, passeth by Tickhill, Rosington bridge, Brampton, Rilholme, Lindholme, and one mile south of Santoft into the Idle water, which runneth from thence to Thorn, where it meeteth with the Dove, and so with it to Crowleie. Finally, environing the isle of Areholme, it goeth unto Garthorpe, Focorbie, & so into the Trent. Leland writing of the Wily, Wile, or Gwilie (as some writ it) saith thus thereof. The Wile hath two heads, whereof one is not far above the place where Wilbecke abbey stood; the other riseth further off by west above Welbecke or Wilebecke town: finally joining in one, they run to Cuckeneie village, where crossing a beck that cometh in from by west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the second rill, and so resort to Rufford. To this river likewise (saith he) do two other waters repair, whereof the one goeth hard by Maunsfield (rising four miles from thence by west) and then cometh three miles lower to Rufford; the other (so far as I remember) goeth quite through the town.   

Of such falls of waters as join with the sea, between Humber and the Thames. Chap. 16.  
Having in this manner described the Ouze, and such rivers as fall into the same: now it resteth that I proceed in my voyage toward the Thames, according to my former order. Being therefore come again into the main sea, I find no water of any countenance or course (to my remembrance) till I come unto the Ancolme a goodly water, 
Ancolme.  which riseth east of market Rafing, and from thence goeth by middle Rafing. Then receiving a short till from by south, it runneth on under two bridges, by the way, till it come to Wingall, north-east; where also it meeteth with another brook, from W●●●bie that cometh thither by Uresbie, goeth by Cadneie (taking in the two rilles in one bottom, that descend from Howsham, and north Leiseie) and thence to Newsted, Glanford, Wardeleie, Thorneham, Applebie, Horflow, north Ferribie, and so into the sea.  
Being past Ancolme, 
K●lis.  we go about the Nesse, and so to the fall of the water which cometh from Keledie, by Cotham abbey, Nersham abbeie, Thorneton, and leaving Coxhill by west, it falleth into the Ocean. The next is the fall of another brook coming from fleeting, all alongst by Stas●ingburne. Then crossed we Grimsby gullet, which issuing above Erebie cometh to Lasebie, the two Coats, and then into the sea. After this we passed by another portlet, whose backwater descendeth from Balesbie by Ashbie, Briggesleie, Wath, and Towneie, and finally to the next issue, before we come at Saltflete, which branching at the last, leaveth a pretty Island wherein Comsholme village standeth. This water riseth short (as I hear) of Tathe well, from whence it goeth to Rathbie, Hallington, Estington, Lowth, Kidirington, Auingham, and then branching above north Somerton, one arm meeteth with the sea, by Gravethorpe, the other by north of Somercote.  
Saltflete water hath but a short course: for rising among the Cockeringtons, it cometh to the sea, 
Saltflete.  at Saltflete haven: howbeit the next unto it is of a longer race, for it riseth (as I take it) at Cawthorpe paroch, and descendeth by Legburne, the Carletons', the west middle and east Saltfletes, and so into the Ocean. The water that riseth above Ormesbie and Oribie, goeth to Cawsbie, Swabie abbeie, Clathorpe, Belew, Tattle, Witherne, Stane, and northcast of Thetilthorpe into the main sea.  
Maplethorpe water riseth at Tharesthorpe, and going by Markeleie, Folethorpe, 
Maplethorpe.  and Truthorpe, it is not long yer it meet with the German Ocean. Then come we to the issue that cometh from above Hotost, and thence to Mumbie chapel, whither the water coming from Claxbie, Willoughby, and Slouthbie (and whereinto another rill falleth) doth run, as there to do homage unto their lord and sovereign. As for Ingold mill créeke, I pass it over, and come straight to another water, descending from Burge by Skegnes. From hence I go to the issue of a fair brook, which (as I hear) doth rise at Tetford, and thence goeth by Somerbie, Bagenderbie, Ashwardbie, Sawsthorpe, Partneie, Ashbie, the Steping, Thorpe croft, and so into the sea. As for Wainflete water, it cometh from the east sea, and goeth between S. Mary's & All-hallows by Wainflete town, and treading the path of his predecessors, emptieth his channel to the maintenance of the sea.  
Now come I to the course of the Witham, a famous river, whereof goeth the beword, frequented of old, and also of Ancolme, which I before described: 
Ancolme ele, and Witham pike,  
Search all England and find not the like.  Leland calleth it Lindis, diverse the the, 
Lindis, witham, Rhe.  and I have read all these names myself: and thereto that the Lincolnshire men were called in old time Coritani, and their head city Lindus, Lindon, or Linodunum, in which region also Ptolemy placeth Rage, which some take to be Nottingham, except my memory do fail me. It riseth among the Wickhams', in the edge of Lincolnshire, and (as I take it) in south-Wickham paroch, from whence it goeth to Co●sterworth, Easton, Kirkestoke Paunton, and Paunton Houghton, and at Grantham taketh in a rill from by south-west, as I hear. From Grantham it runneth to Man, Thorpe, Bolton, and Barneston, where crossing a beck from north-east, it proceedeth further south-west ward by Mereston, toward Faston (there also taking in a brook that riseth about Denton, and goeth by Sidbrooke) it hasteth to Dodington, Clapale, Barmebie, Beckingham, Stapleford, Bassingham, Thursbie, and beneath Amburgh crosseth a water that cometh from Stogilthorpe by Somerton castle.  
After this confluence also, our Witham goeth still forth on his way to the Hickhams', Boltham, Bracebridge, and Lincoln itself, for which the Normans writ Nicholl by transposition of the letters, or (as I may better say) corruption of the word. But yer it come there, it maketh certain pools (whereof one is called Swan pool) and soon after dividing itself into arms, they run both through the lower part of Lincoln, each of them having a bridge of stone over it, thereby to pass through the principal street: and as the bigger arm is well able to bear their fisher boats, so the lesser is not without his several commodities. At Lincoln also this noble river meeteth with the Fosse dike, whereby in great floods vessels may come from the Trents side to Lincoln. 
Fosse dike.  For between Torkseie, where it beginneth, and Lincoln city, where it endeth, are not above seven miles, as Leland hath remembered. Bishop Atwater began to cleanse this ditch, thinking to bring great vessels from Trent to Lincoln in his time: but sith he died before it was performed, there hath no man been since so well minded as to prosecute his purpose. The course moreover of this our stream following, from Lincoln to Boston is fifty miles by water: but if you mind to ferry, you shall have but 24. For there are four common places where men are ferried over; as Short ferry, five miles from Lincoln, Tatersall ferry, eight miles from Short ferry, Dogdike ferry a mile, Langreth ferry five miles, and so many finally to Boston.  
But to go forward with the course of Lindis (whereof the whole province hath been called Lindeseie) when it is passed Linclone, it goeth by Shepewash, Wassingburg, Fiskerton, and soon after taketh in sundry rivers in one channel, whereby his greatness is very much increased. From this confluence it goeth to Bardolfe, and there receiving a rill (descending from between Sotbie and Randbie, and going by Harton) it slideth forth by Tupham to Tatersall castle, taking up there in like sort three small rills by the way, whereof I have small notice as yet: and therefore I refer them unto a further consideration to be had of them hereafter, if it shall please God that I may live to have the filling of these rude pamphlets yet once again, & somewhat more leisure to peruse them than at this time is granted. Finally, being past Tatersall, and Dogdike ferry, the Witham goeth toward Boston, & thence into the sea. Thus have I briestie dispatched this noble river Witham. But having another note delivered me thereof from a friend, I will yield so far unto his gratification, that I will remember his travel here, and set down also what he hath written thereof, although the river be sufficiently described already.  
Into Witham therefore from by north, and seven miles beneath Lincoln, 
Witham.  there falleth a fair water, the head whereof is at Hakethorne, from whence it goeth by Hanworth, 
Hake.  Snarford, Resbie, Stainton, and at Bullington meeteth with a water on each side, whereof one cometh from Haiton and Turxington, the other from Sudbrooke, and likewise beneath Birlings with the third coming from Barkeworth by Stansted, and joining all in one, soon after it is not long yer it fall into the channel of Witham, and so are never more heard of. There is also a brook by south-west, that cometh from Kirbie to Cateleie, Biltingams, and the Ferry. At Taterfall it meeteth with the Bane, 
Bane.  which riseth above Burgh, and near unto Ludford goeth down to Dunnington, Stanigod, Hemmingsbie, Bamburgh, Fillington, Horn castle (where it crosseth a rill from Belchworth) Thornton, Marton, Halton, Kirkebie, Comsbie, Tatersall, and so to Dogdike ferry.  
Above Boston likewise it taketh in a water coming from Lusebie by Bolingbrooke, Stickeford, Stickneie, Sibbeseie and Hildrike. And to Boston town itself do finally come sundry brooks in one channel, called Hammond beck, which rising at Donesbie, runneth on to Wrightbold, where it casteth one arm into Holiwell water. Thence it hasteth toward Dunnington, receiving four brooks by the way, whereof the first cometh from Milshorpe, the second from Fokingham, 
Bollingborow. Sempringham.  called Bollingborow, or (after some, I wot not upon what occasion) Sempringham water, the third from Bridge end, the fourth from Sempringham, and afterwards the main stream is found to run by Kirton holm, and so into the Witham. Into the Wiland likewise falleth the Holiwell, which riseth of a spring that runneth toward the east from Haliwell to Onebie, Esonden, Gretford, and so to Catbridge, where it receiveth another rising at Witham and west of Manthorpe, and the second coming from Land, and so run from thence together to Willesthorpe and Catbridge, and then into the Haliwell, which after these confluences goeth to Tetford and Eastcote, where it meeteth with a drain, coming from Bourne, and so through the sennes to Pinchbecke, Surfleet, and Fosdike, where it meeteth with the Welland, in the mouth of the Wash, as I have noted unto you.  
Having thus set forth the rivers that fall into the Witham, 
Wiland.  now come we to the Wiland or Welland, whereunto we repair after we be past Boston, as drawing by little and little toward the Girwies, which inhabit in the fens (for Gir in the old Saxon speech doth signify deep fens and marshes) and these beginning at Peterborow eastward, extend themselves by the space of three score miles & more, as Hugh of Peterborow writeth. This stream riseth about Sibbertoft, and running between Bosworth and Howthorpe, it goeth to Féedingworth, Merson, Bubberham, Trussell, Herborow (receiving there the Braie, 
Braie.  which cometh from Braiebrooke castle) to Bowton, Weston, Wiland, Ashleie, Medburne, Rokingham, and Cawcot, where a riveret called little Eye meeteth withal, coming from east Norton by Alexstone, Stock, Faston, and Dry stock. From Cawcot it goeth to Gritto, Harringworth, Seton, Waverlie, Duddington, Collie Weston, Eston, and there joineth with the third called Work, 
Work.  not far from Ketton, which cometh from Lie by Preston, Wing, Lindon, Luffenham, etc. Thence it goeth on by Tinwell, to Stanford (crossing the Brook water, 
Brooke water Whitnell.  and Whitnelbecke, both in one bottom) and from Stanford by Talington, Maxeie, to market, Deeping, Crowland (where it almost meeteth with the avon) then to Spalding, Whapland, and so into the sea.  
Leland writing of this Wiland, addeth these words which I will not omit, sith in mine opinion they are worthy to be noted, for better consideration to be had in the said water and his course. The Wiland (saith he) going by Crowland, at Newdrene divideth itself into two branches, of which one goeth up to Spalding called Newdrene, 
Newdrene.  and so into the sea at Fossedike Stow: the other named the South 
South.  into Wisbech. This latter also parteth itself two miles from Crowland, 
Writhlake.  & sendeth a rill called Writhlake by Thorneie, where it meeteth with an arm of the Nene, that cometh from Peterborow, and holdeth course with the broad stream, till it be come to Murho, six miles from Wisbech, where it falleth into the South.  
Out of the South in like sort falleth another arm called sheeps eye, 
sheeps eye.  and at Hopelode (which is fourteen miles from Lin) did fall into the sea. But now the course of that stream is ceased, whereupon the inhabitants sustain many grievous floods, because the mouth is staunched, by which it had access before into the sea. Hitherto Leland. Of the course of this river also from Stanford, I note this furthermore out of another writing in my time. Being past Stanton (saith he) it goeth by Burghleie, Uffington, Tallington, Maxeie, Déeping, east Deeping, and coming to Waldram hall, it brancheth into two arms, whereof that which goeth to Singlesole, receiveth the Nene out of Cambridgeshire, and then going by Dowesdale, Trekenhole, and winding at last to Wisbech, it goeth by Liverington, saint Maries, and so into the sea. The other arm hasteth to Crowland, Clowthouse, Bretherhouse, Pikale, Cowbecke and Spalding. Here also it receiveth the Baston dreane, Longtost dreane, Déeping dreane, and thence goeth by Wickham into the sea, taking withal on the right hand sundry other dreanes. And thus far he.  
Next of all, when we are passed these, we come to another fall of water into the Wash, which descendeth directly from Whaplade dreane to Whaplade town in Holland: but because it is a water of small importance, I pass from thence, as hasting to the Nene, of both the more noble river: and about the midst thereof in place is a certain swallow, so deep and so cold in the midst of summer, that no man dare dive to the bottom thereof for coldness, and yet for all that in winter never found to have been touched with frost, much less to be covered with ise. The next therefore to be described is the avon, 
avon.  otherwise called Nene, 
Nene.  which the said author describeth after this manner. The Nene beginneth four miles above Northampton in Nene mere, where it riseth out of two heads, which join about Northampton. Of this river the city and country beareth the name, although we now pronounce Hampton for Auondune, which error is committed also in south Auondune, as we may easily see. In another place Leland describeth the said river after this manner. The avon riseth in Nene mere field, and going by Oundale and Peterborow, it divideth itself into three arms, whereof one goeth to Horneie, another to Wisbech, the third to Ramseie: and afterward being united again, they fall into the sea not very far from Lin. Finally, the descent of these waters leave here a great sort of islands, whereof of Elie, Crowland, and Merfland, are the chief. Hitherto Leland.  
Howbeit, because neither of these descriptions touch the course of this river at the full, I will set down the third, which shall supply whatsoever the other do want. The avon therefore arising in Nenemere field, is increased with many rilles, before it come at Northhampton, & one above King's thorpe, from whence it goeth to Dallington, and so to Northhampton, where it receiveth the Wedon. And here I will stay, 
Vedunus.  till I have described this river. The Wedon therefore riseth at Faulesse in master Knightlies' pools, and in Badbie plashes also are certain springs that resort unto this stream. Faulesse pools are a mile from Chareton, where the head of Chare river is, that runneth to Banberie. There is but an hill called Alberie hill between the heads of these two rivers.  
From the said hill therefore the Weldon directeth his course to Badbie, Newenham, Euerton, Wedon, betwixt which and Floretowne, it receiveth the Florus (a pretty water rising of four heads, 
Florus.  whereof the one is at Daventrie, another at Watford, the third at long Buck, the fourth above Whilton) and then passeth on to Heiford, Kislingberie, Upton, and so to Northhampton, where it falleth into the avon, receiving finally by the way the Bugbrooke water at He●ford, 
●ugius.  Pat●hall water near ●islingberie, and finally Preston water beneath Upton, which running from Preston by Wootton, meeteth at the last with Milton rill, and so fall into avon. Now to resume the tractation of our avon. From Northhampton therefore it runneth by Houghton, great Billing, Whitstone, Dodington, and Willingborow, where we must stay a while: for between Willingborow and Higham Ferries, it receiveth a pretty water coming from about Kilmarsh, 
Kilis.  which going by Ardingworth, Daisborow, Rusheton, Newton, Gaddington, Boughton, Warketon, Kettering, Berton, and Burton, meeteth there with Rothwell water, 
Rother.  which runneth west of Kettering to Hisham, the greater Haridon, and then into the avon.  
Being therefore past Burton, our main stream goeth to Higham Ferries, Artleborow, Kingsted, Woodford, and (meeting thereby with Cranford rill) to Thraxston, north whereof it joineth also with the Ocleie water, 
Ocleie.  that cometh from Sudborow and Lowicke, to old Umkles, Waden ho, Pilketon, Took (where it taketh in the Liveden beck) and so to Oundell, Cotterstocke, Tansoner, and between Tothering and Warmington receiveth the Corbie water, 
Corbie.  which rising at Corbie, goeth by Weldon, Deneshap, Bulwich, Bletherwijc, Fineshed, Axthorpe, Newton, Tothering, and so into the avon. After this, the said avon goeth to Elton, Massington, Yerwell, Sutton, Castor, Allerton, and so to Peterborow, where it divideth itself into sundry arms, and those into several branches and drains, among the fens and meadows, not possible almost to be numbered, before it meet with the sea on the one side of the country, and fall into the Ouze on the other.  
The Ouze, which Leland calleth the third Isis, 
Isis' 3.  falleth into the sea between Mersland & Downeham. The chief head of this river ariseth near to Stanes, from whence it cometh to Brackleie (sometime a noble town in Northampton shire, but now scarcely a good village) and there taking in on the left hand one water coming from the park between Sisam and Astwell (which runneth by Whitfield and 
Sisa.  Tinweston) and another on the right from Imleie, it goeth on by Westbirie, 
Imelus.  Fulwell, water Stretford, Buckingham, and Berton, beneath which town the Erin falleth into it, whereof I find this short description to be inserted here. 
Erin.  The Erin riseth not far from Hardwijc Northamptonshire, from hence it goeth by H●th, Gunford, Godderington, Twiford, Steeple C●adon, & yer it come at Padbirie, meeteth with the Garan●●brooke descending from 
Garan.  Garanburge, and so they go together by Padbirie, till they fall into the Ouze, which carrieth them after the confluence to Thorneton bridge (where they cross another fall of water coming from Whitlewood forest by Luffe●d, Le●amsted and Fosent) and so to Beachampton, Culuerton, stony Stratford, and Woluerton.  
Here the Ouze meeteth with a water (called, 
Verus.  as Leland conjectureth, the Vere or Were) on the left hand, as you go downwards, that cometh between Wedon and Wexenham in Northamptonshire, and goeth by Towcester, and Alderton, and not far from Woluerton and Haversham into the foresaid Ouze, which goeth also from hence to Newportpaganell, where in like sort I must stay a while till I have described another water, named the Clée, by whose issue the said stream is not a little increased. 
Cle alias Claius.  This river riseth in the very confines between Buckingham and Bedfordshires, not far from Whippesnade, and going on toward the northwest, by Eton and Laiton, it cometh to Linchlade, where it entereth wholly into Buckinghamshire, and so goeth on by Hammond, Brickle, fenny Stratford, Simpson, Walton and Middleton, beneath which it receiveth the Saw from above Halcot, and so goeth on till it meet with the Ouze near unto 
Saw.  Newport, as I have said. Being united therefore, we set forward from the said town, and follow this noble river, to Lathbirie, Thuringham, Filgrane, Lawndon, Newington, Bradfield on the one side, and Turueie on the other, till it come at length to Bedford after many windlesses, and then meeteth with another stream, which is increased with so many waters, that I was enforced to make an imagined stay here also, and view their several courses, supposing myself to look down from the highest steeple in Bedford, whence (as best mean to view any country wheresoever) I note the same as followeth.  
Certes on the east side, where I began this speculation, I saw one that came from Potton, and met withal near Becliswade: another that grew of two waters, whereof one descended from Baldock, the other from Hitchin, which joined beneath Arleseie, and thence went to Langford and Edworth. The third which I beheld had in like sort two heads, whereof one is not far from Wood end, 
These rise not far from Michelborow & one of them in Higham park.  the other from Wooburne (or Howburne) and joining about Flitwijc, they go to Flitton (where they receive antil brook) and so by Chiphill, and Chicksand, they come to Shafford, from whence taking the aforesaid Langford water with them, they go forth by Becliswade, Sandie, Blumham, and near unto Themisford are united with the Ouze. And now to our purpose again.  
After this the Ouze goeth by Berkeford, to Winteringham (meeting there with the Wareslie beck) and so runneth to S. Neotes (or saint Needs, 
Verus or the Were.  in old time Goluesburg, as Capgrave saith In vita Neoti) to Paxston, Offordes, 
Stoveus.  and so to Godmanchester, in old time called Gumicester, which (as it should seem) hath been a town of far greater countenance than at this present it is; for out of the ruins thereof much Roman coin is found, and sometimes with the image of C. Antius which hath long hair, as the Romans had before they received barbers into their city, and thereunto the bones of diverse men of far greater stature than is credible to be spoken of in these days. But what stand I upon these things? From hence therefore our water goeth on to Huntingdon, 
Stoveus.  Wilton, saint jews, Holiwell, and Erith, receiveth in the mean time the Stow (near unto little Paxton) and likewise the Ellen, and the Emmer, 
Helenus. Elmerus.  in one channel a little by west of Huntingdon.  
Finally, the main stream spreading abroad into the Fens, I cannot tell into how many branches, neither how many Ilets are enforced by the same; although of Isles, Marshland, Ancarig or Ancarie be the chief, and of which this later is called Crowland (as Crowland also height thorny A cruda terra, or store of bushes saith Hugo le Blanc) sometime growing in the same, and Ancartjc because sundry Anchors have lived & borne great sway therein. But howsoever this case standeth, this is certain, that after it hath thus delighted itself with ranging a while about the pleasant bottoms & lower grounds, it meeteth with the Granta, from whence it goeth with a swift course unto Downeham. Between it also and the avon, are sundry large meres or plashes, by south-west of Peterborow full of powts and carps, whereof Whittleseie mere, and Ramseie mere (whereinto the Rival falleth, 
Rivelus.  that cometh from above Broughton, Wiston, and great Rivelleie) are said to be greatest. Of all the rivers that run into this stream, that called Granta (whereof the whole county in old time was called Grantabrycshire, 
Granta.  as appeareth by the register of Henry prior of Canturburie) is the most noble and excellent, which I will describe even in this place, notwithstanding that I had erst appointed it unto my second book. But for somuch as a description of Ouze and Granta were delivered me together, I will for his sake that gave them me, not separate them now in sunder.  
The very furthest head and original of this river is in Henham, a large park belonging to the earl of Sussex, wherein (as the townsmen say) are four springs that run four sundry ways into the main sea. Leland sought not the course of this water above Newport pond, and therefore in his commentaries upon the song of the swan, he writeth thereof after this manner ensuing. Although doctor john Caius the learned physician, and some other are of the opinion, that this river coming from Newport, is properly to be called the Rhée: but I may not so easily dissent from Leland, whose judgement in my mind is by a great deal the more likely. hearken therefore what he saith.  
The head of Grantha or Granta, is in the pond at Newport, a town of the east Saxons, which going in a bottom beside the same, receiveth a pretty rill, which in the midst thereof doth drive a mill, and descendeth from Wickin Bonhant, that standeth not far from thence. Being past Newport, it goeth alongst in the lower ground, until it come to Broke Walden, west of Chipping Walden (now Saffron Walden) hard by the lord Awdleis' place, where the right honourable Thomas Howard with his household do sojourn, and sometime stood an abbeie of Benedictine monks, before their general suppression. From Awdleie end it goeth to Littleburie, the less and greater Chesterfords, Yealdune, Hincstone, Seoston or Sawson, and near unto Shaleford receiveth the Babren that cometh by Linton, Abbington, Babrenham, and Stapleford: and so going forward it cometh at the last to Trompington, 
Babren.  which is a mile from Cambridge. But yer it come altogether to Trompington, it meeteth with the Barrington water, as Leland calleth it, but some other the Rhee 
Rhée.  (a common name to all waters in the Saxon speech) whereof I find this description, to be touched by the way. The Rhée riseth short of Ashwell in Hertfordshire, and passing under the bridge between Gilden Mordon and Downton, and leaving Tadlow on the west side (as I remember) it goeth toward Crawden, Malton, Barrington, Haselingfield, and so into Granta, taking sundry rills with him from south and south-west, as Wendie water south-west of Crawden, Whaddon brook south-west of Orwell, Mildred beck south-west of Malton, and finally the Orme which cometh out of Armington or Ormendum well, and goeth by Fulmere and Foxton, and falleth into the same between Barrington and Harleston, or Harston; as they call it.  
Now to proceed with our Granta. From Trompington on the one side, and Grantcester on the other, it hasteth to Cambridge ward, taking the burn with it by the way, which descendeth from a castle of the same denomination, wherein the Picotes and Peverels sometime did inhabit. Thence it goeth by sundry colleges in Cambridge, as the queen's college, the king's college, Clare hall, Trinity college, S. john's, &c: unto the high bridge of Cambridge, and between the town and the castle to Chesterton, and receiving by and by the Stoure, or Stir (at whose bridge the most famous mart in England is yearly holden and kept) from Chesterton it goeth to Ditton, 
Sturus.  Milton, and yer long meeting with two rilles (from Bottesham and Wilberham, in one bottom) it runneth to Horningseie, & Water Bech: and finally here joining with the Bulbecke water, it goeth by Dennie, and so forth into the Ouze, 
Bulbecke.  fifteen miles from Cambridge, as Leland hath set down. And thus much of the third Isis or Ouze, out of the aforesaid author: whereunto I have not only added somewhat of mine own experience, but also of other men's notes, whose diligent observation of the course of this river hath not a little helped me in the description of the same. Now it resteth that we come nearer to the coast of Norfolk, and set forth such waters as we pass by upon the same, wherein I will deal so precisely as I may: and so far will I travel therein, as I hope shall content even the curious reader: or if any fault be made, it shall not be so great, but that after some travel in the finding, it shall with ease be corrected.  
The first river that therefore we come unto, after we be passed the confluence of Granta, and the Ouze, and within the jurisdiction of Norfolk, is called the burn. 
burn.  This stream riseth not very far from burn Bradfield, above the greater Wheltham, and from thence it goeth on to Nawnton, Bury, Farneham Martin, Farneham All-hallows, Farneham Genovefa, Hengrave, Flemton, Lackeford, Icklingham, and to Milden hall: a little beneath which, it meeteth with the Dale water, 
Dale.  that springeth not far from Catilege, and going by Asheleie, Moulton (a benefice as the report goeth not very well provided for) to Kenford, Kenet, Bradingham, Frekenham, it falleth at the last not far from Iselham into the burn, from whence they go together as one into the Ouze. With the Burn also there joineth a water coming from about Lidgate, a little beneath Iselham, and not very far from Mildenhall.  
The Dune head, 
Dunus.  and rising of Wavenheie, are not much in sunder: for as it is supposed, they are both not far distant from the bridge between Lopham and Ford, whereby the one runneth east and the other west, as I have been informed. The Dune goeth first of all by Feltham, then to Hopton, & to Kinets hall, where it meeteth with a water coming out of a lake short of Banham (going by Quiddenham, Herling, Gasthorpe) and so on, both in one channel, they run to Ewston. Here they meet in like sort, with another descending from two heads, whereof the one is near unto Pakenham, the other to Tavestocke, as I hear. Certes these heads join above Ilesworth, not far from Stow Langtoft, from whence they go to Yxworth, Thorpe, Berdwell, Hunnington, Fakenham, and so into the Dune at Ewston; as I said. From hence also they hasten to Downeham, which of this river doth seem to borrow his name. South Rée rill I pass over as not worthy the description, because it is so small.  
Next unto this river on the south side is the Braden, or Bradunus, 
Bradunus fortè.  which riseth at Bradenham, and goeth by Necton, north Peckenham, south Peckenham, Kirsingham, Bedneie, Langford, Igbor, Munford, North Old, Stockebridge, Ferdham, Helgie, and so into the Ouze. 
Linus.  The nearest unto this is another which riseth about Lukeham, and from thence cometh to Lexham, Massingham, Newton, the castle Acre, Acres, Nerboe, Pentneie, Wrongeie, Rounghton (which at one time might have been my living if I would have given sir Thomas Rugband money enough, but now it belongeth to Gundevill and Caius college in Cambridge) Westchurch, and so to Linne. As so doth also another by north of this, which cometh from the east hills by Congenham, Grimston, 
Congunus.  Bawseie, Gaiwood, whereof let this suffice. And now give ear to the rest sith I am passed the Ouze. Being past the mouth or fall of the Ouze, we meet next of all with the Rising chase water, 
Rising.  which Ptolemy (as some think) doth call Metaris, and descendeth from two heads, 
Ingeli.  and also the Ingell that cometh from about Snetsham. From hence we go by the point of saint Edmund, and so hold on our course till we come unto the burn, which falleth into the sea by south from Waterden, and going between the Cracks to Burnham Thorpe, and Burnham Norton, it striketh at the last into the sea; east of Burnham Norton a mile at the least, except my conjecture do fail me. 
Glovius.  The Glow or Glowie riseth not far from Baconsthorpe, in the hundred of Tunsted; & going by and by into Holt hundred, it passeth by Hunworth, Thornage, Glawnsford, Blackneie, Clare, and so into the sea, receiving there at hand also a rill by east, which descendeth from the hills lying between Killing town and Waiburne.  
The Wantsume riseth in Norfolk at Galesend in Holt hundred, 
Wantsume.  from whence it goeth to Watersend. Townton, Skelthorpe, Farneham, Pensthorpe, Rieburg, Ellingham, and Billingsford. And here it receiveth two waters in one bottom, of which the first goeth by Stanfield and Beteleie, the other by Wandling and Gressonhall, and so run on each his own way, till they meet at Houndlington, south-west of Billingsford with the Wantsume. From hence they go all together to Below, jeng, Weston, and Moreton; but yer it come to Moreton, it meeteth with the Yowke, which (issuing about Yexham) goeth by Matteshall and Barrow. 
Yocus.  After this th● said Wantsume goeth on by Ringland, and so to Norwich the pontifical see of the bishop, to whom that jurisdiction appertaineth, which seemeth by this memorial yet remaining in the corrupted name of the water, to be called in old time Venta or (as Leland addeth) Venta Icenorum. But to proceed. Beneath Norwich also it receiveth two waters in one channel, which I will severally describe, according to their courses, noting their confluence to be at Bixleie, within two miles of Norwich, except my annotation deceive me. The first of these hath two heads whereof one mounteth up south-west of Whinborow, goeth by Gerneston, 
Hierus.  and is the very Heir or Yare that drowneth the name of Wantsume, 
Girn.  so soon as he meeteth withal. The other head riseth at Woo● in Mitford hundred, and after confluence with the Heir at Caston, going by Brandon, Bixton, Berford, Erleham, Cringlefield (not far from Bixleie as I said) doth meet with his companion, which is the second to be described as followeth. It hath two heads also that meet northwest of Therstane; and hereof the one cometh from Findon hall, by Wrenningham from about Wotton, by Hemnall, Fretton, Stretton, and Tasborow, till they join at Therston, as I gave notice aforehand. From Therston therefore they go together in one to Newton, Shotesham, Dunston, Castor, Arminghale, Bixleie, Lakenham, and Trowse, and then fall into the Wantsume beneath Norwich, which hereafter is named Heir. The Heir, Yare, or Gare therefore proceeding in his voyage, as it were to salute his grandam the Ocean, goeth from thence by Paswijc, Surlingham, Claxton, and Yardleie; and here it meeteth again with another riveret descending from about Shotesham to Therstane, Shedgrave, Hockingham, and so into Gare or Yare, whereof Yardleie the town receiveth denomination. After this it goeth to Frethorpe, and above Burgh castle meeteth with the Waveneie, 
Waven.  and so into the sea.  
Into this river also falleth the Bure, 
Bure.  which rising at a town of the same name, passeth by Milton, Buresdune, Corpesteie, Marington, Blekeling, Bure, Alesham, Brampton, Buxton, Horsted, Werxham bridge, Horning, Raneworth; and beneath Bastewijc receiveth the Thurine which riseth above Rolesbie; 
Thurinus.  then to Obie, Clipsbie (there also receiving another from Filbie) Rimham, Castor, and by Yarmouth into the Ocean. The Waveneie afore mentioned, riseth on the south side of Brisingham, and is a limit between Norfolk and Suffolk. Going therefore by Dis, Starten, not far from Octe, it meeteth with the Eye, which riseth near Ockold, or between it and Braisworth, & goeth on by Brome, 
Waven.  Octe, and so into the Waveneie. From thence our Waveneie runneth by Silam, Brodish, Nedam, Harleston, Rednam, Alborow, Flixton, Bungeie, Sheepemedow, Barsham, Beckles, Albie, & at Whiteacre (as I hear) parteth in twain, or receiving Milford water (which is most likely) it goeth along by Somerleie, Hormingfléet, S. Olaf'S, (there receiving the Frithstane or Fristan brook, 
Einus.  out of low or little England) Fristan 
Fritha.  & Burgh castle, where it meeteth with the Heir, & from thenceforth accompanieth it (as I said) unto the sea. Willingham water cometh by Hensted, Einsted, or Enistate, and falleth into the sea by south of Kesland.  
The Cokell riseth south south-west of Cokeleie town in Blithe hundred, 
Cokelus.  & near unto Hastelworth it meeteth with the rill that cometh from Wisset, and so going on together by Wenhaston, and Bliborow, it falleth into the sea at an haven between Roidon and Walderswicke. A little rill runneth also thereinto from Eston by Sowold, and another from Dunwich, by Walderswijke: and hereby it wanteth little that Eston Nesse is not cut off and made a pretty Island.  
The Ford riseth at Poxford, 
Ford.  and going by Forderleie, and Theberton, it falleth at last into the Mismere créeke. 
Orus.  Into the Oreford haven runneth one water coming from Aldborow ward, by a narrow passage from the north into the south. By west whereof (when we are passed a little I'll) it receiveth the second, descending from between Talingston and Framingham in Plomes' hundred; 
Fromus  which coming at last to Marleford, meeteth with a rill south-west of Farnham called the Gleme (that cometh by Rendlesham, 
Glema.  the Gleinhams) and so passing forth, it taketh another at Snapesbridge, coming from Carleton by Saxmundham, Sternefield & Snape. Then going to Iken (where it meeteth with the third rill at the west side) 
I●●n, or Ike.  it fetcheth a compass by Sudburne east of Orford, and so into the haven. Next unto this by west of Orford, there runneth up another creek by Butleie, whereinto the waters coming from Cellesford, and from the Ike, do run both in one bottom. And thus much of Orford haven.  
The due riseth in Debenham, 
Deva.  in the hundred of Hertesméere, and from thence goeth to Mickford, Winston, Cretingham, Lethringham, Wickham, hitherto still creeping toward the south: but then going in manner full south, it runneth near unto Ash, Rendlesham, Ufford, Melton, and Woodbridge, beneath which it receiveth on the west side, a water coming of two heads, whereof one is by north from Otelcie, and the other by south from Henleie, which joining west of Mertelsham, go unto the said town and so into the due, east of Mertelsham abovesaid. From thence the due goeth by Waldringfield and Henleie, 
Clarus fons.  and meeting soon after with Brightwell brook, it hasteth into the main sea, leaving Bawdseie on the east, where the fall thereof is called Bawdseie haven.  
Ure riseth not far from Bacton, 
Urus.  in Hertesmeere hundred, and thence descendeth into Stow hundred by Gipping Newton, Dagworth, Stow (beneath which it meeteth with a water coming from Rattlesden, by one house) and so going on to Nedeham (through Bosméere and Claidon hundreds) to Blakenham, Brainford, Ypswich, receiving beneath Stoke, which lieth over against Ypswich, the Chatsham water, that goeth by Belsted, and so into the Ure, at the mouth whereof is a marvelous deep and large pit, whereof some mariners say that they could never find the bottom, and therefore calling it a well, and joining the name of the river withal, it cometh to pass that the haven there is called Urewell, for which in these days we do pronounce it Orwell. Into this haven also the Sture or Stoure hath ready passage, which remaineth in this treatise next of all to be described.  
The Stir or Stoure parteth Essex from Suffolk, 
Sturus.  as Hoveden saith, and experience confirmeth. It ariseth in Suffolk, out of a lake near unto a town called Stourméere. For although there come two rilles unto the same, whereof the one descendeth from Thixlo, the Wrating and Ketton, the other from Horshed park, by Haverill, &c: yet in summer time they are often dry, so that they cannot be said to be perpetual heads unto the aforesaid river. The Stoure therefore (being, as I take it, called by Ptolemy, Edomania, for thereon toward the mouth standeth a pretty town named Manitrée, which carrieth some shadow of that ancient name thereof unto this day, if my conjecture be any thing) ariseth at Stouremeere, which is a pool containing twenty acres of ground at the least, the one side whereof is full of alders, the other of reeds, wherein the great store of fish there bred, is not a little succoured. From this mere also it goeth to Bathorne bridge, to Stock clare, Cawndish, Pentlo, Paul's Beauchampe, Milford, Foxerth, Buresleie, Sudburie, Bures, Boxsted, Stoke, Nailand, Lanham, Dedham, Strotford, east Baxfold, Brampton, Manitree, Catwade bridge, and so into the sea, where in the vexie fall also it joineth with Orwell haven, so near that of many they are reputed as one, and parted but by a shingle that doth run along between them: neither doth it pass clear in this voyage, but as it were often occupied by the way, in receiving sundry brooks and rilles not here to be omitted.  
For on Essex side it hath one from Hemsted, which goeth by Bumsted, and Birdbrooke: another rising short of Foxerth, that runneth by water Beauchampe, Brundon, and falleth into the same at Badlington, west of Sudburie: and the third that glideth by Horkesleie, and meeteth withal west of Boxsted. On the north, or upon Suffolk side, it receiveth one descending from Catiledge, by Bradleie, Thurlow, Wratting, Kiddington, and at Haverell falleth into this Sture. The second descendeth northward from Posling field, and joineth therewith east of Clare. It was in old time called Cicux or Ceuxis, and it meeteth with the Stoure in such wise that they seem to make a right angle, in the point almost whereof standeth a ruinous castle. Howbeit as sithence which time this water (in some men's judgement) hath been named Clarus (not so much for the greatness as clearness of the stream) even so the Stoure itself was also called Ens as they say, and after their confluence the whole Clarens, which giveth denomination to a duchy of this Island of no small fame and honour. But these are but mere fables, sith the word Clare is derived from the town, wherein was an house of religion erected to one Clara, and Clarens brought from the same, because of an honour the prince had in those parties: which may suffice to know from whence the name proceedeth. The third ariseth of two heads, whereof one cometh from Wickham brook, the other from Chedbar in Risbie hundred, and joining about Stanfield, it goeth by Hawton, Somerton, Boxsted, Stansted, and north of Foxerth falleth into Stoure. The fourth issueth from between the Waldingfields, and goeth by Edwardstone, Boxsted, Alington, Polsted, Stoke, and so at south Boxsted falleth into the same. The fift riseth northwest of Cockefield, and goeth to Cockefield, Laneham, Brimsleie, Middling, 
Kettle baston  and receiving Kettle Baston water south-west of Chelsworth (and likewise the Breton that cometh from Bretenham, by Hitcheham, and Bisseton street on the south east of the same town) it goeth in by Nedging, Aldham, Hadleie, Lainham, Shellie, Higham, and so into the Stoure. The sixth is a little rill descending south-west from Chapel. The seventh riseth between Chapel and Bentleie, and going between Tatingston, and Whetsted, Holbrooke, and Sutton, it falleth at length into Stoure, and from thence is never heard of.  
As for Ocleie Drill, that riseth between Ocleie, 
Ocleie.  and Wikes parks, and so goeth into the Stoure, on Essex side, west of Harwich, and east of Ree I'll; I pass it over, because it is of itself but a rill, and not of any greatness, till it come to the mill above Ramseie bridge, where I was once almost drowned (by reason of the ruinous bridge which leadeth over the stream being there very great) as an arm of the sea that continually ebbeth & floweth. Next unto this, 
Mosa.  we came to another that runneth south of Beaumond by Moss, and falleth into the sea about the midst of the Bay, betwixt Harwich and the Naze. Betwixt the Naze also and the mouth of Colne, is another rill, which riseth at little Bentleie, and thence goeth to Tendering thorpe, through Clacton park by great Holland, 
Claco.  and east of little Holland, into the deep sea.  
The Colne hath three heads, 
Colunus.  whereof one is at Ouington that goeth by Tilberie, and east of Yeldam falleth into the chief head which riseth about Redgewell in Essex, from whence also it goeth to Yeldam and Hedingham, otherwise called Yngham: also Hedningham or Hevedingham, or Hevedingham of the superiority which accrued thereunto, because the chief lords of the same from time to time kept residence in the town. For heaved or Head signifieth The chief, in the old English language, which in the name of this and many other towns and villages yet standing in England cannot esilie be forgotten. The third falleth in south of Yeldam, and being once met all in one channel, and called the Colne, it goeth (as I said) to Hedningham, Hawsted, Erles Colne, Wakes Colne, Fordon, Bardfold, Colchester, in old time Camalodunum, and so into the sea at Brickleseie. Some think that Colchester and Camalodunum are sundry cities and situate in diverse, places whereby Maldon (or Ithancester out of whose ruins the said town of Maldon was erected) should rather be Camalodunum than Colchester, but hereof I cannot judge. Indeed if (as Leland saith) Maldon should be written Malodunum, it were a likelihood that there assertions should be probable. Some reason also may be gathered for the same out of Dion, and such as make the Thames mouth to take his beginning at Colchester water. But I dare not presume to conclude any thing hereof, lest I should seem rashly to take hold of every conjecture. This I rely upon rather as a more certainty, that in the first edition of this treatise I was persuaded, that the sea entering by the Colne made three several passages from thence into the land: but now I understand that these are several entrances and streams, of which the Colne is one, another is the Salcote water, which cometh in beneath the Stroud (a causeie that leadeth unto Merseie I'll, over which the sea meeteth with a contrary course) and the third the fair arm that floweth unto Maldon, and all these three have their falls either over against or near unto the aforesaid I'll, which at a low water is not half a mile from the shore. Into the Colne or Colunus also (whereof Leland thinketh Colchester to take his name, and not A colonia Romanorum, although I may not consent to him herein) do run many salt creeks beneath Fingering ho, of whose names sith I do not know, nor whether they be served with any backewaters or not, I give over to entreat any further & likewise of their positions. Into that of Maldon runneth many fair waters, whereof I will say so much as I know to be true in manner by experience.  
There is a pretty water that beginneth near unto Gwinbach or Winbeche church in Essex, 
Gwin or Pant.  a town of old, and yet belonging to the Fitzwaters, taking name of Gwin, which is beautiful or fair, & Ba●he that signifieth a wood: and not without cause, sith not only the hills on each side of the said rillet, but all the whole paroch hath sometime abounded in woods; but now in manner they are utterly decayed, as the like commodity is every where, not only through excessive building for pleasure more than profit, which is contrary to the ancient end of building; but also for more increase of pasture & commodity to the lords of the soil, through their sales of that emolument, whereby the poor tenants are enforced to buy their fuel, and yet have their rents in triple manner enhanced. This said brook runneth directly from thence unto Radwinter, now a parcel of your lordship's possessions in those parts, descended from the Chamberleins, who were sometime chief owners of the same. By the way also it is increased with sundry pretty springs, of which Pantwell is the chief (whereof some think the whole brook to be named Pant) and which (to say the truth) hath many a leasing fathered on the same. Certes by the report of common fame it hath been a pretty water, and of such quantity, that boats have come in time passed from Bilie abbeie beside Maldon unto the moors in Radwinter for corn. I have heard also that an anchor was found there near to a red willow, when the watercourses by act of parliament were surveyed and reform throughout England, which maketh not a little with the aforesaid relation. But this is strangest of all, that a lord sometime of Winbech (surnamed the great eater, because he would break his fast with a whole calf, and find no bones therein as the fable goeth) falling at contention with the lord john of Radwinter, could work him none other injury, but by stopping up the head of Pantwell, to put by the use of a mill which stood by the church of Radwinter, and was served by that brook abundantly. Certes I know the place where the mill stood, and some posts thereof do yet remain. But see the malice of mankind, whereby one becometh a wolf unto the other in their mischievous moods. For when the lord saw his mill to be so spoiled, he in revenge of his loss, broke the neck of his adversary, when he was going to horseback, as the constant report affirmeth. For the lord of Radwinter holding a parcel of his manor of Radwinter hall of the Fitzwaters, his son was to hold his stirrup at certain times when he should demand the same. Showing himself therefore priest on a time to do his said service, as the Fitzwater was ready to lift his leg over the saddle, he by putting back his foot, gave him such a thrust that he fell backward, and broke his neck: whereupon ensued great trouble, till the matter was taken up by public authority; and that servile office converted into a pound of pepper, which is truly paid to this day. But to leave these impertinent discourses, and return again to the springs whereby our Pant or Gwin is increased. There is likewise another in a pasture belonging to the Grange, now in possession of William Bird esquire, who holdeth the same in the right of his wife, but in time past belonging to Tilteie abbeie. The third cometh out of the yard of one of your lordship's manors there called Radwinter hall. The fourth from john Cockswets house, named the Rotherwell, which running under Rothers' bridge, meeteth with the Gwin or Pant on the northwest end of Ferrant's mead, southeast of Radwinter church, whereof I have the charge by your honours favourable preferment.  
I might take occasion to speak of another rill which falleth into the Rother from Bendish hall: but because it is for the most part dry in summer I pass it over. Yet I will not omit to speak also of the manor which was the chief lordship sometime of a parish or hamlet called Bendishes, now worn out of knowledge, and united partly to Radwinter, and partly to Ashdon. It belonged first to the Bendishes gentlemen of a very ancient house yet extant, of which one laying the said manor to morgags to the monks of Feversham, at such time as K. Edward the third went to the siege of Calis, thereby to furnish himself the better toward the service of his prince, it came to pass that he stayed longer beyond the sea than he supposed. Whereupon he came before his day to confer with his creditors, who commending his care to come out of debt, willed him in friendly manner not to suspect any hard dealing on their behalfs, considering his business in service of the king was of itself cause sufficient, to excuse his delay of payment upon the day assigned. Hereupon he went over again unto the siege of Calis. But when the day came, the monks for all this made seizure of the manor, and held it continually without any further recompense, maugre all the friendship that the aforesaid Bendish could make. The said gentleman also took this cozening part in such choler, that he wrote a note yet to be seen among his evidences, whereby he admonisheth his posterity to beware how they trust either knave monk or knave friar, as one of the name and bescended from him by lineal descent hath more than once informed me. Now to resume our springs that meet and join with our Pant.  
The next is named 
Froshwell.  Froshwell. And of this spring doth the whole hundred bear the name▪ & after this confluence the river itself where unto it falleth (from by north) so far as I remember. Certes, all th●se, saving the first and second, are within your lordship's town aforesaid. The stream therefore running from hence (& now, as I said, called Froshwell, of Frosh, which signifieth a frog) hasteth immediately unto old Sandford, then through new Sandford park, and afterward with full stream (receiving by the way, the Finch brook that cometh through Finchingfield) to Shalford, Borking, Stisted, Paswijc, and so to Blackewater, where the name of Freshwell ceaseth, the water being from henceforth (as I hear) commonly called Blackwater, until it come to Maldon, where it falleth into the salt arm of the sea that beateth upon the town; and which of some (except I be deceived) is called also Pant: and so much the rather I make this conjecture, for that Ithancester stood somewhere upon the banks thereof, & in the hundred of Danseie, whose ruins (as they say) also are swallowed up by the said stream, which can not be verified in our river that runneth from Pantwell, which at the mouth and fall into the great current, exceedeth not (to my conjecture) above one hundred foot. But to return to our Pant, alias the Gwin. From Blackwater it goeth to Coral, Easterford, Braxsted and Wickham, where it meeteth with the Barus, and so going together as one, they descend to Heiebridge, and finally into the salt water above Maldon, and at hand as is aforesaid. As for the Barus, 
Barus.  it riseth in a stately park of Essex called Bardfield, belonging to sir Thomas Wroth whilst he lived, who hath it to him and his heirs males for ever, from the crown. Being risen, it hasteth directly to old Saling Brainctrée, crossing a rillet by the way coming from Rain, black Notleie, white Notleie, Falkeburne, Wittham, and falleth into the Blackewater beneath Braxsted on the south.  
Beside this, 
Chelmer.  the said Pant or Gwin receiveth the Chelme or Chelmer, which ariseth also in Wimbech aforesaid, where it hath two heads: of which the one is not far from Brodockes (where master Thomas Wiseman esquire dwelleth) the other nigh unto a farm called Highams' in the same paroch, and joining yer long in one channel, they hie them toward Thacsted under Prowds bridge, meeting in the way wish a rill coming from Boiton end, whereby it is somewhat increased. Being past Thacsted, it goeth by Tilteie, and soon after receiveth one rill which riseth on the north side of Lindsell, 
Lind●s.  & falleth into the Chelmer by north-east at Tilteie aforesaid, & another coming from south-west, rising southeast from Lindsell at much Eiston. From thence then holding on still with the course, it goeth to Candfield the more, Dunmow, little Dunmow, Falsted, Lie, both Waltams, Springfield, and so to Chelmeresford. Here upon the south side I find the issue of a water that riseth five miles (or thereabouts) south and by west of the said town, from whence it goeth to Munasing, Buttesburie (there receiving a rill from by west, to Ingatstone, Margot Inge, Widford bridge, Writtle bridge, and so to Chelmeresford (crossing also the second water that descendeth from Roxford south west of Writtle by the way) 
Roxford.  whereof let this suffice.  
From hence the Chelmer goeth directly toward Maldon by Badow, Owting, Woodham water, Bilie, and so to Blackwater northwest of Maldon, receiving nevertheless yer it come fully thither, a beck also that goeth from Lée park, to little Lées, great Lées, 
Lée  Hatfield, Peverell, Owting, and so into Blackwater (whereof I spoke before) as Maldon stream doth a rill from by south over against saint Osithes, and also another by Bradwell. After which the said stream growing also to be very great, passeth by the Tolshunts, Tollesbie, and so forth into the main sea near unto Merseie: between which fall and the place where Salute water entereth into the land, Plautus abode the coming of Claudius sometime into Britain, when he being hardly beeset, did ●●nd unto him for aid and speedy succour, who also being come did not only rescue his legate, but in like manner wan Colchester, and put it to the spoil, if it be Camalodunum.  
The burn riseth somewhere about Ronwell, 
burn.  and thence goeth to Hull bridge, south Fambridge, Kirke shot ferry, and so to Foulness. And as this is the short course of that river, so it brancheth, and the south arm thereof receiveth a water coming from Haukewell, to great Stanbridge, and beneath Pakesham doth meet by south with the said arm, and so finish up his course, as we do our voyage also about the coast of England.  
Thus have I finished the description of such rivers and streams as fall into the Ocean, according to my purpose, although not in so precise an order and manner of handling as I might, if information promised had been accordingly performed; or others would, if they had taken the like in hand. But this will I say of that which is here done, that from the Solueie by west, which parteth England & Scotland on that side; to the tweed, which separateth the said kingdoms on the east: if you go backward, contrary to the course of my description, you shall find it so exact, as beside a very few by-rivers, you shall not need to use any further advise for the finding and falls of the aforesaid streams. For such hath been my help of master Sackfords' cards, and conference with other men about these, that I dare pronounce them to be perfect and exact. Furthermore, this I have also to remember, that in the courses of our streams, I regard not so much to name the very town or church, as the limits of the paroch. And therefore if I say it goeth by such a town, I think my duty discharged, if I hit upon any part or parcel of the paroch. This also hath not a little troubled me, I mean the evil writing of the names of many towns and villages: of which I have noted some one man, in the description of a river, to write one town two or three manner of ways, whereby I was enforced to choose one (at adventure most commonly) that seemed the likeliest to be sound in mine opinion and judgement.  
Finally, whereas I minded to set down an especial chapter of ports and créeks, lying on each coast of the English part of this Isle; and had provided the same in such wise as I judged most convenient: it came to pass, that the greater part of my labour was taken from me by stealth, and therefore as discouraged to meddle with that argument, I would have given over to set down any thing therefore at all: and so much the rather, for that I see it may prove a spur unto further mischief, as things come to pass in these days. Nevertheless, because a little thereof is passed in the beginning of the book, I will set down that parcel thereof which remaineth, leaving the supply of the rest either to myself hereafter, (if I may come by it) or to some other that can better perform the same.   

Of such ports and creeks as our sea-faring-men do note for their benefit upon the coasts of England. Chap. 17.  
IT may be that I have in these former chapters omitted sundry havens to be found upon the shore of England, and some of them served with back waters, through want of sound and sufficient information from such as have written unto me of the same. In recompense whereof I have thought good to add this chapter of ports and creeks, whereby (so far as to me is possible) I shall make satisfaction of mine oversights. And albeit I cannot (being too too much abused by some that have béerest me of my notes in this behalf) bring my purpose to pass for all the whole coast of England round about, from Berwick to the Solve: yet I will not let to set down so much as by good hap remaineth, whereby my countrymen shall not altogether want that benefit, hoping in time to recover also the rest, if God grant life and good success thereto.  
In Northumberland therefore we have Berwick, 
Northumberland.  Holy Island, Bamborow, Bedwell, Donstanborow, Cocket Island, Warkeworth, Newbiggin, Almow, Blithe's nuke, and Tinmouth haven.  
In the bishoprijc, 
Durham.  Sonderland, Stocketon, Hartlepoole, These.  
In Yorkshire, 
Yorkshire.  Dapnam sands, Steningreene, Stays, Runswike, Robinhoods' bay, Whitbie, Scarborow, Fileie, Flamborow, Bricklington, Horneseie beck, Sister kirk, Kelseie, cliff, Pattenton, Holmes, Kenningham, Pall, Hidon, Hulbrige, Beverleie, Hull, Hasell, Northferebie, Bucke creak, Black cost, Wrethell, Howden.  
In Lincolnshire, 
Lincolnshire.  Selby, Snepe, Turnebrige, Rodiffe, Catebie, Stockwith, Torkeseie, Gainsborow, Southferebie, Barton a good point, Barrow a good haven, Skatermill a good port, Penningham, Stalingborow a good haven, Guimsbie a good port, Clie, March chapel, Saltfléete, Wilgripe, Mapleford, saint Clements, Wenfléete, Friscon, Toft, Skerbike, Boston, Frompton, Woluerton, Fossedike a good haven.  
In Norfolk, 
Norfolk.  Linne a good haven, Snatchham, Hitchham, Desingham good, Thunstone, Thorneham good, Brankester good, Burnham good, with divers towns and villages thereto belonging, Welles good, Strikeie, Marston, Blakeleie town, Withon clay, Blakelie haven good, Salthouse créeke, Sheringham heath, Roughton, Cromer, Beston, Trinningham, Mounsleie, Bromwall, Haseborow, Wakesham, Eckelles, Winterton, Custer, Helmesleie, Okell, Upton, Waibridge, Yarmouth, good all the way to Norwich, with diverse villages on the river side.  
In Suffolk, 
Suffolk.  Becles, Bongeie, Southton, Corton, Gorton, Laistow a good port, Kirtle, Pakefield, Kasseldon, Bliborow, Cough heath, Eston, Walderswijc, Donewich, Swold haven, Sisewell, Thorpe, Alborow, Orford a good haven, Balseie good, Felixstow, Colneie, Sproten, Ypswich, Downambridge good, Pinnemill, Shoteleie, Cataweie, Barfold.  
In Esse● we have Dedham, 
Essex.  Maning tree, Thorn, Wrabbesnes, Ramseie, Harwich, Dovercourt, Handford, Okeleie, Kirbie, Thorpe, Brichwill, Walton mill, Walton hall, Ganfléete, Newhaven good, S. Osithes, Bentleie good, Bricleseie, Thorlington (where good ships of a hundred tun or more be made) Alsford, Wivenhall, Colchester, Cold heath, Rough hedge, Fingering ho, east Merseie, west Merseie, Salcot, Goldanger, Borrow, Maldon, Stanesgate, Sudmester, S. peter's, Burnham, Crixseie, Aldon, Clement's green, Hulbridge, Pacleston, Barling, little Wakering, much Wakering, south Sudburie, Wakeringham, Melton, Papper hill, or Lee, Bea●●fléete, Pidseie range, Fobbing, Hadleie good, Mucking, Stanford, and Tilberi● ferry.  
In Kent, 
Kent.  Harling, cliff, Tanfleete, Stokehow, Snodlond, Melhall, Maidston, Ailessord, New heath, Rochester, Gelingham, Reinham, Upchurch, Halsted, Quinborow, Milton, Feversham, Whit●●aple, Herne, Margate, Brodestaier, Ramsgate; and many of these good créekes: also Sandwich, Dover, Hid, reasonable ports, although none of the best.  
In Sussex we have Smalade with the créekes adjoining to the same, 
Sussex.  Ridon, Appledoure, Rye a good haven, and Winchelseie nothing at all inferior to the same, and so many shires only are left unto me at this time, wherefore of force I must abruptly leave off to deal any further with the rest, whose knowledge I am right sure would have been profftable: and for the which I hoped to have reaped great thanks at the hands of such sea-faring-men, as should have had use hereof.  
Desunt caetera.   

Of the air, soil, and commodities of this Island. Cap. 18.  
THe air (for the most part) throughout the Island is such, 
The air of Britain.  as by reason in manner of continual clouds, is reputed to be gross, and nothing so pleasant as that is of the main. Howbeit, as they which affirm these things, have only respect to the impediment or hindrance of the sun beams, by the interposition of the clouds and oft engrossed air: so experience teacheth us, that it is no less pure, wholesome, and commodious, than is that of other countries, and (as Caesar himself hereto addeth) much more temperate in summer than that of the Galls, from whom he adventured hither. Neither is there any thing found in the air of our region, that is not usually seen amongst other nations lying beyond the seas. Wherefore, we must needs confess, that the situation of our Island (for benefit of the heavens) is nothing inferior to that of any country of the main, where so ever it lie under the open firmament. And this Plutarch knew full well, who affirmeth a part of the Elistan fields to be found in Britain, and the Isles that are situate about it in the Ocean.  
The soil of Britain is such, 
The soil.  as by the testimonies and reports both of the old and new writers, and experience also of such as now inhabit the same, is very fruitful; and such in deed as bringeth forth many commodities, whereof other countries have need, and yet itself (if fond niceness were abolished) needless of those that are daily brought from other places. Nevertheless it is more inclined to feeding and grazing, than profitable for tillage, and bearing of corn; by reason whereof the country is wonderfully replenished with neat, and all kind of cattle: and such store is there also of the same in every place, that the fourth part of the land is scarcely manured for the provision and maintenance of grain. Certes this fruitfulness was not unknown unto the Britons long before Caesar's time, which was the cause wherefore our predecessors living in those days in manner neglected tillage, and lived by feeding and grazing only. The graziers themselves also then dwelled in movable villages by companies, whose custom was to divide the ground amongst them, and each one not to departed from the place where his lot lay (a thing much like to the Irish Criacht) till by eating up of the country about him, 
Criacht.  he was enforced to remove further, and seek for better pasture. And this was the British custom (as I learn) at first. It hath been commonly reported, that the ground of Wales is neither so fruitful as that of England, neither the soil of Scotland so bountiful as that of Wales: which is true, for corn and for the most part: otherwise, there is so good ground in some parts of Wales, as is in England, albeit the best of Scotland be scarcely comparable to the mean of either of both. Howbeit, as the bounty of the Scotish doth fail in some respect, so doth it surmount in other; God and nature having not appointed all countries to yield forth like commodities.  
But where our ground is not so good as we would wish, we have (if need be) sufficient help to cherish our ground withal, and to make it more fruitful, For beside the compest that is carried out of the husbandmen's yards, ditches, ponds, doovehouses, or cities and great towns: we have with us a kind of white marvel, which is of so great force, that if it be cast over a piece of land but once in three score years, it shall not need of any further compesting. Hereof also doth Pliny speak, 
Marle.  lib. 17. cap. 6, 7, 8, where he affirmeth that our marvel endureth upon the earth by the space of fourscore years: insomuch that it is laid upon the same but once in a man's life, whereby the owner shall not need to travel twice in procuring to commend and better his soil. He calleth it Marga, and making diverse kinds thereof, he finally commendeth ours, and that of France, above all other, which lieth sometime a hundred foot deep, and far better than the scattering of chalk upon the same, as the Hedui and Pictones did in his time, or as some of our days also do practice: albeit diverse do like better to cast on lime, but it will not so long endure, as I have heard reported.  
There are also in this Island great plenty of fresh rivers and streams, 
Plenty of rivers.  as you have heard already, and these throughly fraught with all kinds of delicate fish accustomed to be found in rivers. The whole isle likewise is very full of hills, 
Hills.  of which some (though not very many) are of exceeding height, and diverse extending themselves very far from the beginning; as we may see by Shooter's hill, which rising east of London, and not far from the Thames, runneth along the south side of the Island westward, until it come to Cornwall. Like unto these also are the Crowdon hills, which though under divers names (as also the other from the Peke) do run into the borders of Scotland. What should I speak of the Cheniot hills, which reach twenty miles in length? of the black mountains in Wales, which go from 
* Here lacks  to 
* Here lacks  miles at the least in length? of the Cle hills in Shropshire, which come within four miles of Ludlow, and are divided from some part of Worcester by the Teme? of the Grames in Scotland, and of our Chiltrens, which are eighteen miles at the least from one end of them, which reach from Henlie in Oxfordshire to Dunstable in Bedfordshire, and are very well replenished with wood and corn? notwithstanding that the most part yield a sweet short grass, profitable for sheep. Wherein albeit they of Scotland do somewhat come behind us, yet their outward defect is inwardly recompensed, not only with plenty of quarries (and those of sundry kinds of marble, hard stone, and fine alabaster) but also rich mines of metal, as shall be showed hereafter.  
In this Island likewise the winds are commonly more strong and fierce, 
Winds.  than in any other places of the main, which Cardane also espied: and that is often seen upon the naked hills, not guarded with trees to bear and keep it off. That grievous inconvenience also enforceth our nobility, 
Building.  gentry, and communaltle, to build their houses in the valleys, leaving the high grounds unto their corn and cattle, lest the cold and stormy blasts of winter should breed them greater annoyance: whereas in other regions each one desireth to set his house aloft on the hill, not only to be seen a far off, and cast forth his beams of stately and curious workmanship into every quarter of the country; but also (in hot habitations) for coldness sake of the air, sith the heat is never so vehement on the hill top as in the valley, because the reverberation of the sun beams either reacheth not so far as the highest, or else becometh not so strong as when it is reflected upon the lower soil.  
But to leave our buildings unto the purposed place (which notwithstanding have very much increased, 
Husbandry amended.  I mean for curiosity and cost, in England, Wales, and Scotland, within these few years) and to return to the soil again. certainly it is even now in these our days grown to be much more fruitful, than it hath been in times past. The cause is for that our countrymen are grown to be more painful, skilful, and careful through recompense of gain, than heretofore they have been: insomuch that my Synchroni or time fellows can reap at this present great commodity in a little room; whereas of late years, a great compass hath yielded but small profit, and this only through the idle and negligent occupation of such, as daily manured and had the same in occupying. I might set down examples of these things out of all the parts of this Island, that is to say, many of England, more out of Scotland, but most of all out of Wales: in which two last rehearsed, very little other food and livelihood was wont to be looked for (beside flesh) more than the soil of itself, and the cow gave; the people in the mean time living idly, dissolutely, and by picking and stealing one from another. All which vices are now (for the most part) relinquished, so that each nation manureth her own with triple commodity, to that it was before time.  
The pasture of this Island is according to the nature and bounty of the soil, 
Pasture.  whereby in most places it is plentiful, very fine, batable, and such as either fatteth our cattle with speed, or yieldeth great abundance of milk and cream: whereof the yellowest butter and finest cheese are made. But where the blue clay aboundeth (which hardly drinketh up the winter's water in long season) there the grass is spearie, rough, and very apt for bushes: by which occasion it cometh nothing so profitable unto the owner as the other. The best pasture ground of all England is in Wales, & of all the pasture in Wales that of Cardigan is the chief. I speak of the same which is to be found in the mountains there, where the hundred part of the grass growing is not eaten, but suffered to rot on the ground, whereby the soil becometh matted, and diverse bogs and quick moors made withal in long continuance: because all the cattle in the country are not able to eat it down. If it be to be accounted good soil, on which a man may lay a wand over night, and on the morrow find it hidden and overgrown with grass: it is not hard to find plenty thereof in many places of this land. Nevertheless, such is the fruitfulness of the aforesaid county that it far surmounteth this proportion, whereby it may be compared for batablenesse with Italy, which in my time is called the paradise of the world, although by reason of the wickedness of such as dwell therein it may be called the sink and drain of hell: so that whereas they were wont to say of us that our land is good but our people evil, they did but only speak it; whereas we know by experience that the soil of Italy is a noble soil, but the dwellers therein far off from any virtue or goodness.  
Our meadows, 
Meadows.  are either bottoms (whereof we have great store, and those very large, because our soil is hilly) or else such as we call land meads, and borrowed from the best & fattest pasturages. The first of them are yearly & often overflown by the rising of such streams as pass through the same, or violent falls of land-waters, that descend from the hills about them. The other are seldom or never overflown, and that is the cause wherefore their grass is shorter than that of the bottoms, and yet is it far more fine, wholesome, and batable, sith the hay of our low meadows is not only full of sandy cinder, which breedeth sundry diseases in our cattle, but also more rowtie, foggy, and full of flags, and therefore not so profitable for stover and forage as the higher meads be. The difference furthermore in their commodities is great, for whereas in our land meadows we have not often above one good load of hay, or peradventure a little more in an acre of ground (I use the word Carrucata or Carruca which is a wain load, and, as I remember, used by Pliny lib. 33. cap. 11.) in low meadows we have sometimes three, but commonly two or upward, as experience hath oft confirmed.  
Of such as are twice mowed I speak not, sith their later math is not so wholesome for cattle as the first; although in the mouth more pleasant for the time: for thereby they become oftentimes to be rotten, or to increase so fast in blood, that the garget and other diseases do consume many of them before the owners can seek out any remedy, by Phlebotomy or otherwise. Some superstitious fools suppose that they which die of the garget are ridden with the night mare, and therefore they hang up stones which naturally have holes in them, and must be found unlooked for; as if such a stone were an apt cockeshot for the devil to run through and solace himself withal, whilst the cattle go scotfree and are not molested by him. But if I should set down but half the toys that superstition hath brought into our husbandmen's heads in this and other behalfs, it would ask a greater volume than is convenient for such a purpose, wherefore it shall suffice to have said thus much of these things.  
The yield of our corn-ground is also much after this rate following. 
Corne.  Through out the land (if you please to make an estimat thereof by the acre) in mean and indifferent years, wherein each acre of rye or wheat, well tilled and dressed, will yield commonly sixteen or twenty bushels, an acre of barley six and thirty bushels, of oats and such like four or five quarters, which proportion is notwithstanding oft abated toward the north, as it is oftentimes surmounted in the south. Of mixed corn, as peason and beans, sown together, tars and oats (which they call bulmong) rye and wheat named miscelin here is no place to speak, yet their yield is nevertheless much after this proportion, as I have often marked. And yet is not this our great foison comparable to that of hotter countries of the main. But of all that ever I read, the increase which Eldred Danus writeth of in his De imperio judaeorum in Aethiopia surmounteth, where he saith that in the field near to the Sabbatike river, called in old time Gosan, the ground is so fertile, that every grain of barleie growing doth yield an hundred kernels at the least unto the owner.  
Of late years also we have found and taken up a great trade in planting of hops, whereof our moorie hitherto and unprofitable grounds do yield such plenty & increase, that their are few farmers or occupiers in the country, which have not gardens and hops growing of their own, and those far better than do come from Flanders unto us. Certes the corruptions used by the Flemings, and forgery daily practised in this kind of ware, gave us occasion to plant them here at home: so that now we may spare and send many over unto them. And this I know by experience, that some one man by conversion of his moorie grounds into hopyards, whereof before he had no commodity, doth raise yearly by so little as twelve acres in compass two hundred marks; all charges borne toward the maintenance of his family. Which industry God continue! though some secret friends of Flemings let not to exclaim against this commodity, as a spoil of wood, by reason of the poles, which nevertheless after three years do also come to the fire, and spare their other fuel.  
The cattle which we breed are commonly such, 
cattle.  as for greatness of bone, sweetness of flesh, and other benefits to be reaped by the same, give place unto none other: as may appear first by our oxen, whose largeness, height, weight, tallow, hides, and horns are such, as none of any other nation do commonly or may easily exceed them. Our sheep likewise for good taste of flesh, quantity of limbs, finesse of fleece caused by their hardness of pasturage, and abundance of increase (for in many places they bring forth two or three at an eaning) give no place unto any, more than do our goats, who in like sort do follow the same order, and our deer come not behind. As for our coneys, I have seen them so fat in some soils, especially about meal and Disnege, 
meal and Disnege.  that the grease of one being weighed, hath poised very near six or seven ounces. All which benefits we first refer to the grace and goodness of God, and next of all unto the bounty of our soil, which he hath endued with so notable and commodious fruitfulness.  
But as I mean to entreat of these things more largely hereafter, so will I touch in this place one benefit which our nation wanteth, 
Wine.  and that is wine; the fault whereof is not in our soil, but the negligence of our countrymen (especially of the south parts) who do not enure the same to this commodity, and which by reason of long discontinuance, is now become unapt to bear any grapes almost for pleasure & shadow, much less than the plain fields or several vineyards for advantage and commodity. Yet of late time some have assayed to deal for wine, as to your lordship also is right well known. But sith that liquor when it cometh to the drinking hath been found more hard, than that which is brought from beyond the sea, and the cost of planting and keeping thereof so chargeable, that they may buy it far better cheap from other countries: they have given over their enterprises without any consideration, that as in all other things, so neither the ground itself in the beginning, nor success of their travel can answer their expectation at the first, until such time as the soil be brought as it were into acquaintance with this commodity, and that provision may be made for the more easiness of charge, to be employed upon the same.  
If it be true, that where wine doth last and endure well, there it will grow no worse: I muse not a little wherefore the planting of vines should be neglected in England. That this liquor might have grown in this Island heretofore, first the charter that Probus the emperor gave equally to us, the Galls, and Spaniards, is one sufficient testimony. And that it did grow here, beside the testimony of Beda lib. 1. cap. 1. the old notes of tithes for wine that yet remain in the accounts of some parsons and vicar's in Kent, & elsewhere, besides the records of sundry suits, commenced in diverse ecclesiastical courts, both in Kent, Surrie, &c: also the enclosed parcels almost in every abbeie yet called the vineyards, may be a notable witness, as also the plot which we now call east Smithfield in London given by Canutus sometime king of this land, with other soil there about unto certain of his knights, with the liberty of a Guild which thereof was called Knighten Guild. The truth is (saith john Stow our country man, and diligent traveler in the old estate of this my native city) that it is now named Port soaken ward, and given in time passed to the religious house within Algate. Howbeit first Otwell, the Archovell, Otto, & finally Geffrie earl of Essex constables of the Tower of London, withheld that portion from the said house, until the reign of king Stephan, and thereof made a vineyard to their great commodity and lucre. The I'll of Elie also was in the first times of the Normans called Le isle des vines. And good record appeareth, that the bishop there had yearly three or four tun at the least given him Nomine decimae, beside whatsoever over-summe of the liquor did accrue to him by leases and other excheats, whereof also I have seen mention. Wherefore our soil is not to be blamed, as though our nights were so exceeding short, that in August and September the moon which is lady of moisture, & chief ripener of this liquor, cannot in any wise shine long enough upon the same: a very mere toy and fable right worthy to be suppressed, because experience convinceth the upholders thereof even in the Rhenish wines.  
The time hath been also that wad, 
Wad.  wherewith our country men died their faces (as Caesar saith) that they might seem terrible to their enemies in the field, and also women & their daughters in law did stain their bodies & go naked, in that pickle to the sacrifices of their gods, 
Madder.  coveting to resemble therein the Ethiopians, 
Rape.  as Pliny saith li. 22. cap. 1. and also madder have been (next unto our tin and wools) the chief commodities, and merchandise of this realm. I find also that rape oil hath been made within this land. But now our soil either will not or at the leastwise may not bear either wad or madder: I say not that the ground is not able so to do, but that we are negligent, afraid of the pilling of our grounds, and careless of our own profit, as men rather willing to buy the same of others than take any pain to plant them here at home. The like I may say of flax, 
Flax.  which by law ought to be sown in every countrie-towne in England, more or less: but I see no success of that good and wholesome law, sith it is rather contemptuously rejected than otherwise dutifully kept in any place of England.  
Some say that our great number of laws do breed a general negligence and contempt of all good order; because we have so many, that no subject can live without the transgression of some of them, and that the often alteration of our ordinances doth much harm in this respect, which (after Aristotle) doth seem to carry some reason withal, for (as Cornelius Gallus hath:)  eventus varios res nova semper habet. 
Eleg. 2.  
But very many let not to affirm, that the greedy corruption of the promoters on the one side, facility in dispensing with good laws, and first breach of the same in the lawmakers & superiors, & private respects of their establishment on the other, are the greatest causes why the inferiors regard no good order, being always so ready to offend without any faculty one way, 
Principes longè magis exemplo quàm culpa peccare solent.  as they are otherwise to presume, upon the examples of their betters when any hold is to be taken. But as in these things I have no skill, so I wish that fewer licences for the private commodity but of a few were granted (not that thereby I deny the maintenance of the prerogative royal, but rather would with all my hart that it might be yet more honourably increased) & that every one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) doth attempt to procure aughts from the prince, that may profit but few and prove hurtful to many, might be at open assizes and sessions denounced enemy to his country and commonwealth of the land.  
Glass also hath been made here in great plenty before, and in the time of the Romans; and the said stuff also, beside fine scissors, shears, collars of gold and silver for women's necks, cruses and cups of amber, were a parcel of the tribute which Augustus in his days laid upon this Island. In like sort he charged the Britons with certain implements and vessels of ivory (as Strabo saith) Whereby it appeareth that in old time our countrymen were far more industrious and painful in the use and application of the benefits of their country, than either after the coming of the Saxons or Normans, in which they gave themselves more to idleness and following of the wars.  
If it were requisite that I should speak of the sundry kinds of moold, as the cledgie or clay, whereof are diverse sorts (red, blue, black and white) also the red or white sandy, the lomie, 
Earth's.  rosellie, gravely, chalky or black, I could say that there are so many diverse veins in Britain, as else where in any quarter of like quantity in the world. Howbeit this I must needs confess, that the sandy and cledgie do bear great sway: but the clay most of all, as hath been, and yet is always seen & felt through plenty and dearth of corn. For if this latter (I mean the clay) do yield her full increase (which it doth commonly in dry years for wheat) then is there general plenty: whereas if it fail, then have we scarcity, according to the old rude verse set down of England, but to be understood of the whole Island, as experience doth confirm: 
When the sand doth serve the clay,  
Then may we sing well a way,  
But when the clay doth serve the sand,  
Then is it merry with England.   
I might here entreat of the famous valleys in England, of which one is called the vale of White horse, 
Uallies.  another of Eovesham, commonly taken for the granary of Worcestershire, the third of Ailesbirie that goeth by Tame, the roots of Chilterne hills, to Donstable, Newport panel, Stony Stratford, Buckhingham, Birstane park, etc. Likewise of the fourth of Whitehart or Blackamoor in Dorsetshire. The fift of Ringdale or Renidale, corruptly called Ringtaile, that lieth (as mine author saith) upon the edge of Essex and Cambridgeshire, and also theo Marshwood vale: but for somuch as I know not well their several limits, I give over to go any further in their description. In like sort it should not be amiss to speak of our fens, 
Fens.  although our country be not so full of this kind of soil as the parties beyond the seas, to wit, Narbon, &c: and thereto of other pleasant botoms, the which are not only endued with excellent rivers and great store of corn and fine fodder for neat and horses in time of the year (whereby they are exceeding beneficial unto their owners) but also of no small compass and quantity in ground. For some of our fens are well known to be either of ten, twelve, sixteen, twenty, or thirty miles in length, that of the Girwies yet passing all the rest, which is full 60 (as I have often read.) Wherein also Elie the famous I'll standeth, which is seven miles every way, and whereunto there is no access but by three causies, whose inhabitants in like sort by an old privilege may take wood, sedge, turf, &c. to burn: likewise hay for their cattle, and thatch for their houses of custom, and each occupier in his appointed quantity through out the isle; albeit that covetousness hath now begun somewhat to abridge this large benevolence and commodity, aswell in the said I'll as most other places of this land.  
Finally, I might discourse in like order of the large commons, 
Commons.  laid out heretofore by the lords of the soils for the benefit of such poor, as inhabit within the compass of their manors. But as the true intent of the givers is now in most places defrauded, in so much that not the poor tenants inhabiting upon the same, but their landlords have all the commodity and gain, so the tractation of them belongeth rather to the second book. Wherefore I mean not at this present to deal withal, but reserve the same wholly unto the due place whilst I go forward with the rest; setting down nevertheless by the way a general commendation of the whole Island, which I find in an ancient monument, much unto this effect.  
Illa quidem longè celebris splendore, beata,  
Glebis, lact, favis, supereminet insula cunctis,  
Quas regit ille Deus, spumanti cuius ab ore  
Profluit oceanus, etc. And a little after.  
Testis Lundonia ratibus, Wintonia Baccho,  
Herefordia grege, Worcestria fruge redundans,  
Batha lacu, Salabyra feris, Cantuaria pisce,  
Eboraca syluis, Excestria clara metallis,  
Norwicum Dacis hybernis, Cestria Gallis,  
Cicestrum Norwagenis, Dunelmia praepinguis,  
Testis Lincolnia gens infinita decore,  
Testis Eli formosa situ, Doncastria visu, etc.   

Of the four high ways sometime made in Britain by the princes of this Island. Cap. 19  
THere are, which endeavouring to bring all things to their Saxon original, do affirm, that this division of ways, (whereof we now entreat) should appertain unto such princes of that nation as reigned here, since the Romans gave us over: and hereupon they infer, that Wattling street was builded by one Wattle from the east unto the west. But how weak their conjectures are in this behalf, the antiquity of these streets itself shall easily declare, whereof some parcels, after a sort, are also set down by Antoninus; and those that have written of the several journeys from hence to Rome: although peradventure not in so direct an order as they were at the first established. For my part, if it were not that I desire to be short in this behalf, I could with such notes as I have already collected for that purpose, make a large confutation of diverse of their opinions concerning these passages, and thereby rather ascribe the original of these ways to the Romans than either the British or Saxon princes. But sith I have spent more time in the tractation of the rivers than was allotted unto me, and that I see great cause (notwithstanding my late alleged scruple) wherefore I should hold with our Galfride before any other; I will omit at this time to discourse of these things as I would, and say what I may for the better knowledge of their courses, proceeding therein as followeth.  
First of all I ●ind, that Dunwallon king of Britain, about 483 years before the birth of our saviour jesus Christ, seeing the subjects of his realm to be in sundry wise oppressed by thieves and robbers as they traveled to and fro; and being willing (so much as in him lay) to redress these inconveniences, caused his whole kingdom to be surveyed; and then commanding four principal ways to be made, which should lead such as traveled into all parts thereof, from sea to sea, he gave sundry large privileges unto the same, whereby they became safe, and very much frequented. And as he had regard herein to the security of his subjects, so he made sharp laws grounded upon justice, for the suppression of such wicked members as did offer violence to any traveler that should be met withal or found within the limits of those passages. How and by what parts of this Island these ways were conveyed at the first, it is not so wholly left in memory: but that some question is moved among the learned, concerning their ancient courses. Howbeit such is the shadow remaining hitherto of their extensions, that if not at this present perfectly, yet hereafter it is not unpossible, but that they may be found out, & le●t certain unto posterity. It seemeth by Galfride, that the said Dunwallon did limit out those ways by dooles and marks, which being in short time altered by the avarice of such irreligious persons as dwelled near, and encroached upon the same (a fault yet justly to be found almost in every place, even in the time of our most gracious and sovereign Lady Elizabeth, wherein the lords of the soils do unite their small occupying, only to increase a greater proportion of rent; and therefore they either remove, or give licence to erect small tenements upon the high ways sides and commons; whereunto, in truth, they have no right: and yet out of them also do raise a new commodity) and question moved for their bounds before Belinus his son, he to avoid all further controversy that might from thenceforth ensue, caused the same to be paved with hard stone of eighteen foot in breadth, ten foot in depth, and in the bottom thereof huge flint stones also to be pitched, lest the earth in time should swallow up his workmanship, and the higher ground overgrow their rising crests. He endued them also with larger privileges than before, protesting that if any man whosoever should presume to infringe his peace, and violate the laws of his kingdom in any manner of wise, near unto or upon those ways, he should suffer such punishment without all hope to escape (by friendship or mercy) as by the statutes of this realm lately provided in those cases were due unto the offenders. The names of these four ways are the Fosse, the Gwethelin or Watling, the Erming, and the Ikenild.  
The Fosse goeth not directly but slopewise over the greatest part of this Island, 
Fosse.  beginning at Dotnesse or Totnesse in Devonshire, where Brute sometime landed, or (as Ranulphus saith, which is more likely) at the point of Cornwall, though the eldest writers do seem to note the contrary. From hence it goeth through the middle of Devonshire & Summersetshire, and cometh to Bristol, from whence it runneth manifestly to Sudberie market, Tetburie, and so forth holdeth on as you go almost to the mid way between Gloucester and Cirnecester, (where the wood faileth, and the champaign country appeareth toward Cotteswald) straight as a line until you come to Cirnecester itself. Some hold opinion that the way, which lieth from Cirnecester to Bath, should be the very Fosse; and that betwixt Cirnecester and Gloucester to be another of the four ways, made by the Britons. But ancient report grounded upon great likelihood, and confirmed also by some experience, judgeth that most of the ways crossed each other in this part of the realm. And of this mind is Leland also, who learned it of an abbot of Cirnecester that showed great likelihood by some records thereof. But to proceed. From Cirnecester, it goeth by Chepingnorton to Coventrie, Leircester, Newarke, and so to Lincoln overthwart the Watling-streete: where, by general consent of all the writers (except Alfred of Beverleie, who extendeth it unto Cathnesse in Scotland) it is said to have an end.  
The Watlingstréet begun (as I said) by Dunwallo, but finished by Gutheline, 
Watling street.  of whom it is directly to be called Gutheline street, though now corrupted into Watlingstréet, beginneth at Dover in Kent, and so stretcheth through the midst of Kent unto London, and so forth (peradventure by the midst of the city) unto Verolaminm or Uerlamcester, now saint Albon, where, in the year of grace, one thousand five hundred thirty & one, the course thereof was found by a man that digged for gravel wherewith to mend the high way. It was in this place eighteen foot broad, and about ten foot deep, and stoned in the bottom in such wise as I have noted afore, and peradventure also on the top: but these are gone, and the rest remain equal in most places, and level with the fields. The yellow gravel also that was brought thither in carts two thousand years passed, remained there so fresh and so strong, as if it had been digged out of the natural place where it grew not many years before. From hence it goeth hard by Margate, leaving it on the west side. And a little by south of this place, where the priory stood, is a long through fare upon the said street, méetly well builded (for low housing) on both sides. After this it proceedeth (as the chronicle of Barnwell saith) to Caxton, and so to Huntingdon, & then forward, still winding in and out till it not only becometh a bound unto Leicestershire toward Lugbie, but also passeth from Castleford to Stamford, and so forth by west of Marton, which is but a mile from Torkeseie.  
Here by the way I must touch the opinion of a traveler of my time, who noteth the said street to go another way, insomuch that he would have it to cross the third avon, betwixt Newton and Dowbridge, and so go on to Binford bridge, Wibtoft, the High cross, and thence to Atherston upon Ancre. Certes it may be, that the Fosse had his course by the country in such sort as he describeth; but that the Watlingstréet should pass by Atherston, I cannot as yet be persuaded. Nevertheless his conjecture is not to be misliked, sith it is not unlikely that three several ways might meet at Alderwaie (a town upon Tame, beneath Salter's bridge) for I do not doubt that the said town did take his name of all three ways, as Aldermarie church in London did of all three Maries, unto whom it hath been dedicated: but that the Watlingstréet should be one of them, the compass of his passage will in no wise permit And thus much have I thought good to note by the way. Now to return again to Leland, and other men's collections.  
The next tidings that we hear of the Watlingstréet, are that it goeth thorough or near by the park at Pomfret, as the common voice also of the country confirmeth. Thence it passeth hastily over Castelford bridge to Aberford, which is five miles from thence, and where are most manifest tokens of this street and his broad crest by a great way together, also to York, to Witherbie, and then to Borowbridge, where on the left hand thereof stood certain monuments, or pyramids of stone, sometimes placed there by the ancient Romans. These stones (saith Leland) stand eight mile's west from Bowis, and almost west from Richmond is a little through fare called Maiden castle, situate apparently upon the side of this street. And here is one of those pyramids or great round heaps, which is three score foot compass in the bottom. There are other also of less quantities, and on the very top of each of them are sharp stones of a yard in length; but the greatest of all is eighteen foot high at the least, from the ground to the very head. He addeth moreover, how they stand on an hill in the edge of Stanes m●●e, and are as bounds between Richmondshire, and Westmoreland. But to proceed. This street lying a mile from Gilling, and two miles from Richmond cometh on from Borowbridge to Catericke, eighteen miles; that is, twelve to Leving, & six to Catericke; then eleven miles to Greteie or Gritto, five miles to Bottles, eight miles to Burgh on Stanes moor, four miles from Applebie, and five to Browham, where the said street cometh through Winfoll park, and over the bridge on Eiemouth and Loder, and leaving Perith a quarter of a mile or more on the west side of it, goeth to Carleill seventeen miles from Browham, which hath been some notable thing. Hitherto it appeareth evidently, but going from hence into Scotland, I hear no more of it, until I come to Cathnesse, which is two hundred and thirty miles or thereabouts out of England.  
The Erming street, which some call the Lelme, stretcheth out of the east, 
Erming street.  as they say, into the southeast, that is, from Menevia or S. David's in Wales unto Southampton, whereby it is somewhat likely indeed that these two ways, I mean the Fosse and the Erming, should meet about Cirnecester, as it cometh from Gloucester, according to the opinion conceived of them in that country. Of this way I find no more written, and therefore I can say no more of it, except I should endeavour to drive away the time, in alleging what other men say thereof, whose minds do so far disagree one from another, as they do all from a truth, and therefore I give them over as not delighting in such dealing.  
The Ikenild or Rikenild began somewhere in the south, 
Ikenild.  and so held on toward Cirnecester, then to Worcester, Wicombe, Brimcham, Lichfield, Derby, Chesterfield; and crossing the Watlingstréet somewhere in Yorkshire, stretched forth in the end unto the mouth of the Tine, where it ended at the main sea, as most men do confess. I take it to be called the Ikenild, because it passed through the kingdom of the Icenes. For albeit that Leland & other following him do seem to place the Icenes in Norfolk and Suffolk; yet in mine opinion that can not well be done, sith it is manifest by Tacitus, that they lay near unto the Silures, and (as I guess) either in Stafford and Worcester shires, or in both, except my conjecture do fail me. The author of the book, entitled Eulogium historiarum, doth call this street the Lelme. But as herein he is deceived, so have I dealt withal so faithfully as I may among such diversity of opinions; yet not denying but that there is much confusion in the names and courses of these two latter, the discussing whereof I must leave to other men that are better learned than I.  
Now to speak generally of our common high ways through the English part of the Isle (for of the rest I can say nothing) you shall understand that in the clay or cledgie soil they are often very deep and troublesome in the winter half. Wherefore by authority of parliament an order is taken for their yearly amendment, whereby all sorts of the common people do employ their travel for six days in summer upon the same. And albeit that the intent of the statute is very profitable for the reparations of the decayed places, yet the rich do so cancel their portions, and the poor so loiter in their labours, that of all the six, scarcely two good days works are well performed and accomplished in a parish on these so necessary affairs. Besides this, such as have land lying upon the sides of the ways, do utterly neglect to dich and scour their drains and watercourses, for better avoidance of the winter waters (except it may be set off or cut from the meaning of the statute) whereby the streets do grow to be much more gulled than before, and thereby very noisome for such as travel by the same. Sometimes also, and that very often, these days works are not employed upon those ways that lead from market to market, but each surueior amendeth such by-plots & lanes as seem best for his own commodity, and more easy passage unto his fields and pastures. And whereas in some places there is such want of stones, as thereby the inhabitants are driven to seek them far off in other soils: the owners of the lands wherein those stones are to be had, and which hitherto have given money to have them borne away, do now reap no small commodity by raising the same to excessive prices, whereby their neighbours are driven to grievous charges, which is another cause wherefore the meaning of that good law is very much defrauded. Finally, this is another thing likewise to be considered of, that the trees and bushes growing by the streets sides; do not a little keep off the force of the sun in summer for drying up of the lanes. Wherefore if order were taken that their boughs should continually be kept short, and the bushes not suffered to spread so far into the narrow paths, that inconvenience would also be remedied, and many a slough prove hard ground that yet is deep and hollow. Of the daily encroaching of the covetous upon the high ways I speak not. But this I know by experience, that whereas some streets within these five and twenty years have been in most places fift● foot broad according to the law, whereby the traveler might either escape the thief, or shift the mire, or pass by the loaden cart without danger of himself and his horse; now they are brought unto twelve, or twenty, or six and twenty at the most, which is another cause also whereby the ways be the worse, and many an honest man encumbered in his journey. But what speak I of these things whereof I do not think to hear a just redress, because the error is so common, and the benefit thereby so sweet and profitable to many, by such houses and cottages as are raised upon the same.   

Of the general constitution of the bodies of the Britons. Chap. 20.  
SUch as are bred in this Island are men for the most part of a good complexion, tall of stature, strong in body, white of colour, and thereto of great boldness and courage in the wars. As for their general comeliness of person, the testimony of Gregory the great, at such time as he saw English captains sold at Rome, shall easily confirm what it is, which yet doth differ in sundry shires and soils, as also their proportion of members, as we may perceive between Herefordshire and Essex men, or Cambridge shire and the Londoners for the one, and Pokington and Sedberrie for the other; these latter being distinguished by their noses and heads, which commonly are greater there than in other places of the land. As concerning the stomaches also of our nation in the field, they have always been in sovereign admiration among foreign princes: for such hath been the estimation of our soldiers from time to time, since our Isle hath been known unto the Romans, that wheresoever they have served in foreign countries, the chief brunts of service have been reserved unto them. Of their conquests and bloody battles won in France, Germany, and Scotland, our histories are full: & where they have been overcome, the victorers themselves confessed their victories to have been so dearly bought, that they would not gladly covet to overcome often, after such difficult manner. In martial prowess, there is little or no difference between Englishmen and Scots: for albeit that the Scots have been often and very grievously overcome by the force of our nation, it hath not been for want of manhood on their parts, but through the mercy of God showed on us, and his justice upon them, sith they always have begun the quarrels, and offered us mere injury with great despite and cruelty.  
Leland noting somewhat of the constitution of our bodies, saith these words grounding (I think upon Aristotle, who writeth that such as dwell near the north, are of more courage and strength of body than skilfulness or wisdom.) The Britons are white in colour, strong of body, and full of blood, as people inhabiting near the north, and far from the equinoctial line, where the soil is not so fruitful, and therefore the people not so feeble: whereas contrariwise such as dwell toward the course of the sun, are less of stature, weaker of body, more nice, delicate, fearful by nature, blacker in colour, & some so black in deed as any crow or raven. Thus saith he. Howbeit, as those which are bred in sundry places of the main, do come behind us in constitution of body, so I grant, that in pregnancy of wit, nimbleness of limbs, and politic inventions, they generally exceed us: notwithstanding that otherwise these gifts of theirs do often degenerate into mere subtlety, instability, unfaithfulness, & cruelty. Yet Alexander ab Alexandro is of the opinion, that the fertilest region doth bring forth the dullest wits, and contrariwise the harder soil the finest heads. But in mine opinion, the most fertile soil doth bring forth the proudest nature, as we may see by the Campanians, who (as Cicero also saith) had Penes eos ipsum domicilium superbiae. But neither of these opinions do justly take hold of us, yet hath it pleased the writers to say their pleasures of us. And for that we dwell northward, we are commonly taken by the foreign historiographers, to be men of great strength and little policy, much courage and small shift, because of the weak abode of the sun with us, whereby our brains are not made hot and warmed, as Pachymerus noteth lib. 3: affirming further, that the people inhabiting in the north parts are white of colour, blockish uncivil, fierce and warlike, which qualities increase, as they come nearer unto the pole; whereas the contrary pole giveth contrary gifts, blackness wisdom, civility, weakness, and cowardice, thus saith he. But alas, how far from probability or as if there were not one and the same conclusion to be made of the constitutions of their bodies, which dwell under both the poles. For in truth his assertion holdeth only in their persons that inhabit near unto and under the equinoctial. As for the small tarriance of the sun with us, it is also confuted by the length of our days. 
Non vi sed virtute, non armis sed ingenio vinct●n●tur A●●gli.  Wherefore his reason seemeth better to uphold that of Alexander ab Alexandro afore alleged, than to prove that we want wit, because our brains are not warmed by the tarriance of the sun. And thus also doth Comineus burden us after a sort in his history, and after him Bodinus. But thanked be God, that all the wit of his countrymen, if it may be called wit, could never compass to do so much in Britain, as the strength and courage of our Englishmen (not without great wisdom and forecast), have brought to pass in France, The Galls in time passed contemned the Romans (saith Caesar) because of the smallness of their stature: howbeit, for all their greatness (saith he) and at the first brunt in the wars, they show themselves to be but feeble, neither is their courage of any force to stand in great calamities. Certes in accusing our wisdom in this sort, he doth (in mine opinion) increase our commendation. For if it be a virtue to deal uprightly with singleness of mind, sincerely and plainly, without any such suspicious fetches in all our dealings, as they commonly practise in their affairs, then are our countrymen to be accounted wise and virtuous. But if it be a vice to colour craftiness, subtle practices, doubleness, and hollow behaviour, with a cloak of policy, amity and wisdom: then are Comineus and his countrymen to be reputed vicious, of whom this proverb hath of old time been used as an ear mark of their dissimulation, Galli ridendo fidem frangunt. etc.  
How these latter points take hold in Italy, I mean not to discuss. How they are daily practised in many places of the main, & he accounted most wise and politic, that can most of all dissemble; here is no place justly to determine (neither would I wish my countrymen to learn any such wisdom) but that a king of France could say; Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, or vivere, their own histories are testimonies sufficient. Galen, the noble physician, transferring the forces of our natural humours from the body to the mind, attributeth to the yellow colour, prudence; to the black, constancy; to blood, mirth; to phlegm, courtesy: which being mixed more or less among themselves, do yield an infinite variety. By this means therefore it cometh to pass, that be whose nature inclineth generally to phlegm, cannot but be courteous: which joined with strength of body, and sincerity of behaviour (qualities universally granted to remain so well in our nation, as other inhabitants of the north) I cannot see what may be an hindrance why I should not rather conclude, that the Britons do excel such as dwell in the hotter countries, than for want of craft and subtleties to come any whit behind them. It is but vanity also for some to note us (as I have often heard in common table talk) as barbarous, because we so little regard the shedding of our blood, and rather tremble not when we see the liquor of life to go from us (I use their own words.) Certes if we be barbarous in their eyes, because we be rather inflamed than appalled at our wounds, then are those obiectors flat cowards in our judgement: sith we think it a great piece of manhood to stand to our tackling, until the last drop, as men that may spare much because we have much: whereas they having less are afraid to lose that little which they have: as Frontinus also noteth. As for that which the French write of their own manhood in their histories, I make little account of it: for I am of the opinion, that as an Italian writing of his credit; A papist entreating of religion, a Spaniard of his meekness, or a Scot of his manhood, is not to be builded on; no more is a Frenchman to be trusted in the report of his own affairs, wherein he doth either dissemble or exceed, which is a foul vice in such as profess to deal uprightly, Neither are we so hard to strangers as Horace would seem to make us, sith we love them so long as they abuse us not, & make account of them so far forth as they despise us not. And this is generally to be verified, in that they use our privileges and commodities for diet, apparel and trade of gain, in so ample manner as we ourselves enjoy them: which is not lawful for us to do in their countries, where no stranger is suffered to have work, if an home-born be without. But to proceed with our purpose.  
With us (although our good men care not to live long, but to live well) some do live an hundred years, very many unto four score: as for three score, it is taken but for our entrance into age, so that in Britain no man is said to wax old till he draw unto threescore, at which time God speed you well cometh in place; as Epaminondas sometime said in mirth, affirming that until thirty years of age, You are welcome is the best salutation; 
Salutations according to our ages.  and from thence to threescore, God keep you; but after threescore, it is best to say, God speed you well: for at that time we begin to grow toward our journeys end, whereon many a one have very good leave to go. These two are also noted in us (as things appertaining to the firm constitutions of our bodies) that there hath not been seen in any region so many carcases of the dead to remain from time to time without corruption as in Britain: and that after death by slaughter or otherwise, such as remain unburied by four or five days together, are easy to be known and discerned by their friends and kindred; whereas Tacitus and other complain of sundry nations, saying, that their bodies are Tam fluidae substantiae, that within certain hours the wife shall hardly know her husband, the mother her son, or one friend another after their lives be ended. In like sort the comeliness of our living bodies do continue from middle age (for the most) even to the last gasp, specially in mankind. And albeit that our women through bearing of children do after forty begin to wrinkle apace, yet are they not commonly so wretched and hard favoured to look upon in their age, as the French women, and diverse of other countries with whom their men also do much participate; and there to be so often wayward and peevish, that nothing in manner may content them.  
I might here add somewhat also of the mean stature generally of our women, whose beauty commonly exceedeth the fairest of those of the main, their comeliness of person and good proportion of limbs, most of theirs that come over unto us from beyond the seas. This nevertheless I utterly mislike in the poorer sort of them, for the wealthier do seldom offend herein: that being of themselves without government, they are so careless in the education of their children (wherein their husbands also are to be blamed) by means whereof very many of them neither fearing God, neither regarding either manners or obedience, do oftentimes come to confusion, which (if any correction or discipline had been used toward them in youth) might have proved good members of their commonwealth & country, by their good service and industry. I could make report likewise of the natural vices and virtues of all those that are borne within this Island, but as the full tractation hereof craveth a better head than mine to set forth the same, so will I give place to other men that list to take it in hand. Thus much therefore of the constitutions of our bodies: and so much may suffice.   

How Britain at the first grew to be divided into three portions. Cap. 21.  
AFter the coming of Brutus into this Island (which was, as you have read in the foresaid treatise, about the year of the world, 2850, or 1217 before the incarnation of Christ, although Goropius after his manner do utterly deny our history in this behalf) he made a general surueis of the whole Island from side to side, by such means to view and search out not only the limits and bounds of his dominions, but also what commodities this new achieved conquest might yield unto his people. furthermore, finding out at the last also a convenable place wherein to erect a city, he began there even the very same which at this day is called London, naming it Trenovanton, in remembrance of old troy, from whence his ancestors proceeded, and for which the Romans pronounced afterward Trinobantum, although the Welshmen do call it still Trenewith. This city was builded (as some writ) much about the tenth year of his reign, so that he lived not above fifteen years after he had finished the same. But of the rest of his other acts attempted and done, before or after the erection of this city, I find no certain report, more than that when he had reigned in this Island after his arrival by the space of four and twenty years, he finished his days at Trenovanton aforesaid, being in his young and flourishing age, where his carcase was honourably interred. As for the manner of his death, I find as yet no mention thereof among such writers as are extant; I mean whether it grew unto him by defect of nature, or force of grievous wounds received in his wars against such as withstood him from time to time in this Island, and therefore I can say nothing of that matter. Herein only all agree, that during the time of his languishing pains, he made a disposition of his whole kingdom, dividing it into three parts or portions, according to the number of his sons then living, whereof the eldest exceeded not eight and twenty years of age, as my coniecturs giveth me.  
To the eldest therefore, 
Locrine.  whose name was Locrine, he gave the greatest and best region of all the rest, which of him to this day is called Lhoegres among the Britons, 
Lhoegria.  but in our language England: of such English Saxons as made conquest of the same. This portion also is included on the south with the British sea, on the est with the German Ocean, on the north with the Humber, and on the west with the Irish sea, and the rivers Dee and Sauerne, whereof in the general description of this Island I have spoken more at large. To Camber 
Camber.  his second son he assigned all that lieth beyond the Sauerne and Dee, 
Cambria.  toward the west (which parcel in these days containeth Southwales and North-wales) with sundry islands adjacent to the same, the whole being in manner cut off and separated from England or Lhoegria by the said streams, whereby it seemeth also a peninsula or by-land, if you respect the small hilly portion of ground that lieth indifferently between their main courses, or such branches (at the least) as run and fall into them. The Welshmen or Britons call it by the ancient name still unto this day, but we Englishmen term it Wales: which denomination we have from the Saxons, who in time past did use the word Walsh in such sort▪ as we do Strange: for as we call all those strangers that are not of our nation, so did they name them Walsh which were not of their country.  
The third and last part of the Island he allotted unto Albanact his youngest son (for he had but three ill all, 
Albanact.  as I have said before) whose portion seemed for circuit to be more large than that of Camber, and in manner equal in greatness with the dominions of Locrinus. But if you have regard to the several commodities that are to be reaped by each, you shall find them to be not much discrepant or differing one from another: for what soever the first & second have in plenty of corn, fine grass, and large cattle, this latter wanteth not in exceeding store of fish, rich metal, quarries of stone, and abundance of wild foul: so that in mine opinion, there could not be a more equal partition then this made by Brute, and after the aforesaid manner. This later parcel at the first, took the name of Albanactus, who called it Albania. But now a small portion only of the region (being under the regiment of a duke) retaineth the said denomination, the rest being called Scotland, of certain Scots that came over from Ireland to inhabit in those quarters. 
Albania.  It is divided from Lhoegres also by the Solve and the Firth, yet some do note the Humber; so that Albania (as Brute left it) contained all the north part of the Island that is to be found beyond the aforesaid stream, unto the point of Cathnesse.  
To conclude, Brute having divided his kingdom after this manner, and therein contenting himself as it were with the general title of the whole, it was not long after yer he ended his life; and being solemnly interred at his new city by his three children, they parted each from other, and took possession of their provinces. 
Locrine king also of Scotland.  But Scotland after two years fell again into the hands of Locrinus as to the chief lord, by the death of his brother Albanact, who was slain by Humber king of the Scythians, and left none issue behind him to succeed him in that kingdom.   

After what manner the sovereignty of this isle doth remain to the princes of Lhoegres or kings of England. Chap. 22.  
IT is possible that some of the Scotish nation, reading the former chapter, will take offence with me for meaning that the principality of the north parts of this isle hath always belonged to the kings of Lhoegres. 
The Scots always desirous to shake off the English subjection, have often made cruel & odious attempts so to do, but in vain.  For whose more ample satisfaction in this behalf, I will here set down a discourse thereof at large, written by diverse, and now finally brought into one treatise, sufficient (as I think) to satisfy the reasonable, although not half enough peradventure to content a wrangling mind, sith there is (or at the leastwise hath been) nothing more odious among some, than to hear that the king of England hath aught to do in Scotland.  
How their historiographers have attempted to shape many coloured excuses to avoid so manifest a title, all men may see that read their books indifferently, whereunto I refer them. For my part there is little or nothing of mine herein, more than only the collection and abridgement of a number of fragments together, wherein chiefly I have used the help of Nicholas adam's a lawyer, who wrote thereof (of set purpose) to king Edward the sixth, as Leland did the like to king Henry the eight, john Harding unto Edward the fourth; beside three other, whereof the first dedicated his treatise to Henry the fourth, the second to Edward the third, and the third to Edward the first, as their writings yet extant do abundantly bear witness. The title also that Leland giveth his book, which I have had written with his own hand, beginneth in this manner: These remembrances following are found in chronicles authorised, remaining in diverse monasteries both in England and Scotland, by which it is evidently known and showed, that the kings of England have had, and now aught to have the sovereignty over all Scotland, with the homage and fealty of the kings there reigning from time to time, etc. Hereunto you have heard already, what division Brute made of this Island not long before his death, whereof each of his children, so soon as he was interred, took seizure and possession. Howbeit, after two years it happened that Albanact was slain, whereupon Locrinus and Camber raising their powers, revenged his death: and finally the said Locrinus made an entrance upon Albania, seized it into his own hands (as excheated wholly unto himself) without yielding any part thereof unto his brother Camber, who made no claim nor title unto any portion of the same. Hereby then (saith Adam's) it evidently appeareth, that the entire signiory over Albania consisted in Locrinus, according to which example like law among brethren ever since hath continued, in preferring the eldest brother to the only benefit of the collateral ascension from the youngest, as well in Scotland as in England unto this day.  
Ebranke the lineal heir from the body of this Locrine, that is to say, the son of Mempris, son of Madan, son of the same Locrine builded in Albania the castle of Maidens, now called Edinburgh (so called of Aldan sometime king of Scotland, but at the first named Cair Minid Agnes. 1. the castle on mount Agnes, and the castle of virgins) and the castle of Alcluith or Alclude, now called Dunbriton, as the Scotish Hector Boetius confesseth: whereby it most evidently appeareth, that our Ebranke was then thereof seized. This Ebranke reigned in the said state over them a long time; after whose death Albania (as annexed to the empire of Britain) descended to the only king of Britons, until the time of the two sister's sons, Morgan and Conedage, lineal heirs from the said Ebranke, who brotherly at the first divided the realm between them; so that Morgan had Lhoegres, and Conedage had Albania. But shortly after Morgan the elder brother, pondering in his head the love of his brother with the affection to a kingdom, excluded nature, and gave place to ambition, and thereupon denouncing war, death miserably ended his life (as the reward of his untruth) whereby Conedage obtained the whole empire of all Britain: in which state he remained during his natural life.  
From him the same lineally descended to the only king of Britons, until (and after) the reign of Gorbodian, who had issue two sons, Ferrex, and Porrex. This Porrex requiring like division of the land, affirming the former partitions to be rather of law than favour, was by the hands of his elder brother (best loved of queen mother) both of his life and hoped kingdom beerea●ed at once. Whereupon their unnatural mother, using her natural malice for the death of her one son (without regard of the losing of both) miserably slew the other in his bed mistrusting no such treason.  
Cloten, by all writers, as well Scotish as other, was the next inheritor to the whole empire: but lacking power (the only mean in those days to obtain right) he was contented to divide the same among four of his kinsmen; so that Scatter had Albania. But after the death of this Cloten, his son Dunwallo Mulmutius made war upon these four kings, and at last overcame them, and so recovered the whole dominion. In token of which victory, he caused himself to be crowned with a crown of gold, the very first of that metal (if any at all were before in use) that was worn among the kings of this nation. This Dunwallo erected temples, wherein the people should assemble for prayer; to which temples he gave benefit of sanctuary. He made the law for wager of battle, in cases of murder and felony, whereby a thief that lived and made his art of fight, should for his purgation fight with the true man whom he had rob, believing assuredly, that the gods (for then they supposed many) would by miracle assign victory to none but the innocent party. Certes the privileges of this law, and benefit of the latter, as well in Scotland as in England, be enjoyed to this day, few causes by late positive laws among us excepted, wherein the benefit of wager of battle is restrained. By which obedience to his laws, it doth manifestly appear, that this Dunwallo was then seized of Albania, now called Scotland. This Dunwallo reigned in this estate over them many years.  
Beline and burn the sons also of Dunwallo, did after their father's death favourably divide the land between them; so that Beline had Lhoegres, & burn had Albania: but for that this burn (a subject) without the consent of his elder brother and lord, adventured to marry with the daughter of the king of Denmark; Beline seized Albania into his own hands, and thereupon caused the notable ways privileged by Dunwallons laws to be newly wrought by men's hands, which for the length extended from the further part of Cornwall, unto the sea by north Cathnesse in Scotland. In like sort to and for the better maintenance of religion in those days, he constituted ministers called archflamines, in sundry places of this Island (who in their several functions resembled the bishops of our times) the one of which remained at Ebranke now called York, and the whole region Caerbrantonica (whereof Ptolemy also speaketh but not without wresting of the name) whose power extended to the uttermost bounds of Albania, whereby likewise appeareth that it was then within his own dominion. After his death the whole Isle was enjoyed by the only kings of Britain, until the time of Uigenius & Peridurus lineal heirs from the said Beline, who favourably made partition, so that Uigenius had all the land from Humber by south, and Peridurus from thence northwards all Albania, etc. This Uigenius died, and Peridurus survived, and thereby obtained the whole, from whom the same quietly descended, and was by his posterity accordingly enjoyed, until the reign of coel the first of that name. In his time an obscure nation (by most writers supposed Scythians) passed by seas from Ireland, and arrived in that part of Britain called Albania: against whom this coel assembled his power, and being entered Albania to expel them, one Fergus in the night disguised, entered the tent of this coel, and in his bed traitorously slew him.  
This Fergus was therefore, in reward of his great prowess, made there king, whereupon they sat down in that part, with their wives and children, and called it Scotland, and themselves Scots: from the beginning of the world, four thousand six hundred and seventeen years after the Scotish account, which by just computation and confession of all their own writers, is six hundred years lacking ten, after that Brutus had reigned over the whole Island, the same land being enjoyed by him and his posterity before their coming, during two and fifty descents of the kings of Britain, which is a large prescription. Certes this intrusion into a land so many hundred years before inhabited, and by so many descents of kings quietly enjoyed, is the best title that all their own writers can allege for them. But to proceed. Fergus hereupon immediately did divide Albania also among his captains and their soldiers: whereby it most evidently appeareth, that there were no people of that nation inhabiting there before, in proof whereof the same partition shall follow.  
The lands of Cathnes lying against Orkneie, 
Out of Hector Boecius lib. 5.  between Dummesbeie and the water of Thane, was given unto one Cornath, a captain and his people. The lands between the water of Thane & Nes, now called Rosse, being in breadth from Cromart to the mouth of the water of Locht, were given to Lutorke, another captain and his people. The lands between Spaie and Nes, from the Almane seas to the Ireland seas, now called murray land, were given to one Warroch and his people. The land of Thalia, now called Boin Ainze, Bogewall, Gariot, Formartine, and Bowguhan, were given to one Thalis and his people. The lands of Mar Badezenoch, and Lochquhaber, were given to Martach and his people. The lands of Lorne and Kintier, with the hills and mounteins thereof, lying from Mar to the Ireland seas, were given to captain Nanance and his people. The lands of Athole were given to Atholus, another captain and his people. The lands of Strabraun, & Brawdawane lying west from Dunkell, were given to Creones & Epidithes two captains. The lands of Argile, were given to Argathelus a captain. The lands of Linnox & Clidisdale were allotted to Lolgona a captain. The lands of Siluria now called Kile, Carrike & Cuningham, were given to Silurth another captain. The lands of Brigance now called galloway, were given to the company called Brigands, which (as their best men) were appointed to dwell next the Britons, who afterward expelled the Britons from Annandale in Albany, whereby it is confessed to be before inhabited by Britons. The residue of the land now called Scotland, that is to say: Meirnis, Angus, Steremond, Gowrie, Strahern, Pirth, Fife, Striueling, Calendar, Calderwood, Lougthian, Mers, Tevedale, with other the Rement Dales, & the Sherifdome, of Berwicke, were then enjoyed by a nation mingled in marriage with the Britons, 
Berovicum potiùs à Berubio promontorio.  and in their obedience, whose captain called Beringer builded the castle and town of Berwicke upon tweed, & these people were called Picts, upon whom by the death of this coel, these Scots had opportunity to use wars, whereof they ceased not, until such time as it pleased God to appoint another coel king of Britons, against whose name, albeit they hoped for a like victory to the first, yet he prevailed and ceased not his war, until these Scots were utterly expelled out of all the bounds of Britain, in which they never dared to re-enter, until the troublesome reign of Sisilt king of Britons, which was the twelft king after this coel. During all which time the country was reinhabited by the Britons. But then the Scots turning the civil discord of this realm, between this Sisilt and his brother Blede to their best advantage, arrived again in Albania, & there made one Reuther their king.  
Upon this their new arrival, new war was made upon them by this Sisilt king of Britons, in which war Reuther their new king died, and Thereus succeeded, against whom the war of Britons ceased not, until he freely submitted himself to the said Sicill king of Britons at Ebranke, that is York, where shortly after the tenth year of his reign he died. Finnane brother of josine succeeded by their election to the kingdom of Scots, who shortly after (compelled by the wars of the same Sicill) declared himself subject, and for the better assurance of his faith and obeisance to the king of Britons, delivered his son Durstus into the hands of this Sicill: who fantasieng the child, and hoping by his own succession to alter their subtlety (I will not say duplicity saith Adam's) married him in the end to Agasia his own daughter.  
This Durstus was their next king; 
Durstus.  but for that he had married a Briton woman, (though indeed she was a king's daughter) the Scots hated him for the same cause, for which they ought rather to have liked him the better, and therefore not only traitorously slew him; but further to declare the end of their malice, dishinherited (as much as in them was) the issues of the same Durstus and Agasia. Hereupon new war sprung between them and us, which ceased not until they were contented to receive Edeir to their king, the next in blood then living, descended from Durstus and Agasia, and thereby the blood of the Britons, of the part of the mother, was restored to the crown of Albania: so that nature, whose law is immutable, caused this bond of love to hold. For shortly after this Edeir attended upon Cassibelane king of Britons, for the repulse of julius Caesar, as their own author Boetius, confesseth, who commanded the same as his subject But julius Caesar, after his second arrival, by treason of Androgeus prevailed against the Britons, and thereupon pursued this Edeir into Scotland; and (as himself saith in his commentaries) subdued all the isle of Britain. Which though the living Scots deny it, their dead writers confess that he came beyond Calendar wood, and cast down Camelon, the principal city of the Picts. And in token of this victory, not far from Carron, builded a round temple of stone, which remained in some perfection until the reign of our king Edward called the first after the conquest, by whom it was subverted: but the monument thereof remaineth to this day.  
Marius the son of arviragus, 
Marius.  being king of all Britain, in his time one Roderike a Scythian, with a great rabble of needy soldiers, came to the water of Frith in Scotland, which is an arm of the sea, dividing Pentland from Fife: against whom Marius assembled a power, by which he slew this Roderick, and discomfited his people in Westmoreland: but to those that remained alive, he gave the country of Cathnesse in Scotland, which proveth it be within his own dominion.  
coel the son of this Marius had issue Lucius, 
Coelus.  counted the first christian king of this nation: he converted the three archflamines of this land into bishoprics, and ordained bishops unto each of them. The first remained at London, and his power extended from the furthest part of Cornwall to Humber water. The second dwelled at York, and his power stretched from Humber to the furthest part of all Scotland. The third aboded at Caerleon upon the river of Wiske in Glamorgan in Wales, & his power extended from Severne through all Wales. Some writ that he made but two, and turned their names to archbishops, the one to remain at Canturburie, the other at York: yet they confess that he of York had jurisdiction through all Scotland: either of which is sufficient to prove Scotland to be then under his dominion.  
Severus, by birth a Roman, 
Severus.  but in blood a Briton (as some think) and the lineal heir of the body of Androge●s son of Lud, & nephew of Cassibelane, was shortly after emperor & king of Britons, in whose time the people to whom his ancestor Marius gave the land of Cathnesse in Scotland, conspired with the Scots, & received them from the Isles into Scotland. But hereupon this Severus came into Scotland, and meeting with their faith and false hearts together, drove them all out of the main land into Isles, the uttermost bounds of all great Britain. But notwithstanding this glorious victory, the Britons considering their servitude to the Romans, imposed by treason of Androgeus, ancestor to this Severus, began to hate him, whom yet they had no time to love, and who in their defence and surety had slain of the Scots and their confederates in one battle thirty thousand: but such was the consideration of the common sort in those days, whose malice no time could diminish, nor just desert appease.  
Antoninus Bassianus borne of a Briton woman, 
Bassianus.  and Geta borne by a Roman woman, were the sons of this Severus, who after the death of their father, by the contrary voices of their people, contended for the crown. Few Britons held with Bassianus, fewer Romans with Geta: but the greater number with neither of both. In the end Geta was slain, and Bassianus remained emperor, against whom Carautius rebelled, who gave unto the Scots, Picts, and Scythians, the country of Cathnesse in Scotland, which they afterward inhabited, whereby his seison thereof appeareth.  
coil, 
coil.  descended of the blood of the ancient kings of this land, was shortly after king of the Britons, whose only daughter and heir called Helen, was married unto Constantius a Roman, who daunted the rebellion of all parts of great Britain; and after the death of this coil was in the right of his wife king thereof, and reigned in his state over them thirteen or fourteen years.  
Constantine the son of this Constance, and Helen, 
Constantine.  was next king of Britons, by the right of his mother, who passing to Rome to receive the empire thereof, deputed one octavius king of Wales, and duke of the Gewisses (which some expound to be afterward called west Saxons) to have the government of this dominion. But abusing the kings innocent goodness, this Octavius defrauded this trust, and took upon him the crown. For which traitorie albeit he was once vanquished by Leonine Traheron, great uncle to Constantine: yet after the death of this Traheron, he prevailed again, and usurped over all Britain. Constantine being now emperor sent Marimius his kinsman hither (in process of time) to destroy the same Octavius, who in singular battle discomfited him. Whereupon this Maximius, as well by the consent of great Constantine, as by the election of all the Britons, for that he was a Briton in blood, was made king or rather vicegerent of Britain. This Maximius made war upon the Scots and Scythians within Britain, and ceased not until he had slain Eugenius their king, and expelled and driven them out of the whole limits and bounds of Britain. Finally he inhabited all Scotland with Britons, no man, woman, nor child of the Scotish nation suffered to remain within it, which (as their Hector Boetius saith) was for their rebellion; and rebellion properly could it not be, except they had been subjects. He suffered the Picts also to remain his subjects, who made solemn oaths to him, never after to erect any peculiar king of their own nation, but to remain under the old empire of the only king of Britain. I had once an epistle by Leland exemplified (as he saith) out of a very ancient record which beareth title of Helena unto her son Constantine, and entereth after this manner; Domino semper Augusto filio Constantino, matter Helena semper Augusta, etc. And now it repenteth me that I did not exemplify and convey it into this treatise whilst I had his books. For thereby I might have had great light for the estate of this present discourse: but as then I had no mind to have traveled in this matter; nevertheless, if hereafter it come again to light I would wish it were reserved. It followeth on also in this manner (as it is translated out of the Greek) Veritatem sapientis animus non recusat, nec fides recta aliquando patitur quamcunque iacturam, etc.  
About five and forty years after this (which was long time after the death of this Maximius) with the help of Govan or Gonan and Helga, the Scots newly arrived in Albania, and there created one Fergus the second of that name to be there king. But because they were before banished the continent land, they crowned him king on their adventure in Argile, in the fatal chair of marble, the year of our Lord, four hundred and two and twenty, as they themselves do write.  
Maximian son of Leonine Traheron, brother to king coil, 
Maximian.  and uncle to Helen, was by lineal succession next king of Britons: but to appease the malice of Dionothus king of Wales, who also claimed the kingdom, he married Othilia elder daughter of Dionothus, and afterwards assembled a great power of Britons, and entered Albania, invading galloway, Mers, Annandale, Pentland, Carrike, Kill, and Cuningham, and in battle slew both this Fergus then king of Scots, and Durstus the king of Picts, and exiled all their people out of the continent land: whereupon the few number of Scots then remaining a live, went to Argile, and there made Eugenius their king. When this Maximian had thus obtained quietness in Britain, he departed with his cousin Conan Meridocke into Armorica, where they subdued the king, and depopulated the country, which he gave to Conan his cousin, to be afterward inhabited by Britons, by the name of Britain the less: and hereof this realm took name of Britain the great, which name by consent of foreign writers it keepeth unto this day.  
After the death of Maximian, dissension being moved between the nobles of Britain, the Scots swarmed together again, and came to the wall of Adrian, where (this realm being divided in many factions) they overcame one. And hereupon their Hector Boetius (as an hen that for laying of one egg, will make a great cakeling) solemnly triumphing for a conquest before the victory, allegeth that hereby the Britons were made tributaries to the Scots, and yet he confesseth that they won no more land, by that supposed conquest, but the same portion between them and Humber, which in the old partitions before was annexed to Albania. It is hard to be believed, that such a broken nation as the Scots at that time were, returning from banishment within four years before, and since in battle losing both their kings, and the great number of their best men, to be thus able to make a conquest of great Britain; and very unlikely if they had conquered it, they would have left the hot sun of the south parts, to dwell in the cold snow in Scotland. Incredible it is, that if they had conquered it, they would not have deputed officers in it, as in cases of conquest behoveth. And it is beyond all belief, that great Britain, or any other country, should be won without the coming of any enemy into it: as they did not, but tarried finally at the same wall of Adrian, whereof I spoke before.  
But what need I speak of these defences, when the same Boecius scantly trusteth his own belief in this tale. For he saith that Galfride, and sundry other authentic writers, diversly vary from this part of his story, wherein his own thought accuseth his conscience of untruth: herein also he further forgetting how it behoveth a liar to be mindful of his assertion, in the fourth chapter next following, wholly bewrayeth himself, saying that the confederate kings of Scots and Picts, upon civil wars between the Britons (which then followed) hoped shortly to enjoy all the land of great Britain, from beyond Humber unto the fresh sea, which hope had been vain, and not less than void, if it had been their own by any conquest before.  
Constantine of Britain, descended from Conan king thereof, cousin of Brutus' blood to this Maximian, and his nearest heir was next king of Britain, he immediately pursued the Scots with wars, and shortly in battle slew their king Dongard, in the first year of his reign, whereby he recovered Scotland out of their hands, and took all the holds thereof into his own possessions. Uortiger shortly after obtained the crown of Britain, against whom the Scots newly rebelled: for the repressing whereof (mistrusting the Britons to hate him for sundry causes, as one that to avoid the smoke doth oft fall into the fire) received Hengest a Saxon, and a great number of his countrymen, with whom and a few Britons he entered Scotland & overcame them, whereupon they took the Isles, which are their common refuge. He gave also much of Scotland, as galloway, Pentland, Mers and Annandale, with sundry other lands to this Hengest and his people to inhabit, which they did accordingly enjoy. But when this Hengest in process of time thirsted after the whole kingdom of the south, he was banished, and yet afterward being restored, he conspired with the Scots against Aurilambrose the son of Constantine, the just inheritor of this whole dominion. But his untruth and theirs were both recompensed together, 
Some think the Seimors' to come from this man by lineal descent and I suppose no less.  for he was taken prisoner by Eldulph de Samor a noble man of Britain, and his head for his traitorie stricken off at the commandment of Aurilambrose. In the field the Scots were vanquished: but Octa the son of Hengest was received to mercy, to whom and his people this Aurilambrose gave the country of galloway in Scotland, for which they became his subjects. And hereby appeareth that Scotland was then again reduced into his hands.  
Uter called also Pendragon, brother to Aurilambrose was next king of the Britons, against whom, these sworn Saxons now foresworn subjects (confederate with the Scots) newly rebelled: but by his power assembled against them in galloway in Scotland, they were discomfited, & Albania again recovered unto his subjection. Arthur the son of of this Uter, begotten before the marriage, but lawfully borne in matrimony, succeeded next to the crown of great Britain; whose noble acts, though many vulgar fables have rather stained than commended: yet all the Scotish writers confess, that he subdued great Britain, and made it tributary to him, and overcame the Saxons then scattered as far as Cathnesse in Scotland: and in all these wars against them, he had the service and obeisance of Scots and Picts. But at the last setting their feet in the guileful paths of their predecessors, they rebelled and besieged the city of York, howel king of the less Britain cousin to king Arthur being therein. But he with an host came thither and discomfited the Scots, chased them into a marsh, and besieged them there so long, that they were almost famished: until the bishops, abbots, and men of religion (for as much as they were christened people) besought him to take them to his mercy and grace, and to grant them a portion of the same country to dwell in under everlasting subjection. Upon this he took them to his grace, homage and fealty: and when they were sworn his subjects and liegemen, he ordained his kinsman Anguisan to be their king and governor, Urian king of Island, and Murefrence king of Orkeneie. He made an archbishop of York also, whose authority extended through all Scotland.  
Finally, the said Arthur holding his royal feast at Cairleon, had there all the kings that were subjects unto him, among which, Angusian the said king of Scots did his due service and homage, so long as he was with him for the realm of Scotland, & bare king Arthur's sword afore him. Malgo shortly after succeeded in the whole kingdom of great Britain, who upon new resistance made, subdued Ireland, Island, the Orchads, Norway and Denmark, and made Ethelfred a Saxon king of Bernicia, that is, Northumberland, Lothian, and much other land of Scotland, which Ethelfred by the sword obtained at the hands of the wilful inhabitants, and continued true subject to this Malgo.  
Cadwan succeeded in the kingdom of great Britain, who in defence of his subjects the Scots, made war upon this Ethelfred, but at the last they agreed, and Cadwan upon their rebellion gave all Scotland unto this Ethelfred, which he thereupon subdued and enjoyed: but afterward in the reign of Cadwallo that next succeeded in great Britain, he rebelled. Whereupon the same Cadwallo came into Scotland, and upon his treason reseised the country into his own hands, and having with him all the viceroy's of the Saxons, which then inhabited here as his subjects, in singular battle he slew the same Ethelfred with his own hands.  
Oswald was shortly after by Cadwallos' gift made king of Bernicia, and he as subject to Cadwallo, and by his commandment discomfited the Scots and Picts, and subdued all Scotland. Oswie the brother of this Oswald, was by the like gift of Cadwallo, made next king of Bernicia, and he by like commandment newly subdued the Scots and Picts, and held them in that obeisance to this Cadwallo, during eight and twenty years. Thus Cadwallo reigned in the whole monarchy of great Britain, having all the seven kings thereof, as well Saxons as others his subjects: for albeit the number of Saxons from time to time greatly increased, yet were they always either at the first expelled, or else made tributary to the only kings of Britons for the time being, as all their own writers do confess.  
Cadwallader was next king of the whole great Britain, he reigned twelve years over all the kings thereof, in great peace and tranquility: and then upon the lamentable death of his subjects, which died of sundry diseases innumerablie, he departed into little Britain. His son and cousin Ivor and Iue, being expelled out of England also by the Saxons, went into Wales, where among the Britons they and their posterity remained princes. Upon this great alteration, and wars being through the whole dominion between the Britons and Saxons, the Scots thought time to slip the collar of obedience, and thereupon entered in league with Charles then king of France, establishing it in this wise.  
1 The injury of Englishmen done to any of these people, shall be perpetually holden common to them both.  
2 When Frenchmen be invaded by Englishmen, the Scots shall send their army in defence of France, so that they be supported with money and victuals by the French.  
3 When Scots be invaded by Englishmen, the Frenchmen shall come upon their own expenses, to their support and secure.  
4 None of the people shall take peace or truce with Englishmen, without the advise of other, etc.  
Many disputable opinions may be had of war without the praising of it, 
Nicholas adam's.  as only admittable by enforced necessity, and to be used for peace sake only, where here the Scots sought war for the love of war only. For their league giveth no benefit to themselves, either in free traffic of their own commodities, or benefit of the French, or other privilege to the people of both. What discommodity riseth by losing the intercourse and exchange of our commodities (being in necessaries more abundant than France) the Scots feel, and we perfectly know. What ruin of their towns, destruction of countries, slaughter of both peoples, have by reason of this bloody league chanced, the histories be lamentable to read, and horrible among christian men to be remembered: but God gave the increase according to their seed, for as they did hereby sow dissension, so did they shortly after reap a bloody slaughter and confusion. For Alpine their king, possessing a light mind that would be lost with a little wind, hoped by this league shortly to subdue all great Britain, and to that end not only rebelled in his own kingdom, but also usurped upon the kingdom of Picts. Whereupon Edwine king of England, made one Brudeus king of Picts, whom he sent into Scotland with a great power, where in battle he took this Alpine king of Scots prisoner, and discomfited his people. And this Alpine being their king found subject and rebel, his head was stricken off at a place in Scotland, which thereof is to this day called Pasalpine, that is to say, the head of Alpine. And this was the first effect of their French league.  
Osbright king of England, with Ella his subject, and a great number of Britons and Saxons shortly after, for that the Scots had of themselves elected a new king, entered Scotland, and ceased not his war against them, until their king and people fled into the Isles, with whom at the last upon their submission, peace was made in this wise.  
The water of Frith shall be march between Scots and Englishmen in the east parts, and shall be named the Scotish sea.  
The water of Cluide to Dunbriton, shall be march in the west parts between the Scots and Britons. This castle was before called Alcluide, but now Dunbriton, that is to say, the castle of Britons, and sometimes it was destroyed by the Danes. So the Britons had all the lands from Sterling to the Ireland seas, and from the water of Frith & Cluide to Cumber, with all the strengths and commodities thereof: and the Englishmen had the lands between Sterling and Northumberland. Thus was Cluide march between the Scots and the Britons on the one side, and the water of Frith named the Scotish sea, march between them and Englishmen on the other side, and Sterling common march to three people, Britons, Englishmen, and Scots, howbeit king Osbright had the castle of Sterling, where first he caused to be coined Sterling money. The Englishmen also builded a bridge of stone, for passage over the water of Frith, in the midst whereof they made a cross, under which were written these verses: 
I am free march, as passengers may ken,  
To Scots, to Britons, and Englishmen.   
Not many years after this, Hinguar and Hubba, two Danes, with a great number of people, arrived in Scotland, and slew Constantine, whom Osbright had before made king: whereupon Edulfe or Ethelwulfe, than king of England, assembled his power against Hinguar and Hubba, and in one battle slew them both; but such of their people as would remain and become christians, he suffered to tarry: the rest he banished or put to death, etc.  
This Ethelwulfe granted the Peter pence, of which albeit Peter & Paul had little need and less right: yet the payment thereof continued in this realm ever after until now of late years. But the Scots ever since unto this day have, and yet do pay it, by reason of that grant, which proveth them to be then under his obeisance.  
Alured or Alfred succeeded in the kingdom of England, and reigned nobly over the whole monarchy of great Britain: he made laws, that persons excommunicated should be disabled to sue or claim any property; which law Gregour, whom this Alured had made king of Scots, obeyed; and the same law as well in Scotland as in England is holden to this day, which also proveth him to be high lord of Scotland.  
This Alured constrained Gregour king of Scots also to break the league with France, for generally he concluded with him, and served him in all his wars, as well against Danes as others, not reserving or making any exception of the former league with France.  
The said Alured, after the death of Gregour, had the like service and obeisance of Donald king of Scots with five thousand horsemen, against one Gurmond a Dane that then infested the realm, and this Donald died in this faith and obeisance with Alured.  
Edward the first of that name called Chifod son of this Alured succeeded his father, and was the next king of England: against whom Sithrtic a Dane and the Scots conspired; but they were subdued, and Constantine their king brought to obeisance. He held the realm of Scotland also of king Edward, and this doth Marian their own countryman a Scot confess: beside Roger Hoveden, and William of Malmesberie.  
In the year of our Lord 923, the same king Edward was precedent and governor of all the people of England, Cumberland, Scots, Danes, and Britons.  
King Athelstane in like sort conquered Scotland, and as he lay in his tents beside York, whilst the wars lasted, the king of Scots feigned himself to be a minstrel, and harped before him only to espy his ordinance and his people. But being (as their writers confess) corrupted with money, he sold his faith and false heart together to the Danes, and aided them against king Athelstane at sundry times. Howbeit he met with all their untruths at Broningfield in the west country, as is mentioned in the ninth chapter of the first book of this description, where he discomfited the Danes, and slew Malcolme deputy in that behalf to the king of Scots: in which battle the Scots confess themselves to have lost more people than were remembered in any age before. Then Athelstane following his good luck, went throughout all Scotland and wholly subdued it, and being in possession thereof, gave land there lying in Annandale by his deed, the copy whereof doth follow:  
I king Athelstane, gives unto Paulam, Oddam and Roddam, als good and als fair, as ever they mine were, and thereto witness Mauld my wife.  
By which course words, not only appeareth the plain simplicity of men's doings in those days: but also a full proof that he was then seized of Scotland. At the last also he received homage of Malcolme king of Scots: but for that he could not be restored to his whole kingdom, he entered into religion, and there shortly after died.  
Then Athelstane, for his better assurance of that country there after, thought it best to have two strings to the bow of their obedience, and therefore not only constituted on Malcolme to be their king, but also appointed one Indulph son of Constantine the third, to be called prince of Scotland, to whom he gave much of Scotland: and for this Malcolme did homage to Athelstane.  
Edmund brother of Athelstane succeeded next king of England, to whom this Indulph then king of Scots not only did homage, but also served him with ten thousand Scots, for the expulsion of the Danes out of the realm of England.  
Edred or Eldred brother to this Edmund succeeded next king of England: 
Some refer this to an Edward.  he not only received the homage of Irise then king of Scots, but also the homage of all the barons of Scotland.  
Edgar the son of Edmund, brother of Athelstane, being now of full age, was next king of England: he reigned only over the whole monarchy of Britain, and received homage of Keneth king of Scots for the kingdom of Scotland, and made Malcolme prince thereof.  
This Edgar gave unto the same Keneth the country of Lothian in Scotland, which was before seized into the hands of Osbright king of England for their rebellion, as is before declared. He enjoined Keneth their said king also once in every year at certain principal feasts (whereat the king did use to wear his crown) to repair unto him into England for the making of laws: which in those days was done by the noble men or peers according to the order of France at this day. He allowed also sundry lodgings in England, to him and his successors, whereat to lie, and refresh themselves in their journeys, whensoever they should come up to do their homages: and finally a piece of ground lying beside the new palace of Westminster, upon which this Keneth builded a house, that by him and his posseritie was enjoyed until the reign of king Henry the second. In whose time, upon the rebellion of William king of Scots, it was resumed into the king of England's hand. The house is decayed, but the ground where it stood is called Scotland to this day.  
Moreover, 
Lawful age and wardship of heirs.  Edgar made this law, that no man should succeed to his patrimony or inheritance holden by knight's service, until he accomplished the age of one and twenty years: because by intendment under that age, he should not be able in person to serve his king and country according to the tenor of his deed, and the condition of his purchase. This law was received by the same Keneth in Scotland; and as well there as in England is observed to this day: which proveth also that Scotland was then under his obeisance.  
In the year of our Lord 974, Kinald king of Scots, and Malcolme king of Cumberland, Macon king of Man and the Isles, Dwenall king of Southwales, Siferth and howel kings of the rest of Wales, jacob or james of Gallowaie, & jukill of Westmoreland did homage to king Edgar at Chester. And on the morrow going by water to the monastery of saint john's to service, and returning home again: the said Edgar sitting in a barge, and stirring the same upon the water of Dée, made the said kings to row the barge, saying that his successors might well be joyful to have the prerogative of so great honour, and the superiority of so many mighty princes to be subject unto their monarchy.  
Edward, the son of this Edgar, was next king of England, in whose time this Keneth king of Scots caused Malcolme king of Scotland to be poisoned. Whereupon king Edward made war against him, which ceased not until this Keneth submitted himself, and offered to receive him for prince of Scotland, whom king Edward would appoint. Hereupon king Edward proclaimed one Malcolme to be prince of Scotland, who immediately came into England, and there did homage unto the same king Edward.  
Etheldred, brother of this Edward succeeded next over England, against whom Swain king of Denmark conspired with this last Malcolme then king of Scots. But shortly after, this Malcolme sorrowfully submitted himself into the defence of Etheldred: who considering how that which could not be amended, must only be repent, benignlie received him. By help of whose service at last Etheldred recovered his realm again out of the hands of Swain, and reigned over the whole monarchy eight and thirty years.  
Edmund surnamed Ironside, son of this Etheldred, was next king of England, in whose time Canutus a Dane invaded the realm with much cruelty. But at the last he married with Emme sometime wise unto Etheldred and mother of this Edmund. Which Emme, as arbitratrix between her natural love to the one, and matrimonial duty to the other, procured such amity between them in the end, that Edmund was contented to divide the realm with Canutus: and keeping to himself all England on this side Humber, gave all the rest beyond Humber, with the signiory of Scotland to this Canutus. Whereupon Malcolme then king of Scots (after a little accustomable resistance) did homage to the same Canutus for the kingdom of Scotland. Thus the said Canutus held the same over of this Edmund king of England by the like services, so long as they lived together. This Canutus in memory of this victory, and glory of his signiory over the Scots, commanded Malcolme their king to build a church in Buchquhan in Scotland, (where a field between him and them was fought) to be dedicated to Olaws patron of Norway and Denmark, which church was by the same Malcolme accordingly performed.  
Edward called the Confessor, son of Etheldred, and brother to Edmund Ironside, was afterward king of England: he took from Malcolme king of Scots his life and his kingdom, and made Malcolme soon to the king of Cumberland and Northumberland king of Scots, who did him homage and fealty.  
This Edward perused the old laws of the realm, and somewhat added to some of them: as to the law of Edgar for the wardship of the lands until the heir should accomplish the age of one and twenty years. He added, 
To whom the marriage of the ward pertaineth.  that the marriage of such heir should also belong to the lord of whom the same land was holden. Also, that every woman marrying a free man, should (notwithstanding she had no children by that husband) enjoy the third part of his inheritance during her life: with many other laws which the same Malcolme king of Scots obeyed, and which as well by them in Scotland, as by us in England be observed to this day, and directly proveth the whole to be then under his obeisance.  
By reason of this law, Malcolme the son of Duncane next inheritor to the crown of Scotland, being within age, was by the nobles of Scotland delivered as ward to the custody also of king Edward. During whose minority, one Makebeth a Scot traitorously usurped the crown of Scotland. Against whom the said Edward made war, in which the said Macbeth was overcome and slain. Whereupon the said Malcolme was crowned king of Scots at Scone, in the eight year of the reign of king Edward aforesaid. This Malcolme also by tenor of the said new law of wardship, was married unto Margaret the daughter of Edward son of Edmund Ironside and Agatha, by the disposition of the same king Edward, and at his full age did homage to this king Edward the Confessor for the kingdom of Scotland.  
Moreover, 
Edward the Confessor.  Edward of England, having no issue of his body, and mistrusting that Harald the son of Goodwin, descended of the daughter of Harald Harefoot the Dane, would usurp the crown, if he should leave it to his cousin Edgar Eatling (being then within age) and partly by the petition of his subjects, who before had sworn never to receive any kings over them of the Danish nation, did by his substantial will in writing (as all our clergy writers affirm) demise the crown of great Britain unto William Bastard, than duke of Normandy, and to his heirs, constituting him his heir testamentary. Also there was proximity in blood between them: for Emme daughter of Richard duke of Normandy was wife unto Etheldred, on whom he begat Alured and this Edward: and this William was son of Robert son of Richard, brother of the whole blood to the same Emme. Whereby appeareth that this William was heir by title, and not by conquest, albeit that partly to extinguish the mistrust of other titles, and partly for the glory of his victory, he challenged in the end, the name of a conqueror, and hath been so written ever since the time of his arrival.  
Furthermore, 
William Bastard.  this William, called the Bastard and the Conqueror, supposed not his conquest perfect till he had likewise subdued the Scots. Wherefore to bring the Scots to just obeisance after his coronation, as heir testamentary to Edward the Confessor; he entered Scotland, where after a little resistance made by the inhabitants, the said Malcolme then their king did homage to him at Abirnethie in Scotland for the kingdom of Scotland, as to his superior also by mean of his late conquest.  
William surnamed Rufus, 
William Rufus.  son to this William called the Conqueror, succeeded next in the throne of England, to whom the said Malcolme king of Scots did like homage for the whole kingdom of Scotland. But afterward he rebelled, and was by this William Rufus slain in plain field. Whereupon the Scotishmen did choose one Donald or Dunwall to be their king. But this William Rufus deposed him, and created Dunkane son of Malcolme to be their king, who did like homage to him. Finally, this Dunkane was slain by the Scots, and Dunwall restored, who once again by this William Rufus was deposed; and Edgar son of Malcolme, and brother to the last Malcolme, was by him made their king, who did like homage for Scotland to this William Rufus.  
Henry called Beavelerke the son of William called the Conqueour, 
Henry 1.  after the death of his brother William Rufus, succeeded to the crown of England, to whom the same Edgar king of Scots did homage for Scotland: this Henry Beauclerke married Maud the daughter of Malcome II. of Scots, and by her had issue Maud afterward empress.  
Alexander the son of Malcolme brother to this maud was next king of Scots, he did like homage for the kingdom of Scotland to this Henry the first, as Edgar had done before him.  
Maud called the empress, 
Mawd.  daughter and heir to Henry Beauclerke and maud his wife, received homage of David, brother to her and to this Alexander next king of Scots, before all the temporal men of England for the kingdom of Scotland. This maud the empress gave unto David in the marriage, Maud the daughter and heir of Uoldosius earl of Huntingdon & Northumberland. And herein their evasion appeareth, by which they allege that their kings homages were made for the earldom of Huntingdon. For this David was the first that of their kings was earl of Huntingdon, which was since all the homages of their kings before recited, and at the time of this marriage, & long after the said Alexander his brother was king of Scots, doing the homage aforesaid to Henry Beauclerke son to the aforesaid lady, of whom I find this epitaph worthy to be remembered: 
Ortu magna, viro maior, sed maxima partu,  
Hic jacet Henrici filia, sponsa, parens.   
In the year of our Lord 1136, and first year of the reign of king Stephan, the said David king of Scots being required to do his homage, refused it: for so much as he had done homage to maud the empress before time; notwithstanding the son of the said David did homage to king Stephan.  
Henry called Fitz empress, 
Henry 2.  the son of Maud the empress daughter of maud, daughter of Malcolme king of Scots, was next king of England. He received homage for Scotland of Malcolme son of Henry, son of the said David their last king. Which Malcolme after this homage attended upon the same king Henry in his wars against Lewis then king of France. Whereby appeareth that their French league was never renewed after the last division of their country by Osbright king of England. But after these wars finished with the French king, this Malcolme being again in Scotland rebelled: whereupon king Henry immediately seized Huntingdon and Northumberland into his own hands by confiscation, and made wars upon him in Scotland: during which the same Malcolme died without issue of his body.  
William brother of this Malcolme was next king of Scots, he with all the nobles of Scotland (which could not be now for any earldom) did homage to the son of Henry the second; 
Because they were taken from him before.  with a reservation of the duty to king Henry the second his father. Also the earldom of Huntingdon was (as ye have heard) before this forfeited by Malcolme his brother, and never after restored to the crown of Scotland.  
This William did afterward attend upon the same Henry the second, in his wars in Normandy against the French king (notwithstanding their French league) and then being licensed to departed home in the tenth of this prince, and upon the fifteenth of February he returned, and upon the sixteenth of October did homage to him for the realm of Scotland. In token also of his perpetual subjection to the crown of England, he offered up his cloak, his faddle, and his spear at the high altar in York: whereupon he was permitted to departed home into Scotland, where immediately he moved cruel war in Northumberland against the same king Henry, being as yet in Normandy. But God took the defence of king Henry's part, and delivered the same William king of Scots into the hands of a few Englishmen, who brought him prisoner to king Henry into Normandy in the twentieth year of his reign. But at the last, at the suit of David his brother, Richard bishop of saint Andrews, and other bishops and lords, he was put to this fine for the amendment of his trespass; to wit, to pay ten thousand pounds sterling, and to surrender all his title to the earldom of Huntingdon, Cumberland, & Northumberland into the hands of king Henry, which he did in all things accordingly, sealing his charters thereof with the great seal of Scotland, and signets of his nobility yet to be seen: wherein it was also comprised, that he and his successors should hold the realm of Scotland of the king of England and his successors for ever. And hereupon he once again did homage to the same king Henry, which now could not be for the earldom of Huntingdon, the right whereof was already by him surrendered. And for the better assurance of this faith also, the strengths of Berwick, Edinburgh, Roxborough, and Striueling were delivered into the hands of our king Henry of England, which their own writers confess. But Hector Boetius saith, that this trespass was amended by fine of twenty thousand pounds sterling, and that the earldom of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northumberland were delivered as mortgage into the hands of king Henry, until other ten thousand pounds sterling should be to him paid, which is so far from truth, as Hector was (while he lived) from well meaning to our country. But if we grant that it is true, yet proveth he not that the money was paid, nor the land otherwise redeemed, or ever after came to any Scotish kings hands. And thus it appeareth that the earldom of Huntingdon was never occasion of the homages of the Scotish kings to the kings of England, either before this time or after.  
This was done 1175. Moreover I read this note hereof gathered out of Robertus Montanus or Montensis that lived in those days, and was (as I take it) confessor to king Henry. The king of Scots doth homage to king Henry for the kingdom of Scotland, and is sent home again, his bishops also did promise to do the like to the archbishop of York, and to acknowledge themselves to be of his province and jurisdiction. By virtue also of this composition the said Robert saith, that Rex Angliae dabat honores, episcopatus, abbatias, & alias dignitates in Scotia, vel saltem eius consilio dabantur, that is, The king of England gave honours, bishoprics, abbatships, and other dignities in Scotland, or at the leastwise they were not given without his advise and counsel.  
At this time Alexander bishop of Rome (supposed to have general jurisdiction ecclesiastical through christendom) established the whole clergy of Scotland (according to the old laws) under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of York.  
In the year of our Lord 1185, in the month of August, at Cairleill, Roland Talmant lord of Galwaie, did homage and fealty to the said king Henry with all that held of him.  
In the two and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the second, Gilbert son of Ferguse prince of Galwaie, did homage and fealty to the said king Henry, and left Dunecan his son in hostage for conservation of his peace.  
Richard surnamed Coeur de Lion, because of his stoutness, and son of this Henry was next king of England, to whom the same William king of Scots did homage at Canturburie for the whole kingdom of Scotland.  
This king Richard was taken prisoner by the duke of Ostrich, for whose redemption the whole realm was taxed at great sums of money, unto the which this William king of Scots (as a subject) was contributory, and paid two thousand marks sterling.  
In the year of our Lord 1199, john king of England sent to William king of Scots, to come and do his homage, which William came to Lincoln in the month of December the same year, and did his homage upon an hill in the presence of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and of all the people there assembled, and thereunto took his oath and was sworn upon the cross of the said Hubert: also he granted by his charter confirmed, that he should have the marriage of Alexander his son, as his liegeman, always to hold of the king of England: promising moreover that he the said king William and his son Alexander, should keep and hold faith and allegiance to Henry son of the said king john, as to their chief lord against all manner of men that might live and die.  
Also whereas William king of Scots had put john bishop of saint Andrew out of his bishopric, pope Clement wrote to Henry king of England, that he should move and induce the same William; and if need required by his royal power and prerogative over that nation, to compel him to leave his rancour against the said bishop, and suffer him to have and occupy his said bishopric again.  
In the year of our Lord 1216, and five & twentieth of the reign of Henry, son to king john, the same Henry and the queen were at York at the feast of Christmas, for the solemnisation of a marriage made in the feast of saint Stephan the martyr the same year, between Alexander king of Scots, and Margaret the king's daughter, and there the said Alexander did homage to Henry king of England for all the realm of Scotland.  
In bulls of diverse pope's were admonitions given to the kings of Scots, as appeareth by that of Gregory the fift and Clement his successor, that they should observe and truly keep all such appointments, as had been made between the kings of England and Scotland. And that the kings of Scotland should still hold the realm of Scotland of the kings of England, upon pain of curse and interdiction.  
After the death of Alexander king of Scots, Alexander his son, being nine years of age, was by the laws of Edgar, in ward to king Henry the third, & by the nobles of Scotland brought to York, and there delivered unto him. During whose minority king Henry governed Scotland, and to subdue a commotion in this realm, used the aid of five thousand Scotishmen. But king Henry died during the nonage of this Alexander, whereby he received not his homage, which by reason and law was respited until his full age of one and twenty years.  
Edward the first after the conquest, son of this Henry was next king of England; immediately after whose coronation, Alexander king of Scots, being then of full age, did homage to him for Scotland at Westminster, swearing (as all the rest did) after this manner.  
I. D. N. king of Scots shall be true and faithful unto you lord E. by the grace of God king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland, and unto you I make my fidelity for the same, kingdom, the which I hold and claim to hold of you. And I shall bear you my faith and fidelity of life and limb, and worldly honour against all men, faithfully I shall knowledge and shall do you service due unto you of the kingdom of Scotland aforesaid, as God me so help and these holy evangelies.  
This Alexander king of Scots died, leaving one only daughter called Margaret for his heir, who before had married Hanigo, son to Magnus' king of Norway, which daughter also shortly after died, leaving one only daughter her heir, of the age of two years, whose custody and marriage by the laws of king Edgar, and Edward the confessor, belonged to Edward the first: whereupon the nobles of Scotland were commanded by our king Edward to send into Norway, to convey this young queen into England to him, whom he intended to have married to his son Edward: and so to have made a perfect union long wished for between both realms. Hereupon their nobles at that time considering the same tranquility that many of them have since refused, stood not upon shifts and delays of minority nor contempt, but most gladly consented, and thereupon sent two noble men of Scotland into Norway, for her to be brought to this king Edward, but she died before their coming thither, and therefore they required nothing but to enjoy the lawful liberties that they had quietly possessed in the last king Alexander's time.  
After the death of this Margaret, the Scots were destitute of any heir to the crown from this Alexander their last king, at which time this Edward descended from the body of Maud daughter of Malcolme sometime king of Scots, being then in the greatest broil of his wars with France, minded not to take the possession of that kingdom in his own right, but was contented to establish Balliol to be king thereof, the weak title between him, Bruse, & Hastings, being by the humble petition of all the realm of Scotland committed to the determination of king Edward, wherein by authentic writing they confessed the superiority of the realm to remain in king Edward, sealed with the seals of four bishops, seven earls, and twelve barons of Scotland, and which shortly after was by the whole assent of the three estates of Scotland, in their solemn parliament confessed and enacted accordingly, as most evidently doth appear.  
The Balliol in this wise made king of Scotland, did immediately make his homage and fealty at Newcastle upon saint Stéevens day (as did likewise all the lords of Scotland, each one setting his hand to the composition in writing) to king Edward of England for the kingdom of Scotland: but shortly after defrauding the benign goodness of his superior, he rebelled, and did very much hurt in England. Hereupon king Edward invaded Scotland, seized into his hands the greater part of the country, and took all the strengths thereof. Whereupon Balliol king of Scots came unto him to Mauntrosse in Scotland with a white wand in his hand, and there resigned the crown of Scotland, with all his right, title, and interest to the same, into the hands of king Edward, and thereof made his charter in writing, dated and sealed the fourth year of his reign. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland also repaired to Berwick, and did homage and fealty to king Edward, there becoming his subjects. For the better assurance of whose oaths also, king Edward kept all the strengths and holds of Scotland in his own hands; and hereupon all their laws, processes, all judgements, gifts of assizes and others, passed under the name and authority of king Edward. Leland touching the same rehearsal, writeth thereof in this manner.  
In the year of our Lord 1295, the same john king of Scots, contrary to his faith and allegiance rebelled against king Edward, and came into England, and burnt and siue without all modesty and mercy. Whereupon king Edward with a great host went to Newcastle upon Tine, passed the water of Twéed, besieged Berwick, and got it. Also he won the castle of Dunbar, and there were slain at this brunt 15700 Scots. Then he proceeded further, and got the castle of Rokesborow, and the castle of Edenborow, Strivelin and Gedworth, and his people harried all the land. In the mean season, the said king john of Scots, considering that he was not of power to withstand king Edward, sent his letters and besought him of treaty and peace, which our prince benignlie granted, and sent to him again that he should come to the tower of Brechin, and bring thither the great lords of Scotland with him. The king of England sent thither Antony beck bishop of Durham, with his royal power, to conclude the said treatise. And there it was agreed that the said john and all the Scots should utterly submit themselves to the kings will. And to the end the submission should be performed accordingly, the king of Scots laid his son in hostage and pledge unto him. There also he made his letters sealed with the common scale of Scotland, by the which he knowledging his simpleness and great offence done to his lord king Edward of England, by his full power and free will yielded up all the land of Scotland, with all the people and homage of the same. Then our king went forth to see the mounteins, and understanding that all was in quiet and peace, he turned to the abbeie of Scone, which was of canons, regular, where he took the stone called the Regal of Scotland, upon which the kings of that nation were wont to sit, at the time of their coronations for a throne, 
The Scots dream that this was the stone whereon jacob slept when he fled into Mesopotamia.  & sent it to the abbeie of Westminster, commanding to make a chair thereof for the priests that should sing mass at the high altar: which chair was made, and standeth yet there at this day to be seen.  
In the year of our Lord 1296, the king held his parliament at Berwick: and there he took homage singularly of diverse of the lords & nobles of Scotland. And for a perpetual memory of the same, they made their letters patents sealed with their seals, and then the king of England made William Warreine earl of Surrie and Southsax lord Warden of Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham treasurer, and William Ormesbie justice of Scotland, and forthwith sent king john to the Tower of London, and john Coming, and the earl Badenauth, the earl of Bohan and other lords into England to diverse places on this side of the Trent.  
And after that, in the year of our Lord 1297, at the feast of Christmas, the king called before him the said john king of Scots, although he had committed him to ward: and said that he would burn or destroy their castles, towns and lands, if he were not recompensed for his costs and damages sustained in the wars; but king john and the other that were in ward, answered that they had nothing, sith their lives, their deaths, and goods were in his hands. The king upon that answer moved with pity, granted them their lives; so that they would do their homage, and make their oath solemnly at the high altar (in the church of the abbeie of Westminster) upon the eucharist, that they and every of them should hold and keep true faith, obedience, and allegiance to the said king Edward and his heirs kings of England for ever. And where the said king of Scots saw the king's banner of England displayed, he and all his power should draw thereunto. And that neither he or any of his from thenceforth should bear arms against the king of England or any of his blood. Finally, the king rewarding with great gifts the said king john and his lords, suffered them to departed. But they went into Scotland alway imagining (notwithstanding this their submission) how they might oppress king Edward, and disturb his realm. The Scots sent also to the king of France for succour and help, who sent them ships to Berwick furnished with men of arms, the king of England then being in Flanders.  
In the year of our Lord 1298, the king went into Scotland with a great host, and the Scots also assembled in great number, but the king fought with them at Fawkirke on S. Marie magdalen's day, where were slain threescore thousand Scots, & Willain waleis that was their captain fled, who being taken afterward, was hanged, drawn, & quartered at London, for his trespasses.  
After this the Scots rebelled again, and all the lords of Scotland chose Robert Bruse to be king, except only john Commin earl of Carrike, who would not consent thereto because of his oath made to the king of England. 
This was done upon the nine & twentieth of januarie, 1306.  Wherefore Robert Bruse slew him at Dumfrise, and then was crowned at Schone abbeie. Hereupon the king of England assembled a great host, and road through all Scotland, discomfited Robert Bruse, slew eight thousand Scots, & took the most part of all the lords of Scotland, putting the temporal lords to death because they were forsworn.  
Edward borne at Carnarvan son of this Edward, was next king of England, who from the beginning of his reign enjoyed Scotland peaceably, doing in all things as is above said of king Edward his father, until toward the later end of his reign, about which time this Robert Bruise conspired against him, and with the help of a few forsworn Scots, forswore himself king of Scots. Hereupon this Edward with Thomas earl of Lancaster and many other lords made war upon him, about the feast of Marie Magdalene, the said Bruse and his partakers being already accursed by the pope for breaking the truce that he had established betwixt them. But being infortunate in his first wars against him, he suffered Edward the son of Balliol to proclaim himself king of Scots; and nevertheless held forth his wars against Bruse, before the ending of which he died, as I read.  
Edward borne at Windsor son of Edward the second was next king of England, at the age of fifteen years, in whose minority the Scots practised with Isabella mother to this Edward, and with Roger Mortimer earl of the March to have their homages released: whose good will therein they obtained, so that for the same release they should pay to this king Edward thirty thousand pounds starling, in three years next following, that is to say, ten thousand pounds starling yearly. But because the nobility and commons of this realm would not by parliament consent unto it, their king being within age, the same release proceeded not, albeit the Scots ceased not their practices with this queen and earl. But before those three years, in which their menie (if the bargain had taken place) should have been paid, were expired, our king Edward invaded Scotland, and ceased not the war, until David the son of Robert le Bruse (then by their election king of Scotland) absolutely submitted himself untohim. But for that the said David Bruse had before by practice of the queen and the earl of March, married jane the sister of this king Edward: he moved by natural zeal to his sister, was contented to give the realm of Scotland to this David Bruse, and to the heirs that should be be gotten of the body of the said jane (saving the reversion and mean homages to this king Edward and to his own children) wherewith the same David Bruse was right well contented, and thereupon immediately made his homage for all the realm of Scotland to him.  
Howbeit, shortly after causeless conceiving cause of displeasure, this David procured to dissolve this same estate tailée, and thereupon not only rebelled in Scotland, but also invaded England, whilst king Edward was occupied about his wars in France. But this David was not only expelled England in the end, but also thinking no place a sufficient defence to his untruth, of his own accord fled out of Scotland: whereby the countries of Annandale, Gallowaie, Mars, Tevidale, Twedale, and Ethrike were seized into the king of England's hands, and new marches set between England and Scotland at Cockbu●nes path & Sowtrie hedge. Which when this David went about to recover again, his power was discomfited, and himself by a few Englishmen taken & brought into England, where he remained prisoner eleven years after his said apprehension.  
During this time, king Edward enjoyed Scotland peaceably, and then at the contemplation and weary suit of his sorrowful sister, wife of this David, he was contented once again to restore him to the kingdom of Scotland. Whereupon it was concluded, that for this rebellion David should pay to king Edward, the sum of one hundred thousand marks starling, and there to destroy all his holds and fortresses standing against the English borders, and further assure the crown of Scotland to the children of this king Edward for lack of heir of his own body, all which things he did accordingly. And for the better assurance of his obeisance also, he afterward delivered into the hands of king Edward sundry noble men of Scotland in this behalf as his pledges. This is the effect of the history of David, touching his delings. Now let us see what was done by Edward Balliol, whereof our chronicles do report, that in the year of our Lord 1326, Edward the third, king of England, was crowned at Westminster, and in the fift year of his reign Edward Balliol right heir to the kingdom of Scotland came in, and claimed it as due to him. Sundry lords and gentlemen also, which had title to diverse lands there, either by themselves, or by their wives, did the like. Whereupon the said Balliol and they went into Scotland by sea, and landing at Kinghorns with 3000 Englishmen, discomfited 10000 Scots, and slew 1200, and then went forth to Dunfermeline, where the Scots assembled against them with 40000 men, and in the feast of saint Laurence, at a place called Gastmore (or otherwise Gladmore) were slain five earls, thirteen barons, a hundred and three score knights, two thousand men of arms, and many other; in all forty thousand: and there were stain on the English part but thirteen persons only, if the number be not corrupted.  
In the eight year of the reign of king Edward, he assembled a great host, and came to Berwick upon Twéed, and laid siege thereto. To him also came Edward Balliol king of Scots, with a great power to strengthen & aid him against the Scots, who came out of Scotland in four battles well armed & arrayed.  
Edward king of England, and Edward king of Scots, appareled their people either of them in four battles: and upon Halidon hill, beside Berwick, met these two hosts, and there were discomfited of the Scots five and twenty thousand and seven hundred, whereof were slain eight earls, a thousand and three hundred knights and gentlemen. This victory done, the king returned to Berwick, & then the town with the castle were yielded up unto him. In the eight year of the reign of king Edward of England, Edward Balliol king of Scots came to Newcastle upon Tine, and did homage for all the realm of Scotland.  
In the year of our Lord 1346, David Bruise by the provocation of the king of France rebelled, and came into England with a great host unto Nevil's cross: but the archbishop of York, with diverse temporal men, fought with him; and the said king of Scots was taken, and William earl of Douglas with Morris earl of Strathorne were brought to London, and many other lords slain, which with David did homage to Edward king of England.  
And in the thirtieth year of the king's reign, and the year of our Lord 1355, the Scots won the town of Berwicke, but not the castle. Hereupon the king came thither with a great host, and anon the town was yielded up without any resistance.  
Edward Balliol, considering that God did so many marvelous and gracious things for king Edward, at his own will gave up the crown and the realm of Scotland to king Edward of England at Rokesborough, by his letters patents. And anon after the king of England, in presence of all his lords spiritual and temporal, let crown himself king there of the realm of Scotland, & ordained all things to his intent, and so came over into England.  
Richard the son of Edward, called the Black prince, son of this king Edward, was next king of England, who for that the said jane, the wife of the said king David of Scotland was deceased without issue, and being informed how the Scots devised to their uttermost power to break the limitation of this inheritance touching the crown of Scotland, made forthwith war against them, wherein he burned Edenbrough, spoiled all their country, took all their holds, & held continually war against them until his death, which was Anno Dom. 1389.  
Henry the fourth of that name was next king of England, he continued these wars begun against them by king Richard, and ceased not until Robert king of Scots (the third of that name) resigned his crown by appointment of this king Henry, and delivered his son james, being then of the age of nine years, into his hands to remain at his custody, wardship and disposition, as of his superior lord, according to the old laws of king Edward the confessor. All this was done Anno Dom. 1404, which was within five years after the death of king Richard. This Henry the fourth reigned in this estate over them fourteen years.  
Henry the fift of that name, son to this king Henry the fourth, was next king of England. He made wars against the French king, in all which this james then king of Scots attended upon him, as upon his superior lord, with a convenient number of Scots, notwithstanding their league with France. But this Henry reigned but nine years, whereby the homage of this james their king (having not fully accomplished the age of one & twenty years) was by reason and law respited. Finally the said james with diverse other lords attended upon the corpse of the said Henry unto Westminster, as to his duty appertained.  
Henry the sixth, the son of this Henry the fift, was next king of England, to whom the signiory of Scotland & custody of this james by right, law, and reason descended, married the same james king of Scots to jane daughter of john earl of Summerset, at saint Marie over Ice in Southwark, and took for the value of this marriage, the sum of one hundred thousand marks starling.  
This james king of Scots at his full age, did homage to the same king Henry the sixth, for the kingdom of Scotland at Windsor, in the month of januarie.  
Since which time, until the days of king Henry the seventh, grandfather to our sovereign lady that now is, albeit this realm hath been molested with diversity of titles, in which unmeet time neither law nor reason admit prescription to the prejudice of any right: yet did king Edward the fourth next king of England, by preparation of war against the Scots in the latter end of his reign, sufficiently by all laws induce to the continuance of his claim to the same superiority over them.  
After whose death, unto the beginning of the reign of our sovereign lord king Henry the eight, exceeded not the number of seven and twenty years, about which time the impediment of our claim of the Scots part, chanced by the nonage of james their last king, which so continued the space of one and twenty years. And like as his minority was by all law and reason an impediment to himself to make homage; so was the same by like reason an impediment to the king of this realm to demand any, so that the whole time of intermission of our claim in the time of the said king Henry the eight, is deduced unto the number of thirteen years. And thus much for this matter.   

Of the wall sometime builded for a partition between England and the Picts and Scots. Chap. 23.  
Having hitherto discoursed upon the title of the kings of England, unto the Scotish kingdom: I have now thought good to add here unto the description of two walls that were (in times past) limits unto both the said regions, and therefore to be touched in this first book, as generally appertinent unto the estate of the whole Island; and no less famous than that which Anastasius Dicorus made afterward from the Euxine unto the Thracian sea, containing 420 furlongs in length, and twelve foot in breadth, & distant from Constantinople 280 furlongs, albeit that of Hadrian was made of turf and timber. The author therefore of the first wall was Hadrian the emperor, 
The first beginner of the Picts wall.  who (as Aelius Spartianus saith) erected the same of four score miles in length, twelve foot in height, and eight in breadth, to divide the barbarous Britons from the more civil sort, which then were generally called by the name of Romans over all.  
After his time Severus the emperor coming 
The finisher of the wall.  again into this Isle (where he had served before in repression of the tumults here begun, after the death of Lucius) amongst other things he made another wall (but of stone) between eighty and a hundred miles from the first, & of thirty two miles in length, reaching on both sides also to the sea, of whom the Britons called it S. Murseveri, or Gwall Severi, that is, The wall of Severus, or Severus dale, which later endureth until these days in fresh memory, by reason of the ruins & square stones there oft found, whose inscriptions declare the authors of that work. It is worthy the noting also, how that in this voyage he lost 50000 men in the Scotish side, by one occasion and other, which hindrance so incensed him, that he determined utterly to extinguish their memory from under heaven, and had so done in deed, if his life had endured but until another year. Sextus Aurelius writing of Severus, 
The wall goeth not streict by a line, but in and out in many places.  addeth, how that the wall made by this prince contained two and thirty miles, whereby the breadth of this Island there, and length of the wall containeth only so many miles, as may be gathered by his words. But chiefly for the length of the wall, Spartianus who touching it among other things saith of Severus as followeth: Britanniam (quod maximum eius imperij decus est) muro per transuersam insulam ducto, utrinque ad finem oceani munivit, that is, He fortified Britain (which is one of the chief acts recorded of his time) with a wall made overthwart the isle, that reached on both sides even to the very Ocean.  
That this wall was of stone also, 
The stuff of the wall.  the ruins thereof (which have ministered much matter to such as dwell near thereunto in their buildings) is trial sufficient. Hereby in like sort it cometh to pass, that where the soil about it is least inhabited, there is most mention of the said wall, which was wrought of squared stone, as until this day may evidently be confirmed. Howbeit, these two walls were not the only partitions between these two kingdoms, sith julius Capitolinus in vita. Antonini Pij doth write of another that Lollius Vrbicus made beyond the same, 
Two other walls.  of turf, in the time of the said prince, who (for his victories in Britain) was also called Britannicus, which nevertheless was often thrown down by the Scots, and eftsoons repaired again, until it was given over and relinquished altogether. It runneth (as I take it) also within the wall about an arrow shot from that of stone: but how far it went, as yet I cannot find. 
A rampire.  This only remaineth certain, that the walls made by Hadrian & Severus, were ditched with notable ditches and rampires made in such wise, that the Scotish adversary had much a do to enter and scale the same in his assaults. And yet for all this, I read that the Scots oftentimes pulled down great parcels of the same, to make their access more easy into the south parts: but as it was eftsoons repaired again, so the last time of all it was amended by the Roman soldiers, which came over very little before the time of Uortiger, at which season the land was in manner left void of soldiers and munition. Betwixt Thirlewall and the north Tine, are also in the waste grounds, many parcels of that wall of Severus yet standing, whereof the common people do babble many things.  
Beginning therefore with the course thereof, from the west sea, 
The course of the wall from west to east.  I find that it runneth from Bolnesse to Burgh, about four miles, and likewise from thence within half a mile of Carleill, and less on the north side, and beneath the confluence of the Peder and the Eden. From hence it goeth to Terrebie, a village about a mile from caerleil, then through the barony of Linstock, and Gillesland, on the north side of the river Irding or Arding, and a quarter of a mile from the abbeie of Levercost. Thence three miles above Levercost, and above the confluence of Arding, and the Pultrose beck (which divideth Gillesland in Cumberland, from south Tindale in Northumberland) it goeth to Thirlwall castle, then to the wall town, next of all over the river to Swensheld, Carraw (peradventure Cairuoren tower) to Walwtjc, and so over south Tine, to Cockelie tower, Portgate, Halton sheles, Winchester, Rutchester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to Newcastle, where it is thought that saint Nicholas church standeth on the same. Howbeit Leland saith, that it goeth within a mile of Newcastle, and then crooketh up toward Tinmouth unto Wallesend, three miles from the mouth of the said river, so called because the aforesaid wall did end at the same place. And thus much I read of the Pictish wall. As for the Roman coin that is often found in the course thereof, the curious bricks about the same near unto caerleil, beside the excellent cornellines and other costly stones already entailed for seals oftentimes taken up in those quarters, I pass them over as not incident to my purpose.  
In like manner I would gladly also have set down the course of Offaes' ditch, which was march between the Mercian dominions, and the Welshmen in his time: but for so much as the tractation thereof is not to be referred to this place, because it is not a thing general to the whole Island, I omit to speak of that also. Yet thus much will I note here, as well by the report of one (who saith how he did tread it out) that he followed it from the Dee to Kirnaburgh hill through Trevelach forest, by est of Crekith Cauch hill, Montgomerie castle, the New castle and Discoid, and having brought it hitherto, either lost it, or sought after it no further: as by the testimony of another, who writing thereof, saith, that it stretched from the south side by Bristol, along under the mounteins of Wales northwards, over the river of Sauerne, and to the very mouth also of the Dée, where it falleth into the sea. And so much of such things as concern the general estate of the whole Island, which labour herein I could very well have spared, and would, if Quintus had performed the request of Cicero his brother, who promised to send him over a sound advertisement of the condition of Britain in those days: as appeareth in the second book of his familiar epistles, where he saith; Modò mihi date Britanniam, quam pingam coloribus tuis penicillo meo, etc. But sithence that was not performed, and the treatise of Demetrius and other of the same argument are perished, which were of some value, let this trifle (I beseech you) not be rejected, till some other man of better skill shall have drawn a more absolute piece of workmanship, whereunto my unskilfulness (I hope) shall prove no hindrance.   

Of the marvels of England. Chap. 24.  
SUch as have written of the wonders of our country in old time, have spoken (no doubt) of many things, which deserve no credit at all: and therefore in seeking thanks of their posterity by their travel in this behalf; they have reaped the reward of just reproach, and in steed of fame purchased unto themselves nought else but mere discredit in their better and more learned treatises. The like commonly happeneth also to such, as in respect of lucre do publish unprofitable and pernicious volumes, whereby they do consume their times in vain, and in manifold wise become prejudicial unto their common wealths. For my part I will not touch any man herein particularly, no not our Demetrius, of whom Plutarch speaketh in his oracles (if those books were written by him, for some think that Plutarch never wrote them, although Eusebius lib. 4. cap. 8. doth acknowledge them to be his) which Demetrius left sundry treatises behind him, containing wonderful things collected of our Island. But sith that in my time they are found to be false, it should be far unmeet to remember them any more: for who is he which will believe, that infernal spirits can die and give up their ghosts like mortal men? though Saxon seem to consent unto him in this behalf. In speaking also of the out Isles, he saith thus: Beyond Britain are many desolate islands, whereof some are dedicated to the Gods, some to the noble Heroes. I sailed (saith he) by the help of the king unto one that lay near hand, only to see and view the same, in which I found few inhabitants, and yet such as were there, were reputed and taken for men of great piety and holiness. During the time also that I remained in the same, it was vexed with great storm and tempest, which caused me not a little to doubt of my safe return. In the end, demanding of the inhabitants what the cause should be of this so great and sudden mutation of the air? they answered, that either some of the Gods, or at the least of the Heroes were lately deceased: for as a candle (said they) hurteth none whilst it burneth, but being stenderlie put out annoyeth many with the filthy savour: so these Gods, whilst they lived, were either not hurtful, or very beneficial to mankind; but being once deceased, they so move the heavens and air, that much mischief doth ensue eftsoons upon the same.  
Being also inquisitive of the state of other Isles not far off, they told him further, how there was one hard by, wherein Saturn being overtaken with a dead sleep, was watched by Briarous as he lay, which Saturn also had many spirits attending upon him in sundry functions and offices. By which reports it is easy to conceive, with what vain stuff that volume of Demetrius is interlaced. But of such writers as we have too too many, so among the said rabble Gervase of Tilberie is not the least famous, a man as it were even sold to utter matters of more admiration than credit to the world. For what a tale telleth he in his De otio imperiali, of Wandleburie hills, that lie within sight & by south of Cambridge (where the Uandals encamped sometime, when they entered into this Island) and of a spirit that would of custom in a moon shine night (if he were challenged and called thereunto) run at tilt and turneie in complete armour with any knight or gentleman whomsoever, in that place: and how one Osbert of Barnewell, hearing the report thereof, armed himself, and being well mounted, road thither alone with one esquire, and called for him, who forthwith appeared in rich armour, and answered his challenge, so that running together very fiercely, they met with such rigour, that the answerer was overthrown and borne down to the ground. After this they bickered on foot so long, till Osbert overcame and drove him to flight, who departed, leaving his horse behind him, which was of huge stature, black (as he saith) of colour, with his furniture of the same hue, and whereupon he seized, giving him unto his page, who carried him home, and there kept him till it was near day, during which space he was seen of many. But when the day light began to show itself somewhat clear, the beast stamped and snorted, and forthwith breaking his rain, he ran away, and was no more heard of to his knowledge in that country. In the mean season Osbert being very faint, and waxing weary (for he was sore wounded in the thigh, which either he knew not of, or at the leastwise dissembled to know it) caused his leg-harness or stéelebootes to be pulled off, which his friends saw to be full of blood spilled in the voyage. But let who so list believe it, sith it is either a fable devised, or some devilish illusion, if any such thing were done. And on mine own behalf, having (I hope) the fear of God before my eyes, I purpose here to set down no more than either I know myself to be true, or am credibly informed to be so, by such godly men, as to whom nothing is more dear than to speak the truth, and not any thing more odious than to discredit themselves by lying. 
Four wonders of England.  In writing therefore of the wonders of England, I find that there are four notable things, which for their rareness amongst the common sort, are taken for the four miracles and wonders of the land.  
The first of these is a vehement and strong wind, which issueth out of the hills called the Peke, so violent and strong, that at certain times if a man do cast his cote or cloak into the cave from whence it issueth, it driveth the same back again, hoising it aloft into the open air with great force and vehemency. Of this also Giraldus speaketh.  
The second is the miraculous standing or rather hanging of certain stones upon the plain of Salisbury, whereof the place is called Stonehenge. And to say the truth, they may well be wondered at, not only for the manner of position, whereby they become very difficult to be numbered, but also for their greatness & strange manner of lying of some of them one upon another, which seemeth to be with so tickle hold, that few men go under them without fear of their present ruin. How and when these stones were brought thither, as yet I can not read; howbeit it is most likely, that they were raised there by the Britons, after the slaughter of their nobility at the deadly banquet, which Hengist and his Saxons provided for them, where they were also buried, and Uortigerne their king apprehended and led away as captive. I have heard that the like are to be seen in Ireland; but how true it is as yet I can not learn. The report goeth also, that these were brought from thence, but by what ship on the sea, and carriage by land, I think few men can safely imagine.  
The third is an ample and large hole under the ground, which some call Carcer Aeoli, but in English Chedderhole, whereinto many men have entered & walked very far. Howbeit, as the passage is large and nothing noisome: so diverse that have adventured to go into the same, could never as yet find the end of that way, neither see any other thing than pretty riverets and streams, which they often crossed as they went from place to place. This Chedderhole or Chedder rock is in Summersetshire, and thence the said waters run till they meet with the second Axe that riseth in Owkie hole.  
The fourth is no less notable than any of the other. For westward upon certain hills a man shall see the clouds gather together in fair weather unto a certain thickness, and by and by to spread themselves abroad and water their fields about them, as it were upon the sudden. The causes of which dispersion, as they are utterly unknown: so many men conjecture great store of water to be in those hills, & very near at hand, if it were needful to be sought for.  
Besides these four marvels, there is a little rocky I'll in Aber Barrie (a riveret that falleth into the Sauerne sea) called Barrie, which hath a rift or cleft next the first shore; whereunto if a man do lay his ear, he shall hear such noises as are commonly made in smith's forges, to wit, clinking of iron bars, beating with hammers, blowing of bellowses, and such like: whereof the superstitious sort do gather many toys, as the gentiles did in old time of their lame god Vulcan's pot. The river that runneth by Chester changeth her channel every month: the cause whereof as yet I can not learn; neither doth it swell by force of any land-floud, but by some vehement wind it oft over-runneth her banks. In Snowdonie are two lakes, whereof one beareth a movable Island, which is carried to and fro as the wind bloweth. The other hath three kinds of fishes in it, as eels, trout, and perches: but herein resteth the wonder, that all those have but one eye a piece only, and the same situate in the right side of their heads. And this I find to be confirmed also by authors: There is a well in the forest of Gnaresborow, whereof the said forest doth take the name; which water, beside that it is cold as Styx, in a certain period of time known, converteth wood, flesh, leaves of trees, and moss into hard stone, without alteration or changing of shape. The like also is seen there in frogs, worms, and such like living creatures as fall into the same, and find no ready issue. Of this spring also Leland writeth thus; A little above March (but at the further bank of Nide river as I came) I saw a well of wonderful nature called Dropping well, because the water thereof distilleth out of great rocks hard by into it continually, which is so cold, and thereto of such nature, that what thing soever falleth out of those rocks into this pit, or groweth near thereto, or be cast into it by man's hand, it turneth into stone. It may be (saith he) that some sand or other fine ground issueth out with this water from these hard rocks, which cleaving unto those things, giveth them in time the form of stones etc. near unto the place where Winburne monastery sometimes stood, also not far from Bath there is a fair wood▪ whereof if you take any piece, and pitch it into the ground thereabouts, or throw it into the water, within twelve months it will turn into hard stone. In part of the hills east southeast of Alderleie, a mile from Kingswood, are stones daily found, perfectly fashioned like cockles and mighty oysters, which some dream have lain there ever since the flood. In the cliffs between the Black head and Trewardeth bay in Cornwall, is a certain cave, where things appear like images guilded, on the sides of the same, which I take to be nothing but the shining of the bright ore of coppar and other metals ready at hand to be found there, if any diligence were used. Howbeit, because it is much marveled at as a rare thing, I do not think it to be unmeet to be placed amongst our wonders. Master Guise had of late, and still hath (for aught that I know) a manor in Glocestershire, where certain oaks do grow, whose roots are very hard stone. And beside this, the ground is so fertile there (as they say) that if a man hue a stake of any wood, and pitch it into the earth, it will grow and take rooting beyond all expectation. Siluecester town also is said to contain fourscore acres of land within the walls, whereof some is corn-ground (as Leland saith) and the grain which is growing therein doth come to very good perfection till it be ready to be cut down: but even then, or about that time it vanisheth away & becometh altogether unprofitable. Is it any wonder (think you) to tell of sundry causes near to Browham, on the west side of the river Aimote, wherein are halls, chambers, and all offices of household cut out of the hard rock? If it be, then may we increase the number of marvels very much by a rehearsal of other also. For we have many of the like, as one near saint Assaphs upon the bank of Elwie, and about the head of Uendrath Uehan in Wales, whereinto men have often entered and walked, and yet found nothing but large rooms, and sandy ground under their feet, and other elsewhere. But sith these things are not strange, I let them alone, and go forward with the rest.  
In the parish of Landsarnam in Wales, and in the side of a stony hill, is a place wherein are four and twenty seats hewn out of the hard rocks; but who did cut them, and to what end, as yet it is not learned. As for the huge stone that lieth at Pember in Guitherie parish, and of the notable carcase that is affirmed to lie under the same, there is no cause to touch it here: yet were it well done to have it removed, though it were but only to see what it is, which the people have in so great estimation & reverence. There is also a pool in Logh Taw, among the black mounteins in Brecknockshire, where (as is said) is the head of Taw that cometh to Swanseie, which hath such a property, that it will breed no fish at all, & if any be cast into it, they die without recovery: but this peradventure may grow through the accidental corruption of the water, rather than the natural force of the element itself. There is also a lin in Wales, which in the one side beareth trout so red as samons, and in the other, which is the westerly side, very white and delicate. I hear also of two wells not far from Landien, which stand very near together, and yet are of such diversity of nature, that the one beareth soap, and is a marvelous fine water; the other altogether of contrary qualities. Which is not a little to be mused at, considering (I say) that they participate of one soil, and rise so nigh one to another. I have notice given me moreover of a stone not far from saint David's, which is very great, as a bed, or such like thing: and being raised up, a man may stir it with his thumb; but not with his shoulder or force of his whole body.  
There is a well not far from stony Stratford, which converteth many things into stone; and an other in Wales, which is said to double or triple the force of any edge tool that is quenched in the same. In Tegenia, a parcel of Wales, there is a noble well (I mean in the parish of Kilken) which is of marvelous nature, and much like to another well at Seville in Spain: for although it be six miles from the sea, it ebbeth and floweth twice in one day, always ebbing when the sea doth use to flow, and in flowing likewise when the sea doth use to ebb; whereof some do fable, that this well is lady and mistress of the ocean. Not far from thence also is a medicinable spring called Schinant of old time, but now Wenefrides' well, in the edges whereof doth breed a very odoriferous and delectable moss, wherewith the head of the smeller is marvelously refreshed. Other wells and watercourses we have likewise, which at some times burst out into huge streams, though at other seasons they run but very softly, whereby the people gather some alteration of estate to be at hand. And such a one there is at Henleie, & an other at Croidon; & such a one also in the golden dale beside Anderne in Picardy, whereof the common sort imagine many things. Some of the greater sort also give over to run at all in such times, whereof they conceive the like opinion. And of the same nature, though of no great quantity, is a pit or well at Langleie park in Kent, whereof (by good hap) it was my luck to read a notable history in an ancient chronicle that I saw of late. What the foolish people dream of the hell Kettles, it is not worthy the rehearsal; yet to the end the lewd opinion conceived of them may grow into contempt, I will say thus much also of those pits. There are certain pits, or rather three little pools, a mile from Darlington, and a quarter of a mile distant from the These banks which the people call the Kettles of hell, or the devils Kettles, as if he should seeth souls of sinful men and women in them. They add also, that the spirits have oft been heard to cry and yell about them, with other like talk savouring altogether of pagan infidelity. The truth is, and of this opinion also was Cuthbert Tunstall late bishop of Durham, a man (notwithstanding the baseness of his birth, being begotten by one Tunstall upon a daughter of the house of the Comers, as Leland saith) of great learning and judgement, that the cole-mines in those places are kindled, or if there be no coals, there may a mine of some other unctuous matter be set on fire, which being here and there consumed, the earth falleth in, and so doth leave a pit. Indeed the water is now and then warm (as they say) and beside that it is not clear: the people suppose them to be an hundred fadam deep. The biggest of them also hath an issue into the These, as experience hath confirmed. For doctor bellows alias Belzis made report, how a duck marked after the fashion of the ducks of the bishopric of Durham, was put into the same betwixt Darlington and These bank, and afterward seen at a bridge not far from master Clerevar house. If it were worth the noting, I would also make relation of many wooden crosses found very often about Halidon, whereof the old inhabitants conceived an opinion that they were fallen from heaven; whereas in truth, they were made and borne by king Oswald and his men in the battle wherein they prevailed sometimes against the British infidels, upon a superstitious imagination, that those crosses should be their defence and shield against their adversaries. Beda calleth the place where the said field was fought, Heaven field; it lieth not far from the Pictish wall, and the famous monastery of Hagolstad. But more of this elsewhere. Neither will I speak of the little hillets seen in many places of our Isle, whereof though the unskilful people babble many things: yet are they nothing else but Tumuli or graves of former times, as appeareth by such tooms & carcases as be daily found in the same, when they be digged down. The like fond imagination have they of a kind of lunary, which is to be found in many places, although not so well known by the form unto them, as by the effect thereof, because it now and then openeth the locks hanging on the horses feet as hit upon it where it groweth in their feeding. Roger Bacon our countryman noteth it to grow plenteously in Tuthill fields about London. I have heard of it to be within compass of the parish where I dwell, and do take it for none other than the Sfera Cavallo, whereof Mathiolus and the herbarists do write, albeit that it hath not been my luck at any time to behold it. Pliny calleth it Aethiopis: and Aelianus, Oppianus, Kyramis, and Trebius have written many superstitious things thereof, but especially our Chemists, who make it of far more virtue than our smiths do their fern seed, whereof they babble many wonders, and prate of such effects as may well be performed indeed when the fern beareth seed, which is commonly Ad calendas Graecas, for before it will not be found. But to proceed. There is a well in Darbieshire called Tideswell (so named of the word tide, or to ebb and flow) whose water often seemeth to rise and fall, as the sea which is forty miles from it doth usually accustom to ebb and flow. And hereof an opinion is grown that it keepeth an ordinary course as the sea doth. Howbeit, sith diverse are known to have watched the same, it may be that at sometimes it riseth, but not continually; and that it so doth I am fully persuaded to believe. But even enough of the wonders of our country, lest I do seem by talking longer of them, woonderouslie to overshoot myself, and forget how much doth rest behind of the description of my country. As for those that are to be touched of Scotland, the description of that part shall in some part remember them.    

The Contents of the second Book.  

1 Of the ancient and present estate of the church of England.  
2 Of the number of bishoprics and their several circuits.  
3 Of universities.  
4 Of the partition of England into shires and counties.  
5 Of degrees of people in the commonwealth of England.  
6 Of the food and diet of the English.  
7 Of their apparel and attire.  
8 Of the high court of parliament & authority of the same.  
9 Of the laws of England since her first inhabitation.  
10 Of provision made for the poor.  
11 Of sundry kinds of punishment appointed for malefactors.  
12 Of the manner of building and furniture of our houses.  
13 Of cities and towns in England.  
14 Of castles and holds.  
15 Of palaces belonging to the prince.  
16 Of armour and munition.  
17 Of the navy of England.  
18 Of fairs and markets.  
19 Of parks and warrens.  
20 Of gardens and orchards.  
21 Of waters generally.  
22 Of woods and marshes.  
23 Of baths and hot wells.  
24 Of antiquities found.  
25 Of the coins of England.    


Of the ancient and present estate of the church of England. Chap. 1.  
THere are now two provinces only in England, of which the first and greatest is subject to the see of Canturburie, comprehending a part of Lhoegres, whole Cambria, & also Ireland, which in time past were several, & brought into one by the archbishop of the said see & assistance of the pope; who in respect of méed, did yield unto the ambitious desires of sundry archbishops of Canturburie, as I have elsewhere declared. The second province is under the see of York, and of these; either hath her archbishop resident commonly within her own limits, who hath not only the chief dealing in matters appertaining to the hierarchy and jurisdiction of the church; but also great authority in civil affairs touching the government of the common wealth: so far forth as their commissions and several circuits do extend.  
In old time there were three archbishops, and so many provinces in this Isle; of which one kept at London, another at York, and the third at Caerlheon upon Uske. But as that of London was translated to Canturburie by Augustine, and that of York remaineth (notwithstanding that the greatest part of his jurisdiction is now bereft him and given to the Scotish archbishop) so that of Caerlheon is utterly extinguished, and the government of the country united to that of Canturburie in spiritual cases: after it was once before removed to S. David's in Wales by David successor to Dubritius, and uncle to king Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and his clerk might be further off from the cruelty of the Saxons, where it remained till the time of the Bastard, and for a season after, before it was annexed unto the see of Canturburie.  
The archbishop of Canturburie is commonly called primate of all England; and in the coronations of the kings of this land, and all other times, wherein it shall please the prince to wear and put on his crown, his office is to set it upon their heads. They bear also the name of their high chapleins continually, although not a few of them have presumed (in time passed) to be their equals, and void of subjection unto them. That this is true, it may easily appear by their own acts yet kept in record; beside their epistles & answers written or in print; wherein they have sought not only to match but also to mate them with great rigour and more than open tyranny. Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely, as they do many other things apparent, though not without shameless impudency, or at the leastwise defend it as just and not swerving from common equity; because they imagine every archbishop to be the king's equal in his own province. But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter, & examples of the primitive church, it may easily appear. Some examples also of their demeanour (I mean in the time of popery) I will not let to remember, lest they should say I speak of malice, and without all ground of likelihood.  
Of their practices with mean persons I speak not, neither will I begin at Dunstane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England. But for somuch as the dealing of Robert the Norman against earl Goodwin is a rare history, and deserveth to be remembered, I will touch it in this place; protesting to deal withal in more faithful manner than it hath heretofore been delivered unto us by the Norman writers, or French English, who (of set purpose) have so defaced earl Goodwin, that were it not for the testimony of one or two mere Englishmen living in those days, it should be impossible for me (or any other) at this present to declare the truth of that matter according to her circumstances. Mark therefore what I say. For the truth is, that such Normans as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred, and Canutus, and the Confessor, did fall by sundry means into such favour with those princes, that the gentlemen did grow to bear great rule in the court, and their clerk to be possessors of the best benefices in the land. hereupon therefore one Robert, a jolly ambitious priest, got first to be bishop of London, and after the death of Eadsius, to be archbishop of Canturburie by the gift of king Edward; leaving his former see to William his countryman. Ulfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincoln, and other to other places, as the king did think convenient.  
These Norman clerks, and their friends, being thus exalted, it was not long yer they began to mock, abuse, and despise the English: and so much the more, as they daily saw themselves to increase in favour with king Edward, who also called diverse of them to be of his secret council, which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them. A fray also was made at Dover, between the servants of earl Goodwin and the French, whose masters came over to see and salute the king: whereof I have spoken in my chronology, which so inflamed the minds of the French clergy and courtiers against the English nobility, that each part sought for opportunity of revenge, which yer long took hold between them. For the said Robert, being called to be archbishop of Canturburie, was no sooner in possession of his see, than he began to quarrel with earl Goodwin (the king's father in law by the marriage of his daughter) who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice; and so the mischief begun. Hereupon therefore the archbishop charged the earl with the murder of Alfred the king's brother, whom not he but Harald the son of Canutus and the Danes had cruelly made away. For Alfred and his brother coming into the land with five and twenty sail, upon the death of Canutus, and being landed; the Normans that arrived with them giving out how they came to recover their right, to wit, the crown of England; & thereunto the unskilful young gentlemen, showing themselves to like of the rumour that was spread in this behalf, the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to Harald, who caused a company forthwith of Danes privily to lay wait for them, as they road toward Gilford, where Alfred was slain, and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandy.  
But to proceed. This affirmation of the archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance (for he was learned) confirmed by his French friends, (for they had all conspired against the earl) and thereunto the king being desirous to revenge the death of his brother, bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwin, that he banished him and his sons clean out of the land. He sent also his wife the earls daughter prisoner to Wilton, with one only maiden attending upon her, where she lay almost a year before she was released. In the mean season, the rest of the peers, as Siward earl of Northumberland surnamed Digara or Fortis, Leofrijc earl of Chester, and other went to the king, before the departure of Goodwin, endeavouring to perfuade him unto the revocation of his sentence; and desiring that his cause might he heard and discussed by order of law. But the king incensed by the archbishop and his Normans would not hear on that side, saying plainly, and swearing by saint john the evangelist (for that was his common oath) that earl Goodwin should not have his peace till he restored his brother Alfred alive again unto his presence. With which answer the peers departed in choler from the court, and Goodwin toward the coast.  
Coming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping, he kneeled down in presence of his conduct (to wit at Bosenham in the month of September, from whence he intended to sail into Flanders unto Baldwine the earl) and there prayed openly before them all, that if ever he attempted any thing against the king's person of England, or his royal estate, that he might never come safe unto his cousin, nor see his country any more, but perish in this voyage. And herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him, and so from the coast into the open sea. But see what followed. He was not yet gone a mile way from the land, before he saw the shore full of armed soldiers, sent after by the archbishop and his friends to kill him yet he should departed and go out of the country: which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them.  
Being come also to Flanders, he caused the earl, the French king, and other of his friends, among whom also the emperor was one, to write unto the king in his behalf; but all in vain: for nothing could be obtained from him, of which the Normans had no liking, whereupon the earl and his sons changed their minds, obtained aid, and invaded the land in sundry places. Finally joining their powers they came by the Thames into Southwark near London where they lodged, and looked for the king to encounter with them in the field. The king seeing what was done, commanded the Londoners not to aid nor victual them. But the citizens made answer, how the quarrel of Goodwin was the cause of the whose realm, which he had in manner given over unto the spoil of the French: and thereupon they not only vittelled them abundantly, but also received the earl and his chief friends into the city, where they lodged them at their ease, till the king's power was ready to join with them in battle.  
Great resort also was made unto them from all places of the realm, so that the earls army was wonderfully increased, and the day and place chosen wherein the battle should be fought. But when the armies met, the king's side began some to flee to the earl, other to lay down their weapons, and not a few to run away out right; the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against their own countrymen, to maintain Frenchmens quarrels. The Normans also seeing the sequel, fled away so fast as they might gallop, leaving the king in the field to shift for himself (as he best might) whilst they did save themselves elsewhere.  
In the mean season the earls power would have set upon the king, either to his slaughter, or apprehension; but he stayed them, saying after this manner: The king is my son (as you all know) and it is not for a father to deal so hardly with his child, neither a subject with his sovereign; it is not he that hath hurt or done me this injury, but the proud Normans that are about him: wherefore to gain a kingdom, I will do him no violence. And therewithal casting aside his battle axe he ran to the king, that stood altogether amazed, and falling at his feet he craved his peace, accused the archbishop, required that his cause might be heard in open assemlie of his peers; and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve.  
The king (after he had paused a pretty while) seeing his old father in law to lie groveling at his feet, and conceiving with himself that his suit was not unreasonable; seeing also his children, and the rest of the greatest barons of the land to kneel before him, and make the like request: he lifted up the earl by the hand, had him be of good comfort, pardoned all that was past, and friendly having kissed him and his sons upon the cheeks, he lead them to his palace, called home the queen, and summoned all his lords unto a council.  
Wherein it is much to read, how many bills were presented against the bishop & his Normans; some containing matter of rape, other of robbery, extortion, murder, manslaughter, high treason, adultery; and not a few of battery. Wherewith the king (as a man now awaked out of sleep) was so offended, that upon consultation had of these things, he banished all the Normans out of the land, only three or four excepted, whom he retained for sundry necessary causes, albeit they came never more so near him afterward as to be of his pretty council.  
After this also the earl lived almost two years, and then falling into an apoplexy, as he sat with the king at the table, he was taken up and carried into the king's bedchamber, where (after a few days) he made an end of his life. And thus much of our first broil raised by the clergy, and practise of the archbishop. I would entreat of all the like examples of tyranny, practised by the prelates of this see, against their lords and sovereigns': but then I should rather write an history than a description of this Island.  
Wherefore I refer you to those reports of Anselme and Becket, sufficiently penned by other, the which Anselme also making a show, 
Anselme.  as if he had been very unwilling to be placed in the see of Canturburie, gave this answer to the letters of such his friends, as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him. Secularia negotia nescio, quia seire nolo, eorum námque occupationes horreo, liberum affectans animum. Voluntati sacrarum intendo scripturarum, vos dissonantiam facitis, verendúmque est nè aratrum sanctae ecclesiae, quod in Anglia duo boves validi & pari fortitudine, ad bonum certantes, id est rex & archiepiscopus, debeant trahere, nunc oue vetula cum tauro indomito iugata, distorqueatur à recto. Ego ovis vetula, qui siquietus essem, verbi Dei lact, & operimento lanae, aliquibus possem fortassis non ingratus esse, sed sime cum hoc tauro coniungitis, videbitis pro disparilitate trahentium, aratrum non rectè procedere, etc. Which is in English thus: Of secular affairs I have no skill, because I will not know them, for I even abhor the troubles that rise about them, as one that desireth to have his mind at liberty. I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the scriptures, you lead me to the contrary. And it is to be feared lest the plough of holy church, which two strong oxen to equal force, and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good (that is the king and the archbishop) ought to draw, should thereby now serve from the right sorrow, by matching of an old sheep with a wild untamed bull. I am that old sheep, who if I might be quiet, could peradventure show myself not altogether ungrateful to some, by feeding them with the milk of the word of God, and covering them with wool: but if you match me with this bull, you shall see that through want of equality in draft the plough will not go to right, &c: as followeth in the process of his letters. 
Thomas Becket.  The said Thomas Becket was so proud, that he wrote to king Henry the second, as to his lord, to his king, and to his son, offering him his counsel, his reverence, and due correction, etc. Others in like sort have protested, that they ought nothing to the kings of this land, but their counsel only, reserving all obedience unto the see of Rome.  
And as the old cock of Canturburie did crew in this behalf, so the young cockerels of other sees did imitate his demeanour, as may be seen by this one example also in king stephan's time, worthy to be remembered; unto whom the bishop of London would not so much as swear to be true subject: wherein also he was maintained by the pope, as appeareth by these letters.  
Eugenius episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilecto in Christo filio Stephano illustri regi Anglorum salutem, & apostolic Turrian benedictionem. Adhaec superna providentia in ecclesiapontifices ordinavit, ut Christianus populus ab eis pascua vitae reciperet, & tam principes seculares, quàm inferioris conditionis homines, ipsis pontificibus tanquam Christi vicarijs reverentiam exhiberent. Venerabilis siquidem frater noster Robertus London episcopus, tanquam vir sapiens & honestus, & relligionis amator, à nobilitate tua benignè tractandus est, & pro collata à Deo prudentia propensiùs honorandus. Quia ergò, sicut in veritate comperimus cum animae suae salute, ac snae ordinis periculo, fidelitate quae ab eo requiritur astringi non potest: volumus, & ex paterno tibi affectu consulimus, quatenus praedictum fratrem nostrum super hoc nullatenus inquietes, immò pro beati Petri & nostra reverentia, eum in amorem & gratiam tuam recipias. Cùm autem illud juramentum praestare non possit, sufficiat discretioni tuae, ut simplici & veraci verbo promittat, quòd laesionem tibi velterrae tuae non inferat: Vale. Dat. Meldis 6. call. julij.  
Thus we see, that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the pope to like of; neither to challenge more obedience of their subjects than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like sort unto queen Maud about the same matter, making her Samsons calf (the better to bring his purpose to pass) as appeareth by the same letter here ensuing.  
Solomone attestante, didicimus quòd mulier sapiens aedificat domum; insipiens autem constructam destruet manibus. Gaudemus pro te, & devotionis studium in Domino collaudamus; quoniam sicut relligiosorum relatione accepimus, timorem Deiprae oculis habens, operibus pietatis intendis, & personas ecclesiasticas & diligis & honoras. Vt ergo de bono in melius (inspirant Domino) proficere valeas, nobilitatem tuam in Domino rogamus, & rogando monemus, & exhortamur in Domino, quatenus bonis initijs exitus meliores iniungas, & venerabilem fratrem nostrum Robertum London episcopum, pro illius reverentia, qui cùm olim dives esset, pro nobis pauper fieri voluit, attentiùs diligas, & honores. Apud virum tuum & dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum, in signem regem Anglorum efficere studeas, ut monitis, hortatu, & consilio tuo, ipsum in benignitatem & dilectionem suam suscipiat, & pro beati Petri, & nostra reverentia propensiùs habeat commendatum. Et quia sicut (veritate teste) attendimus eum sine salute, & sui ordinis periculo, praefato filio nostro astringi non posse; volumus, & paterno sibi & tibi affectu consulimus, ut vobis sufficiat, veraci & simplici verbo promissionem ab eo suscipere, quòd laesionem vel detrimentum ei, velterrae suae non inferat. Dat. ut supra.  
Is it not strange, that a peevish order of religion (devised by man) should break the express law of God, who commandeth all men to honour and obey their kings and princes, in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open unto us? And even unto this end the cardinal of Hostia also wrote to the canons of Paul's, after this manner; covertly encouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert, who was no more willing to give over his new bishopric, than they careful to offend the king; but rather imagined which way to keep it still maugre his displeasure: & yet not to swear obedience unto him, for all that he should be able to do or perform unto the contrary.  
Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis episcopus, Londinensis ecclesiae canoniois spiritum consilij in Domino. Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abijcienda petitio, ita in hijs, quae justè desyderantur, effectum negare omninò non convenit. Sanè nuper accepimus, quòd Londinensis ecclesia, diuproprio destituta pastore, communi voto, & pari assensu cleri & populi, 
Forfitan naturalem.  venerabilem filium nostrum Robertum, eiusdem ecclesiae archidiaconum, in pastorem & episcopum animarum suarum susceperit & elegerit. Novimus quidem eum esse personam, quam sapientia desuper ei attributa, & honestas conversationis, & morum reverentia plurimùm commendabilem reddidit. Ind est quòd fraternitati vestrae mandando consulimus, ut proposito vestro bono (quod ut credimus ex Deo est) & ut ex literis domini papae cognoscetis, non tepidè, non lentè debitum finem imponatis: ne tam nobilis ecclesia, sub occasione huiusmodi, spiritualium, quod absit, & temporalium detrimentum patiatur. Ipsius námque industria credimus, quòd antiqua relligio, & formadisciplinae, & gravitas habitus, in ecclesia vestra reparari: & si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones, ex pastoris absentia, Dei gratia cooperant, & eodem present, poterint reformari. Dat. etc.  
Hereby you see how king Stephan was dealt withal. And albeit the archbishop of Canturburie is not openly to be touched herewith, yet it is not to be doubted, but he was a doer in it, so far as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of holy church. And even no less unquietness had another of our princes with john of Arundel, who fled to Rome for fear of his head, and caused the pope to write an ambitious and contumelious letter unto his fovereigne about his restitution. But when (by the king's letters yet extant) & beginning thus; Thomas proditionis non expers nostrae regiae maiestati insidias fabricavit, the pope understood the bottom of the matter, he was contented that Thomas should be deprived, and another archbishop chosen in his stead.  
Neither did this pride state at archbishops and bishops, but descended lower, even to the rakehelles of the clergy and puddles of all ungodliness. For beside the injury received of their superiors, how was K. john dealt withal by the vile Cistertians at Lincoln in the second of his reign? Certes, when he had (upon just occasion) conceived some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanour; and upon denial to pay such sums of money as were allotted unto them, he had caused seizure to be made of such horses, swine, neat, and other things of theirs, as were maintained in his forests. They denounced him as fast amongst themselves with bell, book and candle, to be accursed and excommunicated. Thereunto they so handled the matter with the pope and their friends, that the kings was feign to yield to their good graces: insomuch that a meeting for pacification was appointed between them at Lincoln, by means of the present archbishop of Canturburie, who went oft between him and the Cistertian commissioners before the matter could be finished. In the end, the king himself came also unto the said commissioners as they sat in their chapter house, and there with tears fell down at their feet, craving pardon for his trespasses against them, and heartily requiring that they would (from thenceforth) commend him and his realm in their prayers unto the protection of the almighty, and receive him into their fraternity: promising moreover full satisfaction of their damages sustained; and to build an house of their order in whatsoever place of England it should please them to assign. And this he confirmed by charter, bearing date the seven and twentieth of November, after the Scotish king was returned into Scotland, & departed from the king. Whereby (and by other the like, as between john Stratford and Edward the third, &c:) a man may easily conceive how proud the cleargie-men have been in former times, as wholly presuming upon the primassie of their pope. More matter could I allege of these and the like brotles, not to be found among our common historiographers: howbeit to serving the same unto places more convenient, I will cease to speak of them at this time, and go forward with such other things as my purpose is to speak of. At the first therefore there was like and equal authority in both our archbishops: but as he of Canturburie hath long since obtained the prerogative above York (although I say not without great trouble, suit, some bloodshed & contention) so the archbishop of York is nevertheless written printate of England, as one contenting himself with a piece of a title at the least, when (all) could not be gotten. And as he of Canturburie crowneth the king, so this of York doth the like to the queen, whose perpetual chaplain he is; & hath been from time to time, since the determination of this controversy, as writers do report. The first also hath under his jurisdiction to the number of one and twenty inferior bishops, 
Twenty one bishoprics under the see of Canturburie. Only four sees under the archbishop of York.  the other hath only four, by reason that the churches of Scotland are now removed from his obedience unto an archbishop of their own, whereby the greatness and circuit of the jurisdiction of York is not a little diminished. In like sort each of these seven and twenty sees have their cathedral churches, wherein the deans 
Deans  (a calling not known in England before the conquest) do bear the chief rule, being men especially chosen to that vocation, both for their learning and godliness so near as can be possible. These cathedral churches have in like manner other dignities and canonries still remaining unto them, 
Canonries'  as heretofore under the popish regiment. Howbeit those that are chosen to the same are no idle and unprofitable persons (as in times past they have been when most of these livings were either furnished with strangers, especially out of Italy, boys, or such idiots as had least skill of all in discharging of those functions, whereunto they were called by virtue of these stipends) but such as by preaching and teaching can and do learnedly set forth the glory of God, and further the overthrow of antichrist to the uttermost of their powers.  
These churches are called cathedral, because the bishops dwell or lie near unto the same, as bound to keep continual residence within their jurisdictions, for the better oversight and governance of the same: the word being derived A cathedra, that is to say a chair or seat where he resteth, and for the most part abideth. At the first there was but one church in every jurisdiction, wherinto no man entered to pray, but with some oblation or other toward the maintenance of the pastor. For as it was reputed an infamy to pass by any of them without visitation: so it was a no less reproach to appear empty before the Lord. And for this occasion also they were builded very huge and great, for otherwise they were not capable of such multitudes as came daily unto them, to hear the word, and receive the sacraments.  
But as the number of christians increased, so first monasteries, then finally parish churches were builded in every jurisdiction: from whence I take our deanerie churches to have their original, now called mother churches, and their incumbents, archpréests; the rest being added since the conquest, either by the lords of every town, or zealous men, loath to travel far, and willing to have some ease by building them near hand. Unto these deanerie churches also the clergy in old time of the same deanery were appointed to repair at sundry seasons, there to receive wholesome ordinances, and to consult upon the necessary affairs of the whole jurisdiction; if necessity so required: and some image hereof is yet to be seen in the north parts. But as the number of churches increased, so the repair of the faithful unto the cathedrals did diminish: whereby they now become especially in their neither parts rather markets and shops for march odize, than solemn places of prayer, whereunto they were first erected. Moreover in the said cathedral churches upon sundays and festival days, 
Ordinary sermons.  the canons do make certain ordinary sermons by course, whereunto great numbers of all estates do orderly resort: and upon the working days thrice in the week, one of the said canons, or some other in his steed, 
Ordinary expositions of the scriptures  doth read and expound some piece of holy scripture, whereunto the people do very reverently repair. The bishops themselves in like sort are not idle in their callings, for being now exempt from court and council, which is one (and a no small) piece of their felicity (although Richard archbishop of Canturburie thought otherwise, as yet appeareth by his letters to pope Alexander, Epistola44. Petri Blesensis, where he saith; Because the clergy of his time were somewhat narrowly looked unto, Supra dorsum ecclesiae fabricant peccatores, &c:) they so apply their minds to the setting forth of the word, 
The bishops preach diligently, whose predecessors heretofore have been occupied in temporal affairs.  that there are very few of them, which do not every sunday or offener resort to some place or other, within their jurisdictions, where they expound the scriptures with much gravity and skill; and yet not without the great mistaking and contempt of such as hate the word. Of their manifold translations from one see to another I will say nothing, which is not now done for the benefit of the flock, as the preferment of the party favoured, and advantage unto the prince, a matter in time past much doubted of, to wit, whether a bishop or pastor might be translated from one see to another; & left undecided, till prescription by royal authority made it good. For among princes a thing once done, is well done, and to be done oftentimes, though no warrant be to be found therefore.  
They have under them also their archdeacon's, 
Archdecons.  some one, diverse two, and many four or more, as their circuits are in quantity, which archdeacon's are termed in law the bishop's eyes: and these (beside their ordinary courts, which are holden within so many or more of their several deaneries by themselves or their officials once in a month at the least) do keep yearly two visitations or synods (as the bishop doth in every third year, wherein he confirmeth some children, though most care but a little for that ceremony) in which they make diligent inquisition and search, as well for the doctrine and behaviour of the ministers, as the orderly dealing of the parishioners in resorting to their parish churches and conformity unto religion. They punish also with great severity all such trespassers, either in person or by the purse (where permutation of penance is thought more grievous to the offendor) as are presented unto them: or if the cause be of the more weight, as in cases of heresy, pertinacy, contempt, and such like, they refer them either to the bishop of the diocese, or his chancellor, or else to sundry grave persons set in authority, 
High commissioners.  by virtue of an high commission directed unto them from the prince to that end, who in very courteous manner do see the offenders gently reform, or else severely punished, if necessity so enforce.  
Beside this, 
A prophesy or conference.  in many of our archdeaconries we have an exercise lately begun, which for the most part is called a prophesy or conference, and erected only for the examination or trial of the diligence of the clergy in their study of holy scriptures. Howbeit, such is the thirsty desire of the people in these days to hear the word of God, that they also have as it were with zealous violence intruded themselves among them (but as hearers only) to come by more knowledge through their presence at the same. Herein also (for the most part) two of the younger sort of ministers do expound each after other some piece of the scriptures ordinarily appointed unto them in their courses (wherein they orderly go through with some one of the evangelists, or of the epistles, as it pleaseth the whole assembly to choose at the first in every of these conferences) and when they have spent an hour or a little more between them, than cometh one of the better learned sort, who being a graduate for the most part, or known to be a preacher sufficiently authorised, & of a sound judgement, supplieth the room of a moderator, making first a brief rehearsal of their discourses, and then adding what him thinketh good of his own knowledge, whereby two hours are thus commonly spent at this most profitable meeting. When all is done, if the first speakers have showed any piece of diligence, they are commended for their travel, and encouraged to go forward. If they have been found to be slack, or not sound in delivery of their doctrine, their negligence and error is openly reproved before all their brethren, who go aside of purpose from the laity, after the exercise ended, to judge of these matters, and consult of the next speakers and quantity of the text to be handled in that place. The laity never speak of course (except some vain and busy head will now and then intrude themselves with offence) but are only hearers; and as it is used in some places wéekelie, in other once in fourteen days, in diverse monethlie, and elsewhere twice in a year, so is it a notable spur unto all the ministers, thereby to apply their books, which otherwise (as in times past) would give themselves to hawking, hunting, tables, cards, dice, tippling at the alehouse, shooting of matches, and other like vanities, nothing commendable in such as should be godly and zealous stewards of the good gifts of God, faithful distributors of his word unto the people, and diligent pastors according to their calling.  
But alas! as sathan the author of all mischief hath in sundry manners heretofore hindered the erection and maintenance of many good things: so in this he hath stirred up adversaries of late unto this most profitable exercise, who not regarding the commodity that riseth thereby so well to the hearers as speakers; but either stumbling (I cannot tell how) at words and terms, or at the least wise not liking to here of the reprehension of vice, or peradventure taking a misliking at the slender demeanours of such negligent ministers, as now and then in their courses do occupy the rooms, have either by their own practice, their sinister information, or suggestions made upon surmises unto other procured the suppression of these conferences, condemning them as hurtful, pernicious, and daily bréeders of no small hurt & inconvenience. But hereof let God be judge, unto whom the cause belongeth.  
Our elders or ministers and deacons (for subdeacons and the other inferior orders, 
Ministers & deacons.  sometime used in popish church we have not) are made according to a certain form of consecration concluded upon in the time of king Edward the sixth, by the clergy of England, and soon after confirmed by the three estates of the realm, in the high court of parliament. And out of the first sort, that is to say, of such as are called to the ministery (without respect whether they be married or not) are bishops, deans, archdeacon's, & such as have the higher places in the hierarchy of the church elected; and these also as all the rest, at the first coming unto any spiritual promotion, do yield unto the prince the entire tax of that their living for one whole year, if it amount in value unto ten pounds and upwards, and this under the name and title of first fruits.  
With us also it is permitted, that a sufficient man may (by dispensation from the prince) hold two livings, not distant either from other above thirty miles; whereby it cometh to pass, that as her majesty doth reap some commodity by the faculty, so the unition of two in one man doth bring oftentimes more benefit to one of them in a month (I mean for doctrine) than they have had before peradventure in many years.  
Many exclaim against such faculties, as if there were more good preachers that want maintenance, than livings to maintain them. In deed when a living is void, there are so many suitors for it, that a man would think the report to be true and most certain: but when it cometh to the trial, who are sufficient, and who not, who are stayed men in conversation, judgement, and learning; of that great number you shall hardly find one or two, such as they ought to be: and yet none more earnest to make suit, to promise largely, bear a better show, or find fault with the state of things than they. Nevertheless, I do not think that their exclamations if they were wisely handled, are altogether grounded upon rumours or ambitious minds, if you respect the state of the thing itself, and not the necessity growing through want of able men, to furnish out all the cures in England, which both our universities are never able to perform. For if you observe what numbers of preachers Cambridge and Oxford do yearly send forth; and how many new compositions are made in the court of first fruits, by the deaths of the last incumbents: you shall soon see a difference. Wherefore, if in country towns & cities, yea even in London itself, four or five of the little churches were brought into one, the inconvenience would in great part be redressed.  
And to say truth, one most commonly of these small livings is of so little value, that it is not able to maintain a mean scholar; much less a learned man, as not being above ten, twelve, sixteen, seventeen, twenty, or thirty pounds at the most, toward their charges, which now (more than before time) do go out of the same. I say more than before, because every small trifle, noble man's request, or courtesy craved by the bishop, doth impose and command a twentieth part, a three score part, or two pence in the pound, &c: out of our livings, which hitherto hath not been usually granted, but by consent of a synod, wherein things were decided according to equity, and the poorer sort considered of, which now are equally burdened.  
We pay also the tenths of our livings to the prince yearly, according to such valuation of each of them, as hath been lately made: which nevertheless in time past were not annual but voluntary, & paid at request of king or pope. Hereupon also hangeth a pleasant story though done of late years, to wit 1452, at which time the clergy seeing the continual losses that the king of England sustained in France, upon some motion of relief made, granted in an open convocation to give him two tenths toward the recovery of Bordeaux, which his grace very thankfully received. It fortuned also at the same time that Uincentius Clemens the pope's factor was here in England, who hearing what the clergy had done, came into the convocation house also in great haste and less speed, where, in a solemn oration he earnestly required them to be no less favourable to their spiritual father the pope, and mother the see of Rome, than they had showed themselves unto his vassal and inferior, meaning their sovereign lord in temporal jurisdiction, etc. In delivering also the cause of his suit, he showed how grievously the pope was disturbed by cutthroats, varlets, and harlots, which do now so abound in Rome, that his holiness is in daily danger to be made away amongst them. To be short when this fine tale was told, one of the company stood up and said unto him; My lord we have heard your request, and as we think it deserveth little consideration and less ear, for how would you have us to contribute to his aid in suppression of such, as he and such as you are do continual uphold, it is not unknown in this house what rule is kept in Rome.  
I grant (quoth Uincent) that there wanteth just reformation of many things in that city, which would have been made sooner, but now it is too late: nevertheless I beseech you to write unto his holiness, with request that he would leave and abandon that Babylon, which is but a sink of mischief, and keep his court elsewhere in place of better fame. And this he shall be the better able also to perform, if by your liberality extended towards him, unto whom you are most bound, he be encouraged thereto. Many other words passed to and fro amongst them, howbeit in the end Uincent overcame not, but was dismissed without any penny obtained. But to return to our tenths, a payment first as devised by the pope, and afterward taken up as by the prescription of the king, whereunto we may join also our first fruits, which is one whole years commodity of our living, due at our entrance into the same, the tenths abated unto the prince's coffers, and paid commonly in two years. For the receipt also of these two payments, an especial office or court is erected, which beareth name of first fruits and tenths, whereunto if the party to be preferred, do not make his dutiful repair by an appointed time after possession taken, there to compound for the payment of his said fruits, he incurreth the danger of a great penalty, limited by a certain statute provided in that behalf, against such as do intrude into the ecclesiastical function, and refuse to pay the accustomed duties belonging to the same.  
They pay likewise subsidies with the temporalty, but in such sort, that if these pay after four shillings for land, the clergy contribute commonly after six shillings of the pound, so that of a benefice of twenty pounds by the year, the incumbent thinketh himself well acquitted, if all ordinary payments being discharged he may reserve thirteen pounds six shillings eight pence towards his own sustentation, and maintenance of his family. Seldom also are they without the compass of a subsidy, for if they be one year clear from this payment, a thing not often seen of late years, they are like in the next to hear of another grant: so that I say again they are seldom without the limit of a subsidy. Herein also they somewhat find themselves grieved, that the laity may at every taxation help themselves, and so they do through consideration had of their decay and hindrance, and yet their impoverishment cannot but touch also the parson or vicar, unto whom such liberty is denied, as is daily to be seen in their accounts and tithings.  
Some of them also, after the marriages of their children, will have their proportions qualified, or by friendship get themselves quite out of the book. But what stand I upon these things, who have rather to complain of the injury offered by some of our neighbours of the laity, which daily endeavour to bring us also within the compass of their fifteen or taxes for their own ease, whereas the tax of the whole realm, which is commonly greater in the champaign than woodland soil, amounteth only to 37930 pounds nine pence halfpenny, is a burden easy enough to be borne upon so many shoulders, without the help of the clergy, whose tenths and subsidies make up commonly a double, if not troublesome unto their aforesaid payments. Sometimes also we are threatened with a Meliùsinquirendum, as if our livings were not racked high enough already. But if a man should seek out where all those church lands, which in time past did contribute unto the old sum required or to be made up, no doubt no small number of the laity of all states should be contributors also with us, the prince not defrauded of her expectation and right. We are also charged with armour & munitions from thirty pounds upwards, a thing more needful than diverse other charges imposed upon us are convenient, by which & other burdens our case groweth to be more heavy by a great deal (notwithstanding our immunity from temporal services) than that of the laity, and for aught that I see not likely to be diminished, as if the church were now become the ass whereon every market man is to ride and cast his wallet.  
The other payments due unto the archbishop and bishop at their several visitations (of which the first is double to the latter) and such also as the archdeacon receiveth at his synods, &c: remain still as they did without any alteration, only this I think be added within memory of man, that at the coming of every prince, his appointed officers do commonly visit the whole realm under the form of an ecclesiastical inquisition, in which the clergy do usually pay double fees, as unto the archbishop. Hereby then, and by those already remembered, it is found that the church of England, is no less commodious to the prince's coffers than the state of the laity, if it do not far exceed the same, since their payments are certain, continual, and seldom abated, howsoever they gather up their own duties with grudging, murmuring, suit, and slanderous speeches of the paiers, or have their livings otherwise hardly valued unto the uttermost farthing, or shrewdly canceled by the covetousness of the patrons, of whom some do bestow advowsons of benefices upon their bakers, butler's, cooks, good archers, falconers, and horssekéepers, in stead of other recompense, for their long and faithful service, which they employ afterward unto their most advantage.  
Certes here they resemble the pope very much, for as he sendeth out his idols, so do they their parasites, pages, chamberleins, stewards, grooms, & lackeys; and yet these be the men that first exclaim of the insufficiency of the ministers, as hoping thereby in due time to get also their glebes and grounds into their hands. In times past bishoprics went almost after the same manner under the lay princes, and then under the pope, so that he which helped a clerk unto a see, was sure to have a present or purse fine, if not an annual pension, besides that which went to the pope's coffers, and was thought to be very good merchandise. Hereof one example may be touched, as of a thing done in my younger days, whilst queen Marie bore the sway and governed in this land. After the death of Stephan Gardiner, the see of Winchester was void for a season, during which time cardinal Poole made seizure upon the revenues and commodities of the same, pretending authority thereunto Seed vacant, by virtue of his place. With this act of his the bishop of Lincoln called White took such displeasure, that he stepped in like a mate, with full purpose (as he said) to keep that see from ruin. He wrote also to Paulus the fourth pope, requiring that he might be preferred thereunto, promising so as he might be Compos voti, to pay to the pope's coffers 1600 pounds yearly during his natural life, and for one year after. But the pope nothing liking of his motion, and yet desirous to reap a further benefit, first showed himself to stomach his simonical practice very grievously, considering the dangerousness of the time and present estate of the church of England, which hung as yet in balance ready to yield any way, saving forth right, as he alleged in his letters. By which reply he so terrified the poor bishop, that he was driven unto another issue, I mean to recover the pope's good will, with a further sum than stood with his ease to part withal. In the end when the pope had gotten this fleece, a new devise was found, and means made to and by the prince, that White might be bishop of Winchester, which at the last he obtained, but in such wise as that the pope and his nearest friends did lose but a little by it. I could if need were set down a report of diverse other the like practices, but this shall suffice in steed of all the rest, least in reprehending of vice I might show myself to be a teacher of ungodliness, or to scatter more ungracious seed in lewd ground already choked with wickedness.  
To proceed therefore with the rest, I think it good also to remember, that the names usually given unto such as feed the flock remain in like sort as in times past, so that these words, parson, vicar, curate, and such are not yet abolished more than the canon law itself, which is daily pleaded, as I have said elsewhere; although the statutes of the realm have greatly infringed the large scope, and brought the exercise of the same into some narrower limits. There is nothing read in our churches but the canonical scriptures, whereby it cometh to pass that the psalter is said over once in thirty days, the new testament four times, and the old testament once in the year. And hereunto if the curate be adjudged by the bishop or his deputies, sufficiently instructed in the holy scriptures, and therewithal able to teach, he permitteth him to make some exposition or exhortation in his parish, unto amendment of life. And for so much as our churches and universities have been so spoiled in time of error, as there cannot yet be had such number of able pastors as may suffice for every parish to have one: there are (beside four sermons appointed by public order in the year) certain sermons or homilies (devised by sundry learned men, confirmed for sound doctrine by consent of the divines, and public authority of the prince) and those appointed to be read by the curates of mean understanding (which homilies do comprehend the principal parts of christian doctrine, as of original sin, of justification by faith, of charity, and such like) upon the sabbaoth days, unto the congregation. And after a certain number of psalms read, which are limited according to the days of the month, for morning and evening prayer, we have two lessons, whereof the first is taken out of the old testament, the second out of the new, and of these latter that in the morning is out of the gospels, the other in the after noon out of some one of the epistles. After morning prater also we have the litany and suffrages, an invocation in mine opinion not devised without the great assistance of the spirit of God, although many curious mindsicke persons utterly condemn it as superstitious and savouring of conjuration and sorcery.  
This being done, we proceed unto the communion, if any communicants be to receive the eucharist, if not we read the decalog, epistle and gospel with the Nicene creed (of some in derision called the dry communion) and then proceed unto an homily or sermon, which hath a psalm before and after it, and finally unto the baptism of such infants as on every saboth day (if occasion so require) are brought unto the churches: and thus is the forenoon bestowed. In the after noon likewise we meet again, and after the psalms and lessons ended we have commonly a sermon, or at the leastwise our youth catechised by the space of an hour. And thus do we spend the sabaoth day in good and godly exercises, all done in our vulgar tongue, that each one present may hear and understand the same, which also in cathedral and collegiat churches is so ordered, that the psalms only are song by note, the rest being read (as in common parish churches) by the minister with a loud voice, saving that in the administration of the communion the quire singeth the answers, the creed, and sundry other things appointed, but in so plain, I say, and distinct manner, that each one present may understand what they sing, every word having but one note, though the whole harmony consist of many parts, and those very cunningly set by the skilful in that science.  
Certes this translation of the service of the church into the vulgar tongue, hath not a little offended the pope almost in every age, as a thing very often attempted by divers princes, but never generally obtained, for fear lest the confenting thereunto might breed the overthrow (as it would in deed) of all his religion and hierarchy: nevertheless in some places where the kings and princes dwelled not under his nose, it was performed maugre his resistance, Uratislaus duke of Bohemia, would long since have done the like also in his kingdom, but not daring to venture so far without the consent of the pope, he wrote unto him thereof, and received his answer inhibitorie unto all his proceeding in the same.  
Gregorius septimus Vratislao Bohemorum duci, etc. Quia nobilitas tua postulat, quòd secundum Sclauonicā linguam apud vos divinum celebrari annueremus officium, scias nos huic petitioni tuae nequaquàm possefavere, ex hoc nempe se voluentibus liquet, non immeritò sacram scripturam optimo Deo placuisse quibusdam locis esse occultam; ne si ad liquidum cunctis pateret, fortè vilesceret, & subiaceret despectui, aut prauè intellecta à mediocribus in errorem induceret. Neque enim ad excusationem juuat, quòd quidam viri hoc quod simplex populus quaerit patienter tulerunt, seu incorrectum dimiserunt: cum primitiva ecclesia multa dissimulaverit, quae à sanctis patribus postmodum, firmata christianitate & religione crescente, subtili examinatione correcta sunt: unde id nè fiat, quod à vestris imprudenter exposcitur, authoritate beati Petri inhibemus; téque ad honorem optimi Dei huic vanae temeritati viribus totis resistere praecipimus, etc. Datum Romae, etc.  
I would set down two or three more of the like instruments passed from that see unto the like end, but this shall suffice, being less common than the other, which are to be had more plentifully.  
As for our churches themselves, bells, and times of morning and evening prayer, remain as in times past, saving that all images, shrines, tabernacles, roodlofts, and monuments of idolatry are removed, taken down, and defaced; only the stories in glass windows excepted, which for want of sufficient store of new stuff, and by reason of extreme charge that should grow by the alteration of the same into white panes throughout the realm, are not altogether abolished in most places at once, but by little and little suffered to decay, that white glass may be provided and set up in their rooms. Finally, whereas there was wont to be a great partition between the choir and the body of the church; now it is either very small or none at all: and to say the truth altogether needless, sith the minister saith his service commonly in the body of the church, with his face toward the people, in a little tabernacle of wainscot provided for the purpose: by which means the ignorant do not only learn diverse of the psalms and usual prayers by heart, but also such as can read, do pray together with him: so that the whole congregation at one instant power out their petitions unto the living God, for the whole estate of his church in most earnest and fervent manner. Our holy and festival days are very well reduced also unto a less number; for whereas (not long since) we had under the pope four score and fifteen, called festival, and thirty Profesti, beside the sundays, they are all brought unto seven and twenty: and with them the superfluous numbers of idle waks, guilds, fraternities, church-ales, helpe-ales, and soule-ales, called also dirge-ales, with the heathenish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid aside. And no great matter were it if the feasts of all our apostles, evangelists, and martyrs, with that of all saints, were brought to the holy days that follow upon Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide; and those of the virgin Marie, with the rest utterly removed from the calendars, as neither necessary nor commendable in a reformed church.  
The apparel in like sort of our clergy men is comely, 
Apparel.  & in truth, more decent than ever it was in the popish church: before the universities bound their graduates unto a stable attire, afterward usurped also even by the blind sir john's. For if you peruse well my chronology ensuing, you shall find, that they went either in diverse colours like players, or in garments of light hue, as yellow, red, green, &c: with their shoes piked, their hair crisped, their girdles armed with silver; their shoes, spurs, bridles, &c: buckled with like metal: their apparel (for the most part) of silk, and richly furred; their caps laced and butned with gold: so that to meet a priest in those days, was to behold a peacock that spreadeth his tail when he danseth before the hen: which now (I say) is well reform. 
Hospitality.  Touching hospitality, there was never any greater used in England, sith by reason that marriage is permitted to him that will choose that kind of life, their meat and drink is more orderly and frugallie dressed; their furniture of household more convenient, and better looked unto; and the poor oftener fed generally than heretofore they have been, when only a few bishops, and double or triple beneficed men did make good cheer at Christmas only, or otherwise kept great houses for the entertainment of the rich, which did often see and visit them. It is thought much peradventure, that some bishops, &c: in our time do come short of the ancient gluttony and prodigality of their predecessors: but to such as do consider of the curtailing of their livings, or excessive prices whereunto things are grown, and how their course is limited by law, and estate looked into on every side, the cause of their so doing is well enough perceived. This also offendeth many, that they should after their deaths leave their substances to their wives and children: whereas they consider not, that in old time such as had no lemons nor bastards (very few were there God wots of this sort) did leave their goods and possessions to their brethren and kinsfolks, whereby (as I can show by good record) many houses of gentility have grown and been erected. If in any age some one of them did found a college, almeshouse, or school, if you look unto these our times, you shall see no fewer deeds of charity done, nor better grounded upon the right stub of piety than before. 
Marriage.  If you say that their wives be fond, after the decease of their husbands, and bestow themselves not so advisedly as their calling requireth, which God knoweth these curious surveyors make small account of in truth, further than thereby to gather matter of reprehension: I beseech you then to look into all states of the laity, & tell me whether some duchesses', countesses, barons, or knights wives, do not fully so often offend in the like as they? for Eve will be Eve though Adam would say nay. 
Threadbare gowns from whence they come.  Not a few also find fault with our threadbare gowns, as if not our patrons but our wives were causes of our wo. But if it were known to all, that I know to have been performed of late in Essex, where a minister taking a benefice (of less than twenty pounds in the queens books so far as I remember) was enforced to pay to his patron, twenty quarters of oats, ten quarters of wheat, and sixteen yéerelie of barleie, which he called hawks meat; and another left the like in farm to his patron for ten pounds by the year, which is well worth forty at the least, the cause of our threadbare gowns would easily appear, for such patrons do scrape the wool from our cloaks. Wherefore I may well say, that such a threadbare minister is either an ill man, or hath an ill patron, or both: and when such cooks & cobbling shifters shall be removed and weeded out of the ministery, I doubt not but our patrons will prove better men, and be reform whether they will or not, or else the single minded bishops shall see the living bestowed upon such as do deserve it. When the Pragmatike sanction took place first in France, it was supposed that these enormities should utterly have ceased: but when the elections of bishops came once into the hands of the canons and spiritual men, it grew to be far worse. For they also within a while waxing covetous, by their own experience learned aforehand, raised the markets, and sought after new gains by the gifts of the greatest livings in that country, 
Number of churches in France.  wherein (as Machiavelli writeth) are eighteen archbishoprikes, one hundred forty and six bishoprics, 740 abbeys, eleven universities, 1000700 stéeples (if his report be sound.) Some are of the opinion, that if sufficient men in every town might be sent for from the universities, this mischief would soon be remedied; but I am clean of another mind. For when I consider whereunto the gifts of fellowships in some places are grown: 
Pretty packing.  the profit that ariseth at sundry elections of scholars out of grammar schools, to the posers, schoolmasters, and preferrers of them to our universities, the gifts of a great number of almshouses builded for the maimed and impotent soldiers, by princes and good men heretofore moved with a pitiful consideration of the poor distressed: how rewards, pensions, and annuities also do reign in other cases, whereby the giver is brought sometimes into extreme misery, & that not so much as the room of a common soldier is not obtained oftentimes, without a What will you give me? I am brought into such a mistrust of the sequel of this devise, that I dare pronounce (almost for certain) that if Homer were now alive, it should be said to him: 
Túque licèt venias musis comitatus Homer,  
Si nihil attuleris ibis Homere foras.   
More I could say, and more I would say of these and other things, were it not that in mine own judgement I have said enough already for the advertisement of such as be wise. Nevertheless, before I finish this chapter, I will add a word or two (so briefly as I can) of the old estate of cathedral churches, which I have collected together here and there among the writers, and whereby if shall easily be seen what they were, and how near the government of ours do in these days approach unto them, for that there is an irreconcilable odds between them and those of the papists, I hope there is no learned man indeed, but will acknowledge and yield unto it.  
We find therefore in the time of the primitive church, 
Old estate of cathedral churches.  that there was in every see or jurisdiction one school at the least, whereinto such as were catechistes in christian religion did resort. And hereof as we may find great testimony for Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Jerusalem; so no small notice is left of the like in the inferior sort, if the names of such as taught in them be called to mind, & the histories well read which make report of the same. These schools were under the jurisdiction of the bishops, and from thence did they & the rest of the elders choose out such as were the ripest scholars, and willing to serve in the ministery, whom they placed also in their cathedral churches, there not only to be further instructed in the knowledge of the word, but also to invre them to the delivery of the same unto the people in sound manner, to minister the sacraments, to visit the sick and brethren imprisoned, and to perform such other duties as then belonged to their charges. The bishop himself and elders of the church were also hearers and examiners of their doctrine, and being in process of time found meet workmen for the lords harvest, they were forthwith sent abroad (after imposition of hands, and prayer generally made for their good proceeding) to some place or other then destitute of her pastor, and other taken from the school also placed in their rooms. What number of such clerks belonged now and then to some one see, the chronology following shall easily declare: and in like sort what officers, widows, and other persons were daily maintained in those seasons by the offerings and oblations of the faithful, it is incredible to be reported, if we compare the same with the decay and ablations seen and practised at this present. But what is that in all the world which avarice and negligence will not corrupt and impair? And as this is a pattern of the estate of the cathedral churches in those times, so I wish that the like order of government might once again be restored unto the same, which may be done with ease, sith the schools are already builded in every diocese, the universities, places of their preferment unto further knowledge, and the cathedral churches great enough to receive so many as shall come from thence to be instructed unto doctrine. But one hindrance of this is already and more & more to be looked for (beside the plucking and snatching commonly seen from such houses and the church) and that is, the general contempt of the ministery, and small consideration of their former pains taken, whereby less and less hope of competent maintenance by preaching the word is likely to ensue. Wherefore the greatest part of the more excellent wits choose rather to employ their studies unto physic and the laws, utterly giving over the study of the scriptures, for fear lest they should in time not get their bread by the same. By this means also the stalls in their quéeres would be better filled, which now (for the most part) are empty, and prebends should be prebends indeed, there to live till they were preferred to some ecclesiastical function, and then other men chosen to succeed them in their rooms, whereas now prebends are but superfluous additaments unto former excesses, & perpetual commodities unto the owners, which before time were but temporal (as I have said before.) But as I have good leisure to wish for these things: so it shall be a longer time before it will be brought to pass. Nevertheless, as I will pray for a reformation in this behalf, so will I here conclude this my discourse of the estate of our churches, and go in hand with the limits and bounds of our several sees, in such order as they shall come unto my present remembrance.   

Of the number of bishoprics and their several circuits. Chap. 2.  
Having already spoken generally of the state of our church, now will I touch the sees severally, saying so much of each of them as shall be convenient for the time, and not only out of the ancient, but also the later writers, and somewhat of mine own experience, beginning first with the see of Canturburie, as the most notable, whose archbishop is the primate of all this land for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and most accounted of commonly, because he is nearer to the prince, and ready at every call.  
The jurisdiction of Canturburie therefore, exected first by Augustine the monk, 
Canturburie.  in the time of Ethelbert king of Kent, if you have respect to her provincial regiment, extendeth itself over all the south and west parts of this Island, and Ireland, as I have noted in the chapter precedent, and few shires there are wherein the archbishop hath not some peculiars. But if you regard the same only that was and is proper unto his see, from the beginning, it reacheth but over one parcel of Kent, which Rudburne calleth Cantwarland, the jurisdiction of Rochester including the rest: so that in this one county the greatest archbishopric and the least bishopric of all are linked in together. That of Canturburie hath under it one archdeaconry, who hath jurisdiction over eleven deaneries or a hundred sixty one parish churches; & in the popish time in stead of the 3093 pounds, eighteen shillings, halfpenny, farthing, which it now payeth unto her majesty, under the name of first fruits, there went out of this see to Rome, at every alienation 10000 ducats or florins, beside 5000 that the ne●h elect did usually pay for his pall, each ducat being then worth an English crown or thereabout, as I have been informed.  
The see of Rochester is also included within the limits of Kent, 
Rochester.  being erected by Augustine in the 604 of Grace, and reign of Ceolrijc over the westsaxons. The bishop of this see hath one archdeacon, under whose government in causes ecclesiastical are three deaneries, or 132 parish churches: so that hereby it is to be gathered, that there are 393 parish churches in Kent, over which the said two archdeacon's have especial cure & charge. He was wont to pay also unto the court of Rome at his admission to that see 1300 ducats or florins, as I read, which was an hard valuation, considering the smallness of circuit belonging to his see. Howbeit, in my time it is so far from ease by diminution, that it is raised to 1432 crowns, &c: or as we resolve them into our pounds, 358 pounds, three shillings, six pence, halfpenny, farthing, a reckoning a great deal more precisely made than any bishop of that see doth take any great delight in. He was crosse-bearer in times passed unto the archbishop of Canturburie. And there are and have been few sees in England, which at one time or other have not fetched their bishops for the most part from this see: for as it is of itself but a small thing in deed, so it is commonly a preparative to an higher place. But of all that ever possessed it, Thomas Kempe had the best luck, who being but a poor man's son of Wie (unto which town he was a great benefactor) grew first to be doctor of both laws, then of divinity; and afterward being promoted to this see, he was translated from thence to Chichester, thirdly to London, next of all to York, and finally after seven and twenty years to Canturburie, where he became also cardinal, deacon, and then priest in the court of Rome, according to this verse, Bis primas, ter praeses, bis cardine functus. Certes I note this man, because he bore some favour to the furtherance of the gospel, and to that end he either builded or repaired the pulpit in Paul's churchyard, and took order for the continual maintenance of a sermon there upon the sabaoth, which doth continue unto my time, as a place from whence the soundest doctrine is always to be looked for, and for such strangers to resort unto as have no habitation in any parish within the city where it standeth.  
The see of London was erected at the first by Lucius, 
London.  who made it of an archeflamine and temple of jupiter an archbishops see, and temple unto the living God, and so it continued, until Augustine translated the title thereof to Canturburie. The names of the archbishops of London are these; Theon, Eluan, Cadoc, Owen, Conan, Palladius, Stephan, Iltutus restitutus, anno 350, Theodromus, Theodredus, Hilarius, Fastidius, anno 420, Guittelinus, Vodinus slain by the Saxons, and Theonus junior. But for their just order of succession as yet I am not resolved, nevertheless the first bishop there was ordained by Augustine the monk, in the year of Christ 604, in the time of Ceolrijc, after he had removed his see further off into Kent: I wot not upon what secret occasion, if not the speedy hearing of news from Rome, and readiness to flee out of the land, if any trouble should betide him. For jurisdiction it includeth Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herefordshire, which is neither more nor less in quantity than the ancient kingdom of the east Angles, before it was united to the west Saxons. The cathedral church belonging to this see, was first begun by Ethelbert of Kent, Indic. 1. 598 of Inuber as I find, whilst he held that part of the said kingdom under his government. Afterward when the Danes had sundry times defaced it, it was repaired and made up with hard stone, but in the end it was taken down, and wholly re-edified by Mawrice bishop of that see, and sometimes chaplain to the bastar●● Henry the first, allowing him stone and stuff from Bainard's castle near unto Ludgate, then ruinous for the furtherance of his works. Howbeit the moold of the choir was not stately enough in the eyes of some of his successors; wherefore in the year of Grace 1256, it was taken down and brought into another form, and called the new work, at which time also the bodies of diverse kings and bishops were taken up and bestowed in the walls, to the end their memories should be of longer continuance. The jurisdiction of this see also under the bishop, is committed to four archdeacon's, to wit, of London, Essex, Middlesex, and Colchester, who have amongst them to the number of 363 parish churches, or thereabouts, beside the peculiars belonging to the archbishop and chapter of that house, and at every alienation the bishop payeth for his own part 1119 pounds, eight shillings and four pence (but in old time 3000 florins) which diverse suppose to be more, than (as it now standeth) the bishop is able to make of it. Of the archdeconrie, of S. Albon's added thereunto by king Henry the eight (whereby the bishop hath five eyes) I speak not, for although it be under the bishop of London for visitations and synods, yet is it otherwise reputed as member of the see of Lincoln, and therefore worthily called an exempt, it hath also five and twenty parishes, of which four are in Buckingham, the rest in Herefordshire.  
The first beginning of the see of Chichester was in 
Chichester  the isle of Seals or Seolseie, and from thence translated to Chichester, in the time of William the bastard, and general removing of sees from small villages unto the greater towns. It containeth Sussex only under her jurisdiction, wherein are sixteen deaneries, and 551 parish churches, it paid at every alienation to the see of Rome 333 ducats: and after Edbert the first bishop, one Cella succeeded, after whom the pontifical chair (not then worth 677 pounds by the year as now it is) was void by many years. It was erected in Seoleseie also 711, by the decree of a synod holden in Sussex, which borrowed it from the jurisdiction of Winchester, whereof before it was reputed a parcel. Of all the bishops that have been in this see, Thomas Kempe always excepted, I read not of any one that hath been of more estimation than William Read, sometime fellow of Merteine college in Oxford, doctor of divinity, and the most profound astronomer that lived in his time, as appeareth by his collection which sometime I did possess; his image is yet in the library there, and many instruments of astronomy reserved in that house (a college erected sometime by Walter Merton bishop of Rochester, and lord chancellor of England) he builded also the castle of Amberleie from the very foundation, as Edward Scorie or Story his successor did the new cross in the market place of Chichester.  
The bishop of Winchester was sometime called 
Winchester  bishop of the west Saxons, and of Dorchester, which town was given to Birinus and his successors, by Kinigils and Oswald of the Northumber's, in whose time it was erected by Birinus and his fellows. In my time it hath jurisdiction only over Hamshire, Surrie, jardeseie, Gardeseie, and the Wight, containing eight deaneries, two hundred seventy and six parish churches, and beside all this he is perpetual prelate to the honourable order of the Garter, devised by Edward the third: he paid in old time to Rome 12000 ducats or florins, but now his first fruits are 2491 pounds nine shillings eight pence half penny. Canturburie was said to be the higher rack, but Winchester hath borne the name to be the better manger. There are also which make Lucius to be the first founder of an house of prayer in Winchester, as Kinigils did build the second, and Kinwaldus his son the third; but you shall see the truth hereof in the chronology ensuing. And hereunto if the old catalogue of the bishops of this see be well considered of, and the acts of the greatest part of them indifferently weighed, as they are to be read in our histories, you shall find the most egregious hypocrites, the stoutest warriors, the cruelest tyrants, the richest monimoongers, and politic counsellors in temporal affairs to have, I wot not by what secret working of the divine providence, been placed herein Winchester, since the foundation of that see, which was erected by Birinus 639 (whom pope Honorius sent hither out of Italy) and first planted at Dorchester, in the time of Kinigils, then translated to Winchester, where it doth yet continue.  
Salisbury was made the chief see of Shirburne by bishop Harman (predecessor to Osmond) 
Salisbury.  who brought it from Shirburne to that city; it hath now Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire under her jurisdiction. For after the death of Hedda, which was 704, Winchester was divided in two, so that only Hamshire and Surrie were left unto it, and Wilton, Dorset, Berkshire, Summerset, Devon & Cornewill assigned unto Shirburne till other order was taken. Bishop Adelme did first sit in that bishopric (704 as I said) and placed his chair at Shirburne upon the said division. And as many learned bishops did succeed him in that room, before and after it was removed to Sarum; so there was never a more noble ornament to that see than bishop jewel, of whose great learning and judgement the world itself beareth witness, notwithstanding that the papists prefer S. Osmond (as they call him) because he builded the minster there, and made the portesse called Ordinale ecclesiastici officij, which old priests were wont to use. The bishops also of this see were sometimes called bishops of Sunning, of their old mansion house near unto Reading (as it should seem) and among those that lived before the said jewel, one Roger builded the castle of the Uies in the time of Henry the first, taken in those days for the strongest hold in England, as unto whose gate there were regals and gripes for six or seven port culliss. Finally this see paid unto Rome 4000 florins, but unto her majesty in my time 1367 pounds twelve shillings eight pence, as I did find of late.  
Excester hath, Devonshire and Cornwall, 
Excester.  sometime two several bishoprics, but in the end brought into one of Cornwall, and from thence to Excester in the time of the Bastard or soon after. It began upon this occasion, Anno Gratiae 905, in a provincial council holden by the elder Edward & Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie, among the Gewises, wherein it was found, that the see of Winchester had not only been without her pastor by the space of seven years, but also that her jurisdiction was far greater than two men were able well to govern; therefore from the former two, to wit, Winchester and Shirburne, three other were taken, whereby that see was now divided into five parts; the latter three being Welles, Kirton, and Cornwall: this of Cornwall having her see then at saint Patroks', not far from north-Wales upon the river Helmouth: he of Devon holding his jurisdiction in Devonshire, Kirton, or Cridioc: and the bishop of Welles being allowed Dorset and Barkshires for his part, to govern and look unto according to his charge. Finally, these two of Devon and Cornwall being united, the valuation thereof was taxed by the see of Rome at six thousand ducats or florins, which were truly paid at every alienation; but very hardly (as I guess) sith that in my time, wherein all things are racked to the very uttermost, I find that it is little worth above five hundred pounds by the year, because her tenths are but fifty.  
Bath, 
Bath.  whose see was sometime at Welles, before john the bishop there annexed the church of Bath unto it, which was 1094, hath Summersetshire only, and the valuation thereof in the court of Rome was four hundred & thirty florins: but in her majesties books I find it five hundred thirty and three pounds, and about one odd shilling: which declareth a precise examination of the estate of that see. Of the erection of this bishopric, mentioned in the discourse of Excester, I find the former assertion confirmed by another author, and in somewhat more large maher, which I will also remember, only because it pleaseth me somewhat better than the words before alleged out of the former writer. This bishopric (saith he) was erected 905, in a council holden among the Gewises, whereat king Edward of the westsaxons, and Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie were present. For that part of the country had been seven years without any pastoral cure. And therefore in this council it was agreed, that for the two bishoprics (whereof one was at Winchester, another at Shireburne) there should be five ordained, whereby the people there might be the better instructed. 
The bishopric of Shirburne divided into three.  By this means Frithstan was placed at Winchester, and Ethelme at Shireburne, both of them being then void. Shireburne also sustained the subdivision; so that Werstane was made bishop of Cridioc or Devonshire (whose see was at Kirton) Herstan of Cornwall, and Eadulfe of Welles, unto whom Berkshire and Dorsetshire were appointed. But now you see what alteration is made, by consideration of the limits of their present jurisdictions.  
Worcester sometime called Episcopatus Wicciorum (that is, 
Worcester.  the bishopric of the Wiccies or Huiccies) hath Worcester, & part of Warwikeshires. And before the bishopric of Gloucester was taken out of the same, it paid to the pope two thousand ducats of gold at every change of prelate: but now the valuation thereof is one thousand forty nine pounds, seven pence half penny farthing (except my remembrance do deceive me.) This see was begun either in, or not long before the time of Offa king of the east-Angles, and Boselus was the first bishop there; after whom succeeded Ostfort, than Egwine who went in pilgrimage to Rome, with Kinredus of Mercia and the said Offa, and there got a monastery (which he builded in Worcester) confirmed by Constantine the pope. In this see was one of your lordship's ancestors sometime bishop, whose name was Cobham, and doctor both of divinity and of the canon law, who, during the time of his pontificality there, builded the vault of the north side of the body of the church, and there lieth buried in the same (as I have been informed.) Certes this man was once elected, and should have been archbishop of Canturburie in the room of Reginald that died 1313 under Edward the second: but the pope frustrated his election, fearing lest he would have showed himself more affectionate towards his prince than to his court of Rome; wherefore he gave Canturburie to the bishop of Worcester then being. And furthermore, lest he should seem altogether to reject the said Thomas and displease the king, he gave him in the end the bishopric of Worcester, whereinto he entered 1317, Martij 31, being thursday (as appeareth by the register of that house) after long plée holden for the aforesaid see of Canturburie in the court of Rome, wherein most money did oftenest prevail. This is also notable of that see, that five Italians succeeded each other in the same, by the pope's provision; as Egidius, Sylvester, Egidius his nephew (for nephews might say in those days; Father shall I call you uncle? And uncles also; Son I must call thee nephew) julius de Medici's, afterward pope Clement, and Hieronymus de Nugutijs, men very likely, no doubt, to benefit the common people by their doctrine. Some of these being at the first but poor men in Rome, and yet able by selling all they had to make a round sum against a rainy day, came first into favour with the pope, then into familiarity, finally into orders; and from thence into the best livings of the church, far off where their parentage could not easily be heard of, nor made known unto their neighbours.  
Gloucester hath Glocestershire only, 
Gloucester.  wherein are nine deaneries, and to the number of 294 parish churches, as I find by good record. But it never paid any thing to Rome, because it was erected by king Henry the eight, after he had abolished the usurped authority of the pope, except in queen Maries, if any such thing were demanded, as I doubt not but it was: yet is it worth yearly 315 pounds, seven shillings three pence, as the book of first fruits declareth.  
Hereford hath Herefordshire and part of Shropshire, 
Hereford.  and it paid to Rome at every alienation 1800 ducats at the least, but in my time it payeth unto her majesties coffers 768 pounds, ten shillings, ten pence, half penny, farthing. In this see there was a bishop sometime called john Bruton, upon whom the king then reigning, by likelihood for want of competent maintenance, bestowed the keeping of his wardrobe, which he held long time with great honour, as his register saith. A wonderful preferment that bishops should be preferred from the pulpit, to the custody of wardrobes: but such was the time. Nevertheless his honourable custody of that charge is more solemnly remembered, than any good sermon that ever he made, which function peradventure he committed to his suffragan, sith bishops in those days had so much business in the court, that they could not attend to doctrine and exhortation.  
Lichefield, whereunto Coventrie was added, 
Lichfield.  in the time of Henry the first, at the earnest suit of Robert bishop of that see, hath Staffordshire, Darbishire, part of Shropshire, and the rest of Warwikeshire, that is void of subjection to the see of Worcestershire. It was erected in the time of Peada king of the south Mercians, which lay on this side the Trent, and therein one Dinas was installed, about the year of Grace 656, after whom Kellac first, than Tunher an Englishman succeeded, this later being well learned, and consecrated by the Scots. In the time of the bastard, I wots not upon what occasion, one Peter bishop of this see translated his chair to Chester, and there held it for a season, whereby it came to pass that the bishops of Lichfield were for a while called bishops of Chester. But Robert his successor not liking of this precedent, removed his chair from Chester to Coventrie, and there held it whilst he lived, whereby the original division of the bishopric of Lichfield into Lichefield, Chester, and Coventrie, doth easily appear, although in my time Lichfield and Coventrie be united, and Chester remaineth a bishopric by itself. It paid the pope at every alienation 1733 florins, or (as some old books have) 3000, a good round sum, but not without a just punishment, as one saith, sith that anno 765, Edulfe bishop there under Offa king of Mercia, would by his help have bereaved the archbishop of Canturburie of his pall, & so did in deed under pope Hadrian, holding the same until things were reduced unto their ancient form. Before the time also of bishop Langton, the prebends of this see lay here and there abroad in the city, where the vicar's also had an house, of which this honest bishop misliked not a little for sundry causes; wherefore he began their close, and bestowed so much in building the same, and paving the streets, that his hungry kinsmen did not a little grudge at his expenses, thinking that his empty coffers would never make them gentlemen, for which preferment the friends of most bishops gaped earnestly in those days. King john was the greatest benefactor unto this see, next unto Offa; and it is called Lichfield, Quasi mortuorum campus, because of the great slaughter of christians made there (as some writ) under Dioclesian. Howbeit in my time the valuation thereof is 703 pounds, five shillings two pence, halfpenny, farthing, a sum very narrowly cast by that auditor which took it first in hand.  
Oxford hath Oxfordshire only, a very young jurisdiction, erected by king Henry the eight, & where in the time of queen Marie, one Goldwell was bishop, who (as I remember) was a jesuit, dwelling in Rome, and more conversant (as the constant fame went) in the black art, than skilful in the scriptures, and yet he was of great countenance amongst the Roman monarches. It is said that observing the canons of his order, he regarded not the temporalities of that see: but I have heard since that he witted well enough what became of those commodities, for by one mean and other he found the sweetness of 354 pounds sixteen shillings three pence half penny, yearly growing to him, which was even enough (if not too much) for the maintenance of a friar toward the drawing out of circles, characters, & lineaments of imagery, wherein he was passing skilful, as the fame than went in Rome, and not unheard of in Oxford.  
Elie hath Cambridgshire, and the isle of Elie. 
Elie.  It was erected 1109 by Henry the first, being before a rich and wealthy abbeie. One Heruie also was made bishop there, as I have found in a register, belonging sometime to that house being translated from Bangor. Finally it paid to the pope at every alienation 7000 ducats, as the registers there do testify at large. Albeit that in my time I find a note of 2134 pounds sixteen shillings three pence half penny farthing, whose disme joined to those of all the bishoprics in England, do yield yearly to her majesties coffers 23370 pounds sixteen shillings three pence half penny farthing: whereby also the huge sums of money going out of this land to the court of Rome doth in some measure appear. Ethelwold afterward bishop of Winchester builded the first monastery of Elie upon the ruins of a nunnery then in the king's hands, howbeit the same house, whereof he himself was abbot, was yer long destroyed by enemies, and he in am of his old preferment rewarded by king Edgar, with the aforesaid bishopric, from whence with more than lionlike boldness he expelled the secular priests, and stored with moonkes provided from Abandune near Oxford, by the help of Edgar and Dunstane then metropolitan of England. There was sometime a grievous contention between Thomas Lild bishop of this see, and the king of England, about the year of Grace 1355, which I will here deliver out of an old record, because the matter is so parciallie penned by some of the brethren of that house, in favour of the bishop; & for that I was also abused with the same in the entrance thereof at the first into my chronology. The black prince favouring one Robert Stretton his chaplain, a man unlearned and not worthy the name of a clerk, the matter went on so far, that what for love, and somewhat else, of a canon of Lichfield he was chosen bishop of that see. Hereupon the pope understanding what he was by his Nuncio here in England, stayed his consecration by his letters for a time, and in the mean season committed his examination to the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester, who felt and dealt so favourably with him in golden reasoning, that his worthiness was commended to the pope's holiness, & to Rome he goeth. Being come to Rome the pope himself opposed him, and after secret conference utterly disableth his election, till he had proved by substantial argument and of great weight before him also, that he was not so lightly to be rejected. Which kind of reasoning so well pleased his holiness, that Ex mera plenitudine potestatis, he was made capable of the benefice and so returneth into England; when he came home, this bishop being in the king's presence told him how he had done he witted not what in preferring so unmeet a man unto so high a calling. With which speech the king was so offended, that he commanded him out of hand to avoid out of his presence. In like sort the lady Wake then duchess of Lancaster, standing by, and hearing the king her cousin to gather up the bishop so roundly, and thereto an old grudge against him for some other matter, doth presently pick a quarrel against him about certain lands then in his possession, which he defended & in the end obtained against her by plea and course of law yet long also afore happened in a part of her house, for which she accused the bishop, and in the end by verdict of twelve men found that he was privy unto the fact of his men in the said fact, wherefore he was condemned in nine hundred pounds damages, which he paid every penny.  
Nevertheless, being sore grieved, that she had (as he said) wrested out such a verdict against him, and therein packed up a quest at her own choice: he taketh his horse, goeth to the court, and there complaineth to the king of his great injury received at her hands. But in the delivery of his tale, his speech was so blockish, & terms so evil favoredlie (though maliciously) placed, that the king took yet more offence with him than before; insomuch that he led him with him into the parliament house, for than was that court holden, and there before the lords accused him of no small misdemeanour toward his person by his rude and threatening speeches. But the bishop eagerly denieth the king's objections, which he still avoucheth upon his honour; and in the end confirmeth his allegations by witness: whereupon he is banished from the king's presence during his natural life by verdict of that house. In the mean time the duchess hearing what was done, she beginneth a new to be dealing with him: and in a brabbling fray between their servants one of her men was slain: for which he was called before the magistrate, as chief accessary unto the fact. But he fearing the sequel of his third cause by his success had in the two first, hideth himself after he had sold all his movables, and committed the money unto his trusty friends. And being found guilty by the inquest, the king seizeth upon his possessions, and calleth up the bishop to answer unto the trespass. To be short, upon safeconduct the bishop cometh to the king's presence, where he denieth that he was accessary to the fact, either before, at, or after the deed committed, and thereupon craveth to be tried by his peers. But this petition was in vain: for sentence passeth against him also by the kings own mouth. Whereupon he craveth help of the archbishop of Canturburie and privileges of the church, hoping by such means to be solemnly rescued. But they fearing the king's displeasure, who bore small favour to the clergy of his time, gave over to use any such means; but rather willed him to submit himself unto the king's mercy, which he refused, standing upon his innocency from the first unto the last. Finally, growing into choler, that the malice of a woman should so prevail against him, he writeth to Rome, requiring that his case might be heard there, as a place wherein greater justice (saith he) is to be looked for than to be found in England. Upon the perusal of these his letters also, his accusers were called thither. But for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times, they were excommunicated. Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the churchyards, and buried in the fields and doong-hilles, unde timor & turba (saith my note) in Anglia. For the king inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all processes, bills, and whatsoever instruments should come from Rome: such also as adventured contrary to this prohibition to bring them in, were either dismembered of some joint, or hanged by the necks. Which rage so incensed the pope, that he wrote in very vehement manner to the king of England, threatening far greater curses, except he did the sooner stay the fury of the lady, reconcile himself unto the bishop, and finally, making him amends for all his losses sustained in these broils. Long it was yer the king would be brought to peace. Nevertheless, in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had between them: but yer all things were concluded, God himself did end the quarrel, by taking away the bishop. And thus much out of an old pamphlet in effect word for word: but I have somewhat framed the form of the report after the order that Stephan Birchington doth deliver it, who also hath the same in manner as I deliver it.  
The see of Norwich called in old time Episcopatus Donnicensis, Dononiae, 
Norwich.  or Eastanglorum, was erected at Felstow or Felixstow, where Felix of Burgundy (sometime schoolmaster to Sigebert of the east-Angles, by whose persuasion also the said Sigebert erected the university at Cambridge) being made bishop of the east-Angles first placed his see, afterward it was removed from thence to Donwich, & thence to Helmham, Anno 870, about the death of Celnothus of Canturburie; thirdly, to Theodford, or Thetford; & finally, after the time of the Bastard, to Norwich. For jurisdiction it containeth in our days Norfolk and Suffolk only, whereas at the first it included Cambridgeshire also, and so much as lay within the kingdom of the east-Angles. It began about the year 632, under Cerpenwald king of the east-Saxons, who bestowed it upon Felix, whom pope Honorius also confirmed, and after which he held it by the space of seventeen years. It paid sometimes at every alienation 5000 ducats to Rome. But in my time her majesty hath 899 pounds, 8 shillings 7 pence farthing, as I have been informed. In the same jurisdiction also there were once 1563 parish churches, and 88 religious houses: but in our days I can not hear of more churches than 1200: and yet of these I know one converted into a barn, whilst the people hear service further off upon a green: their bell also when I heard a sermon there preached in the green, hanged in an oak for want of a steeple. But now I understand that the oak likewise is gone. There is nevertheless a little chappellet hard by on that common, but nothing capable of the multitude of Ashlie town that should come to the same in such wise, if they did repair thither as they ought.  
Peterborow, 
Peterborow.  sometimes a notable monastery, hath Northampton and Rutland shires under her jurisdiction, a diocese erected also by king Henry the eight. It never paid first fruits to the pope before queen maries days (if it were then delivered) whereof I doubt, because it was not recorded in his ancient register of tenths and fruits, although peradventure the collectors left it not ungathered, I wots not for what purpose; it yieldeth now four hundred and fifty pounds, one penny abated. I have seen and had an ancient iarror of the lands of this monastery, which agreeth very well with the history of Hugo le Blanc monk of that house. In the charter also of donation annexed to the same, I saw one of Wulfhere king of Mercia, signed with his own, & the marks of Sigher king of Sussex, Sebbie of Essex, with the additions of their names: the rest of the witnesses also ensued in this order: 

Ethelred brother to Wulfehere,  
Kindburg and Kindswith sisters to Wulfhere,  
Deusdedit archbishop,  
Ithamar bishop of Rochester,  
Wina bishop of London,  
jarnman bishop of Mearc,  
Wilfride and Eoppa priests,  
Saxulfe the abbot.    
Then all the earls and eldermen of England in order; and after all these, the name of pope Agatho, who confirmed the instrument at the suit of Wilfride archbishop of York, in a council holden at Rome 680, of a hundred & five and twenty bishops, wherein also these churches were appropriated to the said monastery, to wit, Breeding, Reping, Cedenac, Swinesheved, Lusgerd, Edelminglond, and Barchaing: whereby we have in part an evident testimony how long the practice of appropriation of benefices hath been used to the hindrance of the gospel, and maintenance of idle monks, an human invention grounded upon hypocrisy.  
Bristol hath Dorsetshire sometime belonging to Salisbury, 
Bristol.  a see also lately erected by king Henry the eight, who took no small care for the church of Christ, and therefore eased a number of ancient sees of some part of their huge and over-large circuits, and bestowed those portions deducted, upon such other erections as he had appointed for the better regiment and feeding of the flock: the value thereof is three hundred four score and three pounds, eight shillings, and four pence (as I have been informed.  
Lincoln of all other of late times was the greatest; 
Lincoln.  and albeit that out of it were taken the sees of Oxford and Peterborow, yet it still retaineth Lincoln, Leicester, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham shires, and the rest of Hertford; so that it extendeth from the Thames unto the Humber, and paid unto the pope five thousand ducats (as appeareth by his note) at every alienation. In my time, and by reason of her diminution it yieldeth a tribute to whom tribute belongeth, of the valuation of eight hundred ninety and nine pounds, eight shillings, seven pence farthing. It began since the conquest, about the beginning of William Rufus, by one Remigius, who removed his see from Dorchester to Lincoln (not without licence well paid for unto the king.) And thus much of the bishoprics which lie within Lhoegres or England, as it was left unto Locrinus. Now it followeth that I proceed with Wales.  
Landaffe, 
Landaffe.  or the church of Taw hath ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Glamorgan, Monmouth, Brechnoch, and Radnor shires. And although it paid seven hundred ducats at every exchange of prelate; yet is it scarcely worth one hundred fifty and five pounds by the year (as I have heard reported.) Certes it is a poor bishopric, & (as I have heard) the late incumbent thereof being called for not long since by the lord precedent in open court made answer. The daffe is here, but the land is gone. What he meant by it I can not well tell; but I hope, that in the seed time and the free planting of the gospel, the meat of the labourer shall not be diminished and withdrawn.  
S. David's hath Penbroke and Caermardine shires, 
S. David's.  whose livery or first fruits to the see of Rome was one thousand and five hundred ducats, at the hardest (as I think.) For if record be of any sufficient credit, it is little above the value of four hundred fifty and seven pounds, one shilling, and ten pence farthing, in our time, and so it payeth unto her majesties coffers; but in time passed I think it was far better. The present bishop misliketh very much of the cold situation of his cathedral church; and therefore he would gladly pull it down, and set it in a warmer place: but it would first be learned what surety he would put in to see it well performed: of the rest I speak not.  
Bangor is in north-Wales, 
Bangor.  and hath Caernaruon, Angleseie, and Merioneth shires under her jurisdiction. It paid to Rome 126 ducats, which is very much. For of all the bishoprics in England it is now the least for revenues, and not worth above one hundred and one and thirty pounds, and sixteen pence to her majesties coffers at every alienation (as appeareth by the tenths, which amount to much less their of some good benefice) for it yieldeth not yéerelie above thirteen pounds, three shillings, and seven pence half penny, as by that court is manifest.  
S. Asaphes hath Prestholme and part of Denbigh 
S. Asaphes.  and Flintshires under her jurisdiction in causes ecclesiastical, which being laid together do amount to little more than one good county, and therefore in respect of circuit the least that is to be found in Wales, nevertheless it paid to Rome 470 ducats at every alienation. In my time the first fruits of this bishopric came unto 187 pounds eleven shillings six pence, whereby it seemeth to be somewhat better than La●daffe or Bangor last remembered. There is one howel a gentleman of Flintshire in the compass of this jurisdiction, who is bound to give an harp of silver yearly to the best harper in Wales, but did any bishop think you deserve that in the popish time? howel or Aphowell in English is all one (as I have heard) and signify so much as Hugo or Hugh. Hitherto of the province of Canturburie, for so much thereof as now lieth within the compass of this Island. Now it resteth that I proceed with the curtailed archbishopric of York, I say curtailed because all Scotland is cut from his jurisdiction and obedience.  
The see of York was restored about the year of 
York.  Grace 625, which after the coming of the Saxons lay desolate and neglected, howbeit at the said time justus archbishop of Canturburie ordained Paulinus to be first bishop there, in the time of Eadw●jn king of Northumberland. This Paulinus sat six years yer he was driven from thence, & after whose expulsion that seat was void long time, whereby Lindeffarne grew into credit, and so remained until the days of Oswie of Northumberland, who sent Wilfred the priest over into France, there to be consecrated archbishop of York: but whilst he tarried over long in those parts, Oswie impatient of delay preferred Ceadda or Chad to that room, who held it three years, which being expired Wilfred recovered his room, and held it as he might, until it was severed in two, to wit, York, Hagulstade, or Lind●ffarne, where Eata was placed, at which time also Egfride was made bishop of Lincoln or Lindsie in that part of Mercia which he had gotten from Woolfhere. Of itself it hath now jurisdiction over Yorkshire, Notinghamshire (whose shire town I mean the new part thereof with the bridge was builded by king Edward the first surnamed the elder before the conquest) and the rest of Lancastershire only not subject to the see of Chester; and when the pope bare authority in this realm, it paid unto his see 1000 ducats, beside 5000 for the pall of the new elect, which was more than he could well spare of late, considering the curtailing & diminution of his see, through the erection of a new metropolitan in Scotland, but in my time it yieldeth 1609 pounds nineteen shillings two pence to her majesty, whom God long preserve unto us to his glory, her comfort, and our welfares.  
Chester upon Dee, otherwise called Westchester, 
Chester.  hath under her jurisdiction in causes ecclesiastical, Chestershire, Darbishire, the most part of Lancastershire (to wit unto the Ribell) Richmond and a part of Flint and Denbigh shires in Wales, was made a bishopric by king H. 8. anno regni 33. julij 16, and so hath continued since that time, being valued 420 pounds by the year beside odd twenty pence (a streict reckoning) as the record declareth.  
Durham hath the county of Durham and Northumberland 
Durham.  with the Dales only under her jurisdiction, and hereof the bishops have sometimes been earls palantines & ruled the roast under the name of the bishopric and succession of S. Cuthbert. It was a see (in mine opinion) more profitable of late unto her majesties coffers by 221 pounds eighteen shillings ten pence sarthing, and yet of less countenance than her provincial, nevertheless the sunshine thereof (as I hear) is now somewhat eclipsed and not likely to recover the light, for this is not a time wherein the c●●rch may look to increase in her estate. I hear also that some other flitches have foregone the like collops, but let such matters be scanned by men of more discretion. Capgrave saith how that the first bishop of this see was called bishop of Lindseie (or Lincoln) & that Ceadda lay in Lichfield of the Mercians in a mansion house near the church. But this is more worthy to be remembered, that Cuthred of the Northumber's, and Alfred of the Westsaxons bestowed all the land between the These & the Tine now called the bishopric upon S. Cuthbert, beside whatsoever belonged to the see of Hagulstade. Edgar of Scotland also in the time of the Bastard gave Coldingham and Berwick withal their appurtenances to that house; but whether these donations be extant or no as yet I cannot tell. Yet I think not but that Leland had a sight of them, from whom I had this ground. But whatsoever this bishopric be now, in external & outward appearance, sure it is that it paid in old time 9000 ducats at every alienation to Rome, as the record expresseth. Aidan a Scot or Irishman was the first bishop of this see, who held himself (as did many of his successors) at Colchester and in Lindeffarne I'll, till one came that removed it to Durham. And now judge you whether the allegatlon of Capgrave be of any account or not.  
caerleil was erected 1132 by Henry the first, 
caerleil.  and hereof one Ethelwoolfe confessor to Osmond bishop of Sarum was made the first bishop, having Cumberland & Westmoreland assigned to his share; of the deaneries and number of parish churches contained in the same as yet I have no knowledge, more than of many other. Howbeit hereof I am sure, that notwithstanding the present valuation be risen to 531 pounds fourteen shilliings eleven pence half penny, the pope received out of it but 1000 florins, and might have spared much more, as an adversary thereto confessed sometime even before the pope himself, supposing no less than to have gained by his tale, and so peradventure should have done, if his platform had taken place. But as wise men oft espy the practices of flatteries, so the pope saw to what end this profitable speech was uttered. As touching caerleil itself it was sometime sacked by the Danes, and eftsoons repaired by William Rufus, & planted with a colony of southern men. I suppose that in old time it was called Cairdoill. For in an ancient book which I have seen, and yet have, entitled, Liber formularum literarum curiae Romanae, octo capitulorum, episcopatus Cardocensis. And thus much generally of the names and numbers of our bishoprics of England, whose tenths in old time yearly amounting unto 21111 pounds, twelve shillings one penny half penny farthing, of currant money in those days, do evidently declare, what store of coin was transported out of the land unto the papal uses, in that behalf only.  
Certes I take this not to be one quarter of his gains gotten by England in those days, for such commodities were raised by his courts holden here, so plentifully got he by his perquisits, as elections, procurations, appeals, preventions, pluralities, totquots, trialities, tolerations, legitimations, bulls, seals, priests, concubines, eating of flesh and white meats, dispensations for marriages, & times of celebration, Peter pence, and such like faculties, that not so little as 1200000 pounds went yearly from hence to Rome. And therefore no marvel though he seek much in these days to reduce us to his obedience. But what are the tenths of England (you will say) in comparison of all those of Europe. For notwithstanding that many good bishoprics lately erected be left out of his old books of record, which I also have seen, yet I find nevertheless that the whole sum of them amounted to not above 61521 pounds as money went 200 years before my time, of which portion poor saint Peter did never hear, of so much as one grey groat. Mark therefore I pray you whether England were not fully answerable to a third part of the rest of his tenths over all Europe, and thereupon tell me whether our Island was one of the best pair of bestows or not, that blue the fire in his kitchen, wherewith to make his pot seethe, beside all other commodities.  
Beside all these, we have another bishopric yet in England almost slipped out of my remembrance, 
man..  because it is very obscure, for that the bishop thereof hath not wherewith to maintain his countenance sufficiently, and that is the see of Mona or Man, sometime named Episcopatus Sodorensis, whereof one Wimundus was ordained the first bishop, and john the second, in the troublesome time of king Stephan. The gift of this prelacy resteth in the earls of Derby, who nominate such a one from time to time thereto as to them doth seem convenient. Howbeit if that see did know and might reap her own commodities, and discern them from other men's possessions (for it is supposed that the mother hath devoured the daughter) I doubt not but the state of her bishop would quickly be amended. Having therefore called this later see after this manner unto mind, I suppose that I have sufficiently discharged my duty concerning the state of our bishopric, and manner how the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the church of England is divided among the shires and counties of this realm. Whose bishops as they have been heretofore of less learning, and yet of greater port & doings in the commonwealth, than at this present, so are they now for the most part the best learned that are to be found in any country of Europe, sith neither high parentage, nor great riches (as in other countries) but only learning and virtue, commended somewhat by friendship, do bring them to this honour.  
I might here have spoken more at large of diverse other bishoprics, sometime in this part of the Island, as of that of Caerlheon tofore overthrown by Edelfred in the behalf of Augustine the monk (as Malmesburie saith) where Dubritius governed, which was afterward translated to S. David's, and taken for an archbishopric: secondly of the bishopric of Leircester called Legerensis, whose fourth bishop (Unwon) went to Rome with Offa king of Mercia: thirdly of Ramsbirie or Wiltun, and of Gloucester (of which you shall read in Matth. Westm. 
Gloucester a very ancient bishopric.  489) where the bishop was called Eldad: also of Hagulstade, one of the members whereinto the see of York was divided after the expulsion of Wilfrid. For (as I read) when Egfrid the king had driven him away, he divided his see into two parts, making Bosa over the Deiranes that held his see at Hagulstade or Lindfarne: and Eatta over the Bernicians, who sat at York: and thereto placing Edhedus over Lindseie (as is afore noted) whose successors were Ethelwine, Edgar, and Kinibert, notwithstanding that one Se●ulfus was over Lindseie before Edhedus, who was bishop of the Mercians and middle England, till he was banished from Lindseie, and came into those quarters to seek his refuge and succour.  
I could likewise entreat of the bishops of Whiteherne, or Ad Candidam Casam, an house with the country wherein it stood belonging to the province of Northumberland, but now a parcel of Scotland, also of the erection of the late see at Westminster by Henry the eight. But as the one so the other is ceased, and the lands of this later either so divided or exchanged for worse tenors, that except a man should see it with his eyes, & point out with his finger where every parcel of them is bestowed, but a few men would believe what is become of the same. I might likewise and with like ease also have added the successors of the bishops of every see to this discourse of their cathedral churches and places of abode, but it would have extended this treatise to an unprofitable length. Nevertheless I will remember the same of London my native city, after I have added one word more of the house called Ad Candidam Casam, in English Whitehernes, which taketh denomination of the white stone wherewith it was builded, and was seen far off as standing upon an hill to such as did behold it.  

The names and successions of so many archbishops and bishops of London, as are extant, and to be had, from the faith first received.  

Archbishops.  
Theon.  
Eluanus.  
Cadocus.  
Ouinus.  
Conanus.  
Palladius.  
Stephanus.  
Iltutus.  
Restitutus, who lived 350 of grace.  
Tadwinus alias Theodwinus, some do write him Tacwinus & Tatwinus.  
Tidredus alias Theodred.  
Hilarius.  
Fastidius lived Anno Dom. 430.  
Vodinus, slain by the Saxons.  
Theonus.   

The see void many years.  
Augustine the monk, sent over by Gregory the great, till he removed his see to Canturburie, to the intent he might the sooner flee, if persecution should be raised by the infidels, or hear from, or send more speedily unto Rome, without any great fear of the interception of his letters.   

Bishops.  
Melitus.   

The see void for a season.  
Wina.  
Erkenwaldus.  
Waldherus.  
Ingaldus.  
Egulphus.  
Wigotus.  
Eadbricus.  
Edgarus.  
Kiniwalchus.  
Eadbaldus.  
Eadbertus.  
Oswinus.  
Ethelnothus.  
Cedbertus.  
Cernulphus.  
Suiduiphus.  
Eadstanus.  
Wulfsinus▪  
Ethelwaldus.  
Elstanus.  
Brithelmus▪  
Dunstanus.  
Tidricus.  
Alwijnus.  
Elswoldus.  
Robertus a Norman.  
Wilhelmus a Norman.  
Hugo a Norman.   
I read also of a bishop of London called Elsward, or Ailward, who was abbot of Eovesham, and bishop of London at one time, and buried at length in Ramseie, howbeit in what order of succession he lived I can not tell, more than of diverse other above remembered, but in this order do I find them.  

The see void twelve years.  
1 Mauricius.  
2 Richardus Beaumis.  
3 Gilbertus universalis a notable man for three things, avarice, riches, and learning.  
4 Robertus de Sigillo.  
5 Richardus Beaumis.  
6 Gilbertus Folioth.  
7 Richardus.  
8 Wilhelmus de sancta Maria.  
9 Eustathius Falconberg.  
10 Rogerus Niger.  
11 Fulco Bascet.  
12 Henricus Wingham. Richardus Talbot electus.  
15 Richard. Gravesend.  
16 Radulfus Gandacensis.  
17 Gilbertus Segraue.  
18 Richardus de Newport.  
19 Stephanus Gravesend.  
20 Richard. Bintworth.  
21 Radulfus Baldoc who made the tables hanging in the vestry of Paul's.  
22 Michael.  
23 Simon.  
24 Robertus.  
25 Thomas.  
26 Richardus.  
27 Thomas Savagius.  
28 Wilhelmus.  
29 Wilhelm. Warham.  
30 Wilhelmus Barnes.  
31 Cuthbertus Tunstall.  
32 johannes Stokesleie.  
33 Richardus fitz james.  
34 Edmundus Boner, removed, imprisoned.  
35 Nicholas Ridleie removed and burned.  
Edm. Boner, restored, removed, & imprisoned.  
36 Edmundus grindal.  
37 Edwinus Sands.  
38 johannes Elmer.   
Having gotten and set down thus much of the bishops, I will deliver in like sort the names of the deans, until I come to the time of mine old master now living in this present year 1586, who is none of the least ornaments that have been in that seat.  

Deans.  
1 Wulmannus, who made a distribution of the psalms contained in the whole psalter, and appointed the same daily to be read amongst the prebendaries.  
2 Radulfus de Diceto, whose noble history is yet extant in their library.  
3 Alardus Bucham.  
4 Robertus Watford.  
5 Martinus Patteshull.  
6 Hugo de Marinis.  
7 Radulfus Langfort.  
8 Galfridus de Berie.  
9 Wilhelmus Stamman.  
10 Henricus cornel.  
11 Walterus de Salerne.  
12 Robertus Barton.  
13 Petrus de Newport.  
14 Richardus Talbot.  
15 Galfredus de Fering.  
16 johannes Chishull.  
17 Herueus de Boreham.  
18 Thomas Eglesthorpe.  
19 Rogerus de Lalleie.  
20 Wilhelmns de Montfort.  
21 Radulfus de Baldoc postea episcopus.  
22 Alanus de Cantilup postea cardinalis.  
johan. Sandulfe electus.  
Richardus de Newport electus.  
23 Magister Vitalis.  
24 johannes Euerisdon.  
25 Wilhelmus Brewer.  
26 Richardus Kilmingdon.  
27 Thomas Trullocke.  
28 johannes Appulbie.  
29 Thomas Ever.  
30 Thomas Stow.  
31 Thomas More.  
32 Reginaldus Kenton.  
33 Thomas Lisieux alias Leseux.  
34 Leonardus de Bath.  
35 Wilhelmus Say.  
36 Rogerus Ratcliff.  
37 Thom. Winterburne.  
38 Wilhelmus Wolseie.  
39 Robert Sherebroke.  
40 johannes Collet, founder of Paul's school.  
Richardus Paceus.  
Richardus Samson.  
johannes Incent.  
Wilhelmus Maius resignavit.  
johannes Fakenham alias Howman resignavit.  
Henricus Colus, removed, imprisoned.  
Wilhelmus Maius, restored.  
Alexander Novellus.   
And thus much of the archbishops, bishops, and deans of that honourable see. I call it honourable, because it hath had a succession for the most part of learned and wise men, albeit that otherwise it be the most troublesome seat in England, not only for that it is near unto check, but also the prelates thereof are much troubled with suitors, and no less subject to the reproaches of the common sort, whose mouths are always wide open unto reprehension, and eyes ready to espy any thing that they may reprove and carp at. I would have done so much for every see in England, if I had not had consideration of the greatness of the volume, and small benefit rising by the same, unto the commodity of the readers: nevertheless I have reserved them unto the publication of my great chronology, if (while I live) it happen to come abroad.    

Of Universities. Chap. 3.  
THere have been heretofore, 
Many universities sometime in England.  and at sundry times, diverse famous universities in this Island, and those even in my days not altogether forgotten, as one at Bangor, erected by Lucius, and afterward converted into a monastery, not by Congellus (as some writ) but by Pelagius the monk. The second at Carlbeon upon Uske, near to the place where the river doth fall into the Severne, founded by king Arthur. The third at Theodford, wherein were 600 students, in the time of one Rond sometime king of that region. The fourth at Stanford, suppressed by Augustine the monk, and likewise other in other places, as Salisbury, Eridon or Criclade, Lachlade, Reading, and Northampton; albeit that the two last rehearsed were not authorised, but only arose to that name by the departure of the students from Oxford in time of civil dissension unto the said towns, where also they continued but for a little season. When that of Salisbury began, I can not tell; but that it flourished most under Henry the third, and Edward the first, I find good testimony by the writers, as also by the discord which fell 1278, between the chancellor for the scholars there on the one part, and William the archdeacon on the other, whereof you shall see more in the chronology here following. In my time there are three noble universities in England, 
Three universities in England.  to wit, one at Oxford, the second at Cambridge, and the third in London; of which, the first two are the most famous, I mean Cambridge and Oxford, for that in them the use of the tongues, philosophy, and the liberal sciences, besides the profound studies of the civil law, physic, and theology, are daily taught and had: whereas in the later, the laws of the realm are only read and learned, by such as give their minds unto the knowledge of the same. In the first there are not only diverse goodly houses builded four square for the most part of hard fréestone or brick, with great numbers of lodgings and chambers in the same for students, after a sumptuous sort, through the exceeding liberality of kings, queens, bishops, noblemen and ladies of the land: but also large livings and great revenues bestowed upon them (the like whereof is not to be seen in any other region, as Peter Martyr did oft affirm) to maintenance only of such convenient numbers of poor men's sons as the several stipends bestowed upon the said houses are able to support.  
When these two schools should be first builded, & who were their original founders, 
When the universities were builded uncertain.  as yet it is uncertain: nevertheless, as there is great likelihood that Cambridge was begun by one Cantaber a Spaniard (as I have noted in my chronology) so Alfred is said to be the first beginner of the university at Oxford, albeit that I cannot warrant the same to be so young, sith I find by good authority, that john of Beverleie studied in the university hall at Oxford, which was long before Alfred was either horn or gotten. Some are of the opinion that Cantabrigia was not so called of Cantaber, but Cair Grant of the finisher of the work, or at the leastwise of the river that runneth by the same, and afterward by the Saxons Grantcester. another sort affirm that the river is better written Canta than Granta, &c: but why then is not the town called Canta, Cantium, or Cantodunum, according to the same? All this is said only (as I think) to deface the memory of Cantaber, who docketing from the Brigants, or out of biscay, called the said town after his own and the name of the region from whence he came. Neither hath it been a rare thing for the Spaniards heretofore to come first into Ireland, and from thence over into England, sith the chronology shall declare that it hath been often seen, and that out of Britain, they have gotten over also into Scythia, and contrariwise; coasting still through Yorkshire, which of them also was called Brigantium, as by good testimony appeareth.  
Of these two, 
Oxford fifty miles from London.  that of Oxford (which lieth west and by north from London) standeth most pleasantly, being in●●roned in manner round about with woods on the hills aloft, and goodly rivers in the bottoms and valleys beneath, whose courses would breed no small commodity to that city, and country about, if such impediments were removed as greatly annoy the same, and hinder the carriage which might be made thither also from London. That of Cambridge is distant from London about forty and six mile's north and by east, 
Cambridge six and forty miles from London.  and standeth very well, saving that it is somewhat near unto the fens, whereby the wholesomeness of the air there is not a little corrupted. It is excellently well served with all kinds of provision, but especially of freshwater fish and wildfowl, by reason of the river that passeth thereby; and thereto the isle of Elie, which is so near at hand. Only wood is the chief want to such as study there, wherefore this kind of provision is brought them either from Essex, and other places thereabouts, as is also their coal; or otherwise the necessity thereof is supplied with gall (a bastard kind of Mirtus as I take it) and seacole, whereof they have great plenty led thither by the Grant. Moreover it hath not such store of meadow ground as may suffice for the ordinary expenses of the town and university, wherefore the inhabitants are enforced in like sort to provide their hay from other villages-about, which minister the same unto them in very great abundance.  
Oxford is supposed to contain in longitude eighteen degrees and eight and twenty minutes, 
Longitude & latitude of both.  and in latitude one and fifty degrees and fifty minutes; whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerly, hath twenty degrees and twenty minutes in longitude, and thereunto fifty and two degrees and fifteen minutes in latitude, as by exact supputation is easy to be found.  
The colleges of Oxford, for curious workmanship and private commodities, are much more stately, magnificent, & commodious than those of Cambridge: and thereunto the streets of the town for the most part more large and comely. But for uniformity of building, orderly compaction, and politic regiment, the town of Cambridge, as the newer workmanship, 
Cambridge burned not long since.  exceedeth that of Oxford (which otherwise is and hath been the greater of the two) by many a fold (as I guess) although I know diverse that are of the contrary opinion. This also is certain, that whatsoever the difference be in building of the town streets, the townsmen of both are glad when they may match and annoy the students, by encroaching upon their liberties, and keep them bare by extreme sale of their wares, whereby many of them become rich for a time, but afterward fall again into poverty, because that goods evil gotten do seldom long endure.  
Castles also they have both, and in my judgement is hard to be said, whether of them would be the stronger, if each were accordingly repaired: howbeit that of Cambridge is the higher, both for manner of building and situation of ground, sith Oxford castle standeth low and is not so apparent to our fight. That of Cambridge was builded (as they say) by Gurguintus, sometime king of Britain, but the other by the lord Robert de Oily, a noble man which came in with the conqueror, whose wife Editha, a woman given to no less superstition than credulity, began also the abbeie of Oseneie near unto the same, upon a fond (but yet a rare) occasion, which we will here remember, though it be beside my purpose, to the end that the reader may see how ready the simple people of that time were to be abused by the practice of the clergy. It happened on a time as this lady walked about the fields, near unto the aforesaid castle, to recreate herself with certain of her maidens, that a number of pies sat chattering upon the elms, which had been planted in the hedgerowes, and in fine so troubled her with their noise, that she wished them all further off, or else herself at home again, and this happened diverse times. In the end being weary of her walk, she demanded of her chaplain the cause wherefore these pies did so molest & vaxe her. Oh madam (saith he) the wiliest pie of all, these are no pies but souls in purgatory that crave relief. And is it so in deed quoth she? Now De pardieux, if old Robert will give me leave, I will do what I can to bring these souls to rest. Hereupon she consulted, craved, wept, and became so importunate with her husband, that he joined with her, and they both began that synagogue 1120, which afterward proved to be a notable den. In that church also lieth this lady buried with her image, having an heart in her hand couched upon the same, in the habit of a vowesse, and yet to be seen, except the weather have worn out the memorial. But to proceed with my purpose.  
In each of these universities also is likewise a church dedicated to the virgin Marie, wherein once in the year, to wit, in julie, the scholars are holden, and in which such as have been called to any degree in the year precedent, do there receive the accomplishment of the same, in solemn and sumptuous manner. In Oxford this solemnity is called an Act, but in Cambridge they use the French word Commensement; and such resort is made yearly unto the same from all parts of the land, by the friends of those which do proceed, that all the town is hardly able to receive and lodge those gests. When and by whom the churches aforesaid were builded, I have elsewhere made relation. That of Oxford also was repaired in the time of Edward the fourth, and Henry the seventh, when doctor Fitz james a great helper in that work was warden of Merton college, but yer long after it was finished, one tempest in a night so defaced the same, that it left few pinnacles standing about the church and steeple, which since that time have never been repaired. There were sometime four and twenty parish churches in the town and suburbs, but now there are scarcely sixteen. There have been also 1200 burgesses, of which 400 dwelled in the suburbs, and so many students were there in the time of Henry the third, that he allowed them twenty mile's compass about the town, for their provision of victuals.  
The common schools of Cambridge also are far more beautiful than those of Oxford, only the divinity school at Oxford excepted, which for fine and excellent workemenship, cometh next the moold of the king's chapel in Cambridge, than the which two with the chapel that king Henry the seventh did build at Westminster, there are not (in mine opinion) made of lime & stone three more notable piles within the compass of Europe.  
In all other things there is so great equality between these two universities, as no man can imagine how to set down any greater; so that they seem to be the body of one well ordered common wealth, only divided by distance of place, and not in friendly consent and orders. In speaking therefore of the one, I can not but describe the other; and in commendation of the first, I can not but extol the latter; and so much the rather, for that they are both so dear unto me, as that I can not readily tell unto whether of them I own the most good will. Would to God my knowledge were such, as that neither of them might have cause to be ashamed of their pupil; or my power so great, that I might worthily requite them both for those manifold kindnesses that I have received of them. But to leave these things, and proceed with other more convenient for my purpose. The manner to live in these universities, is not as in some other of foreign countries we see daily to happen, where the students are enforced for want of such houses, to dwell in common inns, and taverns, without all order or discipline. But in these our colleges we live in such exact order, and under so precise rules of government, as that the famous learned man Erasmus of Roterodame being here among us 50 years passed, did not let to compare the trades in living of students in these two places, even with the very rules and orders of the ancient monks: affirming moreover in flat words, our orders to be such as not only came near unto, but rather far exceeded all the monastical institutions that ever were devised.  
In most of our colleges there are also great numbers of students, of which many are found by the revenues of the houses, and other by the purueiances and help of their rich friends; whereby in some one college you shall have two hundred scholars, in others and hundred and fifty, in diverse a hundred and forty, and in the rest less numbers; as the capacity of the said houses is able to receive: so that at this present, of one sort and other, there are about three thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late survey it manifestly appeared.) They were erected by their founders at the first, only for poor men's sons, whose parents were not able to bring them up unto learning: but now they have the least benefit of them, by reason the rich do so encroach upon them. And so far hath this inconvenience spread itself, that it is in my time an hard matter for a poor man's child to come by a fellowship (though he be never so good a scholar & worthy of that room.) Such packing also is used at elections, that not he which best deserveth, but he that hath most friends, though he be the worst scholar, is always surest to speed; which will turn in the end to the overthrow of learning. That some gentlemen also, whose friends have been in times past benefactors to certain of those houses, do intrude into the disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or estatutes devised by the founders, only thereby to place whom they think good (and not without some hope of gain) the case is too too evident: and their attempt would soon take place, if their superiors did not provide to bridle their endeavours. In some grammar schools likewise, which send scholars to these universities, it is lamentable to see what bribery is used; for yer the scholar can be preferred, such bribage is made, that poor men's children are commonly shut out, and the richer sort received (who in time past thought it dishonour to live as it were upon alms) and yet being placed, most of them study little other than histories, tables, dice, and trifles, as men that make not the living by their study the end of their purposes, which is a lamentable hearing. Beside this, being for the most part either gentlemen, or rich men's sons, they oft bring the universities into much slander. For standing upon their reputation and liberty, they ruffle and roist it out, exceeding in apparel, and banting riotous company (which draweth them from their books unto an other trade.) And for excuse when they are charged with breach of all good order, think it sufficient to say, that they be gentlemen, which grieveth many not a little. But to proceed with the rest.  
Every one of these colleges have in like manner their professors or readers of the tongues and several sciences, 
Readers in private houses.  as they call them, which daily trade up the youth there abiding privately in their halls, to the end they may be able afterward (when their turn cometh about, which is after twelve terms) to show themselves abroad, by going from thence into the common schools and public disputations (as it were In aream) there to try their skills, and declare how they have profited since their coming thither.  
Moreover, 
Public readers maintained by the prince.  in the public schools of both the universities, there are found at the prince's charge (and that very largely) five professors and readers, that is to say, of divinity, of the civil law, physic, the Hebrew, 
Study of the quadrivials and perspectives neglected.  and the Greek tongues. And for the other lectures, as of philosophy, logic, rhetoric, and the quadrivials, although the latter (I mean arythmetike, music, geometry, and astronomy, and with them all skill in the perspectives are now smallly regarded in either of them) the universities themselves do allow competent stipends to such as read the same, whereby they are sufficiently provided for, touching the maintenance of their estates, and no less encouraged to be diligent in their functions.  
These professors in like sort have all the rule of disputations and other school exercises, which are daily used in common schools severally assigned to each of them, and such of their hearers, as by their skill showed in the said disputations, are thought to have attained to any convenient ripeness of knowleledge, according to the custom of other universities, although not in like order, are permitted solemnly to take their deserved degrees of school in the same science and faculty wherein they have spent their travel. From that time forward also, they use such difference in apparel as becometh their callings, tendeth unto gravity, and maketh them known to be called to some countenance.  
The first degree, 
Sophisters.  is that of the general sophisters, from whence when they have learned more sufficiently the rules of logic, rhetoric, and obtained thereto competent skill in philosophy, and in the mathematicals, they ascend higher unto the estate of bachelors of art, 
Bachelors of art.  a●ter four years of their entrance into their sophistry. From thence also giving their minds to more perfect knowledge in some or all the other liberal sciences, & the tongues, they rise at the last (to wit, after other three or four years) to be called masters of art, each of them being at that time reputed for a doctor in his faculty, 
Masters of art.  if he profess but one of the said sciences (beside philosophy) or for his general skill, if he be exercised in them all. After this they are permitted to choose what other of the higher studies them liketh to follow, whether it be divinity, law, or physic; so that being once masters of art, the next degree if they follow physic, is the doctorship belonging to that profession; and likewise in the study of the law, if they bend their minds to the knowledge of the same. But if they mean to go forward with divinity, this is the order used in that profession. First, after they have necessarily proceeded masters of art, they preach one sermon to the people in English, and another to the university in Latin. They answer all comers also in their own persons unto two several questions of divinity in the open schools, at one time, for the space of two hours; and afterward reply twice against some other man upon a like number, and on two several days in the same place: which being done with commendation, he receiveth the fourth degree, that is, batch●eler of divinity, 
bachelor of divinity.  but not before he hath been master of art by the space of seven years, according to their statutes.  
The next and last degree of all is the doctorship 
Doctor.  after other three years, for the which he must once again perform all such exercises and acts as are afore remembered, and then is he reputed able to govern and teach others, & likewise taken for a doctor. I have read that john of Beverleie was the first doctor that ever was in Oxford, as Beda was in Cambridge. But I suppose herein that the word doctor is not so strictly to be taken in this report as it is now used, sith every teacher is in Latin called by that name, as also such in the primitive church as kept schools of catechists, wherein they were trained up in the rudiments and principles of religion, either before they were admitted unto baptism, or any office in the church.  
Thus we see, that from our entrance into the university unto the last degree received, is commonly eighteen or peradventure twenty years, in which time if a student hath not obtained sufficient learning, thereby to serve his own turn, and benefit his common wealth, let him never look by tarrying longer to come by any more. For after this time & 40 years of age, the most part of students do commonly give over their wonted diligence, & live like drone bees on the fat of colleges, withholding better wits from the possession of their places, & yet doing little good in their own vocation & calling. I could rehearse a number (if I listed) of this sort, aswell in the one university as the other. But this shall suffice in stead of a larger report, that long continuance in those places is either a sign of lack of friends, or of learning, 
This Fox builded Corpus Christ● college in Oxford.  or of good and upright life, as bishop Fox sometime noted, who thought it sacrilege for a man to tarry any longer at Oxford than he had a desire to profit.  
A man may (if he will) begin his study with the law, or physic (of which this giveth wealth, the other honour) so soon as he cometh to the university, if his knowledge in the tongues and ripeness of judgement serve therefore: which if he do, than his first degree is bachelor of law, or physic, and for the same he must perform such acts in his own science, as the bachelors or doctors of divinity, do for their parts, the only sermons except, which belong not to his calling. Finally, this will I say, that the professors of either of those faculties come to such perfection in both universities, as the best students beyond the sea do in their own or else where. One thing only I mislike in them, and that is their usual going into Italy, from whence very few without special grace do return good men, whatsoever they pretend of conference or practice, 
So much also may be inferred of lawyers.  chiefly the physicians who under pretence of seeking of foreign simples do oftentimes learn the framing of such compositions as were better unknown than practised, as I have heard oft alleged, and therefore it is most true that doctor Turner said; Italy is not to be seen without a guide, that is, without special grace given from God, because of the licentious and corrupt behaviour of the people.  
There is moreover in every house a master or provost, who hath under him a precedent, & certain censors or deans, appointed to look to the behaviour and manners of the students there, whom they punish very severelié if they make any default, according to the quantity and quality of their trespasses. And these are the usual names of governors in Cambridge. Howbeit in Oxford the heads of houses are now and then called precedents in respect of such bishops as are their visitors & founders. In each of these also they have one or more thresurers whom they call Bursarios or Bursers beside other officers, whose charge is to see unto the welfare and maintenance of these houses. Over each university also there is a several chancellor, whose offices are perpetual, howbeit their substitutes, whom we call vicechancelors, are changed every year, as are also the proctor's, taskers, masters of the streets and other officers, for the better maintenance of their policy and estate.  
And thus much all this time of our two universities in each of which I have received such degree as they have vouchsafed rather of their favour than my desert to yield and bestow upon me, and unto whose students I wish one thing, the execution whereof cannot be prejudicial to any that meaneth well, as I am resolutely persuaded, and the case now standeth in these our days. When any benefice therefore becometh void, it were good that the patron did signify the vacation thereof to the bishop, and the bishop the act of the patron to one of the universities, with request that the vicechancellor with his assistants might provide some such able man to succeed in the place, as should by their judgement be meet to take the charge upon him. Certes if this order were taken then should the church be provided of good pastors, by whom God should be glorified, the universities better stored, the simoniacal practices of a number of patrons utterly abolished and the people better trained to live in obedience toward God and their prince, which were an happy estate.  
To these two also we may in like sort add the third, 
London.  which is at London (serving only for such as study the laws of the realm) where there are sundry famous houses, of which three are called by the name of Ins of the court, the rest of the chancery, and all builded before time for the furtherance and commodity of such as apply their minds to our common laws. Out of these also come many scholars of great fame, whereof the most part have heretofore been brought up in one of the aforesaid universities, and prove such commonly as in process of time, rise up (only through their profound skill) to great honour in the commonwealth of England. They have also degrees of learning among themselves, and rules of discipline, under which they live most civilly in their houses, albeit that the younger sort of them abroad in the streets are scarce able to be bridled by any good order at all. Certes this error was wont also greatly to reign in Cambridge and Oxford, between the students and the burgesses: but as it is well left in these two places, so in foreign counteys it cannot yet be suppressed. Besides these universities, 
Grammar schools.  also there are great number of Grammar schools through out the realm, and those very liberally endued, for the better relief of poor scholars, so that there are not many corporat towns now under the queens dominion, that hain not one Gramar school at the least, with a sufficient living for a master and usher appointed to the same.  
There are in like manner diverse collegiat churches as Windsor, Wincester, Eton, Westminster 
Windsor. Winchester. Eton. Westminster.  (in which I was sometime an unprofitable Grammarian under the reverend father master Nowell now dean of Paul's) and in those a great number of poor scholars, daily mainteened by the liberality of the founders, with meat, books, and apparel, from whence after they have been well entered in the knowledge of the Latin and Greek tongues, and rules of versifying (the trial whereof is made by certain apposers yearly appointed to examine them) they are sent to certain especial houses in each university, where they are received the trained up, in the points of higher knowledge in their private hals, till they be adjudged meet to show their faces in the schools, as I have said already. And thus much have I thought good to note of our universities, and likewise of colleges in the same, whose names I will also set down here, with those of their founders, to the end the zeal which they bore unto learning may appear, and their remembrance never perish from among the wise and learned.  

Of the colleges in Cambridge with their founders.  Years of the foundations. Colleges.  Founders. 1546 1 Trinity college. by King Henry 8. 1441 2 The king's college. K. Henry 6. Edward 4. Henry 7. and Henry 8. 1511 3 S. john's. L. Margaret grandmother to Henry 8. 1505 4 Christ's college. K. Henry 6. and the lady Margaret aforesaid. 1446 5 The queen's college. Lady Margaret wife to king Hentie 6. 1496 6 jesus college. john Alcocke bishop of Elie. 1342 7 Bennet college. The brethren of a popish guild called Corporis Christi. 1343 8 Pembroke hall. Maria de Valentia, countess of Pembroke. 1256 9 Peter college. Hugh Balsham bishop of Elie. 1348 1557 10 Gundevill and Cavius college. Edmund Gundevill parson of Terrington, and john Caius doctor of physic. 1354 11 Trinity hall. William Bateman bishop of Norwich. 1326 12 Clare hall. Richard Badow chancellor of Cambridge. 1459 13 Catharine hall. Robert Woodlarke doctor of divinity. 1519 14 Magdalen college. Edw. duke of Buckingham, & Thom. lord Awdlie 1585. 15 Emanuel college. Sir Water Mildmaie, etc. 
The description of England. Of colleges in Oxford.  Years. Colleges.  Founders. 1539 1 Christ's church. by King Henry 8. 1459 2 Magdalen college. William Wainflet first fellow of Merton college then scholar at Winchester, 
He founded also a good part of Eton college, and a free school at Wainflet where he was borne.  and afterward bishop there. 1375 3 New college. William Wickham bishop of Winchester. 1276 4 Merton college. Walter Merton bishop of Rochester. 1437 5 All soul's college. Henry Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie. 1516 6 Corpus Christi college. Richard Fox bishop of Winchester. 1430 7 Lincoln college. Richard Fleming bishop of Lincoln. 1323 8 Auriell college. Adam Brown almoner to Edward 2. 1340 9 The queen's college. R. Eglesfeld chaplain to Philip queen of England, wife to Edward 3. 1263 10 Balliol college. john Balliol king of Scotland. 1557 11 S. john's. Sir Thomas White knight. 1556 12 Trinity college. Sir Thomas Pope knight. 1316 13 Excester college. Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester. 1513 14 Brazen nose. William Smith bishop of Lincoln. 873 15 University college. William archdeacon of Duresine.  16 Gloucester college. john Gifford who made it a cell for thirteen monks.  17 S. Marry college.  18 jesus college now in hand Hugh ap Rice doctor of the civil law.  
There are also in Oxford certain hostels or hals, which may rightwell be called by the names of colleges, if it were not that there is more liberty in them, than it to be seen in the other. I mine opinion the livers in these are very like to those that are of Ins in the chancery, their names also are these so far as I now remember.  

Brodegates.  
Hart hall.  
Magdalen hall.  
Alburne hall.  
Postminster hall.  
S. Marry hall.  
White hall.  
New In.  
Edmond hall.   
The students also that remain in them, are called hostelers or halliers. Hereof it came of late to pass, that the right reverend father in God Thomas late archbishop of Canturburie being brought up in such an house at Cambridge, was of the ignorant sort of Londoners called an hosteler, supposing that he had served with some inholder in the stable, and therefore in despite diverse hanged up bottles of hay at his gate, when he began to preach the gospel, whereas in deed he was a gentleman borne of an ancient house & in the end a faithful witness of jesus Christ, in whose quarrel he refused not to shed his blood and yield up his life unto the fury of his adversaries.  
Besides these there is mention and record of diverse other hals or hostels, that have been there in times past, as Beef hall, Mutton hall, &c: whose ruins yet appear: so that if antiquity be to be judged by the show of ancient buildings, which is very plentiful in Oxford to be seen, it should be an easy matter to conclude that Oxford is the elder university. 
Erection of colleges in Oxford the overthrow of hals.  Therein are also many dwelling houses of stone yet standing, that have been hals for students of very antic workmanship, beside the old walls of sundry other, whose plots have been converted into gardens, since colleges were erected.  

In London also the houses of students at the Commonlaw are these.  
Sergeants In.  
Gray'S In.  
The Temple.  
Lincoln's In.  
David's In.  
Staple In.  
Furnivals' In.  
Clifford's In.  
Clement's In.  
Lion's In.  
Barnard's In.  
New In.   
And thus much in general of our noble universities, whose lands some greedy gripers do gape wide for, and of late have (as I hear) propounded sundry reasons, whereby they supposed to have prevailed in their purposes. But who are those that have attempted this suit, other than such as either hate learning, piety, and wisdom; or else have spent all their own, and know not otherwise than by encroaching upon other men how to maintain themselves? When such a motion was made by some unto king Henry the eight, he could answer them in this manner; Ah sirrah, I perceive the abbey lands have fleshed you and set your teeth on edge, to ask also those colleges. And whereas we had a regard only to pull down sin by defacing the monasteries, you have a desire also to overthrow all goodness by subversion of colleges. I tell you sirs that I judge no land in England better bestowed than that which is given to our universities, for by their maintenance our realm shall be well governed when we be dead and rotten. As you love your welfares therefore, follow no more this vein, but content yourselves with that you have already, or else seek honest means whereby to increase your livelods, 
Now abbeys be gone, our dingthrifts pry after church and college possessions.  for I love not learning so ill, that I will impair the revenues of any one house by a penny, whereby it may be upholden. In king Edward's days likewise the same suit was once again attempted (as I have heard) but in vain, for saith the duke of Summerset among other speeches tending to that end, who also made answer there unto in the king's presence by his assignation; I flerning decay, which of wild men maketh civil, of blockish and rash persons wise and godly counsellors, of obstinate rebels obedient subjects, and of evil men good and godly christians; what shall we look for else but barbarism and tumult? For when the lands of colleges be gone, it shall be hard to say, whose staff shall stand next the door, for than I doubt not but the state of bishops, rich farmers, merchants, and the nobility shall be assailed, by such as live to spend all, and think that what so ever another man hath is more meet for them, and to be at their commandment, than for the proper owner that hath sweat and laboured for it. In queen Mary's days the weather was too warm for any such course to be taken in hand, but in the time of our gracious queen Elizabeth, I hear that it was after a sort in talk the third time, but without success as moved also out of season, and so I hope it shall continue for ever. For what comfort should it be for any good man to see his country brought into the estate of the old Goths & Uandals, who made laws against learning, and would not suffer any skilful man to come into their council house, by means whereof those people became savage, tyrants, and merciless hellhounds, till they restored learning again, and thereby fell to civility.   

Of the partition of England into shires and counties. Chap. 4.  
IN reading of ancient writers, as Caesar, Tacitus, and others, we find mention of sundry regions to have been sometime in this Island, as the Novantae, Selgovae, Dannonij, Gadeni, Oradeni, Epdij, Cerones, Carnonacae, Careni, Cornabijs, Caledonijs, Decantae, Logi, Mertae, Vacomagi, Venicontes, Texali or Polij, Denani, Elgovi, brigants Parisi, Ordovici alias Ordoluci, Cornavij, Coritavi, Catieuchlani, Simeni, trinovants, Demetae, Cangi, Silures, Dobuni, Atterbatij, Cantij, Regni, Belgae, Durotriges, Dumnonij, Giruij, Murotriges, Severiani, Iceni, Tegenes, Casij, Caenimagni, Segontiaci, Anca●●tes, Bibroci, and Kentishmen, and such like. But 〈◊〉 the several places where most of them lay, are not yet very perfectly known unto the learned of these days, I do not mean to pronounce my judgement upon such doubtful cases, lest that in so doing I should but increase conjectures, and leading peradventure the reader from the more probable, entangle his mind in the end with such as are of less value, and things nothing so likely to be true, as those which other men have remembered and set down before me. Neither will I speak aughts of the Roman partitions, & limits of their legions, whose number and place of abode, except of the Uictorian and Augustane, is to me utterly unknown.  
It shall suffice therefore to begin with such a ground 
Alfred brought England into shires, which the Britons divided by canters, and the first Saxons by families.  as from whence some better certainty of things may be derived, and that is with the estate of our Island in the time of Alfred, who first divided England into shires, which before his days, and since the coming of the Saxons, was limited out by families and hidelands, as the Britons did the same in their time, by hundreds of towns, which then were called canters; as old records do witness.  
Into how many shires the said Alfred did first make this partition of the Island, it is not yet found out, howbeit if my conjecture be any thing at all, I suppose that he left not under eight and thirty, sith we find by no good author, that above fifteen have been added by any of his successors, since the time of his decease. 
Shire and share all one.  This prince therefore having made the general partition of his kingdom into shires, or shares, he divided again the same into lathes, as lathes into hundreds, and hundreds into tithings, or denaries, as divers have written; and master Lambert following their authorities, hath also given out, saying almost after this manner in his description of Kent; The Danes (saith he) both before, & in the time of king Alfred, had flocked by the sea coasts of this Island in great numbers, sometimes wasting and spoiling with sword and fire, wheresoever they might arrive, and sometime taking great booties with them to their ships, without doing any further hurt or damage to the country. This inconvenience continuing for many years together, 
Englishmen noisome to their own country.  caused our husbandmen to abandon their tillage, and gave occasion and hardiness to evil disposed persons, to fall to the like pillage, as practising to follow the Danes in these their thefts and robberies. And the better to cloak their mischief withal, they feigned themselves to be Danish pirates, and would sometime come a land in one port, and sometime in another, driving daily great spoils (as the Danes had done) unto their ships before them. The good king Alfred therefore (who had marvelously traveled in repelling the barbarous Danes) espying this outrage, and thinking it no less the part of a politic prince, to root out the noisome subject, than to hold out the foreign adversary: by the advise of his nobility, and the example of Moses (who followed the counsel of jethro his father in law to the like effect) divided the whole realm into certain parts or sections, which (of the Saxon word Schyran, signifying to cut) he termed shires, or as we yet speak, shares, or portions, of which some one hath forty miles in length (as Essex) and almost so many broad, Hereford four & twenty in length, and twenty in breadth, and Warwick six and thirty in length, &c: and some of them also contain ten, twelve, thirteen, sixteen, twenty, or thirty hundreds, more or less, as some hundreds do sixteen, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty or sixty towns, out of which the king was always to receive an hundred able men to serve him in the wars, or a hundred men able to be pledges, and over each of the portions he appointed either an earl or alderman, 
Earl and alderman.  or both, to whom he committed the government of the same. These shires also he broke into lesser parts, whereof some were called lathes, of the word Gelathian, which is to assemble together; other hundreds, for that they enjoyed jurisdiction over an hundred pledges; and other tithings, because there were in each of them to the number of ten persons, whereof every one from time to time was surety for others good abearing. He provided also that every man should procure himself to be received into some tithing, to the end, that if any were found of so small and base a credit, that no man would become pledge or surety for him, he should forthwith be committed to prison, lest otherwise he might happen to do more harm abroad. Hitherto master Lambert. By whose words we may gather very much of the state of this Island in the time of Alfred, whose institution continued after a sort until the coming of the Normans, who changed the government of the realm in such wise (by bringing in of new officers and offices, after the manner of their countries) that very little of the old regiment remained more than the bare names of some officers (except peradventure in Kent) so that in these days it is hard to set down any great certainty of things as they stood in alfred's time, more than is remembered and touched at this present.  
Some as it were roaming or roving at the name Lath, 
What a lath is  do say that it is derived of a barn, which is called in old English a lath, as they conjecture. From which speech in like sort some derive the word Laistow, as if it should be truly written Lath stow, a place wherein to lay up or lay on things, of whatsoever condition. But hereof as yet I cannot absolutely be satisfied, although peradventure some likelihood in their judgements may seem to be therein. Other upon some further consideration affirm that they were certain circuits in every county or shire containing an appointed number of towns, whose inhabitants always assembled to know and understand of matters touching their portions, in to some one appointed place or other within their limits, especially whilst the causes were such as required not the aid or assistance of the whole county. 
Léetes.  Of these lathes also (as they say) some shires had more, some less, as they were of greatness. And M. Lambert seemeth to be of the opinion, that the léets of our time (wherein these pledges be yet called Franci plegij of the word Free burgh) do yield some shadow of that politic institution of Alfred. But sith my skill is so small in these cases that I dare not judge any thing at all as of mine own knowledge, I will not set down any thing more than I read, lest I should rove at random in our obscure antiquities, and reading no more of lathes my next talk shall be of hundreds.  
The hundred and the wapentake is all one, as I read in some, 
Hundred or wapentake.  and by this division not a name appertinent to a set number of towns (for then all hundreds should be of equal quantity) but a limited jurisdiction, within the compass whereof were an hundred persons called pledges 
denary or tithing.  (as I said) or ten denaries, or tithings of men, of which each one was bound for others good abering, and laudable behaviour in the commonwealth of the realm. The chief man likewise of every denary or tithing was in those days called a tithing man, 
Tithing man in Latin  in Latin Decurio, 
Decurio.  but now in most places a borsholder 
Borsholder.  or burgholder, as in Kent; where every tithing is moreover named a burgh or burrow, 
Burrow.  although that in the West country he be still called a tithing man, and his circuit a tithing, as I have heard at large. I read furthermore (and it is partly afore noted) that the said Alfred caused each man of free condition (for the better maintenance of his peace) to be ascribed into some hundred by placing himself in one denary or other, where he might always have such as should swear or say upon their certain knowledge for his honest behaviour and civil conversation if it should happen at any time, that his credit should come in question. In like sort I gather out of Leland and other, that if any small matter did fall out worthy to be discussed, the tithing man or borsholder (now officers, at the commandment of the high constable of which every hundred hath one at the least) should decide the same in their léetes, whereas the great causes were referred to the hundreds, the greater to the lathes, and the greatest of all to the shire days, where the earls or aldermen did set themselves, & make final ends of the same, 
Twelve men.  according unto justice. For this purpose likewise in every hundred were twelve men chosen of good age and wisdom, and those sworn to give their sentences without respect of person, and in this manner (as they gather) were things handled in those days. Which way the word wapentake came in use, as yet I cannot tell; howbeit the signification of the same declareth (as I conceive) that at the chief town the soldiers which were to serve in that hundred did meet, fetch their weapons, & go together from thence to the field, or place of service by an ordinary custom, then generally known amongst them. It is supposed also that the word Rape cometh a Rapiendo, as it were of catching and snatching, because the tenants of the hundred or wapentakes met upon one or sundry days & made quick dispatch of their lords harvest at once and in great haste. But whether it be a true imagination or not as yet I am uncertain, and therefore it lieth not in me to determine any thing thereof: wherefore it shall suffice to have touched them in this manner.  
In my time there are found to be in England forty shires, 
Forty shires in England thirteen in Wales.  and likewise thirteen in Wales, and these latter erected of late years by king Henry the eight, who made the Britons or Welshmen equal in all respects unto the English, and brought to pass that both nations should indifferently be governed by one law, which in times past were ordered by diverse, and those far discrepant and disagreeing one from another: as by the several view of the same is yet easy to be discerned. The names of the shires in England are these, whereof the first ten lie between the British sea and the Thames, as Polydor also doth set them down. 

Kent.  
Sussex.  
Surreie.  
Hampshire.  
Berkshire.  
Wiltshire.  
Dorsetshire.  
Summerset.  
Devon.  
Cornwall.   There are moreover on the northside of the Thames, and between the same and the river Trent, which passeth through the midst of England (as Polydore saith) sixteen other shires, whereof six lie toward the east, the rest toward the west, more into the mddest of the country. 

Essex, sometime all forest save one hundred.  
Middlesex.  
Hartfordshire.  
Suffolk.  
Norfolk.  
Cambridgeshire in which are 12 hundreds.  
Bedford.  
Huntingdon where in are four hundreds.  
Buckingham.  
Oxford.  
Northampton.  
Rutland.  
Leircestershire.  
Notinghamshire.  
Warwick.  
Lincoln.   We have six also that have their place westward towards Wales, whose names ensue. 

Gloucester.  
Hereford.  
Worcester.  
Shropshire.  
Stafford.  
Chestershire.   And these are the thirty two shires which lie by south of the Trent. Beyond the same river we have in like sort other eight, as 

Derby.  
York.  
Lancaster.  
Cumberland.  
Westmoreland.  
Richemond, wherein are five wapentaxes, & when it is accounted as parcel of Yorkshire (out of which it is taken) then is it reputed for the whole Riding.  
Durham.  
Northumberland.   So that in the portion sometime called Lhoegres, there are now forty shires. In Wales furthermore are thirteen, whereof seven are in Southwales: 

Cardigan, or Cereticon.  
Penmoroke, or Pembroke.  
Caermardine, wherein are 9 hundreds or commots.  
Glamorgan.  
Monmouth.  
Breckenocke.  
Radnor.   In North-wales likewise are six, that is to say 

Angleseie.  
Carnarvan.  
Merioneth.  
Denbigh.  
Flint.  
Montgomerie.   Which being added to those of England yield fifty and three shires or counties, so that under the queens Majesty are so many counties, whereby it is easily discerned, that her power far exceedeth that of Offa, who of old time was highly honoured for that he had so much of Britain under his subjection as afterward contained thirty nine shires, when the division was made, whereof I spoke before.  
This is moreover to be noted in our division of shires, 
Odd parcels of shires.  that they be not always counted or laid together in one parcel, whereof I have great marvel. But sith the occasion hath grown (as I take it) either by privilege or some like occasion, it is better briefly to set down how some of these parts lie than to spend the time in seeking a just cause of this their odd division. First therefore I note that in the part of Buckinghamshire between Amondesham, & Beconsfield, there is a piece of Hartfordshire to be found, environed round about with the county of Buckingham, and yet this patch is not above three miles in length and two in breadth at the very most. In Berkshire also between Ruscombe and Okingham is a piece of Wiltshire, one mile in breadth and four miles in length, whereof one side lieth on the Laden river. In the borders of Northamptonshire directly over against Luffeld a town in Buckkinghamshire, I find a parcel of Oxfordshire not passing two miles in compass.  
With Oxfordshire diverse do participate, in so much that a piece of Glocestershire, lieth half in Warwikeshire & half in Oxfordshire, not very far from Horneton. Such another patch is there, of Glocestershire not far from long Compton, but lying in Oxford county: & a piece of Worcestershire, directly between it & Glocestershire. Gloucester hath the third piece upon the north side of the Winrush near Falbrocke, as Berkshire hath one parcel also upon the self side of the same water, in the very edge of Glocestershire: likewise an other in Oxfordshire, not very far from Burford: and the third over against Lach lad, which is parted from the main county of Berkshire, by a little strake of Oxfordshire. Who would think that two fragments of Wiltshire were to be seen in Berkshire upon the Laden, and the river that falleth into it: whereof and the like sith there are very many, I think good to give this brief admonition. For although I have not presently gone through with them all, yet these may suffice to give notice of this thing, whereof most readers (as I persuade myself) are ignorant.  
But to proceed with our purpose. Over each of these 
Lieutenants.  shires in time of necessity is a several lieutenant chosen under the prince, who being a noble man of calling, hath almost regal authority over the same for the time being in many cases which do concern his office: 
sheriffs.  otherwise it is governed by a sheriff (a word derived of Schire and grieve, and pronounced as Shire and reave) whose office is to gather up and bring his accounts into the excheker, of the profits of his county received, whereof he is or may be called Quaestor comitatus or Provinciae. This officer is resident and dwelling somewhere within the same county, and called also a viscount, Quasi vicarius comitis or Procomes, in respect of the earl (or as they called him in time past the alderman) that beareth his name of the county, although it be seldom seen in England, that the earl hath any great store of possessions, or ought to do in the shire whereof he taketh his name, more than is allowed to him, through his personal resiance, if he happen to dwell and be resident in the same.  
In the election also of these magistrates, diverse able persons aswell for wealth as wisdom are named by the commons, at a time and place appointed for their choice, whose names being delivered to the prince, he forthwith pricketh some such one of them, as he pleaseth to assign unto that office, to whom he committeth the charge of the county, and who hereupon is sheriff of that shire for one whole year, or until a new be chosen. The sheriff also hath his under sheriff that ruleth & 
Undershiriffes.  holdeth the shire courts and law days under him, upon sufficient caution unto the high sheriff for his true execution of justice, preservation from impeachment, and yielding of account when he shall be thereunto called. There are likewise under him certain bailiffs, 
Bailiffs.  whose office is to serve and return such writs and processes as are directed unto them from the high sheriff: to make seizure of the goods and cattles, and arrest the bodies of such as do offend, presenting either their persons unto him, or at the leastwise taking sufficient bond, or other assurance of them for their dutiful appearance at an appointed time, when the sheriff by order of law ought to present them to the judges according to his charge. 
High constables.  In every hundred also are one or more high constables according to the quantity thereof, who receiving the writs and injunctions from the high sheriff under his seal, or from any other officers of the prince, either for the provision of victuals or for other causes, or private purveyance of cates for the maintenance of the royal family, do forthwith charge the petty constables of every town within their limits, 
Petty constables.  with the execution of the same.  
In each county likewise are sundry law days holden at their appointed seasons, of which some retain the old Saxon name, and are called Motelagh, 
Motelagh, sheriffs turn.  of the word motes and law. They have also an other called the sheriffs turn, which they hold twice in their times, in every hundred, according to the old order appointed by king Edgar (as king Edward reduced the folkmote ordained by king Arthur to be held yearly on the first of May, until the first of every month) and in these two latter such small matters as oft arise amongst the inferior sort of people, are heard and well determined. They have finally their quarter sessions, wherein they are assisted by the justices and gentlemen of the country, & twice in the year gail delivery, 
gail delivery or great assizes.  at which time the judges ride about in their circuits, into every several county (where the nobility and gentlemen with the justices there resiant associate them) & minister the laws of the realm, with great solemnity & justice. Howbeit in doing of these things, they retain still the old order of the land in use before the conquest. For they commit the full examination of all causes there to be heard, to the consideration of twelve sober, grave, and wise men, chosen out of the same county; and four of them of necessity out of the hundred where the action lieth, or the defendant inhabiteth (which number they call an inquest) & 
Inquests.  of these inquests there are more or less impanneled at every assize, as the number of cases there to be handled doth crave and require, albeit that some one inquest hath often diverse matters to consider of. And when they have (to their uttermost power) consulted and debated of such things as they are charged withal, they return again to the place of justice, with their verdict in writing, according whereunto the judge doth pronounce his sentence, be it for life or death, or any other matter what soever is brought before him. It is also very often seen, that such as are nominated to be of these inquests, do after their charge received seldom or never eat or drink, until they have agreed upon their verdict, and yielded it up unto the judge of whom they received the charge; by means whereof sometimes it cometh to pass that diverse of the inquest have been well-near famished, or at least taken such a sickness thereby, as they have hardly avoided. And this cometh by practice, when the one side feareth the sequel, and therefore conveyeth some one or more into the jury, that will in his behalf never yield unto the rest, but of set purpose put them to this trouble.  
Certes it is a common practice (if the under sheriff be not the better man) for the craftier or stronger side to procure and pack such a quest, as he himself shall like of, 
Atteinct.  whereby he is sure of the issue before the charge be given: and beside this if the matter do justly proceed against him, it is a world to see now and then how the honest yeomen that have Bona fide discharged their consciences shall be sued of an atteinct, & bound to appear at the Star chamber, with what rigour they shall be carried from place to place, county to county, yea and sometime in carts, which hath and doth cause a great number of them to abstain from the assizes, & yield to pay their issues, rather than they would for their good meaning be thus disturbed & dealt withal. Sometimes also they bribe the bailiffs to be kept at home, whereupon poor men, not having in their purses wherewith to bear their costs, are impanelled upon juries, who very often have neither reason nor judgement to perform the charge they come for. Neither was this kind of service at any time half so painful as at this present: for until of late years (that the number of lawyers and atturneys hath so exceedingly increased, that some shifts must needs be found and matters sought out, whereby they may be set on work) a man should not have heard at one assize of more than two or three Nisi priùs, but very seldom of an atteinct, whereas now an hundred & more of the first and one or two of the later are very often perceived, and some of them for a cause arising of six pence or twelvepences. Which declareth that men are grown to be far more contentious than they have been in time past, and readier to revenge their quarrels of small importance, whereof the lawyers complain not. But to my purpose, from whence I have now digressed.  
Beside these officers afore mentioned, there are sundry other in every county, as crowner's, whose duty is to inquire of such as come to their death by violence, to attach & present the plées of the crown, to make inquiry of treasure found, etc. There are diverse also of the best learned of the law, 
justices of peax & quorum.  beside sundry gentlemen, where the number of lawyers will not suffice (and whose revenues do amount to above twenty pounds by the year) appointed by especial commission from the prince, to look unto the good government of her subjects, in the counties where they dwell. And of these the least skilful in the law are of the peace, the other both of the peace and quorum, otherwise called of Oier and Determiner, so that the first have authority only to hear, the other to hear and determine such matters as are brought unto their presence. These also do direct their warrants to the keepers of the gailes within their limitations, for the safe keeping of such offenders as they shall judge worthy to commit unto their custody there to be kept under ward, until the great assizes, to the end their causes may be further examined before the residue of the county, & these officers were first devised about the eighteen year of Edward the third, as I have been informed.  
They meeting also & together with the sheriffs, do hold their aforesaid sessions at four times in the year, 
Quarter sessions.  whereof they are called quarter sessions, and herein they inquire of sundry trespasses, and the common annoyances of the king's liege people, and diverse other things, determining upon them as justice doth require. There are also a third kind of sessions holden by the high constables and bailiffs afore mentioned, 
Petty sessions.  called petty sessions, wherein the weights and measures are perused by the clerk of the market for the county, who sitteth with them. At these meetings also victuallers, and in like sort servants, labourers, rogues, and tunnagates are often reform for their excesses, although the burning of vagabonds through their ear be referred to the quarter sessions or higher courts of assize, where they are judged either to death, if they be taken the third time, & have not since their second apprehension applied themselves to labour, or else to be set perpetually to work in an house erected in every shire for that purpose, of which punishment they stand in greatest fear.  
I might here deliver a discourse of sundry rare customs and courts, surnamed barons, yet maintained and holden in England: but for somuch as some of the first are beastly, and therefore by the lords of the soils now living converted into money, being for the most part devised in the beginning either by malicious or licentious women, in mere contempt and slavish abuse of their tenants, under pretence of some punishment due for their excesses, I pass over to bring them unto light, as also the remembrance of sundry courts baron likewise holden in strange manner; yet none more absurd and far from law than are kept yearly at King's hill in Rochfort, and therefore may well be called a lawless court, as most are that were devised upon such occasions. This court is kept upon wednesday ensuing after Michaelmas day after midnight, so that it is begun and ended before the rising of the sun. When the tenants also are altogether in an alehouse, the steward secretly stealeth from them with a lantern under his cloak, and goeth to the King's hill, where sitting on a molehill he calleth them with a very soft voice, writing their appearance upon a piece of paper with a coal, having none other light than that which is enclosed in the lantern: so soon as the tenants also do miss the steward, they run to the hill with all their might, and there answer all at once, Here here, whereby they escape their amercements: which they should not do if he could have called over his bill of names before they had miss him in the alehouse. And this is the very form of the court devised at the first (as the voice goeth) upon a rebellion made by the tenants of the honour of Raibie against their lord, in perpetual memory of their disobedience showed. I could beside this speak also of some other, but sith one hath taken upon him to collect a number of them into a particular treatise, I think it sufficient for me to have said so much of both.  
And thus much have I thought good to set down generally of the said counties and their manner of governance, although not in so perfect order as the cause requireth, because that of all the rest there is nothing wherewith I am less acquainted than with our temporal regiment, which (to say truth) smallly concerneth my calling. What else is to be added after the several shires of England with their ancient limits (as they agreed with the division of the land in the time of Ptolemy and the Romans) and commodities yet extant, I reserve unto that excellent treatise of my friend W. Cambden, who hath traveled therein very far, & whose work written in Latin shall in short time (I hope) he published, to the no small benefit of such as will read and peruse the same.   

Of degrees of people in the commonwealth of England. Chap. 5.  
WE in England divide our people commonly into four sorts, as gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, which are artificers, or labourers. Of gentlemen the first and chief (next the king) be the prince, dukes, marquess', earls, viscounts, and barons: and these are called gentlemen of the greater sort, or (as our common usage of speech is) lords and noblemen: and next unto them be knights, esquires, and last of all they that are simply called gentlemen; so that in effect our gentlemen are divided into their conditions, whereof in this chapter I will make particular rehearsal.  
The title of prince doth peculiarly belong with us to the king's eldest son, who is called prince of Wales, and is the heir apparent to the crown; as in France the king's eldest son hath the title of Dolphin, and is named peculiarly Monsieur. So that the prince is so termed of the Latin word Princeps, sith he is (as I may call him) the chief or principal next the king. The kings younger sons be but gentlemen by birth (till they have received creation or donation from their father of higher estate, as to be either visconts, earls, or dukes) and called after their names, as lord Henry, or lord Edward, with the addition of the word Grace, properly assigned to the king and prince, and now also by custom conveyed to dukes, archbishops, and (as some say) to marquess' and their wives.  
The title of duke cometh also of the Latin word Dux, à ducendo, 
Duke.  because of his valour and power over the army: in times past a name of office due to the emperor, consul, or chief governor of the whole army in the Roman wars: but now a name of honour, although perished in England, whose ground will not long bear one duke at once; but if there were many as in time past, or as there be now earls, I do not think but that they would flourish and prosper well enough.  
In old time he only was called marquess, 
marquess.  Qui habuit terram limitaneam, a marching province upon the enemies countries, and thereby bound to keep and defend the frontiers. But that also is changed in common use, and reputed for a name of great honour next unto the duke, even over counties, and sometimes small cities, as the prince is pleased to bestow it.  
The name of earl likewise was among the Romans a name of office, 
Earl.  who had Comites sacri palatij, comites aerarij, comites stabuli, comites patrimonij, largitionum, scholarum, commerciorum, and such like. But at the first they were called Comites, which were joined in commission with the proconsul, legate, or judges for counsel and aids sake in each of those several charges. As Cicero epistola ad Quintum fratrem remembreth, where he saith; Atque inter hos quos tibi comites, & adiutores negotiorum publicorum dedit ipsa respublica duntaxat finibus his praestabis, quos ante praescripsi, etc. After this I read also that every precedent in his charge was called Comes, but our English Saxons used the word Hertoch and earl for Comes, and indifferently as I guess, sith the name of duke was not in use before the conquest. Goropius saith, that Comes and Grave is all one, 
Uiscont.  to wit the viscont, called either Procomes, or Vicecomes: and in time passed governed in the county under the earl, but now without any such service or office, it is also become a name of dignity next after the earl, and in degree before the baron. His relief also by the great charter is one hundred pounds, as that of a barony a hundred marks, and of a knight slew at the most for every fee.  
The baron, 
Baron.  whose degree answered to the dignity of a senator in Rome, is such a free lord as hath a lordship or barony, whereof he beareth his name, & hath diverse knights or fréeholders holding of him, who with him did serve the king in his wars, and held their tenors in Baronia, that is, for performance of such service. These Bracton (a learned writer of the laws of England in king Henry the thirds time) termeth Barones, quasi robur belli. The word Baro indeed is older than that it may easily be found from whence it came: for even in the oldest histories both of the Germans and Frenchmen, written since the conquest, we read of barons, and those are at this day called among the Germans Liberi vel Ingenui, or Freihers in the German tongue as some men do conjecture, or (as one saith) the citizens and burgesses of good towns and cities were called Barones. Nevertheless by diligent inquisition it is imagined, if not absolutely found, that the word Baro and Filius in the old Scythian or German language are all one; so that the king's children are properly called Barones, from whom also it was first translated to their kindred, and then to the nobility and officers of greatest honour indifferently. That Baro and Filius signifieth one thing, it yet remaineth to be seen, although with some corruption: for to this day, even the common sort do call their male children barns here in England, especially in the north country, where that word is yet accustomably in use. And it is also grown into a proverb in the south, when any man sustaineth a great hindrance, to say, I am beggared and all my barns. In the Hebrew tongue (as some affirm) it signifieth filii solis, and what are the nobility in every kingdom but filii or servi regum? But this is far fetched, wherefore I conclude, that from hensefoorth the original of the word Baro shall not be any more to seek: and the first time that ever I read thereof in any English history, is in the reign of Canutus, who called his nobility and head officers to a council holden at Cirnecester, by that name, 1030, as I have elsewhere remembered. Howbeit the word Baro doth not always signify or is attributed to a noble man by birth or creation, for now and then it is a title given unto one or other with his office, as the chief or high tribune of the excheker is of custom called lord chief baron, who is as it were the great or principal receiver of accounts next unto the lord treasurer, as they are under him are called Tribuni aerarij, & rationales. hereunto I may add so much of the word lord, which is an addition going not seldom and in like sort with sundry offices, and to continue so long as he or they do execute the same, and no longer.  
Unto this place I also refer our bishops, 
Bishops.  who are accounted honourable, called lords, and hold the same room in the parliament house with the barons, albeit for honour sake the right hand of the prince is given unto them, and whose countenances in time past were much more glorious than at this present it is, because those lusty prelates sought after earthly estimation and authority with far more diligence than after the lost sheep of Christ, of which they had small regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to attend upon the same. Howbeit in these days their estate remaineth no less reverend than before, and the more virtuous they are that be of this calling, the better are they esteemed with high and low. They retain also the ancient name (lord) still, although it be not a littie impugned by such as love either to hear of change of all things, or can abide no superiors. For notwithstanding it be true, that in respect of function, the office of the eldership is equally distributed between the bishop and the minister, 
1. Sam. ᵇ 15. 1. Reg. ᵃ 7.  yet for civil governments sake, the first have more authority given unto them by kings and princes, to the end that the rest may thereby be with more ease retained within a limited compass of uniformity, than otherwise they would be, if each one were suffered to walk in his own course. This also is more to be marveled at, that very many call for an alteration of their estate, crying to have the word lord abolished, their civil authority taken from them, and the present condition of the church in other things reform; whereas to say truly, few of them do agree upon form of discipline and government of the church succedent: wherein they re●enable the Capuans, of whom Livic doth speak in the slaughter of their senate. Neither is it possible to frame a whole monarchy after the pattern of one town or city, or to stir up such an exquisite face of the church as we imagine or desire, sith our corruption is such that it will never yield to so great perfection: for that which is not able to be performed in a private house, will much less be brought to pass in a commonwealth and kingdom, before such a prince be found as Xenophon describeth, or such an orator as Tully hath devised. But whither am I digressed from my discourse of bishops, whose estates do daily decay, & suffer some diminution? Herein nevertheless their case is grown to be much better than before, for whereas in times past the clergy men were feared because of their authority and severe government under the prince, now are they beloved generally for their painful diligence daily showed in their functions and callings, except peradventure of some hungry wombs, that covet to pluck & snatch at the lose ends of their best commodities; with whom it is (as the report goeth) a common guise, when a man is to be preferred to an ecclesiastical living, what part thereof he will first forego and part with to their use. Finally, how it standeth with the rest of the clergy for their places of estate, I neither can tell nor greatly care to know. Nevertheless with what degrees of honour and worship they have been matched in times past johannes Bohemus in his De omnium gentium moribus, 
De Asia, cap. 12  and others do express; and this also found beside their reports, that in time past every bishop, abbot, and pelting prior were placed before the earls and barons in most statutes, charters, and records made by the prince, as may also appear in the great charter, and sundry years of Henry the third, wherein no duke was heard of. But as a number of their odious comparisons and ambitious titles are now decayed and worthily shrunk in the wetting, so giving over in these days to maintain such pompous vanity, they do think it sufficient for them to preach the word, & hold their livings to their sees (so long as they shall be able) from the hands of such as endeavour for their own preferrment to fleece and diminish the same. This furthermore will I add generally in commendation of the clergy of England, that they are for their knowledge reputed in France, Portugal, Spain, Germany and Polonia, to be the most learned divines, although they like not any thing at all of their religion: and thereto they are in deed so skilful in the two principal tongues, that it is accounted a maim in any one of them, not to be exactly seen in the Greek and Hebrew, 
No Greek, no grace.  much more than to be utterly ignorant or nothing conversant in them. As for the Latin tongue it is not wanting in any of the ministery, especially in such as have been made within this twelve or fourteen years, whereas before there was small choice, and many cures were left unserved, because they had none at all. And to say truth, our adversaries were the only causers hereof. For whilst they made no further account of their priesthood, than to construe, sing, read their service and their portesse, it came to pass that upon examination had, few made in queen Mary's days, and 
Been con, been can, bene le.  the later end of king Henry, were able to to do any more, and very hardly so much, so void were they of further skill, and so unapt to serve at all.  
Dukes, 
Duke, marquess, earl, viscont.  marquess', earls, visconts, and barons, either be created of the prince, or come to that honour by being the eldest sons or highest in succession to their parents. For the eldest son of a duke during his father's life is an earl, the eldest son of an earl is a baron, or sometimes a viscont, according as the creation is. The creation I call the original donation and condition of the honour given by the prince for good service done by the first ancestor, with some advancement, which with the title of that honour is always given to him and his heirs males only. The rest of the sons of the nobility by the rigour of the law be but esquires: yet in common speech all dukes and marquess' sons, and earls eldest sons be called lords, the which name commonly doth agree to none of lower degree than barons, yet by law and use these be not esteemed barons.  
The barony or degree of lords doth answer to the degree of senators of Rome 
Barons.  (as I said) and the title of nobility (as we use to call it in England) to the Roman Patricij. Also in England no man is commonly created baron, except he may dispend of yearly revenues a thousand pounds, or so much as may fully maintain & bear out his countenance and port. But visconts, earls, marquess', and dukes exceed them according to the proportion of their degree & honour. But though by chance he or his son have less, yet he keepeth this degree: but if the decay be excessive and not able to maintain the honour, as Senatores Romani were amoti à senatu: so sometimes they are not admitted to the upper house in the parliament although they keep the name of lord still, which can not be taken from them upon any such occasion. The most of these names have descended from the French invention, in whose histories we shall read of them eight hundred years passed.  
This also is worthy the remembrance, that Otto the first emperor of that name, 
Of the second degree of gentlemen.  endeavouring to restore the decayed estate of Italy unto some part of her pristinate magnificence, did after the French example give Diego gnitates & praedia to such knights and soldiers as had served him in the wars, whom he also adorned with the names of dukes, marquess', earls, valuasors or captains, and valuasines.  
His Praedia in like manner were tributes, 
Praedia.  tolls, portage, bankage, stackage, coinage, profits by salt-pits, mills, watercourses (and whatsoever emoluments grew by them) & such like. But at that present I read not that the word Baro was brought into those parts. And as for the valuasors, it was a denomination applied unto all degrees of honour under the first three (which are properly named the kings captains) so that they are called Maiores, minores, & minimi valuasores. This also is to be noted, that the word captain hath two relations, either as the possessor thereof hath it from the prince, or from some duke, marquess, or earl, for each had captains under them. If from the prince, 
Valuasores.  then are they called Maiores valuasores, if from any of his three peers, than were they Minores valuasores: but if any of these Valuasors do substitute a deputy, those are called Minimi valuasores, and their deputies also Valuasini, without regard unto which degree the valuasor doth appertain: but the word Valuasor is now grown out of use, wherefore it sufficeth to have said thus much of that function.  
Knights be not borne, 
Knights.  neither is any man a knight by succession, no not the king or prince: but they are made either before the battle, to encourage them the more to adventure & try their manhood: or after the battle ended, as an advancement for their courage and prowess already showed (& then are they called Milites;) 
Milites.  or out of the wars for some great service done, or for the singular virtues which do appear in them, and then are they named Equites aurati, as common custom intendeth. They are made either by the king himself, or by his commission and royal authority given for the same purpose: or by his lieutenant in the wars. This order seemeth to answer in part to that which the Romans called Equitum Romanorum. For as Equites Romani were chosen Ex censu, that is, 
Equites aurati.  according to their substance and riches; so be knights in England most commonly according to their yearly revenues or abundance of riches, wherewith to maintain their estates. Yet all that had Equestrem censum, were not chosen to be knights, and no more be all made knights in England that may spend a knight's lands, but they only whom the prince will honour. Sometime diverse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawyers, are called unto knighthood by the prince, and nevertheless refuse to take that state upon them, for which they are of custom punished by a fine, that redoundeth unto his coffers, and to say truth, is oftentimes more profitable unto him than otherwise their service should be, if they did yield unto knighthood. And this also is a cause, wherefore there be many in England able to dispend a knights living, which never come unto that countenance, and by their own consents. The number of the knights in Rome was also uncertain: and so is it of knights likewise with us, as at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the Equites Romani had Equum publicum of custom bestowed upon them, the knights of England have not so, but bear their own charges in that also, as in other kind of furniture, as armory meet for their defence and service. This nevertheless is certain, that who so may dispend 40 pounds by the year of free land, either at the coronation of the king, or marriage of his daughter, or time of his dubbing, may be enforced unto the taking of that degree, or otherwise pay the revenues of his land for one year, which is only forty pounds by an old proportion, and so for a time be acquitted of that title. We name him knight in English that the French calleth Chevalier, and the Latins Equitem, or Equestris ordinis virum. And when any man is made a knight, he kneeling down is stricken of the king or his substitute with his sword naked upon the back or shoulder, the prince, &c: saying, Soyes chevalier au nom de Dieu. And when he riseth up the king saith Aduances bon chevalier. This is the manner of dubbing knights at this present, and the term (dubbing) is the old term for that purpose and not creation, howbeit in our time the word (making) is most in use among the common sort.  
At the coronation of a king or queen, 
Knights of the bath.  there be other knights made with longer and more curious ceremonies, called knights of the bath. But how soever one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by and by called madame or lady, so well as the barons wife; he himself having added to his name in common appellation this syllable Sir, which is the title whereby we call our knights in England. His wife also of courtesy so long as she liveth is called my lady, although she happen to marry with a gentleman or man of mean calling, albeit that by the common law she hath no such prerogative. If her first husband also be of better birth than her second, though this later likewise be a knight, yet in that she pretendeth a privilege to lose no honour through courtesy yielded to her sex, she will be named after the most honourable or worshipful of both, which is not seen elsewhere.  
The other order of knighthood in England, 
Knights of the garter.  and the most honourable is that of the garter, instituted by king Edward the third, who after he had gained many notable victories, taken king john of France, and king james of Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower of London at one time) expelled king Henry of Castille the bastard out of his realm, and restored Don Petro unto it (by the help of the prince of Wales and duke of Aquitaine his eldest son called the Black prince) he then invented this society of honour, and made a choice out of his own realm and dominions, and throughout all christendom of the best, most excellent and renowned persons in all virtues and honour, and adorned them with that title to be knights of his order, giving them a garter garnished with gold and precious stones, to ●●eare 〈◊〉 on the left leg only: also a kirtic, gown, cloak, chaperon colla●, and other solemn and magnifi●●● apparel, both of stuff and fashion exquisite & here●call to wear at high feasts & as to so high and princely an order appertaineth. Of this company also he and his successors kings and queens of England, be the sovereigns', and the rest by certain statutes and laws amongst themselves be taken as brethren and fellows in that order, to the number of six and twenty, as I find in a certain treatise written of the same, an example whereof I have here inserted word for word, as it was delivered unto me, beginning after this manner.  
I might at this present make a long tractation of the round table and estate of the knights thereof, 
Round table.  erected sometimes by Arthur the great monarch, of this Island; and thereunto entreat of the number of his knights, and ceremonies belonging to the order, but I think in so doing that I should rather set down the latter inventions of other men, than a true description of such ancient actions as were performed in deed. I could furthermore with more facility describe the royalty of Charles the great & his twelve peers, with their solemn rites and usages: but unto this also I have no great devotion, considering the truth hereof is now so stained with errors and fables inserted into the same by the lewd religious sort, that except a man should profess to lie with them for company, there is little sound knowledge to be gathered hereof worthy the remembrance. In like manner diverse aswell subjects as princes have attempted to restore again a round table in this land (as for example Roger lord Mortimer at Killingworth) 
Roger Mortimer.  but such were the excesive charges appertaining thereunto (as they did make allowance) and so great molestation daily ensued thereupon, beside the breeding of sundry quarrels among the knights, and such as resorted hitherto from foreign countries (as it was first used) that in fine they gave it over, and suffered their whole inventions to perish and decay, till Edward the third devised an other order not so much pestered with multitude of knights as the round table, but much more honourable for princely port and countenance, as shall appear hereafter.  
The order of the garter therefore was devised in the time of king Edward the third, 
The occasion of the devise.  and (as some writ) upon this occasion. The queens majesty then living, being departed from his presence the next way toward her lodging, he following soon after happened to find her garter, which slacked by chance and so fell from her leg, unespied in the throng by such as attended upon her. His grooms & gentlemen also passed by it, disdaining to stoop and take up such a trifle: but he knowing the owner, commanded one of them to stay and reach it up to him. Why and like your grace (saith a gentleman) it is but some woman's garter that hath fallen from her as she followed the queens majesty. What soever it be (quoth the king) take it up and give it me. So when he had received the garter, he said to such as stood about him: You my masters do make small account of this blue garter here (and therewith held it out) but if God lend me life for a few months, 
Peradventure but a blue ribben.  I will make the proudest of you all to reverence the like. And even upon this slender occasion he gave himself to the devising of this order. Certes I have not read of any thing, that having had so simple a beginning hath grown in the end to so great honour and estimation. But to proceed. After he had studied awhile about the performance of his devise, and had set down such orders as he himself invented concerning the same, he proclaimed a royal feast to be holden at Windsor, whither all his nobility resorted with their ladies, where he published his institution, and forthwith invested an appon●●●d number into the afore said fellowship, whose names ensue, himself being the sovereign and principal of that company. Next unto himself also he placed. 

Edward prince of Wales.  
Henry duke of Lancaster.  
N. earl of Warw.  
N. capt. de Bouche.  
N. earl of Stafford.  
N. earl of Sarum.  
N. lord Mortimer.  
Sir john Lisle.  
Sir Bartholomew  
Burwash.  
N. son of sir john Beauchamp.  
Sir N. de Mahun.  
S. Hugh courtney.  
S. Thomas Holland.  
Sir john Gray.  
Sir Rich. Fitzsimon.  
Sir Miles Stapleton.  
Sir Thomas Wale.  
Sir Hugh Wrotesley.  
Sir Neale Lording.  
Sir john Chandos.  
S. james Dawdleie.  
Sir Otho Holland.  
Sir Henry Eme.  
Sir Sanchet Dambricourt.  
Sir Walter Pannell  
alias Paganell.    
What order of election, 
Election.  and what estatutes were prescribed unto the elected at this first institution, as yet I can not exactly understand; neither can I learn what every prince afterward added thereunto before the six and thirtieth year of king Henry the eight, and third of king Edward the sixth: wherefore of necessity I must resort unto the estate of the said order as it is at this present, which I will set down so briefly as I may. When any man therefore is to be elected (upon a room found void for his admission) into this fellowship, the king directeth his letters unto him, notwithstanding that he before hand be nominated to the same, to this effect. Right trusty and well-beloved we greet you well, asserteining you, that in consideration aswell of your approved truth and fidelity, as also of your courageous and valiant acts of knighthood, with other your probable merits known by experience in sundry parties and behalfs: we with the companions of the noble order of the Garter, assembled at the election holden this day within our manor of N. have elected and chosen you amongst other to be one of the companions of the said Order, as your deserts do condignly require. Wherefore we will that with convenient diligence upon the sight hereof, you repair unto our presence, there to receive such things as to the said order appertaineth. Dated under our signet at our manner of N. etc. These letters are the exemplification of certain, which (as it should seem) were written An. 3. Edwardi fexti at Gréenewich Aprilis 24, unto the earl of Huntingdon, & the lord George Cobham your lordship's honourable father, at such time as they were called unto the aforesaid company. I find also these names subscribed unto the same. 

Edward duke of Summerset uncle to the king.  
The marq. of Northhampton.  
Earl of Arundel L. Chamberlain.  
Earl of Shrewesburie.  
L. russel lord privy seal.  
L. S. john lord great master.  
Sir john Gage.  
S. Anthony Wingfield.  
Sir William Paget.    
Being elected, 
Admission.  preparation is made for his installing at Windsor (the place appointed always for this purpose) whereat it is required that his banner be set up, of two yards and a quarter in length, and three quarters in breadth, besid●●●he fringe. secondly his sword of whatsoever length him seemeth good. thirdly his helm, which from the charnel upwards aught to be of three inches at the least. fourthly the crest; with mantles to the helm belonging, of such convenient stuff and bigness, as it shall please him to appoint.  
Item a plate of arms at the back of his sta●●, and crest with mantles and beasts supportant, to be graven in the metal.  
Item lodging scutcheons of his arms, environed with a garter, and painted in paper or cloth of buckram, which when he traveleth by the way are to be fixed in the common Ins where he doth lodge, as a testimony of his presence and states from time to time as he did travel.  
Item two mantles, one to remain in the college at Windsor, the other to use at his pleasure, with the scutcheon of the arms of S. George in the garter with laces, tasselets, and knops of blue silk and gold belonging to the same.  
Item a surcote or gown of red or crimosine velvet, with a hood of the same, lined with white sarsenet or damask.  
Item a collar of the garter of thirty ounces of gold troy weight.  
Item a tablet of S. George, richly garnished with precious stones or otherwise.  
Item a garter for his (left) leg, having the buckle and pendant garnished with gold.  
Item a book of the statutes of the said order.  
Item a scutcheon of the arms of S. George in the garter to set upon the mantel. And this furniture is to be provided against his installation.  
When any knight is to be installed, he hath with his former letters, 
Installation.  a garter sent unto him, and when he cometh to be installed, he is brought into the chapter house, where incontinently his commission is read before the sovereign, or his deputy, and the assembly present: from hence he is lead by two knights of the said order, accompanied with the other of the nobility, and officers towards the chapel, having his mantel borne before him, either by a knight of the order, or else the king at arms, to whom it secondarily appertaineth to bear it. This mantel shall be delivered unto him for his habit, 
mantel.  after his oath taken before his stall, and not before: which done, he shall return unto the chapter house, where the sovereign, or his deputy, shall deliver him his collar, and so he shall have the full possession of his habit. As for his stall, it is not given according unto the calling and countenance of the receiver, 
Stall.  but as the place is that happeneth to be void, so that each one called unto this knighthood (the sovereign, and emperors, and kings, and princes always excepted) shall have the same seat, which became void by the death of his predecessor, howsoever it fall out: whereby a knight only oftentimes doth sit before a duke, without any murmuring or grudging at his room, except it please the sovereign, once in his life only to make a general alteration of those seats, and to set each one according to his degree.  
Now as touching the apparel of these knights, it remaineth such as king Edward, the first deviser of this order left it, that is to say, every year one of the colours, that is to say, scarlet, sanguine in grain, blue and white. In like sort the king's grace hath at his pleasure the content of cloth for his gown and hood, lined with white satine or damask, and multitude of garters with letters of gold.  
The prince hath five yards of cloth for his gown and hood, 
A timber containeth forty skins, pelts, or fells.  and garters with letters of gold at his pleasure, beside five timber of the finest miveuer.  
A duke hath five yards of woollen cloth, five timber of miniver, 120 garters with title of gold.  
A marquess hath five yards of woollen cloth, five timber of miniver, 110 garters of silk.  
An earl five yards of woollen cloth, five timber of miniver, and 100 garters of silk.  
A viscount five yards of woollen cloth, five timber of miniver, 90 garters of silk.  
A baron five yards of woollen cloth, three timber of minever gross, 80 garters of silk.  
A banneret five yards of woollen cloth, three timber of miniver, 70 garters of silk.  
A knight five yards of woollen cloth, three timber of miniver, 60 garters of silk.  
The bishop of Winchester chaplain of the garter, hath eight and twenty timber of minever pure, nineteen timber gross, three timber and a half of the best, and four & twenty yards of woollen cloth.  
The chancellor of the order five yards of woollen cloth, three timber of minever pure.  
The register of the order five yards of woollen cloth, three timber of minever pure. And this order to be holden generally among the knights of this company, which are six and twenty in number, and whose patron in time of superstition was supposed to be S. George, of whom they were also called S. George's knights as I have heard reported. Would to God they might be called knights of honour, or by some other name, for the title of saint George argueth a wrong patron.  
Furthermore at his installation he is solemnly sworn, 
Installation.  the manner whereof I have thought good also to annex, in this manner. You being chosen to be one of the honourable company of the order of the Garter, shall promise and swear upon the holy evangelies by you bodily touched, to be faithful and true to the king's majesty, and to observe and keep all the points of the statutes of the said order, and every article in them contained, the same being agreeable and not repugnant to the king's highness other godly proceedings, so far as to you belongeth & appertaineth, as God you help, etc. And thus much have I thought good to note touching the premises.  
As touching the estatutes belonging to this order they are many, 
Estatutes.  and therefore not to be touched here. Howbeit if any doubt do arise above the interpretation of them, the king who is the perpetual sovereign of that order hath to determine and resolve the same. Neither are any chosen thereunto under the degree of a knight, and that is not a gentleman of blood and of sound estimation.  
And for the better understanding what is meant by a gentleman of blood, 
Gentleman of blood.  he is defined to descend of three descents of nobleness, that is to say, of name and of arms both by father and mother.  
There are also four degrees of reproach, 
Degrees of reproach  which may inhibit from the entrance into this order: of which the first is heresy lawfully proved, the second high treason, the third is flight from the battle, the fourth riot and prodigal excess of expenses, whereby he is not likely to hold out, and maintain the port of knight of this order, according to the dignity thereof. 
Apparel.  Moreover touching the wearing of their aforesaid apparel, it is their custom to wear the same, when they enter into the chapel of S. George or be in the chapter house of their order, or finally do go about any thing appertaining to that company. In like sort they wear also their mantles upon the even of S. George, and go with the sovereign, or his deputy in the same in manner of procession from the kings great chamber unto the chapel, or unto the college, and likewise back again unto the aforesaid place, not putting it from them, until supper be ended, and the avoid done. The next day they resort unto the chapel also in the like order, & from thence unto dinner, wearing afterward their said apparel unto evening prayer, and likewise all the supper time, until the avoid be finished. In the solemnity likewise of these feasts, the thirteen canons there, and six and twenty poor knights have mantles of the order, whereof those for the canons are of Murreie with a roundel of the arms of S. George, the other of red, with a scutcheon only of the said arms.  
If any knight of this order be absent from this solemnity upon the even and day of S. George, 
Sick or absent.  and be enforced not to be present either through bodily sickness, or his absence out of the land: he doth in the church, chapel, or chamber where he is remaining, provide an honourable stall for the king's majesty in the right hand of the place with a cloth of estate, and cushions, and scutcheon of the garter, and therein the arms of the order. Also his own stall of which side soever it be distant from the kings or the emperors in his own place, appointed so nigh as he can, after the manner and situation of his stall at Windsor, there to remain, the first evening prayer on the even of S. George, or three of the clock, and likewise the next day during the time of the divine service, until the morning prayer, and the rest of the service be ended: and to wear in the mean time his mantel only, with the George and the lace, without either hood, collar or surcete. Or if he be so sick that he do keep his bed, he doth use to have that habit laid upon him during the times of divine service aforesaid.  
At the service time also upon the morrow after S. George, 
Offering.  two of the chief knights (saving the deputy of the sovereign if he himself be absent) shall offer the king's banner of arms, than other two the sword with the hilts forwards, which being done the first two shall return again, and offer the helm and crest, having at each time two heralds of arms going before, according to the statutes. The lord deputy or lieutenant unto the king's grace, for the time being, alone and assisted with one of the chief lords, doth deliver at his offering a piece of gold, and having all the king of arms and heralds going before him, he so proceedeth to the offering. When he hath thus offered for the prince, he returneth with like solemnity unto his stall, and next of all goeth again with one herald to offer for himself, whose oblation being made, every knight according to their stalls, with an herald before him proceedeth to the offering.  
What solemnity is used at the burial of any knight of the Garter, 
Burial.  it is but in vain to declare: wherefore I will show generally what is done at the disgrading of one of these knights, if through any grievous offence he be separated from this company. Whereas otherwise the sign of the order is never taken from him until death do end & finish up his days. Therefore when any such thing is done, promulgation is made thereof after this manner ensuing.  
Be it known unto all men that N. N. knight of the most noble order of the Garter, is found guilty of the abominable and detestable crime of high treason, 
Disgrading.  for he hath most traitorously conspired against our most high and mighty prince sovereign of the said order, contrary to all right, his duty, and the faithful oath, which he hath sworn and taken. For which causes therefore he hath deserved to be deposed from this noble order, and fellowship of the Garter. For it may not be suffered that such a traitor and disloyal member remain among the faithful knights of renowned stomach & bountiful prows, or that his arms should be mingled with those of noble chivalry. Wherefore our most excellent prince and supreme of this most honourable order, by the advise and counsel of his colleagues, willeth and commandeth that his arms which he before time hath deserved shall be from henceforth be taken away and thrown down: and he himself clean cut off from the socieitie of this renowned order, and never from this day reputed any more for a member of the same, that all other by his example may hereafter beware how they commit the like trespass, or fall into such notorious infamy and rebuke. This notice being given, there resorteth unto the party to be disgraded certain officers with diverse of his late fellows appointed, which take from him his George, and other investiture, after a solemn manner.  
And hitherto of this most honourable order, hoping that no man will be offended with me, in uttering thus much. For sith the noble order of the Toison Dor or golden fleece, with the ceremonies appertaining unto the creation and investiture of the six and thirty knights thereof: and likewise that of saint Michael and his one and thirty knights, are discoursed upon at large by the historiographers of their own countries, without reprehension or check, especially by Vincentius Lupan. lib. 1. de Mag. Franc. cap. de equitibus ordinis, where he calleth them chevaliers sans reproach, and thereto addeth that their chain is commonly of two hundred crowns at the least, and honour thereof so great, that it is not lawful for them to sell, give, or lay the same to mortgage (would to God they might once brook their name, Sans reproach, but their general dealing in our time with all men, will not suffer some of the best of their own countries to have that opinion of them) I trust I have not given any cause of displeasure, briefly to set forth those things that appertain unto our renowned order of the Garter, in whose compass is written commonly, 
* Some think that this was the answer of the queen, when the king asked what men would think of her, in losing the garter after such a manner.  Honi soit qui mal y pense, which is so much to say, as, Evil come to him that evil thinketh: a very sharp imprecation, and yet such as is not contrary to the word, which promiseth like measure to the metre, as he doth meet to others.  
There is yet an other order of knights in England called knights Bannerets, 
Bannerets.  who are made in the field with the ceremony of cutting away the point of his penant of arms, and making it as it were a banner, so that being before but a bachelor knight, he is now of an higher degree, and allowed to display his arms in a banner as barons do. Howbeit these knights are never made but in the wars, the knigs standard being unfolded.  
Esquire (which we call commonly squire) is a French word, 
Esquire.  and so much in Latin as Scutiger vel armiger, and such are all those which bear arms, or armoires, testimonies of their race from whence they be descended. They were at the first costerels or bearers of the arms of barons, or knights, & thereby being instructed in martial knowledge, had that name for a dignity given to distinguish them from common soldiers called Gregarij milites when they were together in the field.  
Gentlemen be those whom their race and blood, 
Gentlemen.  or at the least their virtues do make noble and known. The Latins call them Nobiles & generosos, as the French do Nobles or Gentlehommes. The etymology of the name expoundeth the efficacy of the word: for as Gens in Latin betokeneth the race and surname: so the Romans had Cornelio's, Sergios, Appios, Curios, Papyrios, Scipiones, Fabios, Aemilios, julios, Brutos, &c: of which, who were Agnati, and therefore kept the name, were also called Gentiles, gentlemen of that or that house and race.  
Moreover as the king doth dub knights, and createth the barons and higher degrees, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not known to come in with William duke of Normandy (for of the Saxon races yet remaining we now make none account, much less of the British issue) do take their beginning in England, after this manner in our times. Who soever studieth the laws of the realm, 
lawyers students in universities.  who so abideth in the university giving his mind to his book, or professeth physic 
Physicians.  and the liberal sciences, or beside his service in the room of a captain 
captains.  in the wars, or good counsel given at home, whereby his commonwealth is benefited, can live without manuel labour, and thereto is able and will bear the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall for money have a cote and arms bestowed upon him by heralds (who in the charter of the same do of custom pretend antiquity and service, and many gay things) and thereunto being made so good cheap be called master, which is the title that men give to esquires and gentlemen, and reputed for a gentleman ever after. Which is so much the less to be disallowed of, for that the prince doth lose nothing by it, the gentleman being so much subject to taxes and public payments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise doth bear the gladlier for the saving of his reputation. Being called also to the wars (for with the government of the commonwealth he meddleth little) what soever it cost him, he will both array & arm himself accordingly, and show the more manly courage, and all the tokens of the person which he representeth. No man hath hurt by it but himself, who peradventure will go in wider buskens than his legs will bear, or as our proverb saith, now and then bear a bigger sail than his boat is able to sustain.  
Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst the Romans, I mean when those which were Novi homines, were more allowed of for their virtues newly seen and showed, than the old smell of ancient race, lately defaced by the cowardice & evil life of their nephews & defendants could make the other to be. But as envy hath no affinity with justice and equity, so it forceth not what language the malicious do give out, against such as are exalted for their wisdoms. This nevertheless is generally to be reprehended in all estates of gentility, and which in short time will turn to the great ruin of our country, and that is the usual sending of noblemen's & mean gentlemen's sons into Italy, from whence they bring home nothing but mere atheism, infidelity, vicious conversation, & amibitious and proud behaviour, whereby it cometh to pass that they return far worse men than they went out. A gentleman at this present is newly come out of Italy, who went thither an earnest protestant, but coming home he could say after this manner: Faith & truth is to be kept, where no loss or hindrance of a further purpose is sustained by holding of the same; and forgiveness only to be showed when full revenge is made. Another no less forward than he, at his return from thence could add thus much; He is a fool that maketh account of any religion, but more fool that will lose any part of his wealth, or will come in trouble for constant leaning to any: but if he yield to lose his life for his possession, he is stark mad, and worthy to be taken for most fool of all the rest. This gay booty gate these gentlemen by going into Italy, and hereby a man may see what fruit is afterward to be looked for where such blossoms do appear. I care not (saith a third) what you talk to me of God, so as I may have the prince & the laws of the realm on my side. Such men as this last, are easily known; for they have learned in Italy, to go up and down also in England, with pages at their heels finely appareled, whose face and countenance shall be such as showeth the master not to be blind in his choice. But lest I should offend too much, I pass over to say any more of these Italionates and their demeanour, which alas is too open and manifest to the world, and yet not called into question.  
Citizens and burgesses have next place to gentlemen, 
Citizens and burgesses.  who be those that are free within the cities, and are of some likely substance to bear office in the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serve the common wealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporat towns where they dwell. And in the common assembly of the realm wherein our laws are made, for in the counties they bear but little sway (which assembly is called the high court of parliament) the ancient cities appoint four, and the boroughs two burgesses to have voices in it, and give their consent or dissent unto such things as pass or stay there in the name of the city or borrow, for which they are appointed.  
In this place also are our merchants 
Merchants.  to be installed, as amongst the citizens (although they often change estate with gentlemen, as gentlemen do with them, by a mutual conversion of the one into the other) whose number is so increased in these our days, that their only maintenance is the cause of the exceeding prices of foreign wares, which otherwise when every nation was permitted to bring in her own commodities, were far better cheap and more plentifully to be had. Of the want our commodities here at home, by their great transportation of them into other countries, I speak not, sith the matter will easily bewray itself. Certes among the Lacedæmonians it was found out, that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the furtherance of the state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be wished that the huge heap of them were somewhat restrained, as also of our lawyers, so should the rest live more easily upon their own, and few honest chapmen be brought to decay, by breaking of the bankrupt. I do not deny but that the navy of the land is in part maintained by their traffic, and so are the high prices of wares kept up now they have gotten the only sale of things, upon pretence of better furtherance of the commonwealth into their own hands: whereas in times past when the strange bottoms were suffered to come in, we had sugar for four pence the pound, that now at the writing of this treatise is well worth half a crown, raisins or corints for a penny that now are holden at six pence, and sometime at eight pence and ten pence the pound: nutmegs at two pence half penny the ounce: ginger at a penny an ounce, prunes at half penny farthing: great raisins three pound for a penny, cinnamon at four pence the ounce, cloves at two pence, and pepper at twelve, and sixteen pence the pound. Whereby we may see the sequel of things not always but very seldom to be such as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carry out of the realm, are for the most part broad clothes and carsies of all colours, likewise cottons, fréeses, rugs, tin, wool, our best beer, bay, bustian, mockadoes tufted and plain, rash, lead, fells, &c: which being shipped at sundry ports of our coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and there either exchanged for other wares or ready money: to the great gain and commodity of our merchants. And whereas in times past their chief trade was into Spain, Portugal, France, Flanders, Dansk, Norway, Scotland, and Iseland only: now in these days, as men not contented with these journeys, they have sought out the east and west Indies, and made now and then suspicious voyages not only unto the Canaries, and new Spain, but likewise into Cathaia, Moscovia, Tartary, and the regions thereabout, from whence (as they say) they bring home great commodities. But alas I see not by all their travel that the prices of things are any whit abated. Certes this enormity (for so I do account of it) was sufficiently provided for, An. 9 Edward 3. by a noble statute made in that behalf, but upon what occasion the general execution thereof is stayed or not called on, in good sooth I cannot tell. This only I know, that every function and several vocation striveth with other, which of them should have all the water of commodity run into her own cistern.  
Yeomen 
Yeomen.  are those, which by our law are called Legales homines, free men borne Euglish, and may dispend of their own free land in yearly revenue, to the sum of forty shillings sterling, or six pounds as money goeth in our times. Some are of the opinion by Cap. 2. Rich. 2. an. 20. that they are the same which the French men call varlets, but as that phrase is used in my time it is far unlikely to be so. The truth is that the word is derived from the Saxon term Zeoman or Geoman, which signifieth (as I have read) a settled or stayed man, such I mean as being married and of some years, betaketh himself to stay in the place of his abode for the better maintenance of himself and his family, whereof the single sort have no regard, but are likely to be still fleeting now hither now thither, which argueth want of stability in determination and resolution of judgement, for the execution of things of any importance. This sort of people have a certain pre-eminence, and more estimation than labourers & the common sort of artificers, & these commonly live wealthily, keep good houses, and travel to get riches. They are also for the most part farmers to gentlemen (in old time called Pagani, & opponuntur militibus, and therefore Persius calleth himself Semipaganus) or at the leastwise artificers, & with grazing, frequenting of markets, and keeping of servants (not idle servants as the gentlemen do, but such as get both their own and part of their masters living) do come to great wealth, in somuch that many of them are able and do buy the lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and often setting their sons to the schools, to the universities, and to the Ins of the court; or otherwise leaving them sufficient lands whereupon they may live without labour, do make them by those means to become gentlemen: these were they that in times past made all France afraid. And albeit they be not called master as gentlemen are, or sir as to knights appertaineth, but only john and Thomas, &c: yet have they been found to have done very good service: and the kings of England in fought battles, 
Englishmen on foot and Frenchmen on horseback best.  were wont to remain among them (who were their footmen) as the French kings did amongst their horsemen: the prince thereby showing where his chief strength did consist.  
The fourth and last sort of people in England are 
Capite censi or Proletarij.  day labourers, poor husbandmen, and some retailers (which have no free land) copy holder's, and all artificers, as tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers, 
No slaves nor bondmen in England.  masons, etc. As for slaves and bondmen we have none, nay such is the privilege of our country by the especial grace of God, and bounty of our princes, that if any come hither from other realms, so soon as they set foot on land they become so free of condition as their masters, whereby all note of servile bondage is utterly removed from them, wherein we resemble (not the Germans who had slaves also, though such as in respect of the slaves of other countries might well be reputed free, but) the old Indians and the Taprobanes, who supposed it a great injury to nature to make or suffer them to be bond, whom she in her wonted course doth product and bring forth free. This fourth and last sort of people therefore have neither voice nor authority in the common wealth, but are to be ●uled, and not to rule other: yet they are not altogether neglected, for in cities and corporat towns, for default of yeomen they are feign to make up their inquests of such manner of people. And in villages they are commonly made churchwardens, sidemen, aleconners, now and then constables, and many times enjoy the name of hedboroughes. Unto this sort also may our great swarms of idle serving men be referred, of whom there runneth to proverb; Young serving men old beggars, because service is none heritage. These men are profitable to none, for if their condition be well perused, they are enemies to their masters, to their friends, and to themselves: for by them oftentimes their masters are encouraged unto unlawful exactions of their tenants, their friends brought unto poverty by their rents enhanced, and they themselves brought to confusion by their own prodigality and errors, as men that having not wherewith of their own to maintain their excesses, do search in high ways, budgets, coffers, males, and stables, which way to supply their wants. How diverse of them also coveting to bear an high sail do insinuate themselves with young gentlemen and noble men newly come to their lands, the case is too much apparent, whereby the good natures of the parties are not only a little impaired, but also their livelihoods and revenues so wasted and consumed, that if at all yet not in many years they shall be able to recover themselves. It were very good therefore that the superfluous heaps of them were in part diminished. And sith necessity enforceth to have some, yet let wisdom moderate their numbers, so shall their masters be rid of unnecessary charge, and the common wealth of many thieves. No nation cherisheth such store of them as we do here in England, in hope of which maintenance many give themselves to idleness, that otherwise would be brought to labour, and live in order like subjects. Of their whoredoms I will not speak any thing at all, more than of their swearing, yet is it found that some of them do make the first a chief pillar of their building, consuming not only the goods but also the health & welfare of many honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthy yeomen, &c: by such unlawful dealings. But how far have I waded in this point, or how far may I sail in such a large sea? I will therefore now stay to speak any more of those kind of men. In returning therefore to my matter, this furthermore among other things I have to say of our husbandmen and artificers, that they were never so excellent in their trades as at this present. But as the workmanship of the later sort was never more fine and curious to the eye, so was it never less strong and substantial for continuance and benefit of the buyers. Neither is there any thing that hurteth the common sort of our artificers more than haste, and a barbarous or slavish desire to turn the penny, and by ridding their work to make speedy utterance of their wares: which enforceth them to bungle up and dispatch many things they care not how so they be out of their hands, whereby the buyer is often sore defrauded, and findeth to his cost, that hast maketh waste, according to the proverb.  
Oh how many trades and handicrafts are now in England, whereof the common wealth hath no need? how many needful commodities have we which are perfected with great cost, &c: and yet may with far more ease and less cost be provided from other countries if we could use the means. I will not speak of iron, glass, and such like, which spoil much wood, and yet are brought from other country's better chéepe than we can make them here at home, I could exemplify also in many other. But to leave these things and proceed with our purpose, and herein (as occasion serveth) generally by way of conclusion to speak of the commonwealth of England, I find that it is governed and maintained by three sorts of persons.  
1 The prince, monarch, and head governor, which is called the king, or (if the crown fall to the woman) the queen: in whose name and by whose authority all things are administered.  
2 The gentlemen, which be divided into two sorts, as the barony or estate of lords (which containeth barons and all above that degree) and also those that be no lords, as knights, esquires, & simple gentlemen, as I have noted already. Out of these also are the great deputies and high precedents chosen, of which one serveth in Ireland, as another did sometime in Calis, and the captain now at Berwick; as one lord precedent doth govern in Wales, and the other the north parts of this Island, which later with certain councillors and judges were erected by king Henry the eight. But forsomuch as I have touched their conditions elsewhere, it shall be mough to have remembered them at this time.  
3 The third and last sort is named the yeomanry, of whom & their sequel, the labourers and artificers, I have said somewhat even now. Whereto I add that they be not called masters and gentlemen, but goodmen, as goodman Smith, goodman Coot, goodman cornel, goodman Mascall, goodman Cockswet, &c: & in matters of law these and the like are called thus, Giles jewd yeoman, Edward Mountford yeoman, james Cock yeoman, Herrie Butcher yeoman, &c: by which addition they are exempt from the vulgar and common sorts. Cato calleth them Aratores & optimos cives rei publicae, of whom also you may read more in the book of common wealth which sir Thomas Smith sometime penned of this land.  
Of gentlemen also some are by the prince chosen, and called to great offices in the common wealth, of which said offices diverse concern the whole realm; some be more private and peculiar to the king's house. And they have their places and degrees, prescribed by an act of parliament made An. 31 Henr. octavi, after this manner ensuing.  
These four the lord Chancellor, the lord Treasurer (who is Supremus aerarij Anglici quaestor or Tribunus aerarius maximus) the lord Precedent of the council, and the lord Privy seal, being persons of the degree of a baron or above, are in the same act appointed to sit in the parliament and in all assemblies or council above all dukes, not being of the blood royal, Videlicet the kings brother, uncle, or nephew.  
And these six, the lord great Chamberlain of England: the lord high Constable of England: the lord Martial of England: the lord Admiral of England: the lord great master or Steward of the king's house: and the lord Chamberlain: by that act are to be placed in all assemblies of council, after the lord privy seal, according to their degrees and estates: so that if he be a baron, than he is to sit above all barons: or an earl, above all earls.  
And so likewise the king's secretary, being a baron of the parliament, hath place above all barons, and if he be a man of higher degree, he shall sit and be placed according thereunto.  

The rehearsal of the temporal nobility of England, according to the anciencie of their creations, or first calling to their degrees, as they are to be found at this present.  

The Marquis of Winchester. 
No duke in England. Earls.   
The earl of Arundel.  
The earl of Oxford.  
The earl of Northumberland.  
The earl of Shrewesburie.  
The earl of Kent.  
The earl of Derbi●.  
The earl of Worcester.  
The earl of Rutland.  
The earl of Cumberland.  
The earl of Sussex.  
The earl of Huntingdon.  
The earl of Bath.  
The earl of Warwick.  
The earl of Southampton.  
The earl of Bedford.  
The earl of Pembroke.  
The earl of Hertford.  
The earl of Leicester.  
The earl of Essex.  
The earl of Lincoln.   

The viscont Montague. 
Uisconts.   
The viscont Bindon.   

The lord of Abergevennie. 
Barons.   
The lord Awdeleie.  
The lord Zouch.  
The lord Barkeleie.  
The lord Morleie.  
The lord Dacres of the south.  
The lord Cobham.  
The lord Stafford.  
The lord Greie of Wilton.  
The lord Scroop.  
The lord Dudleie.  
The lord Latimer.  
The lord Stourton.  
The lord Lumleie.  
The lord Mountioie.  
The lord Ogle.  
The lord Darcie of the north.  
The lord Mountegle.  
The lord Sands.  
The lord Uaulx.  
The lord Windsor.  
The lord Wentwoorth.  
The lord Borough.  
The lord Mordaunt.  
The lord Cromwell.  
The lord Evers.  
The lord Wharton.  
The lord Rich.  
The lord Willoughby.  
The lord Sheffeld.  
The lord Paget.  
The lord Darcie of Chichester.  
The lord Howard of Effingham.  
The lord North.  
The lord Chaundos.  
The lord of Hunsdon.  
The lord saint john of Bletso.  
The lord of Buckhirst.  
The lord Delaware.  
The lord Burghleie.  
The lord Compton.  
The lord Cheineie.  
The lord Norreis.    

Bishops in their anciencie, as they sat in parliament, in the fift of the Queen's majesties reign that now is.  

The archbishop of Canturburie. 
Clergy.   
The archbishop of York.  
London.  
Durham.  
Winchester.   
The rest had their places in seniority of consecration.  

Chichester.  
Landaffe.  
Hereford.  
Elie.  
Worcester.  
Bangor.  
Lincoln.  
Salisbury.  
S. David's.  
Rochester.  
Bath and Welles.  
Coventrie and Lichfield.  
Excester.  
Norwich.  
Peterborough.  
Carleill.  
Chester.  
S. Assaph.  
Gloucester.   
And this for their placing in the parliament house. Howbeit, when the archbishop of Canturburie siteth in his provincial assembly, he hath on his right hand the archbishop of York, and next unto him the bishop of Winchester, on the left hand the bishop of London: but if it fall out that the archbishop of Canturburie be not there by the vacation of his see, than the archbishop of York is to take his place, who admitteth the bishop of London to his right hand, and the prelate of Winchester to his left, the rest sitting always as afore, that is to say, as they are elders by consecration, which I thought good also to note out of an ancient precedent.    

Of the food and diet of the English. Chap. 6.  
THe situation of our region, lying near unto the north, doth cause the heat of our stomachs to be of somewhat greater force: therefore our bodies do crave a little more ample nourishment, than the inhabitants of the hotter regions are accustomed withal, whose digestive force is not altogether so vehement, because their internal heat is not so strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldness of the air, that from time to time (specially in winter) doth environ our bodies.  
It is no marvel therefore that our tables are oftentimes more plentifully garnished than those of other nations, and this trade hath continued with us even since the very beginning. For before the Romans found out and knew the way unto our country, our predecessors fed largely upon flesh and milk, whereof there was great abundance in this isle, because they applied their chief studies unto pasturage and feeding. After this manner also did our Welsh Britons order themselves in their diet so long as they lived of themselves, but after they became to be united and made equal with the English they framed their appetites to live after our manner, so that at this day there is very little difference between us in our diets.  
In Scotland likewise they have given themselves (of late years to speak of) unto very ample and large diet, wherein as for some respect nature doth make them equal with us: so otherwise they far exceed us in over much and distemperate gourmandize, and so engross their bodies that diverse of them do oft become unapt to any other purpose than to spend their times in large tabling and belly cheer. Against this pampering of their carcases doth Hector Boetius in his description of the country very sharply inveigh in the first chapter of that treatise. Henry Wardlaw also bishop of S. Andrew's, noting their vehement alteration from competent frugality into excessive gluttony, to be brought out of England with james the first (who had been long time prisoner there under the fourth & fift Henries, and at his return carried diverse English gentlemen into his country with him, whom he very honourably preferred there) doth vehemently exclaim against the same in open parliament holden at Perth 1433, before the three estates, and so bringeth his purpose to pass in the end by force of his learned persuasions, that a law was presently made there for the restraint of superfluous di●t, amongst other things baked meats (dishes never before this man's days seen in Scotland) were generally so provided for by virtue of this act, that it was not lawful for any to eat of the same under the degree of a gentleman, and those only but on high and festival days, but alas it was soon forgotten.  
In old time these north Britons did give themselves universally to great abstinence, and in time of wars their soldiers would often feed but once or twice at the most in two or three days (especially if they held themselves in secret, or could have no issue out of their bogs and marises, through the presence of the enemy) and in this distress they used to eat a certain kind of confection, whereof so much as a bean would qualify their hunger above common expectation. In woods moreover they lived with herbs and roots, or if these shifts served not through want of such provision at hand, than used they to creep into the water or said moorish plots up unto the chins, and there remain a long time, only to qualify the heats of their stomaches by violence, which otherwise would have wrought and been ready to oppress them for hunger and want of sustenance. In those days likewise it was taken for a great offence over all, to eat either goose, hare, or hen, because of a certain superstitious opinion which they had conceived of those three creatures, howbeit after that the Romans (I say) had once found an entrance into this Island, it was not long yer open shipwreck was made of his religious observation, so that in process of time, so well the north and south Britons as the Romans, gave over to make such difference in meats, as they had done before.  
From thenceforth also unto our days, and even in this season wherein we live, there is no restraint of any meat, either for religions sake or public order in England, but it is lawful for every man to feed upon what soever he is able to purchase, except it be upon those days whereon eating of flesh is especially forbidden by the laws of the realm, which order is taken only to the end our numbers of cattle may be the better increased, & that abundance of fish which the sea yieldeth, more generally received. Beside this there is great consideration had in making of this law for the preservation of the navy, and maintenance of convenient numbers of sea faring men, both which would otherwise greatly decay, if some means were not found whereby they might be increased. But how soever this case standeth, white meats, milk, butter & cheese, which were never so dear as in my time, and wont to be accounted of as one of the chief stays throughout the Island, are now reputed as food appertinent only to the inferior sort, whilst such as are more wealthy, do feed upon the flesh of all kinds of cattle accustomed to be eaten, all sorts of fish taken upon our coasts and in our fresh rivers, and such diversity of wild and tame fowls as are either bred in our Island or brought over unto us from other countries of the main.  
In number of dishes and change of meat, the nobility of England (whose cooks are for the most part musical headed Frenchmen and strangers) do most exceed, sith there is no day in manner that passeth over their heads, wherein they have not only beef, mutton, veal, lamb, kid, pork, conie, capon, pig, or so many of these as the season yieldeth: but also some portion of the red or fallow deer, beside great variety of fish and wild foul, and thereto sundry other delicates wherein the sweet hand of the seafaring Portugal is not wanting: so that for a man to dine with one of them, and to taste of every dish that standeth before him (which few use to do, but each one feedeth upon that meat him best liketh for the time, the beginning of every dish notwithstanding being reserved unto the greatest parsonage that sitteth at the table, to whom it is drawn up still by the waiters as order requireth, and from whom it descendeth again even to the lower end, whereby each one may taste thereof) is rather to yield unto a conspiracy with a great deal of meat for the speedy suppression of natural health, than the use of a necessary mean to satisfy himself with a competent repast, to sustain his body withal. But as this large feeding is not seen in their gests, no more is it in their own persons, for sith they have daily much resort unto their tables (and many times unlooked for) and thereto retain great numbers of servants, it is very requisite & expedient for them to be somewhat plentiful in this behalf.  
The chief part likewise of their daily provision is brought in before them (commonly in silver vessel if they be of the degree of barons, bishops and upwards) and placed on their tables, whereof when they have taken what it pleaseth them, the rest is reserved, and afterward sent down to their serving men and waiters, who feed thereon in like sort with convenient moderation, their reversion also being bestowed upon the poor, which lie ready at their gates in great numbers to receive the same. This is spoken of the principal tables whereat the nobleman, his lady and guests are accustomed to sit, beside which they have a certain ordinary allowance daily appointed for their hals, where the chief officers and household servants (for all are not permitted by custom to wait upon their master) and with them such inferior guests do feed as are not of calling to associate the noble man himself (so that besides those afore mentioned, which are called to the principal table, there are commonly forty or three score persons fed in those hals, to the great relief of such poor suitors and strangers also as oft be partakers thereof and otherwise like to dine hardly. As for drink it is usually filled in pots, goblets, jugs, bols of silver in noble men's houses, also in fine Venice glasses of all forms, and for want of these elsewhere in pots of earth of sundry colours and moulds whereof many are garnished with silver) or at the leastwise in pewter, all which notwithstanding are seldom set on the table, but each one as necessity urgeth, calleth for a cup of such drink as him listeth to have: so that when he hath tasted of it he delivered the cup again to some one of the standers by, who making it clean by pouring out the drink that remaineth, restoreth it to the cupboard from whence he fetched the same. By this devise (a thing brought up at the first by Mnesteus of Athens, in conservation of the honour of Orestes, who had not yet made expiation for the death of his adulterous parents Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra) much idle tippling is furthermore cut off▪ for if the full pots should continually stand at the elbow or near the trencher, diverse would always be dealing with them, whereas now they drink seldom and only when necessity urgeth, and so avoid the note of great drinking, or often troubling of the servitors with filling of their bols. Nevertheless in the noble men's hals, this order is not used, neither in any man's house commonly under the degree of a knight or esquire of great revenues. It is a world to see in these our days, wherein gold and silver most aboundeth, how that our gentility as loathing those metals (because of the plenty) do now generally choose rather the Venice glasses both for our wine and beer, than any of those metals or stone wherein before time we have been accustomed to drink, but such is the nature of man generally that it most coveteth things difficult to be attained; & such is the estimation of this stuff, that many become rich only with their new trade unto Murana (a town near to Venice situate on the Adriatic sea) from whence the very best are daily to be had, and such as for beauty do well near match the crystal or the ancient Murrhina vasa, whereof now no man hath knowledge. And as this is seen in the gentility, so in the wealthy commonalty the like desire of glass is not neglected, whereby the gain gotten by their purchase is yet much more increased to the benefit of the merchant. The poorest also will have glass if they may, but sith the Uenecian is somewhat too dear for them, they content themselves with such as are made at home of fern and burned stone, but in fine all go one way, that is, to shards at the last, so that our great expenses in glasses (beside that they breed much strife toward such as have the charge of them) are worst of all bestowed in mine opinion, because their pieces do turn unto no profit. If the philosopher's stone were once found, and one part hereof mixed with forty of molten glass, it would induce such a mettallicall toughness thereunto, 
Ro. Bacon.  that a fall should nothing hurt it in such manner, yet it might peradventure bunch or batter it, nevertheless that inconvenience were quickly to be redressed by the hammer. But whither am I slipped?  
The gentlemen and merchants keep much about one rate, and each of them contenteth himself with four, five, or six dishes, when they have but small resort, or peradventure with one, or two, or three at the most, when they have no strangers to accompany them at their tables. And yet their servants have their ordinary diet assigned, beside such as is left at their master's boards, & not appointed to be brought thither the second time, which nevertheless is often seen generally in venison, lamb, or some especial dish, whereon the merchant man himself liketh to feed when it is cold, or peradventure for sundry causes incident to the feeder is better so, than if it were warm or hot. To be short, at such time as the merchants do make their ordinary or voluntary feasts, it is a world to see what great provision is made of all manner of delicate meats, from every quarter of the country, wherein beside that they are often comparable herein to the nobility of the land, they will seldom regard any thing that the butcher usually killeth, but reject the same as not worthy to come in place. In such cases also geliffes of all colours mixed with a variety in the representation of sundry flowers, herbs, trees, forms of beasts, fish, fowls and fruits, and thereunto marchpaine wrought with no small curiosity, tarts of diverse hews and sundry devominations, conserves of old fruits foreign and homebred, suckets, codinacs, marmilats, marchpaine, sugerbread, gingerbread, florentines, wildfowl, venison of all sorts, and sundry outlandish con●ections, altogether seasoned with sugar (which Pliny calleth Mel ex arundinibus, a devise not common nor greatly used in old time at the table, but only in medicine, although it grew in Arabia, India & Sicilia) do generally bear the sway, besides infinite devices of our own not possible for me to remember. Of the potato and such venerous roots as are brought out of Spain, Portugal, and the Indieses to furnish up our banquets, I speak not, wherein our Mures of no less force, and to be had about Crosby Ravenswath, do now begin to have place.  
But among all these, the kind of meat which is obtained with most difficulty and cost, is commonly taken for the most delicate, and thereupon each guest will soon desire to feed. And as all estates do exceed herein, I mean for strangeness and number of costly dishes, so these forget not to use the like excess in wine, in somuch as there is no kind to be had (neither any where more store of all sorts than in England, although we have none growing with us but yearly to the proportion of 20000 or 30000 tun and upwards, notwithstanding the daily restreincts of the same brought over unto us) whereof at great meetings there is not some store to be had. Neither do I mean this of small wines only, as Claret, White, Red, French, &c: which amount to about fifty six sorts, according to the number of regions from whence they come: but also of the thirty kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, &c: whereof Ueruage, Cate pument, Raspis, Muscadel, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, Caprike, Clareie & Malmeseie are not lest of all accounted of, because of their strength and valour. For as I have said in meat, so the stronger the wine is, the more it is desired, by means whereof in old time, the best was called Theologicum, because it was had from the clergy and religious men, unto whose houses many of the laity would often send for bottles filled with the same, being sure that they would neither drink nor be served of the worst, or such as was any ways mingled or brewed by the vintner: nay the merchant would have thought that his soul should have gone straightway to the devil, if he should have served them with other than the best. Furthermore when these have had their course which nature yieldeth, sundry sorts of artificial stuff, as hippocras & wormwood wine must in like manner succeed in their turns, beside stolen ale and strong beer, which nevertheless bear the greatest brunt in drinking, and are of so many sorts and ages as it pleaseth the brewer to make them.  
The beer that is used at noble men's tables in their fixed and standing houses, 
Beer.  is commonly of a year old, or peradventure of two years tunning or more, but this is not general. It is also brewed in March and therefore called March beer, but for the household it is usually not under a months age, each one coveting to have the same stolen as he may, so that it be not sour, and his bread new as is possible so that it be not hot.  
The artificer 
Artificer.  and husbandman make greatest account of such meat as they may soon come by, and have it quickliest ready, except it be in London when the companies of every trade do meet on their quarter days, at which time they be nothing inferior to the nobility. Their food also consisteth principally in beef and such meat as the butcher selleth, that is to say, mutton, veal, lamb, pork, &c: whereof he findeth great store in the markets adjoining, beside sauce, brawn, bacon, fruit, pies of fruit, fowls of sundry sorts, cheese, butter, eggs, &c: as the other wanteth it not at home, by his own provision, which is at the best hand, and commonly lest charge. In feasting also this latter sort, I mean the husbandmen do exceed after their manner: especially at bridals, purifications of women, and such odd meetings, where it is incredible to tell what meat is consumed & spent, each one bringing such a dish, or so many with him as his wife & he do consult upon, but always with this consideration, that the léefer friend shall have the better provision. This also is commonly seen at these banquets, that the good man of the house is not charged with any thing saving bread, drink, sauce, house-room and fire. But the artificers in cities and good towns do deal far otherwise, for albeit that some of them do suffer their jaws to go oft before their claws, and diverse of them by making good cheer do hinder themselves and other men: yet the wiser sort can handle the matter well enough in these iunketting, and therefore their frugality deserveth commendation. To conclude, both the artificer and the husbandman are sufficiently liberal, & very friendly at their tables, and when they meet, they are so merry without malice, and plain without inward Italian or French craft and subtlety, that it would do a man good to be in company among them. Herein only are the inferior sort somewhat to be blamed, that being thus assembled, their talk is now and then such as savoureth of scurrility and ribaldry, a thing naturally incident to carters and clowns, who think themselves not to be merry & welcome, if their foolish veins in this behalf be never so little restrained. This is moreover to be added in these meetings, that if they happen to stumble upon a piece of venison, and a cup of wine or very strong beer or ale (which latter they commonly provide against their appointed days) they think their cheer so great, and themselves to have fared so well, as the lord Maior 
I have dined so well as my lord mayor.  of London, with whom when their bellies be full they will not often stick to make comparison, because that of a subject there is no public officer of any city in Europe, that may compare in port and countenance with him during the time of his office.  
I might here talk somewhat of the great silence that is used at the tables of the honourable and wiser sort, generally over all the realm (albeit that too much deserveth no commendation, for it belongeth to gests neither to be muti nor loquaces) likewise of the moderate eating and drinking that is daily seen, and finally of the regard that each one hath to keep himself from the note of surffetting and drunkenness (for which cause salt meat, except beef, bacon, and pork are not any whit esteemed, and yet these three may not be much powdered) but as in rehearsal thereof I should commend the noble man, merchant, and frugal artificer, so I could not clear the meaner sort of husbandmen, and country inhabitants of very much babbling (except it be here and there some odd yeoman) with whom he is thought to be the merriest that talketh of most ribaldry, or the wisest man that speaketh fasteth among them, & now and then surffetting and drunkenness, which they rather fall into for want of heed taking, than wilfully following or delighting in those errors of set mind and purpose. It may be that divers of them living at home with hard and pinching diet, small drink, and some of them having scarce enough of that, are soon overtaken when they come unto such banquets, howbeit they take it generally as no small disgrace if they happen to be cupshotten, so that it is a grief unto them though now sans remedy sith the thing is done and passed. If the friends also of the wealthier sort come to their houses from far, they are commonly so welcome till they depart as upon the first day of their coming, whereas in good towns and cities, as London, &c: men oftentimes complain of little room, and in reward of a fat capon or plenty of beef and mutton, largely bestowed upon them in the country, a cup of wine or beer with a napkin to wipe their lips, and an You are heartily welcome is thought to begreat entertainment, and therefore the old country clerk have framed this saying in that behalf, I mean upon the entertainment of townsmen's and Londoners after the days of their abode in this manner: 
Primus incundus, tollerabilis estque secundus,  
Tertius est vanus, sed fetet quatriduanus.   
The bread through out the land is made of such 
Bread.  grain as the soil yieldeth, nevertheless the gentility commonly provide themselves sufficiently of wheat for their own tables, whilst their household and poor neighbours in some shires are enforced to content themselves with rye, or barl●ie, yea and in time of dearth many with bread made either of beans, peason, or oats, or of altogether and some acorns among, of which scourge the poorest do soon taste, sith they are least able to provide themselves of better. I will not say that this extremity is oft so well to be seen in time of plenty as of dearth, but if I should I could easily bring my trial. For albeit that there be much more ground eared now almost in every place, than hath been of late years, yet such a price of corn continueth in each town and market without any just cause (except it be that landlords do get licences to carry corn out of the land only to keep up the pieces for their own private gains and ruin of the commonwealth) that the artificer and poor labouring man, is not able to reach unto it, but is driven to content himself with horssecorne, 
A famine at hand is first seen in the horse manger when the poor do fall to horssecorne.  I mean, beans, peason, oats, tars, and lintels: and therefore it is a true proverb, and never so well verified as now, that hunger setteth his first foot into the horse manger. If the world last a while after this rate, wheat and rye will be no grain for poor men to feed on, and some caterpillars there are that can say so much already.  
Of bread made of wheat we have sundry sorts, daily brought to the table, whereof the first and most excellent is the mainchet, which we commonly call white bread, in Latin Primarius panis, 
Primarius panis.  whereof Budeus also speaketh, in his first book De ass, and our good workmen deliver commonly such proportion, that of the flower of one bushel with another they make forty cast of manchet, of which every loaf weigheth eight ounces into the oven and six ounces out, as I have been informed. The second is the cheat or wheaton bread, 
Cheat bread.  so named because the colour thereof resembleth the grey or yellowish wheat, being clean and well dressed, and out of this is the coursest of the bran (usually called gurgeons or pollard) taken. The raveled is a kind of cheat bread also, 
Ravelled bread.  but it retaineth more of the gross, and less of the pure substance of the wheat: and this being more slightly wrought up, is used in the halls of the nobility, and gentry only, 
The size of bread is very ill kept or not at all looked unto in the country towns and markets.  whereas the other either is or should be baked in cities & good towns of an appointed size (according to such price as the corn doth bear) and by a statute provided by king john in that behalf. The raveled cheat therefore is generally so made that out of one bushel of meal, after two and twenty pounds of bran be sisted and taken from it (whereunto they add the gurgeons that rise from the manchet) they make thirty cast, every loaf weighing eighteen ounces into the oven and sixteen ounces out: and beside this they so handle the matter that to every bushel of meal they add only two and twenty or three and twenty pound of water, washing also in some houses there corn before it go to the mill, whereby their manchet bread is more excellent in colour and pleasing to the eye, than otherwise it would be. The next sort is named brown bread of the colour, 
Brown bread.  of which we have two sorts, one baked up as it cometh from the mill, so that neither the bran nor the flower are any whit diminished, this Celsus called Autopirus panis, lib. 2. and putteth it in the second place of nourishment. The other hath little or no flower left therein at all, howbeit he callech it Panem Cibarium, 
Panis Cibarius.  and it is not only the worst and weakest of all the other sorts, but also appointed in old time for servants, slaves, and the inferior kind of people to feed upon. Hereunto likewise, because it is dry and brickle in the working (for it will hardly be made up handsomely into loaves) some add a portion of rye meal in our time, whereby the rough dryness or dry roughness thereof is somewhat qualified, & then it is named miscelin, that is, bread made of mingled corn, albeit that diverse do sow or mingle wheat & rye of set purpose at the mill, or before it come there, and sell the same at the markets under the aforesaid name.  
In champaign countries much rye and barleie bread is eaten, 
Summer wheat and win●er bar●eie very rare in England.  but especially where wheat is scant and geson. As for the difference that is between the summer and winter wheat, most husbandmen know it not, sith they are neither acquainted with summer wheat, nor winter barleie: yet here and there I find of both sorts, specially in the north and about Kendal, where they call it March wheat, and also of summer rye, but in so small quantities as that I dare not pronounce them to be greatly common among us.  
Our drink, 
Drink.  whose force and continuance is partly touched already, is made of barleie, water, and hops, sodden and mingled together, by the industry of our brewer's, in a certain exact proportion. But before our barleie do come unto their hands, it sustaineth great alteration, and is converted into malt, the making whereof, I will here set down in such order, as my skill therein may extend unto (for I am scarce a good malster) chiefly for that foreign writers have attempted to describe the same, 
Malt.  and the making of our beer, wherein they have shot so far wide, as the quantity of ground was between themselves & their mark. In the mean time bear with me, gentle reader (I beseech thee) that lead thee from the description of the plentiful diet of our country, unto the fond report of a servile trade, or rather from a table delicately furnished, into a musty malthouse: but such is now thy hap, wherefore I pray thee be contented.  
Our malt is made all the year long in some great towns, but in gentlemen's and yeoman's houses, 
Making of malt.  who commonly make sufficient for their own expenses only, the winter half is thought most meet for that commodity: howbeit the malt that is made when the willow doth bud, is commonly worst of all, nevertheless each one endeavoureth to make it of the best barleie, which is steeped in a cistern, in greater or less quantity, by the space of three days and three nights, until it be throughly soaked. This being done, the water is drained from it by little and little, till it be quite gone. Afterward they take it out, and laying it upon the clean floor on a round heap, it resteth so until it be ready to shoot at the root end, which maltsters call Coming. When it beginneth therefore to shoot in this manner, they say it is come, and then forthwith they spread it abroad, first thick, and afterward thinner and thinner upon the said floor (as it cometh) and there it lieth (with turning every day four or five times) by the space of one and twenty days at the least, the workman not suffering it in any wise to take any heat, whereby the bud end should spire, that bringeth forth the blade, and by which oversight or hurt of the stuff itself the malt would be spoiled, and turn small commodity to the brewer. When it hath gone or been turned so long upon the floor, they carry it to a kill covered with hair cloth, where they give it gentle heats (after they have spread it there very thin abroad) till it be dry, & in the mean while they turn it often, that it may be uniformly dried. For the more it be dried (yet must it be done with soft fire) the sweeter and better the malt is, and the longer it will continue, whereas if it be not dried down (as they call it) but slackelie handled, it will breed a kind of worm, called a wivell, which groweth in the flower of the corn, and in process of time will so eat out itself, that nothing shall remain of the grain but even the very rind or husk.  
The best malt is tried by the hardness & colour, for if it look fresh with a yellow hue, & thereto will write like a piece of chalk, after you have bitten a kernel in sunder in the midst, than you may assure yourself that it is dried down. In s●●●● places it is dried at leisure with wood alone, or straw alone, in other with wood and straw together, but of all the straw dried, is the most excellent. For the wood dried malt when it is brewed, beside that the drink is higher of colour, it doth hurt and annoy the head of him that is not used thereto, because of the smoke. Such also as use both indifferently do bark, cleave, and dry their wood in an oven, thereby to remove all moisture that should procure the fume, and this malt is in the second place, & with the same likewise, that which is made with dried firze, broom, &c: whereas if they also be occupied green, they are in manner so prejudicial to the corn, as is the moist wood. And thus much of our malts, in brewing whereof some grind the same somewhat grossly, and in séething well the liquor that shall be put unto it, they add to every nine quarters of malt one of headcorne, which consisteth of sundry grain, as wheat, and oats groond. But what have I to do with this matter, or rather so great a quantity, wherewith I am not acquainted. Nevertheless, sith I have taken occasion to speak of brewing, I will exemplify in such a proportion as I am best skilled in, because it is the usual rate for mine own family, and once in a month practised by my wife & her maid servants, who proceed withal after this manner, as she hath off informed me.  
Having therefore groond eight bushels of good 
brewing of beer.  malt upon our querne, where the toll is saved, she addeth unto it half a bushel of wheat meal, and so much of oats small groond, and so tempereth or mixeth them with the malt, that you cannot easily discern the one from the other, otherwise these later would clunter, fall into lumps, and thereby become unprofitable. The first liquor which is full eighty gallons, according to the proportion of our furnace, she maketh boiling hot, and then poureth it softly into the malt, where it resteth (but without stirring) until her second liquor be almost ready to boil. This done she letteth her mash run till the malt be left without liquor, or at the leastwise the greatest part of the moisture, which she perceiveth by the stay and soft issue thereof, and by this time her second liquor in the furnace is ready to seeth, which is put also to the malt as the first worst also again into the furnace whereunto she addeth two pounds of the best English hops, and so letteth them seethe together by the space of two hours in summer, or an hour and an half in winter, whereby it getteth an excellent colour, and continuance without impeachment, or any superfluous tartness. 
Charwoore.  But before the putteth her first wort into the furnace, or mingleth it with the hops, she taketh out a vessel full, of eight or nine gallons, which she shutteth up close, and suffereth no air to come into it till it become yellow, and this she reserveth by itself unto further use, as shall appear hereafter calling it Brackwoort or Charwoort, and as she saith it addeth also to the colour of the drink, whereby it yieldeth not unto amber or fine gold in hue unto the eye. By this time also her second wort is let run, and the first being taken out of the furnace and placed to cool, she returneth the middle wort unto the furnace, where it is stricken over, or from whence it is taken again, when it beginneth to boil and mashed the second time, whilst the third liquor is heat (for there are three liquors) and this last put into the furnace, when the second is mashed again. When she hath mashed also the last liquor (and set the second to cool by the first) she letteth it run, and then séetheth it again with a pound and an half of new hops, or peradventure two pounds as she seeth cause by the goodness or baseness of the hops, & when it hath sodden in summer two hours & in winter an hour & an half, she striketh it also and reserveth it unto mixture with the rest when time doth serve therefore. Finally when she setteth her drink together, she addeth to her brackwoort or charwoort half an ounce of arras, and half a quartern of an ounce of baiberries finely powdered, and then putting the same into her wort with an handful of wheat flower, she proceedeth in such usual order as common brewing requireth. Some in steed of arras & bay add so much long pepper only, but in her opinion and my liking it is not so good as the first, and hereof we make three hogsheads of good beer, such (I mean) as is meet for poor men as I am to live withal, whose small maintenance (for what great thing is forty pounds a year Computatis computandis able to perform) may endure no deeper cut, the charges whereof groweth in this manner. I value my malt at ten shillings, my wood at four shillings which I buy, my hops at twenty pence, the spice at two pence, servants wages two shillings six pence with meat and drink, and she wearing of my vessel at twenty pence, so that for my twenty shillings I have ten score gallons of beer or more, notwithstanding the loss in seething, which some being loath to forego do not observe the time, and therefore speed thereafter in their success, and worthily. The continuance of the drink is alway determined after the quantity of the hops, so that being well hopped it lasteth longer. For it feedeth upon the hop, and holdeth out so long as the force of the same continueth, which being extinguished the drink must be spent or else it dieth, and becometh of no value.  
In this trade also our brewer's observe very diligently the nature of the water, which they daily occupy; and soil through which it passeth, for all waters are not of like goodness, sith the fattest standing water is always the best: for although the waters that run by chalk or cledgie soils be good, and next unto the Thames water which is the most excellent, yet the water that standeth in either of these is the best for us that dwell in the country, as whereon the sun lieth longest, and fattest fish is bred. But of all other the ●ennie and morish is the worst, and the cléerest spring water next unto it. In this business therefore the skilful workman doth redeem the iniquity of that element, by changing of his proportions, which trouble in ale (sometime our only, but now taken with many for old and sickmen's drink) is never seen nor heard of. Howbeit as the beer well sodden in the brewing, and stolen, is clear and well coloured as muscadel or malueseie, or rather yellow as the gold noble as our potknights call it: so our ale which is not at all or very little sodden, and without hops, is more thick, fulsome, and of no such continuance, which are three notable things to be considered in that liquor. But what for that? Certes I know some aleknights so much addicted thereunto, that they will not cease from morrow until even to visit the same, cleansing house after house, till they defile themselves, and either fall quite under the board, or else not daring to stir from their stools, sit still pinking with their narrow eyes as half sleeping, till the fume of their adversary be digested that he may go to it afresh. Such slights also have the alewives for the utterance of this drink, that they will mix it with rosin and salt: but if you heat a knife red hot, and quench it in the ale so near the bottom of the pot as you can put it, you shall see the rosin come forth hanging on the knife. As for the force of salt, it is well known by the effect, for the more the drinker tipleth, the more he may, and so doth he carry off a dry drunken noll to bed with him, except his luck be the better. But to my purpose.  
In some places of England, there is a kind of drink made of apples, which they call cider 
Cider.  or pomage, but that of pears is named pirrie, 
Perrie.  and both are groond and pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes these two are very common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other stéeds, where these sorts of fruits do abound, howbeit they are not their only drink at all times, but referred unto the delicate sorts of drink, as metheglin 
Metheglin.  is in Wales, whereof the Welshmen make no less account (and not without cause if it be well handled) than the Greeks did of their Ambrosia or Nectar, which for the pleasantness thereof, was supposed to be such as the gods themselves did delight in. There is a kind of swish swash mad also in Essex, and diverse other places, with honicombs and water, which the homely country wives, putting some pepper and a little other spice among, call mead, 
Mead.  very good in mine opinion for such as love to be lose bodied at large, or a little eased of the cough, otherwise it differeth so much from the true metheglin, as chalk from cheese. Truly it is nothing else but the washing of the combs, 
Hydromel.  when the honey is wrong out, and one of the best things that I know belonging thereto is, that they spend but little labour and less cost in making of the same, and therefore no great loss if it were never occupied. Hitherto of the diet of my countrymen, & somewhat more at large peradventure than many men will like of, wherefore I think good now to finish this tractation, and so will I, when I have added a few other things incident unto that which goeth before, whereby the whole process of the same shall fully be delivered, & my promise to my friend in this behalf performed.  
Heretofore there hath been much more time spent in eating and drinking than commonly is in these days, 
Less time spent in eating than heretofore.  for whereas of old we had breakfasts in the forenoon, beverages, or nuntions after dinner, and thereto rear suppers generally when it was time to go to rest (a toy brought into England by hardy Canutus and a custom whereof Athenaeus also speaketh lib. 1, albeit Hypocrates speak but of twice at the most lib. 2. De rat. vict. in feb. ac.) Now these odd repasts thanked be God are very well left, and each one in manner (except here and there some young hungry stomath that cannot fast till dinner time) contenteth himself with dinner & supper only. The Normans misliking the gormandise of Canutus, ordained after their arrival, that no table should be covered above once in the day, which Huntingdon imputeth to their avarice: but in the end either waxing weary of their own frugality, or suffering the cockle of old custom to overgrow the good corn of their new constitution, they fell to such liberty, 
Canutus a glutton, but the Normans at the last exceeded him in that vice.  that in often feeding they surmounted Canutus surnamed the hardy. For whereas he covered his table but three or four times in the day, these spread their clothes five or six times, and in such wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the custom of long and stately sitting at meat, whereby their feasts resembled those ancient pontifical banquets whereof Macrobius speaketh lib. 3. cap. 13. and Plin. lib. 10. cap. 10. and which for sumptuousness of fare, long sitting and curiosity showed in the same, exceeded all other men's feasting, which fondness is not yet left with us, notwithstanding that it proveth very beneficial for the physicians, who most abound, where most excess and misgovernment of our bodies do appear, although it be a great expense of time, and worthy of reprehension. For the nobility, gentlemen, and merchantmen, especially at great meetings do sit commonly till two or three of the clock at afternoon, 
Long sitting reprehended.  so that with many is an hard matter, to rise from the table to go to evening prayer, and return from thence to come time enough to supper. For my part I am persuaded that the purpose of the Normans at the first was to reduce the ancient Roman order or Danish custom in feeding once in the day, and toward the evening, as I have red and noted. And indeed the Romans had such a custom, and likewise the Grecians, as may appear by the words of Socrates, who said unto the athenians, Oriente sole consilium, occidente conuivium est cogitandum, although a little something was allowed in the morning to young children which we now call a breakfast. Plato called the sicilians monsters, for that they used to eat twice in the day. Among the Persians only the king dined when the sun was at the highest, and shadow of the style at the shortest: the rest (as it is reported) went always but once to meat when their stomaches craved it, as the Canariens and Indians do in my time (who if appetite serve refuse not to go to meat at any hour of the night) and likewise the ancient Caspians. Yet Arhianus noteth it as a rare thing li. 4. cap. 16. that the Tyrhenians had taken up an ill custom to feed twice in a day. Howbeit at the last they fell generally to allow of suppers toward the setting of the sun in all places, because they would have their whole family to go to meat together, and whereunto they would appoint their guests to come at a certain length of the shadow, to be perceived in their dials. And this is more to be noted of antiquity, that if any man (as Plutarch saith) did feed before that time, he incurred a note of reprehension as if he had been gluttonous and given unto the belly, 8. Sympos. 6. Their slaves in like sort were glad, when it grew to the tenth foot, for than were they sure soon after to go to meat. In the scripture we read of many suppers & few dinners, only for that dining was not greatly used in Christ's time, but taken as a thing lately sprung up, when pampering of the belly began to take hold, occastoned by idleness and great abundance of riches. It is pretty to note in Juvenal, how he taunteth Marius for that he gave himself to drink before the 
* That is at three of the clock at afternoon.  ninth hour of the day: for thinking three hours to be too little for the filling of his belly, he began commonly at eight, which was an hour too soon. Afterwards when gurmandise increased yet more amongst the Romans, and from them was dispersed unto all nations under their subjection, it came to pass that six hours only were appointed to work and consult in, and the other six of the day to feed and drink in, as the verse saith: 
Sex horae tantùm rebus tribuantur agendis,  
Vivere post illas, littera Zetha monet.   
Whereunto Maximus Planudes (except my memory fail me) addeth this scholy after his manner, saying that from morning unto noon (which is six of the clock after the unequal account) each one doth travel about his necessary affairs, that being done, he betaketh himself to the refreshing of his body, which is noted and set down by the Greek letters of the dial (wherewith the Roman horologies were marked, as ours be with their numeral letters) whereby the time is described; for those which point 7, 8, 9 and 10 are written with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and being joined yield 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in English signifieth so much as live, as if they should mean, eat that thou mayst live. But how Martial divided his day, and with him the whole troup of the learned & wiser sort, these verses following do more evidently declare: 
Prima salutantes, atque altera 〈…〉, 
Li. 4. epig. 8.   
Exercet raucos tertia causidicos.  
In quintam varios extendis Roma labores,  
Sexta quies lassis, septima finis erit.  
Sufficit in nonam nitidis octava palestris,  
Imperat extructos frangera nona thoros.  
Hora libellorum decima est Eupheme meorum,  
Temperate Ambrosias cum tua cura dapes.  
Et bonus aethereo laxatur Nectare Caesar,  
Ingentíque tenet pocula parca manu.  
Tunc admitteiocos: gressu timet ire licenti,  
Ad matutinum nostra Thaleia iovem.   
Thus we see how the ancient manner of the Gentiles was to feed but once in the day, and that toward night, till gluttony grew on and altered this good custom. I might 〈◊〉 remember also their manner in pulling off their shoes when they sat down to meat, whereof Martial saith: 
Deposui soleas, affertur protinus ingens  
Inter lactucas oxygarmúque, liber, etc.  And Tully also remembreth where he saith servum à pedibus ad te misi, which office grew of the said custom, as servus ad limina did of keeping the door, though in most houses both these were commonly one man's office, also Ad pocula of attending on the cup. But because the good writers of our time have observed these phrases and such like with their causes and descriptions, in their infinite and several treatises, I shall not need to discourse any farther upon them. With us the nobility, gentry, and students, do ordinarily go to dinner at eleven before noon, and to supper at five, or between five and six at afternoon. The merchants dine and sup seldom before twelve at noon, and six at night especially in London. The husbandmen dine also at high noon as they call it, and sup at seven or eight: but out of the term in our universities the scholars dine at ten. As for the poorest fort they generally dine and sup when they may, so that to talk of their order of repast, it were but a needless matter. I might here take occasion also to set down the variety used by antiquity in their beginnings of their diets, wherein almost every nation had a several fashion, some beginning of custom (as we do in summer time) with salads at supper, and some ending with lettuce, some making their entry with eggs, and shutting up their tables with mulberries, as we do with fruit and conceits of all sorts. diverse (as the old Romans) began with a few crops of rue, as the venetians did with the fish called Gobius, the Belgies with butter (or as we do yet also) with butter and eggs upon fish days. But whereas we commonly begin with the most gross food, and end with the most delicate, the Scot thinking much to leave the best for his menial servants maketh his entrance at the best, so that he is sure thereby to leave the worst. We use also our wines by degrees, so that the hottest cometh last to the table, but to stand upon such toys would spend much time, and turn to small profit, wherefore I will deals with other things more necessary for this turn.   

Of their apparel and attire. Chap. 7.  
AN Englishman, endeavouring sometime to write of our attire, made sundry platforms for his purpose, supposing by some of them to find out one steadfast ground whereon to build the sum of his discourse. But in the end (like an orator long without exercise) when he saw what a difficult piece of work he had taken in hand, he gave over his travel, and only drew the picture of a naked man, unto whom he gave a pair of shears in the one hand, and a piece of cloth in the other, to the end he should shape his apparel after such fashion as himself liked, sith he cuold find no kind of garment that could please him any while together, and this he called an Englishman. 
Andrew Board.  Certes this writer (otherwise being a lewd popish hypocrite and ungracious priest) showed himself herein not to be altogether void of judgement, sith the fantastical folly of our nation, even from the courtier to the carter is such, that no form of apparel liketh us longer than the first garment is in the wearing, if it continue so long and be not laid aside, to receive some other trinket newly devised by the fickle he aded tailors, who covet to have several tricks in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more expense of money. 
Strange cu●s.  For my part I can tell better how to inveigh against this enormity, than describe any certainty of our attire: sithence such is our mutability, that to day there is none to the Spanish guise, to morrow the French toys are most fine and delectable, yer long no such apparel as that which is after the high Alman fashion, by and by the Turkish manner is generally best liked of, otherwise the Morisco gowns, the Barbarian sleeves, the mandilion worn to Collie weston ward, and the short French breeches make such a comely vesture, that except it were a dog in a doublet, you shall not see any so disguised, as are my country men of England. And as these fashions are diverse, so likewise it is a world to see the costliness and the curiosity: the excess and the vanity: the pomp and the bravery: the change and the variety: and finally the fickleness and the folly that is in all degrees: in somuch that nothing is more constant in England than inconstancy of attire. Oh how much cost is bestowed now adays upon our bodies and how little upon our souls! how 
Much cost upon the body, and little upon the soul  many suits of apparel hath the one and how little furniture hath the other? how long time is asked in decking up of the first, and how little space left wherein to feed the later? how curious, how nice also are a number of men and women, and how hardly can the tailor please them in making it fit for their bodies? how many times must it be sent back again to him that made it? what chafing, what fretting, what reproachful language doth the poor workman bear away? and many times when he doth nothing to it at all, yet when it is brought home again it is very fit and handsome; then must we put it on, then must the long seams of our hose be set by a plumbline, than we puff, than we blow, and finally sweat till we drop, that our clothes may stand well upon us. I will say nothing of our heads, which sometimes are polled, sometimes curled, or suffered to grow at length like woman's locks, many times cut off above or under the ears round as by a wooden dish. Neither will I meddle with our variety of beards, 
Beards.  of which some are shaven from the chin like those of Turks, not a few cut short like to the beard of marquess Otto, some made round like a rubbing brush, other with a pique de vant (O fine fashion!) or now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being grown to be so cunning in this behalf as the tailors. And therefore if a man have a lean and straight face, a marquess Ottons cut will make it broad and large; if it be platter like, a long slender beard will make it seem the narrower; if he be weasel becked, then much hear left on the cheeks will make the owner look big like a bowdled hen, and so grim as a goose, if Cornelis of Chelmeresford say true: many old men do wear no beards at all. Some lusty courtiers also and gentlemen of courage, do wear either rings of gold, stones, or pearl in their ears, whereby they imagine the workmanship of God not to be a little amended. But herein they rather disgrace than adorn their persons, as by their niceness in apparel, for which I say most nations do not unjustly deride us, as also for that we do seem to imitate all nations round about, us wherein we be like to the Polypus or Chameleon; and thereunto bestow most cost upon our arses, & much more than upon all the rest of our bodies, as women do likewise upon their heads and shoulders. 
Excess in women.  In women also it is most to be lamented, that they do now far exceed the lightness of our men (who nevertheless are transformed from the cap even to the very shoe) and such staring attire as in time past was supposed meet for none but light housewives only, is now become an habit for chaste and sober matrons. What should I say of their doublets with pendant codpéeses on the breast full of iags & cuts, and sleeves of sundry colours? their galligascons to bear out their bums & make their attire to sit plum round (as they term it) about them? their farthingales, and diversly coloured neither stocks of silk, ierdseie, and such like, whereby their bodies are rather deformed than commended? I have met with some of these trulls in London so disguised, that it hath passed my skill to discern whether they were men or women.  
Thus it is now come to pass, that women are become men, and men transformed into monsters: and those good gifts which almighty God hath given unto us to relieve our necessities withal (as a nation turning altogether the grace of God into wantonness, for Luxuriant animi rebus plerunque secundis) not otherwise bestowed than in all excess, as if we witted not otherwise how to consume and waste them. I pray God that in this behalf our sin be not like unto that of Sodoma and Gomorrha, 
Eze●h. 16.  whose errors were pride, excess of diet, and abuse of God's benefits abundantly bestowed upon them, beside want of charity toward the poor, and certain other points which the prophet shutteth up in silence. Certes the commonwealth cannot be said to flourish where these abuses reign, but is rather oppressed by unteasonable exactions made upon rich farmers, and of poor tenants, wherewith to maintain the same. Neither was it ever merrier with England, than when an Englishman was known abroad by his own cloth, and contented himself at home with his fine carsie hosen, and a mean slop: his coat, gown, and cloak of brown blue or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or fur, and a doublet of sad tawny, or black velvet, or other comely silk, without such cuts and gawrish colours as are worn in these days, and never brought in but by the consent of the French, who think themselves the gayest men, when they have most diversities of jags and change of colours about them. 
Attire of merchants.  Certes of all estates our merchants do least alter their attire, and therefore are most to be commended: for albeit that which they wear be very fine and costly, yet in form and colour it representeth a great piece of the ancient gravity appertaining to citizens and burgesses, albeit the younger sort of their wives both in attire and costly housekeeping can not tell when and how to make an end, as being women in deed in whom all kind of curiosity is to be found and seen, and in far greater measure than in women of higher calling. I might here name a sort of hews devised for the nonce, wherewith to please fantastical heads, as gooseturd green, pease porridge tawny, popingaie blue, lusty gallant, the devil in the head (I should say the hedge) and such like: but I pass them over thinking it sufficient to have said thus much of apparel generally, when nothing can particularly be spoken of any constancy thereof.   

Of the high court of parliament, and authority of the same. Chap. 8.  
IN speaking of parliament law, I have in the chapter precedent said somewhat of this high and most honourable court. Wherefore it shall not need to remember aught here that is there touched: I will only speak of other things therefore concerning the estate of assembly, whereby the magnificence thereof shall be in some part better known unto such as shall come after us. This house hath the most high and absolute power of the realm, for thereby kings and mighty princes have from time to time been deposed from their thrones, laws either enacted or abrogated, offenders of all sorts punished, 
The parliament house divideth the estate of the realm into nobility and the commons.  and corrupted religion either dissanulled or reform, which commonly is divided into two houses or parts, the higher or upper house consisting of the nobility, including all even unto the baron and bishop: the lower called the neither house of knights, squires, gentlemen, and burgesses of the commons, with whom also the inferior members of the clergy are joined, albeit they sit in diverse places, and these have to deal only in matters of religion, till it come that they join with the rest in confirmation of all such acts as are to pass in the same. For without the consent of the thr●e estates, that is, of the nobility, clergy, and laity, seldom any thing is said to be concluded upon, and brought unto the prince for his consent and allowance. To be short, whatsoever the people of Rome did in their Centuriatis or Tribunitijs comitijs, the same is and may be done by authority of our parliament house, which is the head and body of all the realm, and the place wherein every particular person is intended to be present, if not by himself, yet by his advocate or attorney. For this cause also any thing there enacted is not to be misliked, but obeyed of all men without contradiction or grudge. By the space of forty days, before this assembly be begun, 
Time of summons.  the prince sendeth his writs unto all his nobility particularly, summoning them to appear at the said court. The like he doth to the sheriff of every county; with commandment to choose two knights within each of their counties, to give their advise in the name of the shire, likewise to every city and town, that they may choose their burgesses, which commonly are men best skilled in the state of their city or town, either for the declaration of such benefits as they want, or to show which way to reform such enormities as through the practices of ill members are practised and crept in among them: the first being chosen by the gentlemen of the shire, the other by the citizens and burgesses of every city and town, whereby that court is furnished. The first day of the parliament being come, the lords of the upper house, 
Of the upper house.  as well ecclesiastical as temporal, do attend upon the prince, who rideth thither in person, as it were to open the door of their authority; and being come into the place, after prayers made, and causes showed, wherefore some not present are enforced to be absent, each man taketh his place according to his degree. The house itself is curiously furnished with tapestry, and the king being set in his throne, the spiritual lords take up the side of the house which is on the right hand of the prince, 
Places of the peers.  and the temporal lords the left, I mean, so well dukes and earls, as viscounts and barons, as I before remembered. In the midst and a pretty distance from the prince, lie certain sacks stuffed with wool or hair, whereon the judges of the realm, the master of the rolls, and secretaries of estate do sit. Howbeit these judges have no voice in the house, but only show what their opinion is of such & such matters as come in question among the lords, if they be commanded so to do: as the secretaries are to answer such letters or things passed in the council, whereof they have the custody & knowledge. Finally, the consent of this house is given by each man severally, first for himself being present, then severally for so many as he hath letters & proxies directed unto him, saying only; Content or Not content, without any further debating. Of the number assembled in the lower house, 
Of the lower house.  I have already made a general report in the chapter precedent, and their particulars shall follow here at hand. These therefore being called over by name do choose a speaker, 
Speaker.  who is as it were their mouth, and him they present unto the prince, in whom it is either to refuse or admit him by the lord chancellor, who in the prince's name doth answer unto his oration, made at his first entrance & presentation into the house, wherein he declareth the good liking that the king hath conceived of his choice unto that office & function. Being admitted, he maketh five requests unto that honourable assembly, 
Petitions of the speaker.  first that the house may (as in times past) enjoy her former liberties and privileges: secondly, that the congregates may frankly show their minds upon such matters as are to come in question: thirdly, that if any of the lower house do give any cause of offence during the continuance of this assembly, that the same may inflict such punishment upon the party culpable, as to the said assembly shall be thought convenient: fourthly, if any doubt should arise among them of the lower house, that he in their name might have free access and recourse unto his majesty & lords of the higher house, to be further instructed and resolved in the same: fiftly and last, he craveth pardon for himself, if in his going to and fro between the houses, he forget or mistake any thing, requiring that he may return and be better informed in such things as be did fail in without offence: unto which petitions the lord chancellor doth answer as appertaineth, and this is done on the first day, or peradventure the second, if it could not be conveniently performed in the first.  
Beside the lord chancellor there is another in the upper house called the clerk of the parliament, 
Clerk of the parliament.  whose office is to read the bills. For every thing that cometh in consultation in either house, is first put in writing in paper, which being read, he that listeth riseth up and speaketh either with it or against it, and so one after another so long as they shall think good; that done they go to another, and so to the third, &c: the instrument still wholly or in part razed or reform, as cause moveth for the amendment of the same if the substance be reputed necessary. In the upper house the lord chancellor demandeth if they will have it engrossed, that is to say, put in parchment, which done, it is read the third time, & after debating of the matter to and fro if the more part do conclude withal, upon the utterance of these words, Are ye contended that it be enacted or no? the clerk writeth underneath So it baille aux commons, and so when they see time they send such bills approved to the commons by some of them that sit on the wool sacks, who coming into the house, & demanding licence to speak, do use this kind of words or the like to the speaker, as sir Thomas Smith doth deliver and set them down, whose only direction I use, and almost word for word in this chapter, requiting him with the like borowage as he hath used toward me in his discourse of the sundry degrees of estates in the commonwealth of England, which (as I hope) shall be no discredit to his travel. Master speaker, my lords of the upper house have passed amongst them, and think good that there should be enacted by parliament such an act, and such an act (reading their titles in such sort as he received them) they pray you therefore to consider & show your advise upon them. Which done they go their way, and the door being shut after them, the speaker declareth what message was sent unto them, and if they be then void of consultation upon any other bill, he presently demandeth what their pleasures are, first of one, then of another, &c: which are solemnly read, or their contents briefly showed and then debated upon among them.  
The speaker sitteth in a chair erected somewhat higher than the rest, 
Of the neither house.  that he may see and be seen of all men, and before him on a lower seat sitteth his clerk, who readeth such bills as be first propounded in the lower house, or sent down from the lords: for in that point each house hath equal authority to propound what they think meet, either for the abrogation of old or making of new laws. All bills be thrice and on diverse days read and disputed upon before they come to the question, which is, whether they shall be enacted or not; and in discourse upon them, very good order is used in the lower house, wherein he that will speak giveth notice thereof by standing up bore headed. If many stand up at once (as now & then it happeneth) he speaketh first that was first seen to move out of his place, and telleth his tale unto the speaker, without rehearsal of his name whose speeches he meaneth to confute, so that with a perpetual oration & not with altercation these discourses are continued. But as the party confuted may not reply on that day, so one man can not speak twice to one bill in one day though he would change his opinion, but on the next he may speak again, & yet but once as afore. No vile, seditious, unreverent or biting words are used in this assembly, yet if any happen to escape and be uttered, the party is punished according to the censure of the assembly and custom in that behalf. In the afternoon they sit not except upon some urgent occasion, neither hath the speaker any voice in that house, wherewith to move or dissuade the furtherance or stay of any bill, but his office is upon the reading thereof briefly to declare the contents. If any bill pass, which cometh unto them from the lords, it is thus subscribed, Le commons ont assentus: so if the lords agree upon any bill sent unto them from the commons, it is subscribed after this manner, Les seigniours ont assentus. If it be not agreed on after thrice reading, there is conference required and had between the upper and neither houses, by certain appointed for that purpose upon the points in question, whereupon if no final agreement by the more part can be obtained, the bill is dashed and rejected, or (as the saying is) clean cast out of the doors. None of the neither house can give his voice by proxy but in his own person, and after he bill twice read, then engrossed and the third time read again & discoursed upon, the speaker asketh if they will go to the question, whereunto if they agree he holdeth up the bill & saith; So many as will have this bill go forward say Yea: hereupon so many as allow of the thing cry Yea, the other No, & as the cry is more or less on either side, so is the bill to stay or else go forward. If the number of negative and affirmative voices seem to be equal, so many as allow of the bill go down withal, the rest sit still, and being told by the poll the greater par do carry away the matter. If something be allowed and in some part rejected, the bill is put to certain committées to be amended, & then being brought in again, it is read and passeth or stayeth as the voices yield thereto. This is the order of the passage of our laws, which are not ratified till both houses have agreed unto them, and yet not holden for law till the prince have given his assent. Upon the last day therefore of the parliament or session, the prince cometh in person again into the house, in his robes as at the first. Where after thanks given to the prince, first in the name of the lords by the lord chancellor, then in the name of the commons by the speaker for his great care of the welfare of his realm, &c: the lord chancellor in the prince's name giveth thanks to the lords & commons likewise for their pains, with promise of recompense as opportunity & occasion shall serve therefore. This done one readeth the title of every act passed in that session, and then it is noted upon them what the prince doth allow of with these words, Le roy veult. If the prince like not of them, it is written upon them Le roy advisera. And so those acts are dashed, as the other from thenceforoth are taken and holden for law, and all imprinted except such as concern some private persons, which are only exemplified under the seal of the parliament, as privileges to his use. And this is the sum of the manner after which our parlements in England are holden, without which no forfeiture of life, member or lands of any Englishman, where no law is ordained for the same before hand, is available or can take place amongst us. And so much in manner out of the third chapter of the second book of the commonwealth of England written by sir Thomas Smith: whereunto I will annex a table of the counties, cities, boroughs and ports, which send knights, burgesses, and barons to the parliament house, and doth ensue as followeth.  

The names of counties, cities, boroughs, and ports, sending knights, citizens, burgesses, and barons to the parliament of England.  

Bedford.  
KNights. 2  
The borough of Bedford. 2   

Buckingham.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Buckingham. 2  
The borough of Wickombe. 2  
The borough of Ailesburie. 2   

Barckeshire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of New Windsor. 2  
The borough of Reading. 2  
The borough of Wallingford. 2  
The borough of Abington. 2   

Cornwall.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Launceston alias Newport. 2  
The borough of Leskerd. 2  
The borough of lostwithiel. 2  
The borough of Dunhevet. 2  
The borough of Truro. 2  
The borough of Bodmin. 2  
The borough of Helston. 2  
The borough of Saltash. 2  
The borough of Camelford. 2  
The borough of Portighsam alias Portlow. 2  
The borough of Graunpount.  
The borough of Eastlow. 2  
The borough of Prurie. 2  
The borough of Tregonie. 2  
The borough of Trebenna alias Bossinnie. 2  
The borough of S. jes. 2  
The borough of Fowaie. 2  
The borough of Germine. 2  
The borough of Michael. 2  
The borough of saint Maries. 2   

Cumberland.  
Knights. 2  
The city of caerleil. 2   

Cambridge.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Cambridge. 2   

Chester.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Chester. 2   

Derby.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Derby. 2   

Devon.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Excester. 2  
The borough of Totnes. 2  
The borough of Plymouth. 2  
The borough of Bardnestable. 2  
The borough of Plimton. 2  
The borough of Tavestocke. 2  
The borough of Dartmouth, Clifton, and Herdines. 2   

Dorsetshire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Poole. 2  
The borough of Dorchester. 2  
The borough of Linne. 2  
The borough of Melcombe. 2  
The borough of Waiemouth. 2  
The borough of Bureport. 2  
The borough of Shaftesburie. 2  
The borough of Warham. 2   

Essex.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Colchester. 2  
The borough of Malden. 2   

Yorkshire.  
Knights. 2  
The city of York. 2  
The borough of Kingston upon Hull. 2  
The borough of Knaresborough. 2  
The borough of Skardborough. 2  
The borough of Rippon. 2  
The borough of Hudon. 2  
The borough of Boroughbridge. 2  
The borough of Thuske. 2  
The borough of Aldebrough. 2  
The borough of Beverleie. 2   

Glocestershire.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Gloucester. 2  
The borough of Cirencester. 2   

Huntingtonshire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Huntingdon. 2   

Hertfordshire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of saint Albon. 2   

Herefordshire.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Hereford. 2  
The borough of Lempster. 2   

Kent.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Canturburie. 2  
The city of Rochester. 2  
The borough of Maidstone. 2  
The borough of Quinborough. 2   

Lincoln.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Lincoln. 2  
The borough of Bostone. 2  
The borough of great Grinesbie. 2  
The borough of Stamford. 2  
The borough of Grantham. 2   

Leicestershire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Leicester. 2   

Lancastershire.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Lancaster. 2  
The borough of Preston in Andernes. 2  
The borough of Liverpool. 2  
The borough of Newton. 2  
The borough of Wigan. 2  
The borough of Clithero. 2   

Middlesex.  
Knights. 2  
The city of London. 4  
The city of Westminster. 2   

Monmouth.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Monmouth. 1   

Northhampton.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Peterborough. 2  
The borough of Northhampton. 2  
The borough of Barkleie. 2  
The borough of Higham Ferres. 1   

Nottingham.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Nottingham. 2  
The borough of Estreatford. 2   

Norfolk.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Norwich. 2  
The borough of Linne. 2  
The borough of great jernemouth. 2  
The borough of Thetford. 2  
The borough of castle Rising. 2   

Northumberland.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of New castle upon Tine. 2  
The borough of Morpeth. 2  
The borough of Barwike. 2   

Oxford.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Oxford. 2  
The borough of Banbury. 2  
The borough of Woodstock. 2   

Rutland.  
Knights. 2   

Surrerie.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Southwark. 2  
The borough of Blechingleigh. 2  
The borough of Rigate. 2  
The borough of Guildford. 2  
The borough of Gatton. 2   

Stafford.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Lichfield. 2  
The borough of Stratford. 2  
The borough of New castle under Linne. 2  
The borough of Tamworth. 2   

Salop.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Salop. 2  
The borough of Bruges alias Bridgenorth. 2  
The borough of Ludlow. 2  
The borough of Wenlocke. 2   

Southampton.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Winton. 2  
The borough of Southampton. 2  
The borough of Portesmouth. 2  
The borough of Peterfield. 2  
The borough of Stockebridge. 2  
The borough of Christ church. 2   

Suffolk.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Ippeswich. 2  
The borough of Dunwich. 2  
The borough of Ortford. 2  
The borough of Aldeborough. 2  
The borough of Sudburie. 2  
The borough of Eya. 2   

Summerset.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Bristol. 2  
The city of Bath. 2  
The city of Welles. 2  
The borough of Taunton. 2  
The borough of Bridgewater. 2  
The borough of Minched. 2   

Sussex.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Chichester. 2  
The borough of Horsham. 2  
The borough of Midhurst. 2  
The borough of jews. 2  
The borough of Shorham. 2  
The borough of Brember. 2  
The borough of Stening. 2  
The borough of Eastgrenesteed. 2  
The borough of Arundel. 2   

Westmoreland.  
Knights. 2  
The borough of Appulbie. 2   

Wilton.  
Knights. 2  
The city of New Sarum. 2  
The borough of Wilton. 2  
The borough of Dounton. 2  
The borough of Hindon. 2  
The borough of Heitesburie. 2  
The borough of Westburie. 2  
The borough of Caine. 2  
The borough of devices. 2  
The borough of Chipenham. 2  
The borough of Malmesburie. 2  
The borough of Cricklade. 2  
The borough of Budwin. 2  
The borough of Ludgesale. 2  
The borough of Old Sarum. 2  
The borough of Wotton Basset. 2  
The borough of Marleborough. 2   

Worcester.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Worcester. 2  
The borough of Withée. 2   

Warwick.  
Knights. 2  
The city of Coventrie. 2  
The borough of Warwick. 2   

Barons of the ports.  
Hastings. 2  
Winchelseie. 2  
Rye. 2  
Rumneie. 2  
Hithe. 2  
Dover. 2  
Sandwich. 2   

Mountgomerie.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Mountgomerie. 1   

Flint.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Flint. 1   

Denbigh.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Denbigh. 1   

Merionneth.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Haverfordwest. 1   

Carneruan.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Carneru●●e. 1   

Angleseie.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Beaumares. 1   

Carmarden.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of new Carmarden. 1   

Pembroke.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Pembroke. 1   

Cairdigan.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Cairdigan. 1   

Brecknoch.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Brecknoch. 1   

Radnor.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Radnor. 1   

Glamorgan.  
Knights. 1  
The borough of Cardiff. 1   

¶ The sum of the foresaid number of the common house videlicet, of  
Knights. 90.  
Citizens. 46.  
Burgesses. 289.  
Barons. 14.  
439.     

Of the laws of England since her first inhabitation. Chap. 9  
THat Samothes 
Samothes.  or Dis gave the first laws to the Celtes (whose kingdom he erected about the fifteenth of Nimbrote) the testimony of Berosus is proof sufficient For he not only affirmeth him to publish the same in the fourth of Ninus, but also addeth thereto, how there lived none in his days of more excellent wisdom, nor politic invention than he, whereof he was named Samothes, as some other do affirm. What his laws were, it is now altogether unknown, 
Albion.  as most things of this age; but that they were altered again at the coming of Albion, no man can absolutely deny, sith new lords use commonly to give new laws, and conquerors abolish such as were in use before them.  
The like also may be affirmed of our Brute, 
Brute.  notwithstanding that the certain knowledge so well of the one as of the other is perished, and nothing worthy memory left of all their doings. Somewhat yet we have of Mulmutius, 
Mulmutius.  who not only subdued such princes as reigned in this land, but also brought the realm to good order, that long before had been torn with civil discord. But where his laws are to be found, and which they be from other men's, no man living in these days is able to determine.  
Certes, there was never prince in Britain, of whom his subjects conceived better hope in the beginning, than of Bladudus, and yet I read of none that made so ridiculous an end: in like sort there hath not reigned any monarch in this isle, whose ways were more feared at the first, than those of Dunwallon 
The praise of Dunwallon.  (king Henry the fift excepted) and yet in the end he proved such a prince, as after his death there was in manner no subject, that did not lament his funerals. And this only for his policy in governance, severe administration of justice, and provident framing of his laws and constitutions, for the government of his subjects. His people also, coveting to continue his name unto posterity, entitled those his ordinances according to their maker, calling them by the name of the laws of Mulmutius, which endured in execution among the Britons, so long as our homelings had the dominion of this isle. Afterward when the comeling Saxons had once obtained the superiority of the kingdom, the majesty of those laws fell for a time into such decay, that although Non penitùs cecidit, tamen potuit cecidisse videri, as Leland saith, and the decrêes themselves had utterly perished in deed at the very first brunt, had they not been preserved in Wales, where they remained amongst there likes of the Britons, & not only until the coming of the Normans, but even until the time of Edward the first, who obtaining the sovereignty of that portion, endeavoured very earnestly to extinguish those of Mulmutius, and to establish his own.  
But as the Saxons at their first arrival did what they could to abolish the British laws, so in process of time they yielded a little to relent, & not so much to abhor and mislike of the laws of Mulmutius, as to receive and embrace the same, especially at such time as the said Saxon princes entered into amity with the British nobility, and after that began to join in matrimony with the British ladies, as the British barons did with the Saxon frowes, both by an especial statute and decree, whereof in another treatise I have made mention at large. Héerof also it came to pass in the end, that they were contented to make a choice, and insert no small numbers of them into their own volumes, as may be gathered by those of Athelbert the great, surnamed king of Kent, Inas and Alfred kings of the west Saxons, and diverse other yet extant to be seen. Such also was the lateward estimation of them, that when any of the Saxon princes went about to make new ordinances, they caused those of Mulmutius (which Gildas sometime translated into Latin) to be first expounded unto them, and in this perusal if they found any there already framed, that might serve their turns, they forthwith revived the same, and annexed them to their own.  
But in this dealing, the diligence of Alfred is most of all to be commended, who not only chose out the best, but gathered together all such whatsoever the said Mulmutius had made: and then to the end they should lie no more in corners as forlorn books, and unknown to the learned of his kingdom, he caused them to be turned into the Saxon tongue, wherein they continued long after his decease.  
As for the Normans, who for a season neither regarded the British, nor cared for the Saxon statutes, they also at the first utterly misliked of them, till at the last, when they had well weighed that one kind of regiment is not convenient for all peoples, and that no stranger, being in a foreign country newly brought under obedience, could make such equal ordinances, as he might thereby govern his new commonwealth without some care & trouble: they fell in with such a desire to see by what rule the state of the land was governed in time of the Saxons, that having perused the same, they not only commended their manner of regiment, but also admitted a great part of their laws (now currant under the name of S. Edward's laws, and used as principles and grounds) whereby they not only qualified the rigour of their own, and mitigated their almost intolerable burden of servitude which they had lately laid upon the shoulders of the English, but also left us a greeat number of the old Mulmutian laws, whereof the most part are in use to this day as I said, albeit that we know not certainly how to distinguish them from others, that are in strength amongst us.  
After Dunwallon, the next lawgiver was Martia, 
Martia.  whom Leland surnameth Proba; and after him John Bale also, who in his Centuries doth justly confess himself to have been helped by the said Leland, as I myself do likewise for many things contained in this treatise. She was wife unto Gutteline king of the Britons: and being made protectrix of the realm, after her husband's decease in the nonage of her son, and seeing many things daily to grow up among her people worthy reformation, she devised sundry and those very politic laws, for the governance of her kingdom, which her subjects when she was dead and gone, did name the Martian statutes. Who turned them into Latin, as yet I do not read, howbeit (as I said before of the laws of Mulmutius) so the same Alfred caused those of this excellently well learned lady (whom diverse commend also for her great knowledge in the Greek tongue) to be turned into his own language, whereupon it came to pass that they were daily executed among his subjects, afterward allowed of (among the rest) by the Normans, and finally remain in use in these our days, notwithstanding that we can not dissever them also very readily from the other.  
The seventh alteration of laws was practised by the Saxons, for I overpass the use of the civil ordinances used in Rome, finally brought hither by the Romans, & yet in perfect notice among the civilians of our country, though never generally nor fully received by all the several regions of this Island. Certes there are great numbers of these later, which yet remain in sound knowledge, and are to be read, being comprehended for the most part under the names of the Martian 
Martian law.  and the Saxon law. 
Saxon law.  Beside these also I read of the Dane law, 
Dane law.  so that the people of middle England were ruled by the first, the west Saxons by the second; as Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and part of Herfordshire were by the third▪ of all the rest the most inequal and intolerable. And as in these days what soever the prince in public assembly commanded upon the necessity of his subjects, or his own voluntary authority, was counted for law: so none of them had appointed any certain place, whereunto his people might repair at fixed times for justice, but caused them to resort commonly to their palaces, where in proper person they would often determine their causes, and so make shortest work, or else commit the same to the hearing of other, and so dispatch them away. Neither had they any house appointed to assemble in for the making of their ordinances, as we have now at Westminster. Wherefore Edmund gave laws at London & Lincoln, Ethelred at Habam, Alfred at Woodstock and Wannetting, Athelstane in Excester, Grecklade, Feversham, & Thundersleie, Canutus at Winchester, &c: other in other places, whereof this may suffice.  
Among other things also used in the time of the Saxons, it shall not be amiss to set down the form of their Ordalian law, which they brought hither with them from beyond the seas out of Scythia, and used only in the trial of guilty and unguiltinesse. Certes it contained not an ordinary proceeding by days and terms, as in the civil and common law we see practised in these days; but a short dispatch & trial of the matter by fire or water, whereof at this present I will deliver the circumstance, as I have faithfully translated it out of an ancient volume, and conferred with an imprinted copy, lately published by M. Lambert, and now extant to be read. Nevertheless, as the Scythians were the first that used this practice, so I read that it was taken up and occupied also in France in process of time, yea and likewise in Grecia, as G. Pachymerus remembreth in the first book of his history (which beginneth with the empire of M. Paleologus) where he noteth his own sight and view in that behalf. But what stand I hereupon?  
The Ordalian (saith the aforesaid author) was a certain manner of purgation used two ways, 
Ordalian law. Fire.  whereof the one was by fire, the other by water. In the execution of that which was done by fire, the party accused should go a certain number of paces, with an hot iron in his hand, or else bore footed upon certain plough shares red hot, according to the manner. This iron was sometime of one pound weight, and then was it called single Ordalium, sometimes of three, and then named triple Ordalium, and whosoever did bear or tread on the same without hurt of his body he was adjudged guiltless, otherwise if his skin were scorched, he was forthwith condemned as guilty of the trespass whereof he was accused, according to the proportion and quantity of the burning.  
There were in like sort two kinds of trial by the water, 
Water.  that is to say, either by hot or cold: and in this trial the party thought culpable, was either tumbled into some pond or huge vessel of cold water, wherein if he continued for a season, without wrestling or struggling for life, he was forthwith acquitted as guiltless of the fact whereof he was accused: but if he began to plunge, and labour once for breath immediately upon his falling into that liquor, he was by and by condemned as guilty of the crime. Or else he did thrust his arm up to the shoulder into a lead, copper, or cauldron of seething water, from whence if he withdrew the same without any manner of damage, he was discharged of further molestation: otherwise he was taken for a trespasser, and punished accordingly. The fiery manner of purgation belonged only to noble men and women, and such as were free borne: but the husbandmen and villains were tried by water. Whereof to show the unlearned dealing and blind ignorance of those times, it shall not be impertinent to set forth the whole manner, which continued here in England until the time of king john, who seeing the manifold subtleties in the same (by sundry sorcerous and artificial practices whereby the working of the said elements were restrained) did extinguish it altogether as flat lewdness and boverie. The rubric of the treatise entereth thus: Here beginneth the execution of justice, whereby the guilty or unguilty are tried by hot iron. Then it followeth: After accusation lawfully made, and three days spent in fasting and prayer, the priest being clad in all his holy vestures, saving his vestiment, shall take the iron laid before the altar with a pair of tongs, and singing the hymn of the three children, that is to say, O all ye works of God the Lord, and in Latin Benedicite omnia opera, &c: he shall carry it solemnly to the fire (already made for that purpose) and first say these words over the place where the fire is kindled, whereby this purgation shall be made in Latin as ensueth: Benedic Domine Deus locum istum, ut sit nobis in eo sanitas, sanctitas, castitas, virtus, & victoria, & sanctimonia, humilitas, bonitas, lenitas, & plenitudo legis, & obedientia Deo patri, & filio, & spiritui sancto. Haec benedictio sit super hunc locum, & super omnes habitantes in eo. In English: Bless thou O Lord this place, that it may be to us health, holiness, chastity, virtue, and victory, pureness, humility, goodness, gentleness, and fullness of the law, and obedience to God the father, the son, and the holy ghost. This blessing be upon this place, and all that dwell in it. Then followeth the blessing of the fire. Domine Deus pater omnipotens, lumen indeficiens, exaudi nos, quia tu es conditor omnium luminum. Benedic Domine hoc lumen, quod ante sanctificatum est, qui illuminasti omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum (vel mundum) ut ab eo lumine accendamur igne claritatis tuae. Et sicut igne illuminasti Mosen, ita nunc illumina corda nostra, & sensus nostros, ut ad vitam aeternam mereamur pervenire, per Christum, etc. Lord God father almighty, light everlasting, hear us, sith thou art the maker of all lights. Bless O Lord this light, that is already sanctified in thy sight, which hast lightened all men that come into the world (or the whole world) to the end that by the same light we may be lightened with the shining of thy brightness. As thou didst lighten Moses, so now illuminate our hearts, and our senses, that we may deserve to come to everlasting life, through Christ our, etc. This being ended let him say the Pater noster, etc.: then these words: Saluum fac servum, etc. Mitte ei auxilium Deus, etc. De Zion tuere eum, etc. Dominus vobiscum, etc. That is, O Lord save thy servant, etc. Send him help O God from thy holy place, etc. Defend him out of Zion, etc. Lord hear, etc. The Lord be with you, etc.  
The prayer. Benedic Domine sancte pater, omnipotens Deus, per invocationem sanctissimi nominis tui, & per adventum filii tui, atque per donum spiritus paracleti, ad manifestandum verum judicium tuum, hoc genus metalli, ut sit sanctificatum, & omni daemonum falsitate procul remota, veritas veri judicij tui fidelibus tuis manifesta fiat, per eundem Dominum, etc. In English: Bless we beseech thee O Lord, holy father, everlasting God, through the invocation of thy most holy name, by the coming of thy son, and gift of the holy ghost, and to the manifestation of thy true judgement, this kind of metal, that being hallowed, and all fradulent practices of the devils utterly removed, the manifest truth of thy true judgement may be revealed, by the same Lord jesus, etc.  
After this, let the iron be laid into the fire, and sprinkled with holy water, and whilst it heateth, let the priest go to mass, and do as order requireth: and when he hath received the host, he shall call the man that is to be purged (as it is written hereafter) first adjuring him, and then permitting him to communicate according to the manner.  

The office of the mass.  
justus es Domine, etc. O Lord thou art just, etc.   

The Prayer.  
Absolve quaesumus Domine delicta famuli tui, ut à peccatorum suorum nexibus, quae pro sua fragilitate contraxit, tua benignitate liberetur, & in hoc judicio quoad meruit, justitia tua praeveniente, ad veritatis censuram pervenire mereatur, per Christum Dominum, etc. That is: Pardon we beseech thee O Lord, the sins of thy servant, that being delivered from the burden of his offences, wherewith he is entangled, he may be cleared by thy benignity, and in this his trial (so far as he hath deserved, thy mercy preventing him) he may come to the knowledge of the truth, by Christ our Lord, etc.   

The Gospel. Mar. 10.  
IN illo tempore, cùm egressus esset jesus in via, procurrens quidam genuflexo ante eum, rogabat eum dicens, Magister bone, quid faciam ut vitam aeternam percipiam? jesus autem dixit ei, Quid me dicis bonum? etc. In those days when jesus went forth toward his journey, and one meeting him in the way running, and kneeling unto him, asked him saying: Good master what shall I do that I may possess eternal life? jesus said unto him, Why callest thou me good. etc. Then followeth the secret, and so forth all of the rest of the mass. But before the party doth communicate, the priest shall use these words unto him: Adiuro te per patrem, & filium, & spiritum sanctum, & per veram christianitatem quam suscepisti, & per sanctas relliquias quae in ista ecclesia sunt, & per baptismum quo te sacerdos regeneravit, ut non praesumas vllo modo communicare, neque accedere ad altar, si hoc fecisti aut consensisti, etc. I adjure thee by the father, the son, and the holy Ghost, by the true christendom which thou hast received, by the holy relics which are in this church, and by the baptism wherewith the priest hath regenerated thee, that thou presume not by any manner of means to communicate, nor come about the altar, if thou hast done or consented unto this, whereof thou art accnsed, etc. Here let the priest suffer him to communicate, saying; Corpus hoc, & sanguis Domini nostri jesu Christi, sit tibi ad probationem hody. This body & this blood of our Lord jesus Christ, 
The cup yet in use.  be unto thee a trial this day. The prayer: Perceptis Domine Deus noster sacris muneribus, supplices deprecamur, ut huius participatio sacramenti à proprijs nos reatibus expediat, & in famulo tuo veritatis sententiam declaret, etc. Having received O Lord God these holy mysteries, we humbly beseech thee that the participation of this sacrament may rid us of our guiltiness, and in this thy servant set forth the truth. Then shall follow Kyrieleson, the Litany, and certain Psalms, and after all them Oremus: Let us pray. Deus qui per ignem signa magna ostendens, Abraham puerum tuum de incendio Chaldaeorum quibusdam pereuntibus eruisti, Deus qui rubum ardere ante conspectum Mosis & minimè comburi permisisti, Deus qui de incendio fornacis Chaldaicis plerísque succensis, tres pueros tuos illaesos eduxisti, Deus qui incendio ignis populum Sodomae involuens, Loth famulum tuum cum suis salute donasti, Deus qui in adventu sancti spiritus tui, illustratione ignis fideles tuos ab infidelibus decrevisti: ostend nobis in hoc pravitatis nostrae examine virtutem eiusdem spiritus, &c: & per ignis huius feruorem discernere infideles, ut à tactu eìus cuius inquisitio agitur, conscius ex orrescat, & manus eius comburatur, innocens verò poenitus illaesus permaneat, etc. Deus cuius noticiam nulla unquam secreta effugiunt, fidei nostrae tua bonitate respond, & praesta ut quisquis purgandi se gratia, hoc ignitum tulerit ferrum, vel absoluatur ut innocens, vel noxius detegatur, etc. In English thus: O God, which in showing great tokens by fire didst deliver Abraham thy servant from the burning of the Chaldeis, whilst other perished; O God which suffered'st the bush to burn in the sight of Moses, and yet not to consume; O God which deliveredst the three children from bodily harm in the furnace of the Chaldeis, whilst diverse were consumed; O God which by fire didst wrap the people of Sodom in their destruction, and yet savedst Lot and his daughters from peril; O God which by the shining of thy brightness at the coming of the holy ghost in likeness of fire, didst separate the faithful from such as believed not: show unto us in the trial of this our wickedness, the power of the same spirit, &c: and by the heat of this fire discern the faithful from the unfaithful, that the guilty whose cause is now in trial, by touching thereof, may tremble and fear, and his hand be burned, or being innocent, that he may remain in safety, etc. O God from whom no secrets are hidden, let thy goodness answer to our faith, and grant that whosoever in this purgation, shall touch and bear this iron, may either be tried an innocent, or revealed as an offendor, etc. After this the priest shall sprinkle the iron with holy water, saying: The blessing of God the father, the son, and the holy ghost, be upon this iron, to the revelation of the just judgement of God. And forthwith let him that is accused bear it, by the length of nine foot, and then let his hand be wrapped and sealed up for the space of three days: after this if any corruption or raw flesh appear where the iron touched it, let him be condemned as guilty: if it be whole and sound, let him give thanks to God. And thus much of the fiery Ordalia, 
Water.  whereunto that of the water hath so precise relation, that in setting forth of the one, I have also described the other, wherefore it shall be but in vain to deal any further withal.  
Hitherto also (as I think) sufficiently of such laws as were in use before the conquest. Now it resteth that I should declare the order of those, that have been made and received since the coming of the Normans, referred to the eight alteration or change of our manner of governance, and thereunto do produce three score and four several courts. But for as much as I am no lawyer, and therefore have but little skill to proceed in the same accordingly, it shall suffice to set down some general discourse of such as are used in our days, and so much as I have gathered by report and common hearsay.  
We have therefore in England sundry laws, 
Civil law.  and first of all the civil, used in the chancery, admeraltie, and diverse other courts, in some of which, the severe rigour of justice is often so mitigated by conscience, that diverse things are thereby made easy and tolerable, which otherwise would appear to be mere injury and extremity.  
We have also a great part of the Canon law daily practised among us, 
Canon law.  especially in cases of tithes, contracts of matrimony, and such like, as are usually to be seen in the consistories of our bishops and higher courts of the two archbishops, where the exercise of the same is very hotly followed. The third sort of laws that we have are our own, & those always so variable, & subject to alteration and change, that oft in one age, diverse judgements do pass upon one manner of case, whereby the saying of the poet, Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur in illis, may very well be applied unto such, as being urged with these words; 
Lawyers of England not always constant in judgement.  In such a year of the prince, this opinion was taken for sound law; do answer nothing else, but that the judgement of our lawyers is now altered, so that they say far otherwise. The regiment that we have therefore after our own ordinances, dependeth upon three laws, to wit, Statute law, Common law, Customary law, and Prescription, according to the triple manner of our trials and judgements, which is by parliament, verdict of twelve men at an assize, or wager of battle, of which the last is little used in our days, as no appeal doth hold in the first and last rehearsed. But to return to my purpose.  
The first is delivered unto us by parliament, which court, 
Parliament law.  being for the most part holden at Westminster near London, is the highest of all other, & consisteth of three several sorts of people, that is to say, the nobility, clergy, and commons of this realm. And thereto is not summoned, but upon urgent occasion when the prince doth see his time, and that by several writs, dated commonly full six weeks before it begin to be holden. Such laws as are agreed upon in the higher house by the lords spiritual and temporal, and in the lower house by the commons and body of the realm (whereof the convocation of the clergy holden in Paul's, or if occasion so require in Westminster church; is a member) there speaking by the mouth of the knights of the shire and burgesses, remain in the end to be confirmed by the prince, who commonly resorteth thither of custom, upon the first and last days of this court, there to understand what is done, and give his royal consent to such statutes as him liketh of. Coming therefore thither into the higher house, and having taken his throne, the speaker of the parliament (for one is always appointed to go between the houses, as an indifferent mouth for both) readeth openly the matters there determined by the said three estates, and then craveth the prince's consent and final confirmation to the same. The king having heard the sum and principal points of each statute briefly recited unto him, answereth in French with great deliberation unto such as he liketh (Il nous playst) but to the rest Il ne playst, whereby the latter are made void and frustrate. That also which his majesty liketh of, is hereby authorised, confirmed, & ever after holden for law, except it be repealed in any the like assembly. The number of the commons assembled in the lower house, beside the clergy, consisteth of ninety knights. For each shire of England hath two gentlemen or knights of greatest wisdom and reputation, 
Number of congregates in the parliament.  chosen out of the body of the same for that only purpose, saving that for Wales one only is supposed sufficient in every county, whereby the number afore mentioned is made up. There are likewise forty and six citizens, 289 burgesses, and fourteen barons, so that the whole assembly of the laity of the lower house, consisteth of four hundred thirty and nine persons, if the just number be supplied. Of the laws here made likewise some are penal and restrain the common law, and some again are found to enlarge the same. The one sort of these also are for the most part taken strictly according to the letter, the other more largely and beneficiallie after their intendment and meaning.  
The Common law standeth upon sundry maxims or principles, 
Common law.  and years or terms, which do contain such cases as by great study and solemn argument of the judges sound practise confirmed by long experience, fetched even from the course of most ancient laws made far before the conquest, and thereto the deepest reach and foundations of reason, are ruled and adjudged for law. Certes these cases are otherwise called pleas or action, whereof there are two sorts, the one criminal and the other civil. The means and messengers also to determine those causes are our writs or bréefes, whereof there are some original and some judicial. The party's plaintiff & defendant when they appear proceed (if the case do so require) by plaint or declaration, bar or answer, replication, rejoinder, and so by rebut, surre but to issue and trial if occasion so fall out, the one side affirmatively, the other negatively as common experience teacheth. Our trials and recoveries are either by verdict and demourre, confession or default, wherein if any negligence or trespass hath been committed, either in process and form, or in matter and judgement, the party grieved may have a writ of error to undo the same, but not in the same court where the former judgement was given.  
Customary law consisteth of certain laudable customs used in some private country, 
Customary law.  intended first to begin upon good and reasonable considerations, as gavell kind, which is all the male children equally to inherit, and continued to this day in Kent: where it is only to my knowledge retained, and no where else in England. It was at the first devised by the Romans, as appeareth by Caesar in his commentaries, wherein I find, that to break and daunt the force of the rebellious Germans, they made a law that all the male children (or females for want of males which holdeth still in England) should have their father's inheritance equally divided amongst them. By this means also it came to pass, that whereas before time for the space of sixty years, they had put the Romans to great and manifold troubles, within the space of thirty years after this law made, their power did wax so feeble, and such discord fell out amongst themselves, that they were not able to maintain wars with the Romans, nor raise any just army against them. For as a river running with one stream is swift and more plentiful of water than when it is drained or drawn into many branches: so the lands and goods of the ancestors being dispersed amongst their issue males, of one strong there were raised sundry weak, whereby the original or general strength to resist the adversary, became enfeebled and brought almost to nothing. Vis unita (saith the philosopher) fortior est eadem dispersa, and one good purse is better than many evil, and when every man is benefited alike, each one will seek to maintain his private estate, and few take care to provide for public welfare.  
Burrow kind, is where the youngest is preferred before the eldest, which is the custom of many countries of this region; also the woman to have the third of her husband's possessions, the husband that marrieth an heir to have such lands as move by her during his natural life, if he survive her, and hath a child by her which hath been heard cry through four walls, &c: of such like to be learned elsewhere, and sometimes frequented generally over all.  
Prescription is a certain custom, 
Prescription.  which hath continued time out of mind, but it is more particular than customary law, as where only a parish or some private person doth prescribe to have common, or a way in another man's soil, or tithes to be paid after this or that manner, I mean otherwise than the common course and order of the law requireth, whereof let this suffice at this time, in steed of a larger discourse of our own laws, lest I should seem to enter far into that whereof I have no skill. For what hath the meditation of the law of God to do with any precise knowledge of the law of man, sith they are several trades, and incident to diverse persons?  
There are also sundry usual courts holden once in every quarter of the year, which we commonly call terms, 
Term.  of the Latin word Terminus, wherein all controversies are determined, that happen within the queens dominions. These are commonly holden at London, except upon some great occasion they be transferred to other places. At what times also they are kept both for spiritual and temporal dealing, the table ensuing shall easily declare. Finally how well they are followed by suitors, the great wealth of lawyers without any travel of mine can readily express. For as after the coming of the Normans the nobility had the start, and after them the clergy: so now all the wealth of the land doth flow unto our common lawyers, of whom some one having practised little above thirteen or fourteen years is able to buy a purchase of so many 1000 pounds: which argueth that they war rich apace, and will be richer if their clients become not the more wiser & wary hereafter. It is not long, since a sergeant at the law (whom I could name) was arrested upon an extent, for three or four hundred pounds, and another standing by did greatly marvel that he could not spare the gains of one term for the satisfaction of that duty. The time hath been that our lawyers did sit in Paul's upon stools against the pillars and walls to get clients, but now some of them will not come from their chambers to the Guildhall in London under ten pounds or twenty nobles at the least. And one being demanded why he made so much of his travel, answered, that it was but folly for him to go so far, when he was assured to get more money by sitting still at home. A friend of mine also had a suit of late of some valour, and to be sure of counsel at his time, he gave unto two lawyers (whose names I forbear to deliver) twenty shillings a piece, telling them of the day and hour wherein his matter should be called upon. 
Deceit.  To be short, they came not unto the bar at all, whereupon he stayed for that day. On the morrow after he met them again, increased his former gifts by so much more, and told them of the time, but they once again served him as before. In the end he met them both in the very hall door, and after some timorous reprehension, of their uncourteous demeanour toward him, he bestowed either three angels or four more upon each of them, whereupon they promised peremptorily to speak earnestly in his cause. And yet for all this, one of them having not yet sucked enough, utterly deceived him: the other in deed came in, and wagging a scroll which he had in his hand before the judge, he spoke not above three or four words, almost so soon uttered as a good morrow, and so went from the bar, and this was all the poor man got for his money, and the care which his counsellors did seem to take of his cause, 
Many of our lawyers stoop not at small fees.  then standing upon the hazard. But enough of these matters, for if I should set down how little law poor men can have for their small fees in these days, and the great murmurings that are on all sides uttered against their excessive taking of money (for they can abide no small gain) I should extend this treatise into a far greater volume than is convenient for my purpose. Wherefore it shall suffice to have set down so much of their demeanour, and so much as is even enough to cause them to look with somewhat more conscience into their dealings, except they be dull and senseless.  
This furthermore is to be noted, that albeit the princes heretofore reigning in this land have erected sundry courts, especially of the chancery at York and Ludlow, for the ease of poor men dwelling in those parts, yet will the poorest (of all men commonly most contentious) 
Poor men contentious.  refuse to have his cause heard so near home, but endeavoureth rather to his utter undoing to travel up to London, thinking there soon to prevail against his adversary, though his case be never so doubtful. But in this toy our Welshmen do exceed of all that ever I heard, for you shall here and there have some one odd poor David of them given so much to contention and strife, that without all respect of charges he will up to London, though he go bare legged by the way, and carry his hosen on his neck (to save their feet from wearing) because he hath no change. When he cometh there also, he will make such importunate begging of his countrymen, and hard shift otherwise, that he will sometimes carry down six or seven writs with him in his purse, wherewith to molest his neighbour, though the greatest quarrel be scarcely worth the see that he hath paid for any one of them. But enough of this, least in revealing the superfluous folly of a few brablers in this behalf, I bring no good will to myself amongst the wisest of that nation. Certes it is a lamentable case to see furthermore, 
Promoters seek matters to set lawyers on work withal.  how a number of poor men are daily abused and utterly undone, by sundry varlets that go about the country, as promoters or brokers between the petty foggers of the law, and the common people, only to kindle and espy coals of contention, whereby the one side may reap commodity, and the other spend and be put to travel. But of all that ever I knew in Essex, Denis and Mainford excelled, till john of Ludlow, alias Mason came in place, unto whom in comparison they two were but children: for this last in less than three or four years, did bring one man (among many elsewhere in other places) almost to extreme misery (if beggary be the uttermost) that before he had the shaving of his beard, was valued at two hundred pounds (I speak with the least) and finally feeling that he had not sufficient wherewith to sustain himself and his family, and also to satisfy that greedy ravener, which still called upon him for new fees, he went to bed, and within four days made an end of his woeful life, even with care and pensiveness. After his death also he so handled his son, that there was never sheep shorn in May, so near clipped of his fleece present, as he was of many to come: so that he was compelled to let away his land, because his cattle & stock were consumed, and he no longer able to occupy the ground. But hereof let this suffice, & in steed of these enormities, a table shall follow of the terms containing their beginnings and endings, as I have borrowed them from my friend john Stow, whose study is the only store house of antiquities in my time, and he worthy therefore to be had in reputation and honour.  
A man would imagine that the time of the execution of our laws, 
The times of our terms no hindrance to justice.  being little above one quarter, or not fully a third part of the year, and the appointment of the same to be holden in one place only, to wit, near London in Westminster, and finally the great expenses employed upon the same, should be no small cause of the stay and hindrance of the administration of justice in this land: but as it falleth out they prove great occasions and the stay of much contention. The reasons of these are soon to be conceived, for as the broken sleeve doth hold the elbow back, and pain of travel cause many to sit at home in quiet; so the shortness of time and fear of delay doth drive those oftentimes to like of peace, who otherwise would live at strife, and quickly be at odds. Some men desirous of gains would have the terms yet made shorter, that more delay might engender longer suit; other would have the houses made larger, and more offices erected, wherein to minister the laws. But as the times of the terms are rather too short than too long by one return a piece: so if there were smaller rooms and fouler ways unto them, they would enforce many to make pauses before they did rashly enter into plée. But sith my purpose is not to make an ample discourse of these things, it shall suffice to deliver the times of the holding of our terms, which ensueth after this manner.   

A perfect rule to know the beginning and ending of every term, with their returns.  
HIlarie term beginneth the three and twentieth day of januarie (if it be not sunday) otherwise the next day after, and is finished the twelve of February, it hath four returns.  

Octabis Hilarij.  
Quind. Hilarij.  
Crastino Purific.  
Octabis Purific.   
¶ Easter term beginneth seventeen days after Easter, endeth four days after the Ascension day, and hath five returns.  

Quind. Pasch.  
Tres Paschae.  
Mense  
Paschae.  
Quinque Paschae.  
Crast. ascension.   
¶ Trinity term beginneth the friday after Trinity sunday, and endeth the wednesday fortnight after, in which time it hath four returns.  

Crast. Trinitatis.  
Octabis Trinitatis.  
Quind. Trinitatis.  
Tres Trinitatis.   
¶ Michaelmas term beginneth the ninth of October (if it be not sunday) and ending the eight and twentieth of November, it hath eight returns.  

Octabis Michael.  
Quind. Michael.  
Tres Michael.  
Mense Michael.  
Crast. anima.  
Crast. Martini.  
Octa. Martini.  
Quind. Martini.   
Note also that the escheker, which is Fiscus or aerarum publicum principis, openeth eight days before any term begin, except Trinity term, which openeth but four days before.  
And thus much for our usual terms as they are kept for the administration of our common laws, whereunto I think good to add the lawdaies accustomably holden in the arches and audience of Canturburie, with other ecclesiastical and civil courts through the whole year, or for somuch time as their execution endureth (which in comparison is scarcely one half of the time if it be diligently examined) to the end each one at home being called up to answer may truly know the time of his appearance; being sorry in the mean season, that the use of the popish calendar is so much retained in the same, and not rather the usual days of the month placed in their rooms, sith most of them are fixed and palter not their place of standing. Howbeit some of our infected lawyers will not let them go away so easily, pretending facility and custom of usage, but meaning peradventure inwardly to keep a commemoration of those dead men whose names are there remembered.  

Michaelmas term.  
S. Faith.  
S. Edward.  
S. Luke.  
Simon & Iu.  
All Souls.  
S. Martin.  
Edmund.  
Katherine.  
S. Andrew.  
Conception of the virgin  
Marie.   
¶ It is to be remembered that the first day following every of these feasts noted in each term, the court of the arches is kept in Bow church in the forenoon. And the same first day in the afternoon is the admeraltie court for civil and seafaring causes kept in Southwark, where justice is ministered & execution done continually according to the same.  
The second day following every one of the said feasts, the court of audience of Canturburie is kept in the consistory in Paul's in the forenoon. And the self day in the afternoon, in the same place is the prerogative court of Canturburie holden.  
The third day after any such feast in the forenoon, the consistory court of the bishop of London is kept in Paul's church in the said consistory, and the same third day in the afternoon is the court of the delegates, and the court of the queens highness commissioners upon appeals is likewise kept in the same place on the fourth day.  

Hilary term.  
S. Hilary.  
S. Wolstan.  
Conversion of S. Paul.  
S. Blaze.  
S. Scolastic.  
S. Valentine  
Ashwednes.  
S. Matthie.  
S. Chad.  
Pepet. & Fel.  
S. Gregory.  
Annunciation  
of our Lady.   
Note that the four first days of this term be certain and unchanged. The other are altered after the course of the year, and sometime kept and sometime omitted. For if it so happen that one of those feasts fall on wednesday, commonly called Ashwednesdaie after the day of S. Blaze (so that the same lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie cannot be kept because the lawdaie of the other feast doth light on the same) than the second lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie shall be kept, and the other omitted. And if the lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie be the next day after the feast of S. Blaze, then shall all and every court days be observed in order, as they may be kept conveniently. And mark that although Ashwednesdaie be put the seventh in order, yet it hath no certain place, but is changed as the course of Easter causeth it.  

Easter term. The fifteenth day after Easter.  
S. Alphege.  
S. Mark.  
Invention of the cross.  
Gordian.  
S. Dunstan.  
Ascension day.   
¶ In this term the first sitting is alway kept the monday being the fifteenth day after Easter, and so forth after the feasts here noted, which next follow by course of the year after Easter, and the like space being kept between other feasts.  
The rest of the lawdays are kept to the third of the Ascension, which is the last day of this term. And if it happen that the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, do come before any of the feasts aforesaid, than they are omitted for that year. And likewise i● any of those days come before the fifteenth of Easter, those days are omitted also.  

Trinity term.  
Trinity sunday.  
Corpus Christi.  
Boniface bish.  
S. Barnaby.  
S. Butolph.  
S. john.  
S. Paul.  
Translat. Thomas.  
S. Swithune.  
S. Margaret.  
S. Anne.   
Here note also that the lawdays of this term are altered by mean of Whitsuntide, and the first sitting is kept always on the first lawdaie after the feast of the holy Trinity, and the second session is kept the first lawdaie after the idolatrous and papistical feast day called Corpus Christi, except Corpus Christi day fall on some day aforenamed: which chanceth sometime, and then the fit day is kept. And after the second session account four days or thereabout, and then look which is the next feast day, and the first lawdaie after the said feast shall be the third session. The other law days follow in order, but so many of them are kept, as for the time of the year shall be thought meet.  
It is also generally to be observed, that every day is called a lawdaie that is not sunday or holy day: and that if the feast day being known of any court day in any term, the first or second day following be sunday, than the court day is kept the day after the said holy day or feast.    

Of provision made for the poor. Chap. 10.  
THere is no commonwealth at this day in Europe, wherein there is not great store of poor people, and those necessarily to be relieved by the wealthier sort, which otherwise would starve and come to utter confusion. 
Three sorts of poor.  With us the poor is commonly divided into three sorts, so that some are poor by impotency, as the fatherless child, the aged, blind and lame, and the diseased person that is judged to be incurable: the second are poor by casualty, as the wounded soldier, the decayed householder, and the sick person visited with grievous and painful diseases: the third consisteth of thriftless poor, as the rioter that hath consumed all, the vagabund that will abide no where, but runneth up and down from place to place (as it were seeking work and finding none) and finally the rogue and strumpet which are not possible to de divided in sunder, but run too and fro over all the realm, chiefly keeping the champain soils in summer to avoid the scorching heat, and the woodland grounds in winter to eschew the blustering winds.  
For the first two sorts, that is to say, the poor by impotency, and the poor by casualty, which are the true poor in deed, and for whom the word doth bind us to make some daily provision: there is order taken through out overie parish in the realm, that weekly collection shall be made for their help and sustentation, to the end they should not scatter abroad, and by begging here and there annoie both town and country. Authority also is given unto the suffices in every county, and great penalties appointed for such as make default, to that the intent of the statute in this behalf be truly executed, according to the purpose and meaning of the same, so that these two sorts and sufficiently provided for: and such as can live within the limits of their allowance (as each one will do that is godly and well disposed) may well forbear to roam and renge about. But if they refuse to be supported by this benefit of the law, and will rather endeavour by going to and fro to maintain their idle trades, then are they adjudged to be parcel of the third sort, and so in steed of courteous refreshing at home, are often corrected with sharp execution, and whip of justice abroad. Many there are, which notwithstanding the rigour of the laws provided in that behalf, yield rather with this liberty (as they call it) to be daily under the fear and terror of the whip, than by abiding where they were borne or bred, to be provided for by the devotion of the parishes. I found not long since a riot of these latter sort, the effect whereof ensueth. Idle beggars are such either through other men's occasion, or through their own default. 
A thing often seen.  By other men's occasion (as one way for example) when some covetous man, such I mean as have the cast or right vein, daily to make beggars enough whereby to pester the land, espying a further commodity in their commons, holds, and 〈◊〉, doth find such means as thereby to wipe many out of their occupiengs, and turn the same unto his private gains. Hereupon it followeth, that although the wise and better minded, 
At whose hands shall the blood of these men be required?  do either forsake the realm for altogether, and seek to live in other countries, as France, Germany, Barbary, India, Moscovia, and very Calecute, complaining of no 〈◊〉 to be left for them at home, do so behave themselves that they are worthily to be accounted among the second sort: yet the greater part commonly having nothing to stay upon are wilful, and there upon do either prove idle beggars, or else continue stark thieves till the gallows do eat them up, which is a lamentable case. Certes in some man's judgements these things are but trifles, and not worthy the regarding. Some also do grudge at the great increase of people in these days, thinking a necessary brood of cattle far better than a superbluous augmentation of mankind. But I can liken such men best of all unto the pope and the devil, who practise the hindrance of the furniture of the number of the elect to their uttermost, to the end the authority of the one upon earth, the deferring of the locking up of the other in everlasting chains, and the great gains of the first may continue and endure the longer. But if it should come to pass that any foreign invasion should be made, which the Lord God forbidden for his mercy's sake! then should these men find that a wall of men is far better than stacks of corn and bags of money, and complain of the want when it is too late to seek remedy. The like occasion caused the Romans to devise their law Agraria: but the rich not liking of it, and the covetous utterly condemning it as rigorous and unprofitable, never ceased to practise disturbance till it was quite abolished. But to proceed with my purpose.  
Such as are idle beggars through their own default are of two sorts, and continue their estates either by casual or mere voluntary means: those that are such by casual means, are in the beginning tustlie to be referred either to the first or second sort of poor afore mentioned: but degenerating into the thristlesse sort, they do what they can to continue their misery, and with such impediments as they have to stray and wander about, as creatures abhorring all labour and every honest exercise. Certes I call these casual means, not in respect of the original of their poverty, but of the continuance of the same, from whence they will not be delivered, such is their own ungracious lewdness, and froward disposition. The voluntary means proceed from outward causes, as by making of corrosives, and applying the same to the more fleshy parts of their bodies: and also laying of ratsbane, sper●wort, crowfoot, and such like unto their whole members, thereby to raise pitiful and odious sores, and move the hearts of the goers by such places where they lie, to yearn at their misery, and thereupon bestow large alms upon them. How artificially they beg, what forcible speech, and how they select and choose out words of vehemency, whereby they do in manner conjure or adsure the goer by to pity their cases, I pass over to remember, as judging the name of God and Christ to be more conversant in the mouths of none: and yet the presence of the heavenly majesty further off from no men than from this ungracious company. Which maketh me to think that punishment is far meeter for them than liberality or alms, and sith Christ willeth us chiefly to have a regard to himself and his poor members.  
Unto this nest is another sort to be referred, more sturdy than the rest, which having sound and perfect limbs, do yet notwithstanding sometime counterfeit the possession of all sorts of diseases. diverse times in their apparel also they will be like serving men or labourers: oftentimes they can play the mariners, and seek for ships which they never lost. But in fine, they are all thieves and caterpillars in the commonwealth, and by the word of God not permitted to eat, sith they do but lick the sweat from the true labourers brows, & beereve the godly poor of that which is due unto them, to maintain their excess, consuming the charity of well disposed people bestowed upon them, after a most wicked & detestable manner.  
It is not yet full threescore years since this trade began: but how it hath prospered since that time, it is easy to judge, for they are now supposed of one sex and another, to amount unto above 10000 persons; as I have heard reported. Moreover, in counterfeiting the Egyptian rogues, they have devised a language among themselves, which they name Canting, but other peddlers French, a speech compact thirty years since of English, and a great number of odd words of their own devising, without all order or reason: and yet such is it as none but themselves are able to understand. The first deviser thereof was hanged by the neck, a just reward no doubt for his deserts, 
Thomas Harman.  and a common end to all of that profession. A gentleman also of late hath taken great pains to search out the secret practices of this ungracious rabble. And among other things he setteth down and describeth three & twenty sorts of them, whose names it shall not be amiss to remember, whereby each one may take occasion to read and know as also by his industry what wicked people they are, and what villainy remaineth in them.  

The several disorders and degrees amongst our idle vagabonds.  
1 Rufflers.  
2 Uprightmen.  
3 hooker's or Anglers.  
4 Rogues.  
5 Wild rogues.  
6 Priggers or pransers.  
7 Palliards.  
8 Fraters.  
9 abram's.  
10 Freshwater mariners,  
or whipiacks.  
11 Dummerers.  
12 Drunken tinkers.  
13 Swadders or peddlers.  
14 jarkemen or patricoes.   

¶ Of women kind.  
1 Demanders for glimmar  
or fire.  
2 Bawdy baskets.  
3 Mortes.  
4 Autem mortes.  
5 Walking mortes.  
6 Doxes.  
7 Delles.  
8 Kinching mortes.  
9 Kinching cooes.   
The punishment that is ordained for this kind of people is very sharp, and yet it can not restrain them from their gadding: wherefore the end must needs be martial law, to be exercised upon them, as upon thieves, robbers, despisers of all laws, and enemies to the commonwealth & welfare of the land. What notable robberies, pilferies, murders, rapes, and stealings of young children, burning, breaking and disfiguring their limbs to make them pitiful in the sight of the people, I need not to rehearse: but for their idle roguing about the country, the law ordaineth this manner of correction. The rogue being apprehended, committed to prison and tried in the next assizes (whether they be of jail delivery or sessions of the peace) if he happen to be convicted for a vagabond either by inquest of office, or the testimony of two honest and credible witnesses upon their oaths, he is then immediately adjudged to be grievously whipped and burned through the gristle of the right ear, with an hot iron of the compass of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and due punishment received for the same. And this judgement is to be executed upon him, except some honest person worth five pounds in the queens books in goods, or twenty shillings in lands, or some rich householder to be allowed by the justices, will be bound in recognizance to retain him in his service for one whole year. If he be taken the second time, and proved to have forsaken his said service, he shall then be whipped again, bored likewise through the other ear and set to service: from whence if he depart before a year be expired, and happen afterward to be attached again, he is condemned to suffer pains of death as a felon (except before excepted) without benefit of clergy or sanctuary, as by the statute doth appear. Among rogues and idle persons finally, we find to be comprised all proctor's that go up and down with counterfeit licences, coosiners, and such as gad about the country, using unlawful games, practisers of physiognomy and palmistry, tellers of fortunes, fencers, players, minstrels, jugglers, peddlers, tinkers, pretenced scholars, shipmen, prisoners gathering for fees, and others so oft as they be taken without sufficient licence. From among which company our bear wards are not excepted, and just cause: for I have read that they have either voluntarily, or for want of power to master their savage beasts, been occasion of the death and devoration of many children in sundry countries by which they have passed, whose parents never knew what was become of them. And for that cause there is & have been many sharp laws made for bearwards in Germany, whereof you may read in other. But to our rogues. Each one also that harboureth or aideth them with meat or money, is taxed and compelled to fine with the queens majesty for every time that he doth so secure them, as it shall please the justices of peace to assign, so that the taxation exceed not twenty shillings, as I have been informed. And thus much of the poor, & such provision as is appointed for them within the realm of England.   

Of sundry kinds of punishments appointed for malefactors. Chap. 11.  
IN cases of felony, manslaghter, robbery, murder, rape, piracy, & such capital crimes as are not reputed for treason or hurt of the estate, our sentence pronounced upon the offendor is to hang till he be dead. For of other punishments used in other countries we have no knowledge or use, and yet so few grievous crimes committed with us as else where in the world. To use torment also or question by pain and torture in these common cases with us is greatly abhorred, sith we are found alway to be such as despise death, and yet abhor to be tormented, choosing rather frankly to open our minds than to yield our bodies unto such servile halings and tearings as are used in other countries. And this is one cause wherefore our condemned persons do go so cheerfully to their deths, for our nation is free, stout, haughty, prodigal of life and blood, as six Thomas Smith saith lib. 2. cap. 25. de republica, and therefore cannot in any wise digest to be used as villains and slaves, in suffering continually beating, servitude, and servile torments. No, our gailers are guilty of felony by an old law of the land, if they torment any prisoner committed to their custody for the revealing of his complices.  
The greatest and most grievous punishment used in England, for such as offend against the state, is drawing from the prison to the place of execution upon an hardle or sled, where they are hanged till they be half dead, and then taken down and quartered alive, after that their members and bowels are cut from their bodies, and thrown into a fire provided near hand and within their own sight, even for the same purpose. Sometimes, if the trespass be not the more heinous, they are suffered to hang till they be quite dead. And when soever any of the nobility are convicted of high treason by their peers, that is to say, equals (for an inquest of yeomen passeth not upon them, but only of the lords of the parliament) this manner of their death is converted into the loss of their heads only, notwithstanding that the sentence do run after the former order. In trial of cases concerning treason, felony, or any other grievous crime not confessed, the party accused doth yield, if he be a noble man, to be tried by an inquest (as I have said) and his peers: if a gentleman, by gentlemen: and an inferior, by God and by the country, to wit, the yeomanry (for combat or battle is not greatly in use) and being condemned of felony, manslaughter, &c: he is eftsoons hanged by the neck till he be dead, and then cut down and buried. But if he be convicted of wilful murder, done either upon pretended malice, or in any notable robbery, he is either hanged alive in chains near the place where the fact was committed (or else upon compassion taken first strangled with a rope) and so continueth till his bones consume to nothing. We have use neither of the wheel nor of the bar, as in other countries; but when wilful manslaughter is perpetrated, beside hanging, the offendor hath his right hand commonly stricken off before or near unto the place where the act was done, after which he is led forth to the place of execution, and there put to death according to the law.  
The word felon is derived of the Saxon words Fell and One, that is to say, an evil and wicked one, a one of untamable nature, and lewdness not to be suffered for fear of evil example and the corruption of others. In like sort in the word felony are many grievous crimes contained, as breach of prison An. 1 of Edward the second. Dissigurers of the prince's liege people An. 5. of Henry the fourth. Hunting by night with painted faces and visors An. 1. of Henry the seventh. Rape or stealing of women & maidens An. 3. of Henry the eight. Conspiracy against the person of the prince An. 3. of Henry the seventh. Embesilling of goods committed by the master to the servant, above the value of forty shillings An. 17. of Henry the eight. carrying of horses or mares into Scotland An. 23. of Henry the eight. Sodomy and buggery An. 25. of Henry the eight. Stealing of hawks eggs An. 31. of Henry the eight. Conjuring, sorcery, witchcraft, and digging up of crosses An. 33. of Hen. 8. prophesying upon arms, cognisances, names & badges An. 33. of Hen. 8. Casting of slanderous bills An. 37. Hen. 8. Wilful killing by poison An. 1. of Edw. the sixth. Departure of a soldier from the field An. 2. of Edward the sixth. Diminution of coin, all offences within case of praemunire, embeselling of records, goods taken from dead men by their servants, stealing of what soever cattle, robbing by the high way, upon the sea, or of dwelling houses, letting out of ponds, cutting of purses, stealing of dear by night, counterfeitors of coin, evidences, charters, and writings, & diverse other needless to be remembered. If a woman poison her husband she is burned alive, if the servant kill his master he is to be executed for petty treason, he that poisoneth a man is to be boiled to death in water or lead, although the party die not of the practice: in cases of murder all the accessaries are to suffer pains of death accordingly. Perjury is punished by the pillory, burning in the forehead with the letter P, the rewalting of the trees growing upon the grounds of the offenders and loss of all his movables. Many trespasses also are punished by the cutting of one or both cares from the head of the offendor, as the utterance of seditious words against the magistrates, fraimakers, petty robbers, etc. Rogues are burned through the ears, carriers of sheep out of the land by the loss of their hands, such as kill by poison are either boiled or scalded to death in lead or séething water. Heretics are burned quick, harlots and their mates by carting, ducking, and doing of open penance in shéets, in churches and market stéeds are often put to rebuke. Howbeit as this is counted with some either as no punishment at all to speak of, or but smallly regarded of the offenders, so I would wish adultery and fornication to have some sharper law. For what great smart is it to be turned out of an hot shéet into a cold, or after a little washing in the water to be let lose again unto their former trades? Howbeit the dragging of some of them over the Thames between Lambeth and Westminster at the tail of a boat, is a punishment that most terrifieth them which are condemned thereto; but this is inflicted upon them by none other than the knight marshal, and that within the compass of his jurisdiction & limits only. Canutus was the first that gave authority to the clergy to punish whoredom, who at that time found fault with the former laws as being too severe in this behalf. For before the time of the said Canutus, the adulterer forfeited all his goods to the king, and his body to be at his pleasure; and the adulteress was to lose her eyes or nose, or both, if the case were more than common: whereby it appeareth of what estimation marriage was amongst them, sith the breakers of that holy estate were so grievously rewarded. But afterward the clergy dealt more favourably with them, shooting rather at the punishments of such priests and clerk as were married, than the reformation of adultery and fornication, wherein you shall find no example that any severity was showed, except upon such lay men as had defiled their nuns. As in theft therefore so in adultery and whoredom I would wish the parties trespassant, to be made bond or slaves unto those that received the injury, to sell and give where they listed, or to be condemned to the galleys: for that punishment would prove more bitter to them than half an hours hanging, or than standing in a shéet, though the weather be never so cold.  
Manslaughter in time past was punished by the purse, wherein the quantity or quality of the punishment was rated after the state and calling of the party killed: so that one was valued sometime at 1200, another at 600, or 200 shillings. And by an statute made under Henry the first, a citizen of London at 100, whereof elsewhere I have spoken more at large. Such as kill themselves are buried in the field with a stake driven through their bodies.  
Witches are hanged or sometimes burned, but thieves are hanged (as I said before) generally on the gibbet or gallows, saving in Halifax where they are beheaded after a strange manner, and whereof I find this report. 
Halifax law.  There is and hath been of ancient time a law or rather a custom at Halifax, that who soever doth commit any felony, and is taken with the same, or confess the fact upon examination: if it be valued by four constables to amount to the sum of thirteen pence half penny, he is forthwith beheaded upon one of the next market days (which fall usually upon the tuesdays, thursdays, & saturdays) or else upon the same day that he is so convicted, if market be then holden. The engine wherewith the execution is done, is a square block of wood of the length of four foot and an half, which doth ride up and down in a slot, rabet, or regal between two pieces of timber, that are framed and set upright of five yards in height. In the neither end of the sliding block is an axe keied or fastened with an iron into the wood, which being drawn up to the top of the frame is there fastened by a wooden pin (with a notch made into the same after the manner of a Samsons post) unto the midst of which pin also there is a long rope fastened that cometh down among the people, so that when the offendor hath made his confession, and hath laid his neck over the nethermost block, every man there present doth either take hold of the rope (or putteth forth his arm so near to the same as he can get, in token that he is willing to see true justice executed) and pulling out the pin in this manner, the head block wherein the axe is fastened doth fall down with such a violence, that if the neck of the transgressor were so big as that of a bull, it should be cut in sunder at a stroke, and roll from the body by an huge distance. If it be so that the offendor be apprehended for an ox, oxen, sheep, kine, horse, or any such cattle: the self beast or other of the same kind shall have the end of the rope tied somewhere unto them, so that they being driven do draw out the pin whereby the offendor is executed. Thus much of Halifax law, which I set down only to show the custom of that country in this behalf.  
Rogues and vagabonds are often stocked and whipped, scolds are ducked upon cuckingstooles in the water. Such felons as stand mute and speak not at their arraignment are pressed to death by huge weights laid upon a board, 
Mute.  that lieth over their breast, and a sharp stone under their backs, and these commonly hold their peace, thereby to save their goods unto their wives and children, which if they were condemned should be confiscated to the prince. thieves that are saved by their books and clergy, 
Clergy.  for the first offence, if they have stolen nothing else but oxen, sheep, money, or such like, which be no open robberies, as by the high way side, or assailing of any man's house in the night, without putting him in fear of his life, or breaking up of his walls or doors, are burned in the left hand, upon the brawn of the thumb with an hot iron, so that if they be apprehended again, that mark bewrayeth them to have been arraigned of felony before, whereby they are sure at that time to have no mercy. I do not read that this custom of saving by the book is used any where else than in England, neither do I find (after much diligent inquiry) what Saxon prince ordained that law. Howbeit, this I generally gather thereof, that it was devised to train the inhabiters of this land to the love of learning, which before contemned letters and all good knowledge, as men only giving themselves to husbandry and the wars, the like whereof I read to have been amongst the Goths and Uandals, who for a time would not suffer even their princes to be learned for weakening of their courages, nor any learned men to remain in the counsel house, but by open proclamation would command them to avoid, whensoever any thing touching the state of the land was to be consulted upon. 
Pirates.  Pirates and robbers by sea are condemned in the court of the admeraltie, and hanged on the shore at low water mark, where they are left till three tides have over washed them. Finally, such as having walls and banks near unto the sea, and do suffer the same to decay (after convenient admonition) whereby the water entereth and drowneth up the country, are by a certain ancient custom apprehended, condemned, and staked in the breach, where they remain for ever as parcel of the foundation of the new wall that is to be made upon them, as I have heard reported.  
And thus much in part of the administration of justice used in our country, wherein notwithstanding that we do not often hear of horrible, merciless, and wilful murders (such I mean asiare not seldom seen in the countries of the main) yet now and then some manslaughter and bloody robberies are perpetrated and committed, contrary to the laws, which be severely punished, and in such wise as I before reported. Certes there is no greater mischief done in England than by robberies, the first by young shifting gentlemen, which oftentimes do bear more port than they are able to maintain. secondly by servingmen, whose wages cannot suffice so much as to find them breeches, wherefore they are now and then constrained either to keep high ways, and break into the wealthy men's houses with the first sort, or else to walk up and down in gentlemen's and rich farmer's pastures, there to see and view which horses feed best, whereby they many times get something, although with hard adventure it hath been known by their confession at the gallows, that some one such chapman hath had forty, fifty, or sixty stolen horses at pasture here and there abroad in the country at a time, which they have sold at fairs and markets far off, they themselves in the mean season being taken about home for honest yeomen, and very wealthy drovers, till their dealings have been bewrated. It is not long since one of this company was apprehended, who was before time reputed for a very honest and wealthy townsman, he uttered also more horses than any of his trade, because he sold a reasonable pennyworth, and was a fair spoken man. It was his custom likewise to say, if any man hucked hard with him about the price of a gelding; So God help me gentleman or sir, either he did cost me so much, or else by jesus I stole him. Which talk was plain enough, and yet such was his estimation, that each believed the first part of his tale, and made no account of the later, which was the truer indeed.  
Our third annoiers of the commonwealth are rogues, which do very great mischief in all places where they become. For whereas the rich only suffer injury by the fir●t two, these spare neither rich nor poor: but whether it be great gain or small, all is fish that cometh to net with them, and yet I say both they and the rest are trussed up apace. For there is not one year commonly, wherein three hundred or four 〈◊〉 of them are not devoured and eaten up by the gallows in one place and other. It appeareth by Cardane (who writeth it upon the report of the bishop of Lexovia) in the geniture of king Edward the sixth, how Henry the eight, executing his laws very severely against such idle persons, I mean great thieves, petty thieves and rogues, did hang up threescore and twelve thousand of them in his time. He seemed for a while greatly to have terrified the rest: but since his death the number of them is so increased, yea although we have had no wars, which are a great occasion of their breed (for it is the custom of the more idle sort, having once served or but seen the other side of the sea under colour of service to shake hand with labour, for ever, thinking it a disgrace for himself to return unto his former trade) that except some better order be taken, or the laws already made be better executed, such as dwell in uplandish towns and little villages shall live but in small safety and rest. For the better apprehension also of thieves and mankillers, there is an old law in England very well provided, whereby it is ordered, that if he that is rob, or any man complain and give warning of slaughter or murder committed, the constable of the village whereunto he cometh and crieth for succour, is to raise the parish about him, and to search woods, groves, and all suspected houses and places, where the trespasser may be, or is supposed to lurk; and not finding him there, he is to give warning unto the next constable, and so one constable after search made to advertise another from parish to parish, till they come to the same where the offendor is harboured and found. It is also provided, that if any parish in this business do not her duty, but suffereth the thief (for the avoiding of trouble sake) in caring him to the gail; if he should be apprehended, or other letting of their work, to escape the same parish, is not only to make fine to the king, but also the same with the whole hundred wherein it standeth, to repay the party rob his damages, and leave his estate harmless. Certes this is a good law, howbeit I have known by mine own experience, felons being taken to have escaped out of the stocks, being rescued by other for want of watch & guard, that thieves have been let pass, because the covetous and greedy parishioners would neither take the pains, nor be at the charge to carry them to prison, if it were far off, that when hue and cry have been made even to the faces of some constables, they have said; God restore your loss, I have other business at this time. And by such means the meaning of many a good law is left unexecuted, malefactors emboldened, and many a poor man turned out of that which he hath sweat and taken great pains for, toward the maintenance of himself and his poor children and family.   

Of the manner of building and furniture of our houses. Chap. 12.  
THe greatest part of our building in the cities and good towns of England consisteth only of timber, for as yet few of the houses of the commonalty (except here & there in the West country towns) are made of stone, although they may (in my opinion) in diverse other places be builded so good cheap of the one as of the other. In old time the houses of the Britons were slightly set up with a few posts & many radels, with stable and all offices under one roof, the like whereof almost is to be seen in the fenny countries and northern parts unto this day, where for lack of wood they are enforced to continue this ancient manner of building. It is not in vain therefore in speaking of building to make a distinction between the plain and woody soils: for as in these, our houses are commonly strong and well timbered, so that in many places, there are not above four, six, or nine inches between stud and stud; so in the open and champain countries they are enforced for want of stuff to use no studs at all, but only frank posts, raisins, beams, prickeposts, groundsels, summers (or dormants) transoms, and such principals, with here and there a girding, whereunto they fasten their splints or radels, and then cast it all over with thick clay to keep out the wind, which otherwise would annoy them. Certes this rude kind of building made the Spaniards in queen Mary's days to wonder, but chiefly when they saw what large diet was used in many of these so homely cottages, in so much that one of no small reputation amongst them said after this manner: These English (quoth he) have their houses made of sticks and dirt, but they far commonly so well as the king. Whereby it appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in such course cabins, than of their own thin diet in their princelike habitations and palaces. In like sort as every country house is thus appareled on the out side, so is it inwardly divided into sundry rooms above and beneath; and where plenty of wood is, they cover them with tiles, otherwise with straw, sedge, or réed, except some quarry of s●ate be near hand, from whence they have for their money so much as may suffice them.  
The clay wherewith our houses are impanelled is either white, red, or blue, and of these the first doth participate very much with the nature of our chalk, the second is called lome, but the third eftsoons changeth colour so soon as it is wrought, notwithstanding that it look blue when it is thrown out of the pit. Of chalk also we have our excellent Asbestos or white lime, made in most places, wherewith being quenched we strike over our clay works and stone walls, in cities, good towns, rich farmers and gentlemen's houses: otherwise in steed of chalk (where it wanteth for it is so scant that in some places it is sold by the pound) they are compelled to burn a certain kind of red stone, as in Wales, and else where other stones and shells of oysters and like fish found upon the sea coast, which being converted into lime doth naturally (as the other) abhor and eschew water whereby it is dissolved, and nevertheless desire oil wherewith it is easily mixed, as I have seen by experience. Within their doors also such as are of ability do oft make their floors and parget of fine alabaster burned, which they call plaster of Paris, whereof in some places we have great plenty, and that very profitable against the rage of fire.  
In plastering likewise of our fairest houses over our heads, we use to lay first a lain or two of white mortar tempered with hair upon laths, which are nailed one by another (or sometimes upon reed or wickers more dangerous for fire, and made fast here and there with saplaths for falling down) and finally cover all with the aforesaid plaster, which beside the delectable whiteness of the stuff itself, is laid on so even and smoothly, as nothing in my judgement can be done with more exactness. The walls of our houses on the inner sides in like sort be either hanged with tapestry, arras work, or painted clothes, wherein either diverse histories, or herbs, beasts, knots, and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with oak of our own, or wainescot brought hither out of the east countries, whereby the rooms are not a little commended, made warm, and much more close than otherwise they would be. As for stooves we have not hitherto used them greatly, yet do they now begin to be made in diverse houses of the gentry and wealthy citizens, who build them not to work and feed in as in Germany and else where, but now and then to sweat in, as occasion and need shall require it. This also hath been common in England, contrary to the customs of all other nations, and yet to be seen (for example in most streets of London) that many of our greatest houses have outwardly been very simple and plain to sight, which inwardly have been able to receive a duke with his whole train, and lodge them at their ease. Hereby moreover it is come to pass, that the fronts of our streets have not been so uniform and orderly builded as those of foreign cities, where (to say truth) the utterside of their mansions and dwellings have oft more cost bestowed upon them, than all the rest of the house, which are often very simple and uneasy within, as experience doth confirm. Of old time our country houses in steed of glass did use much lattice and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oak in chekerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before the times of the Saxons (who notwithstanding used some glass also since the time of Benedict Biscop the monk that brought the feat of glazing first into this land) did make panels of horn in steed of glass, & fix them in wooden calms. But as horn in windows is now quite laid down in every place, so our lattises are also grown into less use, because glass is come to be so plentiful, and within a very little so good cheap if not better than the other.  
I find obscure mention of the specular stone also to have been found and applied to this use in England, but in such doubtful sort as I dare not affirm it for certain. Nevertheless certain it is that antiquity used it before glass was known, under the name of Selenites. And how glass was first found I care not greatly to remember even at this present, although it be directly beside my purposed matter. In Syria phenices which bordereth upon jury, & near to the foot of mount carmel there is a moor or marris, whereout riseth a brook called sometime Belus, and falleth into the sea near to Ptolemais. This river was fondly ascribed unto Baal, and also honoured under that name by the infidels, long time before there was any king in Israel. It came to pass also as a certain merchant sailed that way laden with Nitrum, the passengers went to land for to repose themselves, and to take in some store of fresh water into their vessel. Being also on the shore they kindled a fire, and made provision for their dinner, but because they wanted trevets or slones whereon to set their kettles on, ran by chance into the ship, and brought great pieces of Nitrum with him, which served their turn for that present. To be short, the said substance being hot, and beginning to melt, it mixed by chance with the gravel that lay under it; and so brought forth that shining substance which now is called glass, and about the time of Semiramis. When the company saw this, they made no small account of their success, and forthwith began to practise the like in other mixtures, whereby great variety of the said stuff did also ensue. Certes for the time this history may well be true: for I read of glass in job, but for the rest I refer me to the common opinion conceived by writers. Now to turn again to our windows. Heretofore also the houses of our princes and noble men were often glazed with Berill (an example whereof is yet to be seen in Sudleie castle) and in diverse other places with fine crystal, but this especially in the time of the Romans, whereof also some fragments have been taken up in old ruins. But now these are not in use, so that only the clearest glass is most esteemed: for we have diverse sorts, some brought out of Burgundy, some out of Normandy, much out of Flanders, beside that which is made in England, which would be so good as the best, if we were diligent and careful to bestow more cost upon it, and yet as it is, each one that may, will have it for his building. Moreover the mansion houses of our country towns and villages (which in champain ground stand altogether by streets, & joining one to an other, but in woodland soils dispersed here and there, each one upon the several grounds of their owners) are builded in such sort generally, as that they have neither dairy, stable, nor bruehouse annexed unto them under the same roof (as in many places beyond the sea & some of the north parts of our country) but all separate from the first, and one of them from another. And yet for all this, they are not so far distant in sunder, but that the goodman lying in his bed may lightly hear what is done in each of them with ease, and call quickly unto his meinie if any danger should attach him.  
The ancient manors and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the most part of strong timber, in framing whereof our carpenters have been and are worthily preferred before those of like science among all other nations. Howbeit such as be lately builded, are commonly either of brick or hard stone, or both; their rooms large and comely, and houses of office further distant from their lodgings. Those of the nobility are likewise wrought with brick and hard stone, as provision may best be made: but so magnificent and stately, as the basest house of a baron doth often match in our days with some honours of princes in old time. So that if ever curious building did flourish in England, it is in these our years, wherein our workmen excel, and are in manner comparable in skill with old vitrvuius, Leo Baptista, and Serlo. Nevertheless, their estimation more than their greedy and servile covetousness, joined with a linger humour causeth them often to be rejected, & strangers preferred to greater bargains, who are more reasonable in their takings, and less wasters of time by a great deal than our own.  
The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is grown in manner even to passing delicacy: and herein I do not speak of the nobility and gentry only, but likewise of the lowest sort in most places of our south country, that have any thing at all to take to. Certes in noble men's houses it is not rare to see abundance of Arras, rich haugings of tapistry, silver vessel, and so much other plate, as may furnish sundry cupboards, to the sum oftentimes of a thousand or two thousand pounds at the least: whereby the value of this and the rest of their stuff doth grow to be almost inestimable. Likewise in the houses of knights, gentlemen, merchantmen, and some other wealthy citizens, it is not geson to behold generally their great provision of tapistry, Turkey work, pewter, brass, fine linen, and thereto costly cupboards of plate, worth five or six hundred or a thousand pounds, to be deemed by estimation. But as herein all these sorts do far exceed their elders and predecessors, and in neatness and curiosity, the merchant all other; so in time past, the costly furniture stayed there, whereas now it is descended yet lower, even unto the inferior artificers and many farmers, who by virtue of their old and not of their new leases have for the most part learned also to garnish their cupboards with plate, their joined beds with tapistry and silk hangings, and their tables with carpets & fine naperie, whereby the wealth of our country (God be praised therefore, and give us grace to employ it well) doth infinitely appear. Neither do I speak this in reproach of any man, God is my judge, but to show that I do rejoice rather, to see how God hath blessed us with his good gifts; and whilst I behold how that in a time wherein all things are grown to most excessive prices, & what commodity so ever is to be had, is daily plucked from the commonalty by such as look into every trade, we do yet find the means to obtain & achieve such furniture as heretofore hath been unpossible. There are old men yet dwelling in the village where I remain, 
Three things greatly amended in England.  which have noted three things to be marvelously altered in England within their sound remembrance; & other three things too too much increased. One is, 
Chimneys.  the multitude of chimneys lately erected, whereas in their young days there were not about two or three, if so many in most uplandish towns of the realm (the religious houses, & manor places of their lords always excepted, and peradventure some great personages) but each one made his fire against a reredosse in the hall, where he dined and dressed his meat.  
The second is the great (although not general) amendment of lodging, for (said they) our fathers (yea and we ourselves also) have lain full oft upon straw pallets, 
Hard lodging  on rough mats covered only with a shéet under coverlets made of dagswain or hopharlots (I use their own terms) and a good round log under their heads in steed of a bolster or pillow. If it were so that our fathers or the good man of the house, had within seven years after his marriage purchased a matteres or flockbed, and thereto a sack of chaff to rest his head upon, he thought himself to be as well lodged as the lord of the town, that peradventure lay seldom in a bed of down or whole feathers; so well were they contented, and with such base kind of furniture: which also is not very much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and elsewhere further off from our southern parts. Pillows (said they) were thought meet only for women in childbed. As for servants, if they had any shéet above them it was well, for seldom had they any under their bodies, to keep them from the pricking straws that ran oft through the canvas of the pallet, and razed their hardened hides.  
The third thing they tell of, 
Furniture of household.  is the exchange of vessel, as of treene platters into pewter, and wooden spoons into silver or tin. For so common were all sorts of tréene stuff in old time, that a man should hardly find four pieces of pewter (of which one was peradventure a salt) in a good farmer's house, and yet for all this frugality (if it may so be justly called) they were scarce able to live and pay their rents at their days without selling of a cow, 
This was is the time of general idleness.  or an horse, or more, although they paid but four pounds at the uttermost by the year. Such also was their poverty, that if some one odd farmer or husbandman had been at the alehouse, a thing greatly used in those days, amongst six or seven of his neighbours, and there in a bravery to show what store he had, did cast down his purse, and therein a noble or six shillings in silver unto them (for few such men than cared for gold because it was not so ready payment, and they were oft enforced to give a penny for the exchange of an angel) it was very likely that all the rest could not lay down so much against it: whereas in my time, although peradventure four pounds of old rent be improved to forty, fifty, or an hundred pounds, yet will the farmer as another palm or date tree think his gains very small toward the end of his term, if he have not six or seven years rent lying by him, therewith to purchase a new lease, beside a fair garnish of pewter on his cupboard, with so much more in odd vessel going about the house, three or four featherbeds, so many coverlids and carpets of tapistry, a silver salt, a bowl for wine (if not an whole nest) and a dozzen of spoons to furnish up the suit. This also he taketh to be his own clear, for what stock of money soever he gathereth & layeth up in all his years, it is often seen, that the landlord will take such order with him for the same, when he reneweth his lease, which is commonly eight or six years before the old be expired (sith it is now grown almost to a custom, that if he come not to his lord so long before, another shall step in for a reversion, and so defeat him out right) that it shall never trouble him more than the hair of his beard, when the barber hath washed and shaven it from his chin. And as they commend these, so (beside the decay of housekeeping whereby the poor have been relieved) they speak also of three things that are grown to be very grievous unto them, to wit, the enhancing of rents, lately mentioned; the daily oppression of copiholders, whose lords seek to bring their poor tenants almost into plain servitude and misery, daily devising new means, and seeking up all the old how to cut them shorter and shorter, doubling, trebling, and now & then seven times increasing their fines, driving them also for every trifle to lose and forfeit their tenors (by whom the greatest part of the realm doth stand and is maintained) to the end they may fleece them yet more, which is a lamentable herring. The third thing they talk of is usury, a trade brought in by the jews, now perfectly practised almost by every christian, and so commonly that he is accounted but for a fool that doth lend his money for nothing. In time past it was Sors pro sort, that is, the principal only for the principal; but now beside that which is above the principal properly called Vsura, we challenge Foenus, that is commodity of soil, & fruits of the earth, if not the ground itself. In time past also one of the hundred was much, from thence it rose unto two, called in Latin Vsura, Ex sextante; three, to wit Ex quadrante; then to four, to wit Ex triente; then to five, which is Ex quincunce; then to six, called Ex semisse, &c: as the account of the Assis ariseth, and coming at the last unto Vsura ex ass, it amounteth to twelve in the hundred, and therefore the Latins call it Centesima, for that in the hundred month it doubleth the principal; but more of this elsewhere. See Cicero against Verres, Demosthenes against Aphobus, and Athenaeus lib. 13. in fine: and when thou hast read them well, help I pray thee in lawful manner to hang up such as take Centum pro cento, 
By the year.  for they are no better worthy as I do judge in conscience. Forget not also such landlords as use to value their leases at a secret estimation given of the wealth and credit of the taker, whereby they seem (as it were) to cat them up and deal with bondmen, so that if the leassée be thought to be worth an hundred pounds, he shall pay no less for his new term, or else another to enter with hard and doubtful covenants. I am sorry to report it, much more grieved to understand of the practice; but most sorrowful of all to understand that men of great port and countenance are so far from suffering their farmers to have any gain at all, that they themselves become graziers, butchers, tanner's, shéepmasters, woodmen, and denique quid non, thereby to enrich themselves, and bring all the wealth of the country into their own hands, leaving the commonalty weak, or as an idol with broken or feeble arms, which may in a time of peace have a plausible show, but when necessity shall enforce, have an heavy and bitter sequel.   

Of cities and towns in England. Cap. 13.  
AS in old time we read that 
Six and twenty cities in England.  there were eight and twenty flamines and archflamines in the south part of this isle, and so many great cities under their jurisdiction: so in these our days there is but one or two fewer, and each of them also under the ecclesiastical regiment of some one bishop or archbishop, who in spiritual cases have the charge and oversight of the same. So many cities therefore are there in England and Wales, as there be bishoprics & archbishopriks. For notwithstanding that Lichfield and Coventrie, and Bath and Welles, do seem to extend the aforesaid number unto nine and twenty: yet neither of these couples are to be accounted, but as one entire city and see of the bishop, sith one bishopric can have relation but unto one see, and the said see be situate but in one place, after which the bishop doth take his name. It appeareth by our old and ancient histories, that the cities of this southerly portion have been of exceeding greatness and beauty, whereof some were builded in the time of the Samotheans, and of which not a few in these our times are quite decayed, and the places where they stood worn out of all remembrance. Such also for the most part as yet remain are marvelously altered, insomuch that whereas at the first they were large and ample, now are they come either unto a very few houses, or appear not to be much greater in comparison than poor & simple villages. Antoninus the most diligent writer of the thorough fares of Britain, noteth among other these ancient towns following, as Sitomagus, 
Sitomagus. Noviomagus. Neomagus Niomagus.  which he placeth in the way from Norwich, as Leland supposeth (wherein they went by Colchester) to London, Noviomagus that lieth between Carleill and Canturburie, within ten mile's east of London, and likewise Neomagus and Niomagus which take their names of their first founder Magus, the son of Samothes, & second king of the Celtes that reigned in this Island; and not A profunditate, only, as Bodinus affirmeth out of Pliny, as if all the towns that ended in Magus should stand in holes and low grounds: which is to be disproved in diverse cities in the main, as also here with us. Of these moreover sir Thomas Eliot supposeth Neomagus to have stood somewhere about Chester; & George Lily in his book of the names of ancient places, judgeth Niomagus to be the very same that we do now call Buckingham, and lieth far from the shore. And as these and sundry other now perished took their denomination of this prince, so there are diverse causes, 
Salisbury of Sarron.  which move me to conjecture, that Salisbury doth rather take the first name of Sarron the son of the said Magus, than of Caesar, Caradoc or Severus (as some of our writers do imagine) or else at the least wise of Salisburge of the main, from whence some Saxons came to inhabit in this land. And for this later not unlikely, sith before the coming of the Saxons, the king of the Suessionenses had a great part of this Island in subjection, as Caesar saith; and in another place that such of Belgie as stale over hither from the main, builded and called diverse cities after the names of the same from whence they came, I mean such as stood upon the coast, as he himself doth witness. But sith conjectures are no verities, 
Sarronium. Sarrous burg.  and mine opinion is but one man's judgement, I will not stand now upon the proof of this matter, lest I should seem to take great pains in adding new conjectures unto old, in such wise to detain the heads of my readers about these trifles, that otherwise peradventure would be far better occupied in matters of more importance. To proceed the refore. As soon after the first inhabitation of this Island, our cities began no doubt to be builded and increased, so they ceased not to multiply from time to time, till the land was throughly furnished with her convenient numbers, whereof some at this present with their ancient names, do still remain in knowledge, though diverse be doubted of, and many more perished by continuance of time, and violence of the enemy. I doubt not also but the least of these were comparable to the greatest of those which stand in our time, for sith that in those days the most part of the Island was reserved unto pasture, 
Greater cities in times past when husbandmen also were citizens.  the towns and villages either were not at all (but all sorts of people dwelled in the cities indifferently, an image of which estate may yet be seen in Spain) or at the lestwise stood not so thick, as they did afterward in the time of the Romans, but chiefly after the coming of the Saxons, 
The cause of the increase of villages.  and after them the Normans, when every lord builded a church near unto his own mansion house, and thereto imparted the greatest portion of his lands unto sundry tenants, to hold the same of him by copy of court roll, which rolls were then kept in some especial place indifferently appointed by them and their lord, so that the one could have no resort unto them without the other, by which means the number of towns and villages was not a little increased. If any man be desirous to know the names of those ancient cities, that stood in the time of the Romans, he shall have them here at hand, in such wise as I have gathered them out of our writers, observing even their manner of writing of them so near as to me is possible, without alteration of any corruption crept up into the same.  

1. London otherwise called 

Trenovanton.  
Cair Lud.  
Londinum or Longidinium.  
Augusta of the legion Augusta that sojourned there, when the Romans ruled here.    
2 York otherwise called 

Cairbranke.  
Vrovicum or Yurewijc.  
Eorwijc or Eoforwijc.  
Yeworwijc. 
Leovitius placeth york in Scotland de eclipsibus.   
Eboracum.  
Victoria of the legion victrix that lay there sometime. 
A legion contained sixty centuries, thirty manipuli, three cohortes.     
3 Canturburie 

Duroruerno alias Duraruenno.  
Dorobernia.  
Cantwarbirie.    
4 Colchester 

Cair Colon.  
Cair Colden.  
Cair Colkin of Coilus.  
Cair Colun, of the river that runneth thereby.  
Colonia, of the colony planted there by the Romans.  
Coloncester.  
Camulodunum. 

Plin. lib. 2. ca 75.  
Tacitus.  
Ptolemy.      
5 Lincoln 

Cair Lud Coit, of the woods that stood about it.  
Cair Loichoit, by corruption.  
Lindum.  
Lindocollinum.    
6 Warwijc had sometime 9 parish churches. 

Cair Guttelin.  
Cair Line or Cair Leon.  
Cair Gwair.  
Cair Umber.  
Cair Gwaerton.    
7 Chester upon Vske was a famous university in the time of Arthur. 

Cair legion.  
Carlheon.  
Cairlium.  
Legecester.  
〈◊〉 legionum.    
8 Carleill 

Cair Lueill.  
Cair Leill.  
Lugibalia.  
Cair Doill.    
9 S. Albans 

Cair Maricipit.  
Cair Municip.  
Verolamium.  
Verlamcester.  
Cair Wattelin, of the street whereon it stood.    
10 Winchester. 

Cair Gwent.  
Cair Gwin.  
Cair Wine.  
Venta Simenorum.    
11 Cisceter. 

Cair Churn.  
Cair Kyrne.  
Cair Kery.  
Cair Cery.  
Cirnecester.  
Churnecester.    
12 Silcester. 

Cair Segent.  
Selecester. 
Cair Segent stood upon the Thames, not far from Reding.     
13 Bath. 

Cair Badon.  
Thermae.  
Aquae solis.    
14 Shaftesbyry 

Cair Paladour.  
Septonia.    
15 Worcester. 

Wigornia.  
Cair Gworangon.  
Brangonia.  
Cair Frangon.  
Woorkecester.    
16 Chichester. 

Cair Key or Kair Kiss.  
Cair Chic.    
17 Bristol 

Cair Odernant Badon.  
Oder.  
Cair Bren.  
Venta Belgarum.  
Brightstow.    
18 Rochest. 

Durobrevis, corruptly  
Rofcester.  
Roffa. 

Durobrovis.  
Dubobrus.  
Durobrius.      
19 Portchester. 

Cair Peris.  
Cair Poreis.    
20 Cairmarden 

Cair Maridunum.  
Cair Merdine.  
Maridumum.  
Cai● Marlin.  
Cair Prid●in.    
21 Gloucester 

Cair Clowy.  
Cair Glow.  
Claudiocestria.    
22 Leircester. 

Cair Beir.  
Cair Leir.  
Cair Lirion.  
Wirall, teste. Matth. West. 895.    
23 Cambridge. 

Grantabric.  
Cair Grant.    
24 Cair Vrnach, peradventure Burgh castle.  
25 Cair Cucurat.  
26 Cair Draiton, now a slender village.  
27 Cair Celennon.  
28 Cair Megwaid.   
As for Cair Dorme (another whereof I read likewise) it stood somewhere upon the Nene in Huntingdon shire, but now unknown, sith it was twice razed to the ground, first by the Saxons, then by the Danes, so that the ruins thereof are in these days not extant to be seen. And in like sort I am ignorant where most of them stood, that are noted with the sta●. I find in like sort mention of a noble city called Alcluid over and beside these afore mentioned, sometime builded by Ebracus of Britain, as the fame goeth, and finally destroyed by the Danes, about the year of Grace 870. It stood upon the banks of the river Cluda, to wit, between it and the blank on the north, and the Lound lake on the west, and was sometime march between the Britons and the Picts, and likewise the Picts and the Scots; nevertheless, the castle (as I hear) doth yet remain, and hath been since well repaired by the Scots, and called Dombrittain or Dunbritton, so that it is not an hard matter by these few words to find where Alcluid stood. I could here, if leisure served, and hast of the printer not require dispatch, deliver the ancient names of sundry other towns, of which Stafford in time past was called Stadtford, and therefore (as I guess) builded or the name altered by the Saxons, Kinebanton now Kimbalton. But if any man be desirous to see more of them, let him resort to Hoveden in the life of Henry the second, and there he shall be furthor satisfied of his desire in this behalf.  
It should seem when these ancient cities flourished, that the same town, 
When Alban was martyred Asclepiodotus was legate in Britain.  which we now call saint Albon, did most of all excel: but chiefly in the Romans time, and was not only nothing inferior to London itself, but rather preferred before it, because it was newer, and made a Municipium of the Romans, whereas the other was old and ruinous, and inhabited only by the Britons, as the most part of the Island was also in those days. Good notice hereof also is to be taken by Matthew Paris, and others before him, out of whose writings I have thought good to note a few things, whereby the majesty of this ancient city may appear unto posterity, and the former estate of Uerlamcester not lie altogether (as it hath done hitherto) raked up in forgetfulness, through the negligence of such as might have deserved better of their successors, by leaving the description thereof in a book by itself, sith many particulars thereof were written to their hands, that now are lost and perished. Tacitus in the fourteenth book of his history maketh mention of it, showing that in the rebellion of the Britons, the Romans there were miserably distressed, Eadeth clades (saith he) municipio Verolamio fuit. And hereupon Nennius in his catalogue of cities casteth it Cair municip, as I before have noted. 
Sullomaca and Barnet all one, or not far in sunder.  Ptolonie speaking of it, doth place it among the Catye●chlanes, but Anto●●nus maketh it one end twenty Italian miles from London, placing Sullomaca nine mile from thence, whereby it is evident, that Sullomaca stood near to Barnet, if it were not the very same. Of the old compass of the walls of Verolamlum there is now small knowledge to be had by the ruins, but of the beauty of the city itself you shall partly understand by that which followeth at hand, after I have told you for your better intelligence what Municipium Romanorum is: for there is great difference between that and Colonia Romanorum, sith Colonia alio traducitur a civitate Roma, but Municipes aliundè in civitatem veniunt, suisque, iuribus & legibus viwni: moreover their soil is not changed into the nature of the Roman, but they live in the steadfast friendship and protection of the Romans, as did sometime the Ceretes who were the first people which ever obtained that privilege. The British Verolamians therefore, having for their noble service in the wars deserved great commendations at the hands of the Romans, they gave unto them the whole freedom of Romans, whereby they were made Municipes, and became more free in truth than their Colonies could be. To conclude therefore, Municipium is a city in franchised and endued with Roman privileges, without any alteration of her former inhabitants or privileges; whereas a Colony is a company sent from Rome into any other region or province, to possess either a city newly builded, or to replenish the same from whence her former citizens have been expelled and driven out. Now to proceed.  
In the time of king Edgar it fell out, that one Eldred was abbot there; who being desirous to enlarge that house, it came into his mind to search about in the ruins of Verolamium (which now was overthrown by the fury of the Saxons & Danes) to see if he might there come by any curious pieces of work, wherewith to garnish his building taken in hand. To be short, he had no sooner begun to dig among the rubbiss, but he found an exceeding number of pillars, pieces of antic work, thresholds, door frames, and sundry other pieces of fine masonry for windows and such like, very convenient for his purpose. Of these also some were of porphyrite stone, some of diverse kinds of marble, touch, and alabaster, beside many curious devices of hard metal, in finding whereof he thought himself an happy man, and his success to be greatly guided by S. Alban. Besides these also he found sundry pillars of brass, and sockets of latton, alabaster and touch, all which he laid aside by great heaps, determining in the end (I say) to lay the foundation of a new abbey, but God so prevented his determination, that death took him away, before his building was begun. After him succeeded one Eadmeerus, who followed the doings of Eldred to the uttermost: and therefore not only perused what he had left with great diligence, but also caused his pioneers to search yet further, within the old walls of Verolamium, where they not only found infinite other pieces of excellent workmanship, but came at the last to certain vaults under the ground, in which stood divers idols, and not a few altars, very superstitiously and religiously adorned, as the pagans left them belike in time of necessity. These images were of sundry metals, and some of pure gold, their altars likewise were richly covered, all which ornaments Edmerus took away, and not only converted them to other use in his building, but also destroyed an innumerable sort of other idols, whose estimation consisted in their forms, and substances could do no service. He took up also sundry curious pots, jugs, and cruses of stone and wood most artificially wrought and carved, and that in such quantity, besides infinite store of fine household stuff, as if the whole furniture of the city had been brought thither of purpose to be hidden in those vaults. In proceeding further, he took up diverse pots of gold, silver brass, glass and earth, whereof some were filled with the ashes and bones of the gentiles, the mouths being turned downwards (the like of which, but of finer earth, were found in great numbers also of late in a well at little Massingham in Norfolk, of six or eight gallons a piece, about the year 1578, and also in the time of Henry the eight) and not a few with the coins of the old Britons and Roman emperors. All which vessels the said abbot broke into pieces, and melting the metal, he reserved it in like sort for the garnishing of his church.  
He found likewise in a stone wall two old books, whereof one contained the rites of the gentiles, about the sacrifices of their gods, the other (as they now say) the martyrdom of saint Alban, 
This soundeth like a lie.  both of them written in old British letters, which either because no man then living could read them, or for that they were not worth the keeping, were both consumed to ashes, saving that a few notes were first taken out of this later, concerning the death of their Alban. Thus much have I thought good to note of the former beauty of Verolamium, whereof infinite other tokens have been found since that time, and diverse within the memory of man, of passing workmanship, the like whereof hath no whers else been seen in any ruins within the compass of this isle, either for cost or quantity of stuff.  
Furthermore, whereas many are not afraid to say that the Thames came sometimes by this city, indeed it is nothing so; but that the Uerlume (afterward called Vere and the Mure) did and doth so still (whatsoever Gildas talketh hereof, whose books may be corrupted in that behalf) there is yet evident proof to be confirmed by experience. For albeit that the river be now grown to be very small by reason of the ground about it, which is higher than it was in old time; yet it keepeth in manner the old course, and runneth between the old city that was, and the new town that is standing on Holmehirst crag, as I beheld of late. Those places also which now are meadow beneath the abbey, were sometimes a great lake, mere, or pool, through which the said river ran, and (as I read) with a very swift and violent course, whereas at this present it is very slow, and of no such depth as of ancient times it hath been. But hear what mine author saith further of the same. As those aforesaid workmen digged in these ruins, they happened oftentimes upon Lempet shells, pieces of rusty anchors, and kéeles of great vessels, whereupon some by and by gathered that either the Thames or some arm of the sea did beat upon that town, not understanding that these things might aswell happen in great lakes and meres, whereof there was one adjoining to the north side of the city, which lay then (as some men think) unwalled, but that also is false. For being there upon occasion this summer passed, I saw some remnant of the old walls standing in that place, which appeared to have been very substantially builded; the ruins likewise of a greater part of them are to be seen running along by the old chapel hard by in manner of a bank. Whereby it is evident that the new town standeth clean without the limits of the old, and that the bridge whereof the history of S. Alban speaketh, was at the neither end 〈◊〉 Halliwell street or there about, for so the view of the place doth enforce me to conjecture. This mere (which the Latin copy of the description of Britain, written of late by Humphrey Lhoid our country man calleth corruptly Stagnum enaximum for Stagnum maximum) at the first belonged to the king, and thereby Offa in his time did reap no small commodity. It continued also until the time of Alfrijc the seventh abbot of that house, who bought it outright of the king then living, and by excessive charges drained it so narrowly, that within a while he left it dry (saving that he reserved a channel for the river to have her usual course, which he held up with high banks) because there was always contention between the monks and the king's servants, which fished on that water unto the king's behoof.  
In these days therefore remaineth no manner mention of this pool, but only in one street, which yet is called Fishpoole street, whereof this may suffice for the resolution of such men, as seek rather to yield to an inconvenience, than that their Gildas should seem to mistake this river.  
Having thus digressed to give some remembrance of the old estate of Verolamium, it is now time to return again unto my former purpose. Certes I would gladly set down with the names and number of the cities, all the towns and villages in England and Wales, with their true longitudes and latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in such order as I would: howbeit the tale of our cities is soon found by the bishoprics, sith every see hath such prerogative given unto it, as to bear the name of a city, & to use Regaleius within her own limits. Which privilege also is granted to sundry ancient towns in England, especially northward, where more plenty of them is to be found by a great deal than in the south. The names therefore of our cities are these:  

London.  
York.  
Canturburie.  
Winchester.  
Cairleill.  
Durham.  
Elie.  
Norwich.  
Lincoln.   

Worcester.  
Gloucester.  
Hereford.  
Salisbury.  
Excester.  
Bath.  
Lichfield.  
Bristol.  
Rochester.   

Chester.  
Chichester.  
Oxford.  
Peterborow.  
Landaffe.  
S. David's.  
Bangor.  
S. Asaph.   
Whose particular plots and models with their descriptions shall ensue, if it may be brought to pass, that the cutters can make dispatch of them before this chronology be published. Of towns and villages likewise thus much will I say, that there were greater store in old time (I mean within three or four hundred year passed) than at this present. And this I note out of diverse records, charters, and donations (made in times passed unto sundry religious houses, as Glassenburie, Abbandon, Ramseie, Elie, and such like) and whereof in these days I find not so much as the ruins. Leland in sundry places complaineth likewise of the decay of parishes in great cities and towns, missing in some six, or eight, or twelve churches and more, of all which he giveth particular notice. For albeit that the Saxons builded many towns and villages, and the Normans well more at their first coming, yet since the first two hundred years after the latter conquest, they have gone so fast again to decay, that the ancient number of them is very much abated. Ranulph the monk of Chester telleth of general survey made in the fourth, sixtéenth, & nineteenth of the reign of William Conqueror, surnamed the Bastard, wherein it was found, that (notwithstanding the Danes had overthrown a great many) there were to the number of 52000 towns, 45002 parish churches, and 75000 knights fees, whereof the clergy held 28015. He addeth moreover that there were diverse other builded since that time, within the space of an hundred years after the coming of the Bastard, as it were in am or recompense of those that William Rufus pulled down for the erection of his new forest. For by an old book which I have, and sometime written as it seemeth by an undersheriff of Nottingham, I find, even in the time of Edw. 4. 45120 parish churches, and but 60216 knights fees, whereof the clergy held as before 28015, or at the least 28000: for so small is the difference which he doth seem to use. Howbeit if the assertions of such as write in our time concerning this matter, either are or aught to be of any credit in this behalf, you shall not find above 17000 towns and villages, and 9210 in the whole, which is little more than a fourth part of the aforesaid number, if it be throughly scanned.  
Certes this misfortune hath not only happened unto our Isle & nation, but unto most of the famous countries of the world heretofore, and all by the greedy desire of such as would live alone and only to themselves. And hereof we may take example in Candie of old time called Creta, which (as Homer writeth) was called Hetacompolis, because it contained an hundred cities, but now it is so unfurnished that it may hardly be called Tripoli. Diodorus Siculus saith, that Egypt had once 18000 cities, which so decayed in process of time, that when Ptolomeus Lagus reigned, there were not above 3000: but in our days both in all Asia & Egypt this lesser number shall not very readily he found. In time passed in Lincoln (as the fame goeth) there have been two and fifty parish churches, and good record appeareth for eight and thirty: but now if there be four and twenty it is all. This inconvenience hath grown altogether to the church by appropriations made unto monasteries and religious houses, a terrible canker and enemy to religion.  
But to leave this lamentable discourse of so notable and grievous an inconvenience, growing (as I said) by encroaching and joining of house to house, and laying land to land, whereby the inhabitants of many places of our country are devoured and eaten up, and their houses either altogether pulled down or suffered to decay by little and little, although sometime a poor man peradventure doth dwell in one of them, who not being able to repair it, suffereth it to fall down, & thereto thinketh himself very friendly dealt withal, if he may have an acre of ground assigned unto him whereon to keep a cow, or wherein to set cabbages, radishes, parsnip, carrots, melons, pompons, or such like stuff, by which he and his poor household liveth as by their principal food, sith they can do no better. And as for wheaten bread, they eat it when they can reach unto the price of it, contenting themselves in the mean time with bread made of oats or barleie: a poor estate God wots! Howbeit what care our great incrochers? But in divers places where rich men dwelled sometime in good tenements, there be now no houses at all, but hopyards, and sheds for poles, or peradventure gardens, as we may see in castle Hedingham, and diverse other places. But to proceed.  
It is so, that our soil being divided into champain ground and woodland, the houses of the first lie uniformly builded in every town together with streets and lanes, whereas in the woodland countries (except here and there in great market towns) they stand scattered abroad, each one dwelling in the midst of his own occupying. And as in many and most great market towns, there are commonly three hundred or four hundred families or mansions, & two thousand communicants, or peradventure more: so in the other, whether they be woodland or champain, we find not often above forty, fifty, or three score households, and two or three hundred communicants, whereof the greatest part nevertheless are very poor folks, offentimes without all manner of occupying, sith the ground of the pa●ish is gotten up into a few men's hands, yea sometimes into the tenure of one, two or three, whereby the rest are compelled either to be hired servants unto the other, or else to beg their bread in misery from door to door.  
There are some (saith Leland) which are not so favourable when they have gotten such lands, as to let the houses remain upon them to the use of the poor; but they will compound with the lord of the soil to pull them down for altogether, saying that if they did let them stand, they should but toll beggars to the town, thereby to surcharge the rest of the parish, & lay more burden upon them. But alas these pitiful men see not that they themselves hereby do lay the greatest log upon their neighbours necks. For sith the prince doth commonly lose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the rest of the parishioners that remain must answer and bear them out: for they plead more charge other ways, saying; I am charged already with a light horse, I am to answer in this sort and after that manner. And it is not yet altogether out of knowledge, that where the king had seven pounds thirteen shillings at a task gathered of fifty wealthy householders of a parish in England: now a gentleman having three parts of the town in his own hands, four households do bear all the aforesaid payment, or else Leland is deceived in his Commentaries lib. 13. lately come to my hands, which thing he especially noted in his travel over this isle. A common plague & enormity, both in the hart of the land and likewise upon the coasts. Certes a great number complain of the increase of poverty, laying the cause upon God, as though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want of wars that should consume them, affirming that the land was never so full, &c: but few men do see the very root from whence it doth proceed. Yet the Romans found it out, when they flourished, and therefore prescribed limits to every man's tenure and occupying. Homer commendeth Achilles for overthrowing of five and twenty cities: but in mine opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for building of three score in Ind, where he did plant himself. I could (if need required) set down in this place the number of religious houses and monasteries, with the names of their founders that have been in this Island: but sith it is a thing of small importance, I pass it over as impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend sundry of the monastical votaries, especially moonkes, for that they were authors of many goodly borrows and endwares, near unto their dwellings, although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world. But alas their covetous minds one way in enlarging their revenues, and carnal intent an other, appeared herein too too much. For being bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought oft great wickedness, and made those endwares little better than brodelhouses, especiallio where nunneries were far off, or else no safe access unto them. But what do I spend my time in the rehearsal of these filthinesses? Would to God the memory of them might perish with the malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to have set down a table of the parish churches and market towns through out all England and Wales: but sith I can not perform the same as I would, I am forced to give over my purpose: yet by these few that ensue you shall easily see what order I would have used according to the shires, if I might have brought it to pass.  
Shires. Market towns. Parishes. Middlesex. 3 73 London within the walls, and without.  120 Surrie. 6 140 Sussex. 18 312 Kent. 17 398 Cambridge. 4 163 Bedford. 9 13 Huntingdon. 5 78 Rutland. 2 47 Berkshire. 11 150 Northhampton. 10 326 Buckingham. 11 196 Oxford. 10 216 Southampton. 18 248 Dorset. 19 279 Norfolk. 26 625 Suffolk. 25 575 Essex. 18 415   

Of castles and holds. Chap. 14.  
IT hath been of long time a question in controversy, and not yet determined, whether holds and castles near cities or any where in the hart of commonwealths, are more profitable or hurtful for the benefit of the country? Nevertheless it seemeth by our own experience that we here in England suppose them altogether unnéedfull. This also is apparent by the testimony of sundry writers, that they have been the ruin of many a noble city. Of old Salisbury I speak not, of Anwarpe I say nothing more than of sundry other, whereof some also in my time never cease to encroach upon the liberties of the cities adjoining, thereby to hinder them what and wherein they may. For my part I never read of any castle that did good unto the city abutting thereon, but only the capitol of Rome: and yet but once good unto the same, in respect of the nine times whereby it brought it into danger of utter ruin and confusion. Aristotle utterly denieth that any castle at all can be profitable to a common wealth well governed. Timotheus of Corinthum affirmeth, that a castle in a common wealth is but a breeder of tyrants. Pyrrhus' king of Epire being received also on a time into Athens, among other courtesies showed unto him, they led him also into their castle of Pallas, who at his departure gave them great thanks for the friendly entertainment; but with this item, that they should let so few kings come into the same as they might, lest (saith he) they teach you to repent too late of your great gentleness. Caietanus in his commonwealth hath finally no liking of them, as appeareth in his eight book of that most excellent treatise. But what have I to deal whether they be profitable or not, sith my purpose is rather to show what plenty we have of them, which I will perform so far as shall be needful?  
There have been in times past great store of castles & places of defence within the realm of England, of which some were builded by the Britons, many by the Romans, Saxons, and Danes, but most of all by the barons of the realm, in & about the time of king Stephan, who licensed each of them to build so many as them listed upon their own demesnes, hoping thereby that they would have employed their use to his advantage and commodity But finally when he saw that they were rather fortified against himself in the end, than used in his defence, he repented all too late of his inconsiderate dealing, sith now there was no remedy but by force for to subdue them. After his decease king Henry the second came no sooner to the crown, but he called to mind the inconvenience which his predecessor had suffered, and he himself might in time sustain by those fortifications. Therefore one of the first things he did was an attempt to race and deface the most part of these holds. Certes he thought it better to hazard the meeting of the enemy now and then in the plain field, than to live in perpetual fear of those houses, and the rebellion of his lords upon every light occasion conceived, who then were full so strong as he, if not more strong; and that made them the readier to withstand and gainsay many of those proceedings, which he and his successors from time to time intended. Hereupon therefore he caused more than eleven hundred of their said castles to be razed and overthrown, whereby the power of his nobility was not a little restrained. Since that time also, not a few of those which remained, have decayed, partly by the commandment of Henry the third, and partly of themselves, or by conversion of them into the dwelling houses of noble men, their martial fronts being removed: so that at this present, there are very few or no castles at all maintained within England, saving only upon the coasts and marches of the country for the better keeping back of the foreign enemy, when soever he shall attempt to enter and annoie us.  
The most provident prince that ever reigned in this land, for the fortification thereof against all outward enemies, was the late prince of famous memory king Henry the eight, who beside that he repaired most of such as were already standing, builded sundry out of the ground. For having shaken off the more than servile yoke of popish tyranny, and espying that the emperor was offended for his divorce from queen Catharine his aunt, and thereto understanding that the French king had coupled the Dolphin his son with the pope's niece, and married his daughter to the king of Scots (whereby he had cause more justly to suspect than safely to trust anis one of them all as Lambert saith) he determined to stand upon his own defence, and therefore with no small speed, and like charge, he builded sundry blockehouses, castles, and platforms upon diverse frontiers of his realm, but chiefly the east and southeast parts of England, whereby (no doubt) he did very much qualify the conceived grudges of his adversaries, and utterly put off their hasty purpose of invasion. But would to God he had cast his eye toward Harwich, and the coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk, where nothing as yet is done! albeit there be none so fit and likely places for the enemy to enter upon, as in those parts, where, at a full sea they may touch upon the shore and come to land without resistance. And thus much briefly for my purpose at this present. For I need not to make any long discourse of castles, sith it is not the nature of a good Englishman to regard to be caged up as in a coop, and hedged in with stone walls, but rather to meet with his enemy in the plain field at handstrokes, where he may travaise his ground, choose his plot, and use the benefit of sun shine, wind and weather, to his best advantage & commodity. Isocrates also saith that towers, walls, 
The best keepers of kingdoms.  bulwark, soldiers, and plenty of armour, are not the best keepers of kingdoms; but friends, love of subjects, & obedience unto martial discipline, which they want that show themselves either cruel or covetous toward their people. As for those tales that go of Beston castle, how it shall save all England on a day, and likewise the brag of a rebellious baron in old time named Hugh Bigot, that said in contempt of king Henry the third, and about the fiftieth year of his reign: 
If I were in my castle of Bungeie,  
Upon the water of Waveneie,  
I would not set a button by the king of Cockneie,  I repute them but as toys, the first mere vain, the second fondly uttered if any such thing were said, as many other words are and have been spoken of like holds (as Wallingford, &c:) but now grown out of memory, and with small loss not heard of among the common sort. Certes the castle of Bungeie was overthrown by the aforesaid prince, the same year that he overthrew the walls and castle of Leircester, also the castles of Treske and Malesar, appertaining to Roger mowbray, and that of Fremlingham belonging likewise to Hugh Bigot, whereof in the chronology following you may read at large. I might here in like sort take occasion to speak of sundry strong places where camps of men have lain, and of which we have great plenty here in England in the plain fields: but I pass over to talk of any such needless discourses. 
The wandles in time past were called windles.  This nevertheless concerning two of them is not to be omitted, to wit, that the one near unto Cambridge now Gogmagog's hill, was called Windleburie before time, as I read of late in an old pamphlet. And to say the truth I have often heard them named Winterburie hills, which difference may easily grow by corruption of the former word: the place likewise is very large and strong. The second is to be seen in the edge of Shropshire about two miles from Colme, between two rivers, the Clun or Colunus, and the Tewie otherwise named Themis, whereunto there is no access but at one place. The Welshmen call it Cair Carador, and they are of the opinion, that Caractatus king of the Sillures was overcome there by Ostorius, at such time as he fled to Cartimanda queen of the Brigants for succour, who betrayed him to the Romans, as you may see in Tacitus.   

Of palaces belonging to the prince. Chap. 15.  
IT lieth not in me to set down exactly the number & names of the palaces belonging to the prince, nor to make any description of her grace's court, sith my calling is and hath been such, as that I have scarcely presumed to peep in at her gates, much less than have I adventured to search out and know the estate of those houses, and what magnificent behaviour is to be seen within them. Yet thus much will I say generally of all the houses and honours pertaining to her majesty, that they are builded either of square stone or brick, or else of both. And thereunto although their capacity and hugeness be not so monstrous, as the like of diverse foreign princes are to be seen in the main, and new found nations of the world: yet are they so curious, neat, and commodious as any of them, both for conveyance of offices and lodgings, and excellency of situation, which is not the least thing to be considered of in building. Those that were builded before the time of king Henry the eight, retain to these days the show and image of the ancient kind of workmanship used in this land: but such as he erected after his own devise (for he was nothing inferior in this trade to Adrian the emperor and justiman the lawgiver) 
King Hen. 8. not inferior to Adrian and justiman.  do represent another manner of pattern, which as they are supposed to excel all the rest that he found standing in this realm, so they are and shall be a perpetual precedent unto those that do come after, to follow in their works and buildings of importance. Certes masonry did never better flourish in England than in his time. And albeit that in these days there be many goodly houses erected in the sundry quarters of this Island; yet they are rather curious to the eye like paper work, than substantial for continuance: whereas such as he did set up excel in both, and therefore may justly be preferred far above all the rest. The names of those which come now to my remembrance, and are as yet reserved to her majesties only use at pleasure are these: for of such as are given away I speak not, neither of those that are utterly decayed, as Bainard's castle in London builded in the days of the Conqueror by a noble man called William Bainard, whose wife Inga builded the priory of little Donemow in the days of Henry the first; neither of the tower royal there also, &c: sith I see no cause wherefore I should remember them and many of the like, of whose very ruins I have no certain knowledge. Of such I say therefore as I erst mentioned, we have first of all White hall at the west end of London 
White hall.  (which is taken for the most large & principal of all the rest) was first a lodging of the archbishops of York, then pulled down, begun by cardinal Woolseie, and finally enlarged and finished by king Henry the eight. By east of this standeth Durham place, sometime belonging to the bishops of Durham, but converted also by king Henry the eight into a palace royal, & lodging for the prince. Of Summerset place I speak not, yet if the first beginner thereof (I mean the lord Edward, the learned and godly duke of Summerset) had lived, I doubt not but it should have been well finished and brought to a sumptuous end: but as untimely death took him from that house & from us all, so it proved the stay of such proceeding as was intended about it. Whereby it cometh to pass that it standeth as he left it. Neither will I remember the Tower of London, which is rather an armory and house of munition, and thereunto a place for the safekéeping of offenders, than a palace royal for a king or queen to sojourn in. Yet in times past I find that Belline held his abode there, and thereunto extended the site of his palace in such wise, that it stretched over the Broken wharf, and came further into the city, in so much that it approached near to Bellines gate, & as it is thought some of the ruins of his house are yet extant, howbeit patched up and made warehouses in that tract of ground in our times. 
S. james.  S. james sometime a nonrie, was builded also by the same prince. Her grace hath also Oteland, 
Oteland. Ashridge. Hatfield. Enuéeld. Richmond. Hampton. Woodstock.  Ashridge, Hatfield, Havering, Enuéeld, Eltham, Langleie, Richmond builded by Henry the fift, Hampton court (begun sometime by cardinal Woolseie, and finished by her father) and thereunto Woodstock, erected by king Henry the first, in which the queens majesty delighteth greatly to sojourn, notwithstanding that in time past it was the place of a parcel of her captivity, when it pleased God to try her by affliction and calamity.  
For strength Windlesor or Windsor is supposed to be the chief, 
〈◊〉  a castle builded in time passed by king Arthur, or before him by arviragus, as it is thought, and repaired by Edward the third, who erected also a notable college there. After him diverse of his successors have bestowed exceeding charges upon the same, which notwithstanding are far surmounted by the queens majesty now living, who hath appointed huge sums of money to be employed upon the ornature and alteration of the mould, according to the form of building used in our days, which is more for pleasure than for either profit or safeguard. Such also hath been the estimation of this place, that diverse kings have not only been interred there, but also made it the chief house of assembly, and creation of the knights of the honourable order of the garter, than the which there is nothing in this land more magnificent and stately.  
Greenwich was first builded by Humfreie duke of Gloucester, 
Gréenewich.  upon the Thames side four mile's east from London, in the time of Henry the sixth, and called Pleasance. Afterwards it was greatly enlarged by king Edw. 4. garnished by king Hen. 7. and finally made perfect by king Hen. 8. the only Phoenix of his time for fine and curious masonry.  
Not far from this is Dartford, 
Dartford.  and not much distant also from the southside of the said stream, sometime a nonnerie builded by Edward the third, but now a very commodious palace, whereunto it was also converted by K. Henry the eight. 
Eltham.  Eltham (as I take it) was builded by king Henry the third, if not before. There are beside these moreover diverse other. But what shall I need to take upon me to repeat all, and tell what houses the queen's majesty hath? sith all is hers, and when it pleaseth her in the summer season to recreate herself abroad, and view the estate of the country, and hear the complaints of her poor commons injuried by her unjust officers or their substitutes, every noble man's house is her palace, where she continueth during pleasure, and till she return again to some of her own, in which she remaineth so long as pleaseth her.  
The court of England, 
Of the court.  which necessarily is holden always where the prince lieth, is in these days one of the most renowned and magnificent courts that are to be found in Europe. For whether you regard the rich and infinite furniture of household, order of officers, or the entertainment of such strangers as daily resort unto the same, you shall not find many equal thereunto, much less one excelling it in any manner of wise. I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter conceived of the same) make a large discourse of such honourable ports, of such grave councillors, and noble personages, as give their daily attendance upon the queens majesty there. I could in like sort set forth a singular commendation of the virtuous beauty, or beautiful virtues of such ladies and gentlewomen as wait upon her person, between whose amiable countenances and costliness of attire, there seemeth to be such a daily conflict and contention, as that it is very difficult for me to guess, whether of the twain shall bear away the pre-eminence. This further is not to be omitted, 
〈…〉  to the singular commendation of both sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, that there are very few of them, which have not the use and skill of sundry speeches, beside an excellent vein of writing before time not regarded. Would to God the rest of their lives and conversations were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers (for the most part) are the best learned and endued with excellent gifts, so are many of them the worst men when they come abroad, that any man shall either hear or read of. Truly it is a rare thing with us now, to hear of a courtier which hath but his own language. And to say how many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that beside sound knowledge of the Greek and Latin tongues, are thereto no less skilful in the Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded, that as the noble men and gentlemen do surmount in this behalf, so these come very little or nothing at all behind them for their parts, which industry God continue, and accomplish that which otherwise is wanting!  
Beside these things I could in like sort set down the ways and means, whereby our ancient ladies of the court do shun and avoid idleness, some of them exercising their fingers with the needle, other in caulworke, diverse in spinning of silk, some in continual reading either of the holy scriptures, or histories of our own or foreign nations about us, and diverse in writing volumes of their own, or translating of other men's into our English and Latin tongue, whilst the youngest sort in the mean time apply their lutes, citharnes, pricksong, and all kind of music, which they use only for recreation sake, when they have leisure, and are free from attendance upon the queens majesty, or such as they belong unto. How many of the eldest sort also are skilful in surgery and distillation of waters, beside sundry other artificial practices pertaining to the ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed to deal further in this behalf) easily declare, but I pass over such manner of dealing, lest I should seem to glaver, and curry favour with some of them. Nevertheless this I will generally say of them all, that as each of them are cunning in something whereby they keep themselves occupied in the court, so there is in manner none of them, but when they be at home, can help to supply the ordinary want of the kitchen with a number of delicate dishes of their own devising, wherein the Portugal is their chief counsellor, as some of them are most commonly with the clerk of the kitchen, who useth (by a trick taken up of late) to give in a brief rehearsal of such and so many dishes as are to come in at every course throughout the whole service in the dinner or supper while: which bill some do call a memorial, other a billet, but some a fillet, because such are commonly hanged on the file, and kept by the lady or gentlewoman unto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?  
I might finally describe the large allowances in offices, and yearly liveries, and thereunto the great plenty of gold and silver plate, the several pieces whereof are commonly so great and massy, and the quantity thereof so abundantly serving all the household, that (as I suppose) Cyniras', Croesus, and Crassus had not the like furniture: nay if Midas were now living & once again put to his choice, I think he could ask no more, or rather not half so much as is there to be seen and used. But I pass over to make such needless discourses, resolving myself, that even in this also, as in all the rest, the exceeding mercy and loving kindness of God doth wonderfully appear towards us, in that he hath so largely endued us with these his so ample benefits.  
In some great princes courts beyond the seas, & which even for that cause are likened unto hell by diverse learned writers that have spent a great part of their time in them, as Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, one (for example) who in his epistle Ad aulicum dam saith thus: An non in inferno es amice, qui es in aula, ubi daemonum habitatio est, qui illic suis artibus humana licèt effigy regnant, atque ubi scelerum schola est, & animatum iactura ingens, ac quicquid uspiam est perfidiae ac doli, quicquid crudelitatis & inclementiae, quicquid effraenatae superbiae, & rapacis avariciae, quicquid obscenae libidinis, faedissimae impudicitiae, quicquid nefandae impietatis, & morum pessimorum, totum illic aceruatur cumulatissimè, ubi stupra, raptus, incestus, adulteria, principum & nobilium ludi sunt, ubi fastus & tumour, ira, livor, faedáque cupido cum socijs suis imperavit, ubi criminum omnium procellae virtutúmque omnium ínenarrabile naufragium, etc. In such great princes courts (I say) it is a world to see what lewd behaviour is used among diverse of those that resort unto the same, and what whoredom, swearing, ribaldry, atheism, dicing, carding, carousing, drunkenness, gluttony, quarreling, and such like inconveniences do daily take hold, and sometimes even among those, in whose estates the like behaviour is least convenient (whereby their talk is verified which say that the thing increaseth and groweth in the courts of princes saving virtue, which in such places doth languish and daily vade away) all which enormities are either utterly expelled out of the court of England, or else so qualified by the diligent endeavour of the chief officers of her grace's household, that seldom are any of these things apparently seen there, without due reprehension, and such severe correction as belongeth to those trespasses. Finally to avoid idleness, and prevent sundry transgressions, otherwise likely to be committed and done, such order is taken, that every office hath either a bible, or the books of the acts and monuments of the church of England, or both, beside some histories and chronicles lying therein, for the exercise of such as come into the same: whereby the stranger that entereth into the court of England upon the sudden, shall rather imagine himself to come into some public school of the universities, where many give ear to one that readeth, than into a prince's palace, if you confer the same with those of other nations. Would to God all honourable personages would take example of her graces godly dealing in this behalf, and show their conformity unto these her so good beginnings! which if they would, then should many grievous offences (wherewith God is highly displeased) be cut off and restrained, which now do reign exceedingly, in most noble and gentlemen's houses, whereof they see no pattern within her grace's gates.  
I might speak here of the great trains and troops of serving men also, 
Trains of attendants.  which attend upon the nobility of England in their several liveries, and with differences of cognisances on their sleeves, whereby it is known to whom they appertain. I could also set down what a goodly sight it is to see them muster in the court, which being filled with them doth yield the contemplation of a noble variety unto the beholder, much like to the show of the peacocks tail in the full beauty, or of some meadow garnished with infinite kinds and diversity of pleasant flowers. But I pass over the rehearsal hereof to other men, who more delight in vain amplification than I, and seek to be more curious in these points than I profess to be.  
The discipline of firm peace also that is maintained within a certain compass of the prince's palace, is such, as is nothing inferior to that we see daily practised in the best governed holds & fortresses. And such is the severe punishment of those that strike within the limits prohibited, that without all hope of mercy, benefit of clergy, or sanctuary, they are sure to lose their right hands at a stroke, and that in very solemn manner, the form whereof I will set down, and then make an end of this chapter, to deal with other matters.  
At such time therefore as the party transgressing is convicted by a sufficient inquest impanelled for the same purpose, 
Striking within the court and palace of the prince.  and the time come of the execution of the sentence, the sergeant of the king's woodyard provideth a square block, which he bringeth to some appointed place, and therewithal a great beetle, staple, and cords, wherewith to fasten the hand of the offendor unto the said block, until the whole circumstance of his execution be performed. The yeoman of the scullarie likewise for the time being, doth provide a great fire of coals hard by the block, wherein the fearing irons are to be made ready against the chief surgeon to the prince or his deputy shall occupy the same. Upon him also doth the sergeant or chief farrour attend with those irons, whose office is to deliver them to the said surgeon when he shall be ready by searing to use the same. The groom of the salary for the time being or his deputy is furthermore appointed to be ready with vinegar and cold water, and not to departed from the place until the arm of the offendor be bound up and fully dressed. And as these things are thus provided, so the sergeant surgeon is bound from time to time to be ready to execute his charge, and sear the stump, when the hand is taken from it. The sergeant of the cellar is at hand also with a cup of red wine, and likewise the chief officer of the pantry with manchet bread to give unto the said party after the execution done, and the stump seared, as the sergeant of the ewerie is with clothes, wherein to wind and wrap up the arm, the yeoman of the poultry with a cock to lay unto it, the yeoman of the chandrie with seared clothes, and finally the master cook or his deputy with a sharp dressing knife, which he delivereth at the place of execution to the sergeant of the larder, who doth hold it upright in his hand, until the execution be performed by the public officer appointed thereunto. And this is the manner of punishment ordained for those that strike within the prince's palace, or limits of the same. Which should first have been executed on sir Edmund Kneuet, in the year 1541. But when he had made great suit to save his right hand for the further service of the king in his wars, and willingly yielded to forego his left, in the end the king pardoned him of both, to no small benefit of the offendor, and publication of the bountiful nature that remained in the prince. The like privilege almost is given to churches and churchyards, although in manner of punishment great difference do appear. For he that bralleth or quarelleth in either of them, is by and by suspended Abingressu ecclesiae, until he be absolved: as he is also that striketh with the fist, or layeth violent hands upon any whom so ever. But if he happen to smite with staff, dagger, or any manner of weapon, & the same be sufficiently found by the verdict of twelve men at his arraignment, beside excommunication, he is sure to lose one of his ears without all hope of release. But if he be such a one as hath been twice condemned and executed, whereby he hath now none ears, then is he marked with an hot iron upon the cheek, and by the letter F, which is seared deep into his flesh, he is from thenceforth noted as a common barratour and fray maker, and thereunto remaineth excommunicate, till by repentance he deserve to be absolved. To strike a clerk also (that is to say) a minister, is plain excommunication, and the offendor not to be absolved but by the prince or his especial commission. Such also is the general estate of the excommunicate in every respect, that he can yield not testimony in any matter so long as he so standeth. No bargain or sale that he maketh is available in law, neither any of his acts whatsoever pleadable, whereby he liveth as an outlaw & a man altogether out of the prince's protection, although it be not lawful to kill him, nor any man otherwise outlawed, without the danger of felony.   

Of armour and munition. Chap. 16.  
HOw well or how strongly our country hath been furnished in times passed with armour and artillery, it lieth not in me as of myself to make rehearsal. Yet that it lacked both in the late time of queen Marie, not only the experience of mine elders, but also the talk of certain Spaniards not yet forgotten, did leave some manifest notice. Upon the first I need not stand, for few will deny it. For the second I have heard, that when one of the greatest peers of Spain espied our nakedness in this behalf, and did solemnly utter in no obscure place, that it should be an easy matter in short time to conquer England, because it wanted armour, his words were then not so rashly uttered, as they were politicly noted. For albeit that for the present time their efficacy was dissembled, and femblance made as though he spoke but merrily, yet at the very entrance of this our gracious queen unto the possession of the crown, they were so providently called to remembrance, and such speedy reformation sought of all hands for the redress of this inconvenience, that our country was sooner furnished with armour and munition, from diverse parts of the main (beside great plenty that was forged here at home) than our enemies could get understanding of any such provision to be made. By this policy also was the no small hope conceived by Spaniards utterly cut off, who of open friends being now become our secret enemies, and thereto watching a time wherein to achieve some heavy exploit against us and our country, did there upon change their purposes, whereby England obtained rest, that otherwise might have been sure of sharp and cruel wars. Thus a Spanish word uttered by one man at one time, overthrew or at the least wise hindered sundry privy practices of many at another. In times past the chief force of England consisted in their long bows. But now we have in manner generally given over that kind of artillery, and for long bows in deed do practise to shoot compass for our pastime: which kind of shooting can never yield any smart stroke, nor beat down our enemies, as our country men were wont to do at every time of need. Certes the Frenchmen and Rutters deriding our new archery in respect of their corslets, will not let in open skirmish, if any leisure serve, to turn up their tails and cry; Shoot English, and all because our strong shooting is decayed and laid in bed. But if some of our Englishmen now lived that served king Edward the third in his wars with France, the bréech of such a varlet should have been nailed to his bum with one arrow, and an other feathered in his bowels, before he should have turned about to see who shot the first. But as our shooting is thus in manner utterly decayed among us one way, so our country men wax skilful in sundry other points, as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver, and handling of the pike, in the several uses whereof they are become very expert.  
Our armour differeth not from that of other nations, and therefore consisteth of corslets, almain rivets, shirts of mail, jacks quilted and covered over with leather, fustian, or canvas, over thick plates of iron that are sowed in the same, & of which there is no town or village that hath not her convenient furniture. The said armour and munition likewise is kept in one several place of every town, appointed by the consent of the whole parish, where it is always ready to be had and worn within an hours warning. Sometime also it is occupied, when it pleaseth the magistrate either to view the able men, & take note of the well keeping of the same, or finally to see those that are enrolled to exercise each one his several weapon, at the charge of the townsmen of each parish according to his appointment. Certes there is almost no village so poor in England (be it never so small) that hath not sufficient furniture in a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers, as one archer, one gunner, one pike, & a bilman at the least. No there is not so much wanting as their very liveries and caps, which are least to be accounted of, if any hast required: so that if this good order may continue, it shall be unpossible for the sudden enemy to find us unprovided. As for able men for service, thanked be God, we are not without good store, for by the musters taken 1574 and 1575., our number amounted to 1172674, and yet were they not so narrowly taken, but that a third part of this like multitude was left unbilled and uncalled. What store of munition and armour the queens majesty hath in her storehouses, it lieth not in me to yield account, sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And whereas it was commonly said after the loss of Calis, that England should never recover the store of ordinance there lest and lost: that same is at this time proved false, sith even some of the same persons do now confess, that this land was never better furnished with these things in any king's days that reigned since the conquest.  

The names of our greatest ordinance are commonly these.  
Robinet, whose weight is two hundred pounds, and it hath one inch and a quarter within the mouth.  
Falconet weigheth five hundred pounds, and his wideness is two inches within the mouth.  
Falcon hath eight hundred pounds, and two inches and a half within the mouth.  
Minion poiseth eleven hundred pounds, and hath three inches and a quarter within the mouth.  
Sacre hath fifteen hundred pounds, and is three inches and a half wide in the mouth.  
Demie Culuerijn weigheth three thousand pounds, and hath four inches and a half within the mouth.  
Culuerijn hath four thousand pounds, and five inches and an half within the mouth.  
Demie Canon six thousand pounds, and six inches and an half within the mouth.  
Canon seven thousand pounds, and eight inches within the mouth.  
E. Canon eight thousand pounds, and seven inches within the mouth.  
Basilisk 9000 pounds, eight inches, and three quarters within the mouth. By which proportions also it is easy to come by the weight of every shot, how many scores it doth flee at point blank, how much powder is to be had to the same, & finally how many inches in height each bullet ought to carry.   
The names of the greatest ordinance.  Weight of the shot. Scores of carriage. Pounds of powder. Height of bullet. Robinet. hath 1. li. 0 ½ 1 Falconet. 2. li. 14 2 1 2/4 Falcon. 2. ½. 16 2 ½ 2 ¼ Minion. 4. ½. 17 4 ½ 3 Sacre. 5 18 5 3 ¼ Demie Culuerijn. 9 20 9 4 Culuerijn. 18 25 18 5 ¼ Demie canon. 30 38 28 6 ¼ Canon. 60 20 44 7 ¾ E. Canon. 42 20 20 6 ¾ Basilisk. 60 21 60 8 ¼  
I might here take just occasion to speak of the prince's armouries. But what shall it need? sith the whole realm is her armory, and therefore her furniture infinite. The Turk had one gun made by one Orban a Dane, the caster of his ordinance, which could not be drawn to the siege of Constantinople, but by seventy yokes of oxen, and two thousand men; he had two other there also whose shot poised above two talents in weight, made by the same Orban. But to proceed. As for the armouries of some of the nobility (whereof I also have seen a part) they are so well furnished, that within some one barons custody I have seen three score or a hundred corslets at once, beside calivers, handguns, bows, sheffes of arrows, pikes, bills, pole-axes, flasks, touchboxes, targets, &c: the very sight whereof appalled my courage. What would the wearing of some of them do then (trow you) if I should be enforced to use one of them in the field? But thanked be God, our peaceable days are such, as no man hath any great cause to occupy them at all, but only taketh good leisure to have them in a readiness, and therefore both high and low in England Cymbalae pro galeis pro scutis tympana● pulsant.  
I would write here also of our manner of going to the wars, but what hath the long black gown to do with glistering armour? what sound acquaintance can there be betwixt Mars and the Muses? 
〈…〉  or how should a man write any thing to the purpose of that wherewith he is nothing acquainted? This nevertheless will I add of things at home, that seldom shall you see any of my countrymen above eighteen or twenty years old to go without a dagger at the least at his back or by his side, although they be aged burgesses or magistrates of any city, who in appearance are most exempt from brabbling and contention. Our nobility wear commonly swords or rapiers with their daggers, as doth every common serving man also that followeth his lord and master. Some desperate cutters we have in like sort, which carry two daggers or two rapiers in a sheath always about them, wherewith in every drunken fray they are known to work much mischief; their swords & daggers also are of a great length, and longer than the like used in any other country, whereby each one pretendeth to have the more advantage of his enemy. But as many orders have been taken for the intolerable length of these weapons; so I see as yet small redress: but where the cause thereof doth rest, in sooth for my part I wot not. I might here speak of the excessive staves which diverse that travel by the way do carry upon their shoulders, whereof some are twelve or thirteen foot long, beside the pike of twelve inches: but as they are commonly suspected of honest men to be thieves and robbers, or at the leastwise scarce true men which bear them; so by reason of this and the like suspicious weapons, the honest traveler is now enforced to ride with a case of dags at his saddle bow, or with some pretty short snapper, whereby he may deal with them further off in his own defence before he come within the danger of these weapons. Finally, no man traveleth by the way without his sword, or some such weapon, with us; except the minister, who commonly weareth none at all, unless it be a dagger or hanger at his side. Seldom also are they or any other wayfaring men rob without the consent of the chamberlain, tapster, or ostler where they bait & lie, who feeling at their alighting whether their capcases or budgets be of any weight or not, by taking them down from their saddles, or otherwise see their store in drawing of their purses, do by and by give intimation to some one or other attendant daily in the yard or house, or dwelling hard by upon such matches, whether the prey be worth the following or no. If it be for their turn, than the gentleman peradventure is asked which way he traveleth, and whether it please him to have another guest to bear him company at supper, who rideth the same way in the morning that he doth, or not. And thus if he admit him or be glad of his acquaintance, the cheat is half wrought. And often it is seen that the new guest shall be rob with the old, only to colour out the matter and keep him from suspicion. Sometimes when they know which way the passenger traveleth, they will either go before and lie in wait for him, or else come galloping apace after, whereby they will be sure, if he ride not the stronger, to be fingering with his purse. And these are some of the policies of such shrews or close booted gentlemen as lie in wait for fat booties by the high ways, and which are most commonly practised in the winter season about the feast of Christmas, when serving men and unthrifty gentlemen want money to play at the dice and cards, lewdly spending in such wise whatsoever they have wickedly gotten, till some of them sharply set upon their chevisances, be trussed up in a Tyburn tippet, which happeneth unto them commonly before they come to middle age. Whereby it appeareth that some sort of youth will off have his swinge, although it be in a halter.  
I might also entreat of our old manner of warfare used in and before the time of Cesar, when as the chief brunt of our fight was in Essedis or wagons; but this I also pass over, noting nevertheless out of Propertius, that our said wagons were gorgeous and gailie painted, which he setteth down in these four verses ensuing, Arethusae ad Lycotam, lib. 4. eleg. 3. 
Te modò viderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus,  
Te modò munito Sericus hostis equo,  
Hiberníque Getae, pictóque Brittannia curru,  
Vstus & Eoa discolor Indus aqua.    

Of the navy of England. Chap. 17.  
THere is nothing that hath brought me into more admiration of the power and force of antiquity, than their diligence and care had of their navies: wherein, whether I consider their speedy building, or great number of ships which some one kingdom or region possessed at one instant; it giveth me still occasion, either to suspect the history, or to think that in our times we come very far behind them. For what a thing is it to have a ship growing on the stub, and sailing on the sea within the space of five and fifty days? And yet such a navy was to be seen in the first war of Carthage, led thither by Duellius the Roman. In the wars also against Hieron two hundred and twenty tall ships bare leaf & sail within five and forty days. In the second war of Carthage the navy that went with Scipio was felled in the wood, and seem to sail on the sea fully furnished in six weeks: which unto them that are ignorant of things doth seem to be false and unpossible. In like manner for multitude, we find in Polybius, that at one skirmish on the sea the Romans lost seven hundred vessels, which bore each of them five rows of oars on a side, and the Carthaginenses five hundred. And albeit the forms and apparel of these vessels were not altogether correspondent to our ships and galleys made in these days: yet the capacity of most of them did not only match, but far exceed them, so that if one of their biremes only contained so much in burden as a ship of ours of six hundred tun: what shall we think of those which had seven rows of oars walking on a side? But lest I should seem to speak more of these foreign things than the course of the history doth permit without licence to digress: give me leave (I be séech thee gentle reader) to wade yet a little further in the report of these ancient forms & kinds of vessels. For albeit that the discourse hereof maketh little to the description of our present navy in England: yet shall the report thereof not be unprofitable and unpleasant to such as shall read among the writings of their capacities and moulds. It shall not be amiss therefore to begin at the navy of Xerxes, of which each mean vessel (as appeareth by Herodot) was able to receive two hundred and thirty soldiers, and some of them three hundred. These were called triremes, and were indeed galleys that had three rows of oars on every side; for the word Navis is indifferently applied so well to the galleys as ship, as to the conversant in histories is easy to be found. In old time also they had galleys of four rows, five rows, six, seven, eight, nine, twelve, yea fifteen rows of oars on a side; judge you then of what quantity those vessels were. Pliny lib. 7. noteth one Damasthenes to be the first maker of the galleys with two rows called biremes: Thucydides referreth the triremes to Ammocles of Corinthum; the quadriremes were devised by Aristotle of Carthage; the quinquiremes by Nestchthon of Salamina; the galley of six rows by Xenagoras of Syracuse: from this to the tenth Nesigiton brought up; Alexander the great caused one to be made of twelve; Ptolomeus Soter of fifteen; Demetrius the son of Antigonus of thirty; Ptolom Philad of forty; Ptol. Triphon of fifty: all which above four were none other (in mine opinion) than unwieldy carts, and more serving for pleasure and to gaze upon, than any use in the wars for which they should be devised. But of all other I note one of forty rows, which Ptolo. Philopater builded, containing 200 and eighty cubits in length, and eight and forty cubits in breadth: it held also four thousand oars, four hundred mariners, and three thousand soldiers, so that in the said vessel were seven thousand and four hundred persons: a report incredible, if truth and good testimony did not confirm the same. I must needs confess therefore, that the ancient vessels far exceeded ours for capacity: nevertheless if you regard the form, and the assurance from peril of the sea, and therewithal the strength and nimbleness of such as are made in our time, you shall easily find that ours are of more value than theirs: for as the greatest vessel is not always the safest, so that of most huge capacity is not always the aptest to shift and brook the seas: as might be seen by the great Henry, the hugest vessel that ever England framed in our times. Neither were the ships of old like unto ours in mould and manner of building above the water (for of low galleys in our seas we make small account) nor so full of ease within, sith time hath engendered more skill in the writes, and brought all things to more perfection than they had in the beginning. And now to come unto our purpose at the first intended.  
The navy of England may be divided into three sorts, of which the one serveth for the wars, the other for burden, and the third for fishermen, which get their living by fishing on the sea. How many of the first order are maintained within the realm, it passeth my cunning to express; yet sith it may be parted into the navy royal and common fleet, I think good to speak of those that belong unto the prince, and so much the rather, for that their number is certain & well known to very many. Certes there is no prince in Europe that hath a more beautiful or gallant sort of ships than the queens majesty of England at this present, and those generally are of such exceeding force, that two of them being well appointed and furnished as they ought, will not let to encounter with three or four of those of other countries, and either bouge them or put them to flight, if they may not bring them home.  
Neither are the moulds of any foreign barks so conveniently made, to brook so well one sea as another lying upon the shore in any part of the continent as those of England. And therefore the common report that strangers make of our ships amongst themselves is daily confirmed to be true, which is, that for strength, assurance, nimbleness and swiftness of sailing, there are no vessels in the world to be compared with ours. And all these are committed to the regiment and safe custody of the admiral, who is so called (as some imagine) of the Greek word Almiras a capiteine on the sea, for so saith Zonaras in Basilio Macedon & Basilio Porphyriogenito, though other fetch it from Ad mare the Latin words, another sort from Amyras the Saracen magistrate, or from some French derivation: but these things are not for this place, and therefore I pass them over. The queens highness hath at this present (which is the four and twentieth of her reign) already made and furnished, to the number of four or five and twenty great ships, which lie for the most part in Gillingham road, beside three galleys, of whose particular names and furnitures (so far forth as I can come by them) it shall not be amiss to make report at this time.  

The names of so many ships belonging to her majesty as I could come by at this present.  
The Bonaduenture.  
Elizabeth jonas.  
White Bear.  
Philip and Marie.  
Triumph.  
Bull.  
Tiger.  
Antlope.  
Hope.  
Lion.  
Victory.  
Marry Rose.  
Foresight.  
Swift suit.  
Aid.  
Handmaid.  
Dread nought.  
Swallow.  
Jennet.  
Bark of Bullen.  
Achates.  
Falcon.  
George.  
Revenge.   
It is said, that as kings and princes have in the young days of the world, and long since framed themselves to erect every year a city in some one place or other of their kingdoms (and no small wonder that Sardanapalus should begin & finish two, to wit, Anchialus and Tharsus in one day) so her grace doth yearly build one ship or other to the better defence of her frontiers from the enemy. But as of this report I have no assured certainty, so it shall suffice to have said so much of these things: yet this I think worthy further to be added, that if they should all be driven to service at one instant) which God forbidden) she should have a power by sea of about nine or ten thousand men, which were a notable company, beside the supply of other vessels appertaining to her subjects to furnish up her voyage.  
Beside these her grace hath other in hand also, of whom hereafter as their turns do come about, I will not let to leave some further remembrance. She hath likewise three notable galleys: the Speed well, the Try right, and the Black galley, with the fight whereof and rest of the navy royal, it is incredible to say how greatly her grace is delighted: and not without great cause (I say) sith by their means her coasts are kept in quiet, and sundry foreign enemies put back, which otherwise would invade us. The number of those that serve for burden with the other, whereof I have made mention already, and whose use is daily seen, as occasion serveth, in time of the wars, is to me utterly unknown. Yet if the report of one record be any thing at all to be credited, there are 135 ships that exceed 500 tun, topmen under 100 and above forty 656: hoies 100: but of hulks, catches, fisherboats, and craiers, it lieth not in me to deliver the just account, sith they are hardly to come by. Of these also there are some of the queens majesties subjects that have two or three, some four or six, and (as I heard of late) one man whose name I suppress for modesty's sake, hath been known not long since to have had sixteen or seventeen, and employed them wholly to the wafting in and out of our merchants, whereby he hath reaped no small commodity and gain. I might take occasion to tell of the notable and difficult voyages made into strange countries by Englishmen, and of their daily success there: but as these things are nothing incident to my purpose, so I surcease to speak of them. Only this will I add, to the end all men shall understand somewhat of the great masses of treasure daily employed upon our navy, how there are few of those ships, of the first and second sort, that being appareled and made ready to sale, are not worth one thousand pounds, or three thousand ducats at the least, if they should presently be sold. What shall we think then of the greater, but especially of the navy royal, of which some one vessel is worth two of the other, as the ship writes have often told me? It is possible that some covetous person hearing this report, will either not credit it at all, or suppose money so employed to be nothing profitable to the queen's coffers: as a good husband said once when he hard there should be provision made for armour, wishing the queens money to be rather laid out to some spéedier return of gain unto her grace, because the realm (saith he) is in case good enough, and so peradventure he thought. But if as by store of armour for the defence of the country, he had likewise understanded that the good keeping of the sea, is the safeguard of our land, he would have altered his censure, and soon given over his judgement. For in times past, when our nation made small account of navigation, how soon did the Romans, than the Saxons, & last of all the Danes invade this Island? whose cruelty in the end enforced our countrumen, as it were even against their wills, to provide for ships from other places, and build at home of their own, whereby their enemies were offentimes distressed. But most of all were the Normans therein to be commended. For in a short process of time after the conquest of this Island, and good consideration had for the well keeping of the same, they supposed nothing more commodious for the defence of the country, than the maintenance of a strong navy, which they speedily provided, maintained, and thereby reaped in the end their wished security, wherewith before their times this Island was never acquainted. Before the coming of the Romans, I do not read that we had any ships at all, except a few made of wicker and covered with buffle hides, like unto the which there are some to be seen at this present in Scotland (as I hear) although there be a little (I wot not well what) difference between them. Of the same also Solinus speaketh, so far as I remember: nevertheless it may be gathered by his words, 
The Britons fasted all the while they were at the sea in these ships.  how the upper parts of them above the water only were framed of the said wickers, and that the Britons did use to fast all the whiles they went to the sea in them: but whether it were done for policy or superstition, as yet I do not read.  
In the beginning of the Saxons regiment we had some ships also, but as their number and mould was little and nothing to the purpose, so Egbert was the first prince that ever throughly began to know this necessity of a navy, and use the service thereof in the defence of his country. After him also other princes, as Alfred, Edgar, Ethelred, &c: endeavoured more and more to store themselves at the full with ships of all quantities, but chiefly Edgar, for he provided a navy of 1600 alias 3600 sail, which he divided into four parts, and sent them to abide upon four sundry coasts of the land to keep the same from pirates. Next unto him (and worthy to be remembered) is Etheldred, who made a law, that every man holding 310 hidelands, should find a ship furnished to serve him in the wars. Howbeit, and as I said before, when all their name was at the greatest, it was not comparable for force and sure building, to that which afterward the Normans provided; neither that of the Normans any thing like to the same that is to be seen now in these our days. For the journeys also of our ships, you shall understand, that a well builded vessel will run or sail commonly three hundred leagues or nine hundred miles in a week, or peradventure some will go 2200 leagues in six weeks and an half. And surly, if their lading be ready against they come thither, there be of them that will be here, at the west Indies, & home again in twelve or thirteen weeks from Colchester; although the said Indies be eight hundred leagues from the cape or point of Cornwall, as I have been informed. This also I understand by report of some travelers, that if any of our vessels happen to make a voyage to Hispaniola or new Spain, called in time past Quinquezia and Haiti, and lieth between the north tropic and the equator, after they have once touched at the Canaries, (which are eight days sailing or two hundred and fifty leagues from S. Lucas de Barameda in Spain) they will be there in thirty or forty dates, & home again in Cornwall in other eight weeks, which is a goodly matter, beside the safety and quietness in the passage. But more of this elsewhere.   

Of fairs and markets. Chap. 18.  
THere are (as I take it) few great towns in England, that have not their wéekelie markets, one or more granted from the prince, in which all manner of provision for household is to be bought and sold, for ease and benefit of the country round about. Whereby as it cometh to pass that no buyer shall make any great journey in the purveyance of his necessities: so no occupier shall have occasion to travel far off with his commodities, except it be to seek for the highest prices, which commonly are near unto great cities, where round and spéediest utterance is always to be had. And as these have been in times past erected for the benefit of the realm, so are they in many places too too much abused: for the relief and ease of the buyer is not so much intended in them, as the benefit of the seller. Neither are the magistrates for the most part (as men loath to displease their neighbours for their one years dignity) so careful in their offices, as of right and duty they should be. For in most of these markets neither assizes of bread nor orders for goodness and sweetness of grain, and other commodities that are brought thither to be sold, are any whit looked unto; but each one suffered to sell or set up what and how himself listeth: & this is one evident cause of dearth and scarcity in time of great abundance.  
I could (if I would) exemplify in many, but I will touch no one particularly, sith it is rare to see in any country town (as I said) the assize of bread well kept according to the statute. And yet if any country baker happen to come in among them on the market day with bread of better quantity, they find fault by and by with one thing or another in his stuff; whereby the honest poor man, whom the law of nations do commend, for that he endeavoureth to live by any lawful means, is driven away, and no more to come there upon some round penalty, by virtue of their privileges. Howbeit though they are so nice in the proportion of their bread, yet in am of the same, there is such heady ale & beer in most of them, as for the mightiness thereof among such as seek it out, is commonly called huffecap, the mad dog, father whoreson, angel's food, dragon's milk, go by the wall, stride wide, and list leg, etc. And this is more to be noted, that when one of late fell by God's providence into a troubled conscience, after he had considered well of his reckless life, and dangerous estate: another thinking belike to change his colour and not his mind, carried him straightway to the strongest ale, as to the next physician. It is incredible to say how our maltbugs lug at this liquor, even as pigs should lie in a row, lugging at their dames teats, till they lie still again, and be not able to wag. Neither did Romulus and Remus suck their she wolf or shéepheards' wife Lupa, with such eager and sharp devotion, as these men hale at hufcap, till they be red as cocks, & little wiser than their combs. But how am I fallen from the market into the alehouse? In returning therefore unto my purpose, I find that in corn great abuse is daily suffered, to the great prejudice of the town and country, especially the poor artificer and householder, which tilleth no land, but labouring all the week to buy a bushel or two of grain on the market day, can there have none for his money: because bodgers, loders, and common carriers of corn do not only buy up all, but give above the price, to be served of great quantities. Shall I go any further? Well I will say yet a little more, and somewhat by mine own experience.  
At Michaelmas time poor men must make money of their grain, that they may pay their rents. So long then as the poor man hath to sell, rich men will bring out none, but rather buy up that which the poor bring, under pretence of seed corn, or alteration of grain, although they bring none of their own, because one wheat often sown without change of seed, will soon decay and be converted into darnel. For this cause therefore they must needs buy in the markets, though they be twenty miles off and where they be not known, promising there if they happen to be espied (which God wots is very seldom) to send so much to their next market, to be performed I wots not when.  
If this shift serve not (neither doth the fox use always one track for fear of a snare) they will compound with some one of the town where the market is holder, who for a pot of hufcap or merry go down, will not let to buy it for them, and that in his own name. Or else they wage one poor man or other, 
Suborned bodgers.  to become a bodger, and thereto get him a licence upon some forged surmise, which being done, they will feed him with money, to buy for them till he hath filled their lofts, and then if he can do any good for himself so it is, if not, they will give him somewhat for his pains at this time, & reserve him for an other ●eare. How many of the like providers stumble upon 
Bodgers licensed.  blind créekes at the sea coast, I wot not well, but that some have so done and yet do under other men's wings, the case is too too plain. But who dare find fault with them, when they have once a licence? yea though it be but to serve a mean gentleman's house with corn, who hath cast up all his tillage, because he boasteth how he can buy his grain in the market better cheap, than he can sow his land, as the rich grazier often doth also upon the like devise, because grazing requireth a smaller household and less attendance and charge. If any man come to buy a bushel or two for his expenses unto the market cross, answer is made; Forsooth here was one even now that bade me money for it, and I hope he will have it. And to say the truth, these bodgers are fair chapmen, for there are no more words with them, but Let me see it, what shall I give you, knit it up, I will have it, go carry it to such a chamber, and if you bring in twenty seem more in the week day to such an Inn or sollar where I lay my corn, I will have it and give you pence or more in every bushel for six weeks day of payment than an other will. Thus the bodgers bear away all, so that the poor artificer and labourer cannot make his provision in the markets, sith they will hardly now adays sell by the bushel, nor break their measure; and so much the rather, for that the buyer will look (as they sai●) for so much over measure in a bushel as the bodger will do in a quarter. Nay the poor man cannot off get any of the farmer at home, because he provideth altogether to serve the bodger, or hath an hope grounded upon a greedy and insatiable desire of gain, that the sale will be better in the market: so that he must give two pence or a groat more in a bushel at his house than the last market craved, or else go without it, and sleep with an hungry belly. Of the common carriage of corn over unto the parts beyond the seas I speak not; or at the leastwise if I should, I could not touch it alone but needs must join other provision withal, whereby not only our friends abroad, but also many of our adversaries and countrymen the papists are abundantly relieved (as the report goeth) but sith I see it not, I will not so trust mine ears as to write it for a truth. But to return to our markets again.  
By this time the poor occupier hath all sold his crop for need of money, being ready peradventure to buy again yer long. And now is the whole sale of corn in the great occupiers hands, who hitherto have threshed little or none of their own, but bought up of other men, so much as they could come by. Henceforth also they begin to sell, not by the quarter or load at the first, for marring the market, but by the bushel or two, or an horsseload at the most, thereby to be seen to keep the cross, either for a show, or to make men eager to buy, and so as they may have it for money, not to regard what they pay. And thus corn waxeth doere, but it will be dearer the next market day. It is possible also that they mislike the price in the beginning for the whole year ensuing, as men supposing that corn will be little worth for this, & of better price in the next year. For they have certain superstitious observations, where by they will give a guess at the sale of corn for the year following. And our countrymen do use commonly for barleie where I dwell, to judge after the price at Baldock upon S. Matthewes day, and for wheat as it is sold in seed time. They take in like sort experiment by sight of the first flocks of crane's that flee southward in winter, the age of the moon in the beginning of januarie, & such other apish toys, as by laying twelve corns upon the hot hearth for the twelve months, &c: whereby they show themselves to be scant good christians, but what care they so they may come by money? Hereupon also will they thrash out three parts of the old corn, toward the latter end of the summer, when new cometh apace to hand, and cast the same in the fourth unthreshed, where it shall lie until the next spring, or peradventure till it must and putrify. Certes it is not d●intie to see musty corn in many of our great markets of England, which these great occupiers bring forth when they can keep it no longer. But as they are enforced offentimes upon this one occasion somewhat to abate the price, so a plague is not seldom engendered thereby among the poorer sort that of necessity must buy the same, whereby many thousands of all degrees are consumed, of whose deaths (in mine opinion) these farmers are not unguilty. But to proceed. If they lay not up their grain or wheat in this manner, they have yet another policy, whereby they will seem to have but small store left in their barns: for else they will gird their sheaves by the band, and stack it up of new in less room, to the end it may not only seem less in quantity, but also give place to the corn that is yet to come into the barn, or growing in the field. If there happen to be such plenty in the market on any market day, that they cannot sell at their own price, then will they set it up in some friends house, against an other or the third day, & not bring it forth till they like of the sale. If they sell any at home, beside harder measure, it shall be dearer to the poor man that buyeth it by two pence or a groat in a bushel than they may sell it in the market. But as these things are worthy redress, so I wish that God would once open their eyes that deal thus, to see their own errors: for as yet some of them little care how many poor men suffer extremity, so that they may fill their purses, and carry away the gain.  
It is a world also to see how most places of the realm are pestered with purveyors, who take up eggs, butter, cheese, pigs, capons, hens, chickens, hogs, bacon, &c: in one market, under pretence of their commissions, & suffer their wives to sell the same in another, or to pulters of London. If these chapmen be absent but two or three market days, than we may perfectly see these wares to be more reasonably sold, and thereunto the crosses sufficiently furnished of all things. In like sort, since the number of buttermen have so much increased, and since they travel in such wife, that they come to men's houses for their butter faster than they can make it; it is almost incredible to see how the price of butter is augmented: whereas when the owners were enforced to bring it to the market towns, & fewer of these butter buyers were stirring, our butter was scarcely worth eighteen pence the gallon, that now is worth three shillings four pence, & perhaps five shillings. Whereby also I gather that the maintenance of a superfluous number of dealers in most trades, ●illage always excepted, is one of the greatest causes why the prices of things become excessive: for one of them do commonly use to out bid another. And whilst our country commodities are commonly bought and sold at our private houses, I never look to see this enormity redressed; or the markets well furnished.  
I could say more but this is even enough, & more peradventure than I shall be well thanked for: yet true it is though some think it no trespass. This moreover is to be lamented, that one general measure is not in use throughout all England, but every market town hath in manner a several bushel, and the lesser it be, the more sellers it draweth to resort unto the same. Such also is the covetousness of many clerk of the market, that in taking view of measures, they will alway so provide, that one and the same bushel shall be either too big or too little at their next coming, and yet not departed without a fee at the first: so that what by their mending at one time and impairing the same at another, the country is greatly charged, and few just measures to be had in any steed. It is oft found likewise, that diverse unconscionable dealers have one measure to sell by, & another to buy withal, the like is also in weights and yet all sealed and branded. Wherefore it were very good that these two were reduced unto one standard, that is, one bushel, one pound, one quarter, one hundred, one tale, one number: so should things in time fall into better order, and fewer causes of contention be moved in this land. Of the complaint of such poor tenants as pay rend corn unto their landlords, I speak not, who are often dealt withal very hardly. For beside that in the measuring of ten quarters, for the most part they lose one through the iniquity of the bushel (such is the greediness of the appointed receivers thereof) fault is found also with the goodness and cleanness of the grain. Whereby some piece of money must needs pass unto their purses to stop their mouths withal, or else my lord will not like of the corn; Thou art worthy to lose thy lease, etc. Or if it be cheaper in the market, than the rate allowed for it is in their rents, then must they pay money and no corn, which is no small extremity. And thereby we may see how each one of us endeavoureth to fleece and eat up another.  
Another thing there is in our markets worthy to be looked unto, and that is the recariage of grain from the same into losts and sollars, of which before I gave some intimation: wherefore if it were ordered, that every seller should make his market by an hour, or else the bailie or clerk of the said market to make sale thereof according to his discretion, without liberty to the farmer to fet up their corn in houses and chambers, I am persuaded that the prices of our grain would soon be abated. Again, if it were enacted that each one should keep his next market with his grain, and not to run six, eight, ten, fourteen, or twenty miles from home to sell his corn, where he doth find the highest price, and thereby leaveth his neighbours unfurnished, I do not think but that our markets would be far better served than at this present they are. Finally if men's barns might be indifferently viewed immediately after harvest, and a note gathered by estimat, and kept by some appointed & trusty person for that purpose, we should have much more plenty of corn in our town crosses than as yet is commonly seen: because each one hideth and hoardeth what he may upon purpose either that it will be dearer, or that he shall have some privy vein by bodgers, who do accustomably so deal, that the sea doth load away no small part thereof into other countries & our enemies, to the great hindrance of our commonwealth at home, and more likely yet to be, except some remedy be found. But what do I talk of these things, or desire the suppression of bodgers being a minister? Certes I may speak of them right well, as seeling the harm in that I am a buyer, nevertheless I speak generally in each of them.  
To conclude therefore, in our markets all things are to be sold necessary for man's use, and there is our provision made commonly for all the week ensuing. Therefore as there are no great towns without one weekly market at the least, so there are very few of them that have not one or two fairs or more within the compass of the year assigned unto them by the prince. And albeit that some of them are not much better than Louse fair or the common kirkemesses beyond the sea, yet there are diverse not inferior to the greatest marts in Europe, as Sturbridge fair near to Cambridge, Bristol fair, Bartholomew fair at London, Lin mart, Cold fair at Newport pond for cattle, and diverse other, all which or at leastwise the greatest part of them (to the end I may with the more ease to the reader and less travel to my slefe fulfil my task in their recital) I have set down, according to the names of the months wherein they are holden, at the end of this book, where you shall find them at large, as I borrowed the same from I. Stow, and the reports of others.   

Of Parks and Warrens. Chap. 19  
IN every shire of England there is great plenty of parks, whereof some here and there, to wit, well near to the number of two hundred for her daily provision of that flesh appertain to the prince, the rest to such of the nobility and gentlemen as have their lands and patrimonies lying in or near unto the same. I would gladly have set down the just number of these enclosures to be found in every county: but sith I cannot so do, it shall suffice to say, that in Kent and Essex only are to the number of an hundred, and twenty in the bishopric of Durham, wherein great plenty of fallow dear is cherished and kept. As for warrens of coneys, I judge them almost innumerable, and daily like to incerase, by reason that the black skins of those beasts are thought to countervail the prices of their naked carcases, and this is the only cause why the grey are less esteemed. near unto London their quickest merchandise is of the young rabbits, wherefore the older coneys are brought from further off, where there is no such speedy utterance of rabbits and sucklings in their season, nor so great loss by their skins, sith they are suffered to grow up to their full greatness with their owners. Our parks are generally enclosed with strong pale made of oak, of which kind of wood there is great store cherished in the woodland countries from time to time in each of them, only for the maintenance of the said defence, and safekeeping of the fallow deer from ranging about the country. Howbeit in times past diverse have been fenced in with stone walls (especially in the times of the Romans, who first brought fallow deer into this land (as some conjecture) albeit those enclosures were overthrown again by the Saxons & Danes, as Cavisham, Towner, and Woodstock, beside other in the west country, and one also at Bolton. Among other things also to be seen in that town, there is one of the fairest clocks in Europe. Where in wood is, they are also enclosed with piles of state; and thereto it is doubted of many whether our buck or do are to be reckoned in wild or tame beasts or not. Pliny deemeth them to be wild, Martial is also of the same opinion, where he saith, Imbelles damae quid nisi praeda sumus? And so in time past the like controversy was about bees, which the lawyers call Feras, tit. de acquirendo rerum dominio, & lib. 2. instit. But Pliny attempting to decide the quarrel calleth them Medea's interferas & placidas aves. But whither am I so suddenly digressed? In returning therefore unto our parks, I find also the circuit of these enclosures in like manner contain often times a walk of four or five miles, and sometimes more or less. Whereby it is to be seen what store of ground is employed upon that vain commodity, which bringeth no manner of gain or profit to the owner, sith they commonly give away their flesh, never taking penny for the same, except the ordinary fee and parts of the dear given unto the keeper by a custom, who beside three shillings four pence, or five shillings in money, hath the skin, head, umbles, chine, and shoulders: whereby he that hath the warrant for an whole buck, hath in the end little more than half, which in my judgement is scarcely equal dealing; for venison in England is neither bought nor sold, as in other countries, but maintained only for the pleasure of the owner and his friends. Albeit I heard of late of one ancient lady, which maketh a great gain by selling yeerelie her husband's venison to the cooks (as another of no less name will not stick to ride to the market to see her butter sold) but not performed without infinite scoffs and mocks, even of the poorest peasant's of the country, who think them as odious matters in ladies and women of such countenance to sell their venison and their butter, as for an earl to feel his oxen, sheep, and lambs, whether they be ready for the butcher or not, or to sell his wool unto the clothier, or to keep a tanhouse, or deal with such like affairs as belong not to men of honour, but rather to farmers, or graziers; for which such, if there be any may well be noted (and not unjustly) to degenerate from true nobility, and betake themselves to husbandry. And even the same enormity took place sometime among the Romans, and entered so far as into the very senate, of whom some one had two or three ships going upon the sea, pretending provision for their houses; but in truth following the trades of merchandise, till a law was made which did inhibit and restrain them. Livy also telleth of another law which passed likewise against the senators by Claudius the tribune, and help only of C. Flaminius, that no senator, or he that had been father to any senator should possess any ship or vessel above the capacity of three hundred amphoras, which was supposed sufficient for the carriage and recariage of such necessities as should appertain unto his house: sith further trading with merchandizes and commodities doth delcare but a base and covetous mind, not altogether void of envy, that any man should live but he; or that if any gain were to be had, he only would have it himself: which is a wonderful dealing, and must needs prove in time the confusion of that country wherein such enormities are exercised. Where in time's part, many large and wealthy occupiers were dwelling within the compass of some one park, and thereby great plenty of corn and cattle seen, 
Tillage and mankind diminished by parks.  and to be had among them, beside a more copious procreation of human issue, whereby the realm was always better furnished with able men to serve the prince in his affairs: now there is almost nothing kept but a sort of wild and savage beasts, cherished for pleasure and delight; and yet some owners still desirous to enlarge those grounds, as either for the breed and feeding of cattle, do not let daily to take in more, not sparing the very commons whereupon many towneships now and then do live, affirming that we have already too great store of people in England; and that youth by marrying too soon do nothing profit the country, but fill it full of beggars, to the hurt and utter undoing (they say) of the common wealth.  
Certes if it be not one curse of the Lord, to have our country converted in such sort from the furniture of mankind, 
The decay of the people is the destruction of a kingdom.  into the walks and shrouds of wild beasts, I know not what is any. How many families also these great and small games (for so most keepers call them) have eaten up and are likely hereafter to devour, some men may conjecture, but many more lament, sith there is no hope of restraint to be looked for in this behalf, because the corruption is so general. But if a man may presently give a guess at the universality of this evil by contemplation of the circumstance, he shall say at the last, that the twentieth part of the realm is employed upon dear and coneys already, which seemeth very much if it be not duly considered of.  
King Henry the eight, one of the noblest princes that ever reigned in this land, lamented oft that he was constrained to hire foreign aid, for want of competent store of soldiers here at home, perceiving (as it is indeed) that such supplies are oftentimes more hurtful than profitable unto those that entertain them, as may chiefly be seen in Ualens the emperor, our Uortiger, and no small number of others. He would oft marvel in private talk, how that when seven or eight princes ruled here at once, one of them could lead thirty or forty thousand men to the field against another, or two of them 100000 against the third, and those taken out only of their own dominions. But as he found the want, so he saw not the cause of this decay, which grew beside this occasion now mentioned, also by laying house to house, and land to land, whereby many men's occupiengs were converted into one, and the breed of people not a little thereby diminished. The avarice of landlords by increasing of rents and fines also did so weary the people, that they were ready to rebel with him that would arise, supposing a short end in the wars to be better than a long and miserable life in peace.  
Privileges and faculties also are another great cause of the ruin of a common wealth, and diminution of mankind: for whereas law and nature doth permit all men to live in their best manner, and whatsoever trade they be exercised in, there cometh some privilege or other in the way, which cutteth them off from this or that trade, whereby they must needs shift soil, and seek unto other countries. By these also the greatest commodities are brought into the hands of few, who embase, corrupt, and yet raise the prices of things at their own pleasures. Example of this last I can give also in books, which (after the first impression of any one book) are for the most part very negligently handled: whereas if another might print it so well as the first, than would men strive which of them should do it best; and so it falleth out in all other trades. It is an easy matter to prove that England was never less furnished with people than at this present; for it the old records of every manor be sought, and search made to find what tenements are fallen, either down, or into the lords hands, or brought and united together by other men: it will soon appear, that in some one manor seventéen, eighteen, or twenty houses are shrunk. I know what I say by mine own experience: notwithstanding that some one cottage be here and there erected of late, which is to little purpose. Of cities and towns either utterly decayed, or more than a quarter or half diminished, though some one be a little increased here and there; of towns pulled down for sheepe-walks, and no more but the lordships now standing in them, beside those that William Rufus pulled down in his time; I could say somewhat: but then I should serve yet further from my purpose, whereunto I now return.  
We had no parks left in England at the coming of the Normans, who added this calamity also to the servitude of our nation, making men of the best sort furthermore to become keepers of their game, whilst they lived in the mean time upon the spoil of their revenues, and daily overthrew towns, villages, and an infinite sort of families, for the maintenance of their venery. Neither was any park supposed in these times to be stately enough, that contained not at the least eight or ten hidelands, that is, so many hundred acres or families (or as they have been always called in some places of the realm carrucats or cartwares) of which one was sufficient in old time to maintain an honest yeoman.  
King john traveling on a time northwards, to wit 1209 to war upon the king of Scots, because he had married his daughter to the earl of Bullen without his consent: in his return overthrew a great number of parks and warrens, of which some belonged to his barons, but the greatest part to the abbots and prelates of the clergy. For hearing (as he traveled) by complaint of the country, how these enclosures were the chief decay of men, and of tillage in the land, he swore with an oath that he would not suffer wild beasts to feed upon the fat of his soil, and see the people perish for want of ability to procure and buy them food that should defend the realm. Howbeit, this act of his was so ill taken by the religious and their adherents, that they inverted his intent herein to another end; affirming most slanderously how he did it rather of purpose to spoil the corn and grass of the commons and catholics that held against him of both estates, and by so doing to impoverish and bring the north part of the realm to destruction, because they refused to go with him into Scotland. If the said prince were alive in these days, wherein Andrew Board saith there are more parks in England than in all Europe (over which he traveled in his own person) and saw how much ground they consume, I think he would either double his oaths, or lay the most of them open that tillage might be better looked unto. But this I hope shall not need in time, for the owners of a great fort of them begin now to smell out, that such parcels might be employed to their more gain, and therefore some of them do grow to be disparked.  
Next of all we have the frank chase, which taketh something both of park and forest, and is given either by the kings grant or prescription. Certes it differeth not much from a park; nay, it is in manner the self same thing that a park is, saving that a park is environed with pale, wall, or such like: the chase alway open and nothing at all enclosed, as we see in Enuéeld & Maluerne chases. And as it is the cause of the seizure of the franchise of a park not to keep the same enclosed, so it is the like in a chase if at any time it be imparked. It is trespass, and against the law also, for any man to have or make a chase, park, or free warren without good warranty of the king by his charter or perfect title of prescription: for it is not lawful for any subject either to carnilate, that is, build stone houses, embattle, have the querke of the sea, or keep the assize of bread, ale, or wine, or set up furels, tumbril, thew, or pillory, or enclose any ground to the aforesaid purposes within his own soil, without his warrant and grant. The beasts of the chase were commonly the buck, the roe, the fox, and the marten. But those of venery in old time were the hart, the hare, the boar and the wolf; but as this held not in the time of Canutus, so in steed of the wolf the bear is now crept in, which is a beast commonly hunted in the east countries, and fed upon as excellent venison, although with us I know not any that feed thereon or care for it at all. Certes it should seem, that forests and frank chaces have always been had, and religiously preserved in this Island for the solace of the prince, and recreation of his nobility: howbeit I read not that ever they were enclosed more than at this present, or otherwise fenced then by usual notes of limitation, whereby their bounds were remembered from time to time, for the better preservation of such venery and vert of all sorts as were nourished in the same. Neither are any of the ancient laws prescribed for their maintenance, before the days of Canutus, now to be had; sith time hath so dealt with them that they are perished and lost. Canutus therefore seeing the daily spoil that was made almost in all places of his game, did at the last make sundry sanctions and decrees, whereby from thenceforth the red and fallow deer were better looked to throughout his whole dominions. We have in these days diverse forests in England and Wales, of which, some belong to the king, and some to his subjects, as Waltham forest, Windlesor, Pickering, Fecknam, Delamore, Gillingham, Kingswood, Wencedale, Clun, Rath, Bredon Weire, Charlie, Leircester, Lée, Rokingham, Selwood, New forest Wichwood, Hatfeeld, Savernake, Westbirie, Blacamore Pcke, Deane, Penrise, & many other now clean out of my remembrance: and which although they are far greater in circuit than many parks and warrens, yet are they in this our time less devourers of the people than these latter, sith beside much tillage, & many towns are found in each of them, whereas in parks and warrens we have nothing else than either the keepers & wareners lodge, or at least the manor place of the chief lord & owner of the soil. I find also by good record, that all Essex hath in time past wholly been forest ground, except one cantred or hundred; but how long it is since it lost the said denomination in good sooth I do not read. This nevertheless remaineth yet in memory, that the town of Walden in Essex slan●ing in the limits of the aforesaid county doth take her name thereof. For in the C●ltike tongue, wherewith the Saxon or Scythian speech doth not a little participate, huge woods and forests were called Walds, and likewise their Druids were named Walie or Waldie, because they frequented the woods, and there made sacrifice among the oaks and thickets. So that if my conjecture in this behalf be any thing at all, the aforesaid town taketh denomination of of Wald and end, as if I should say, The end of the woody soil; for being once out of that parish, the champain is at hand. Or it may be that it is so called of Wald and dene: for I have read it written in old evidences Waldaene, with a diphthong. And to say truth, Dene is the old Saxon word for a vale or low bottom, as Dune or Don is for an hill or hilly soil. Certes if it be so, then Walden taketh her name of the woody vale, in which it sometime stood. But the first derivation liketh me better, and the highest part of the town is called also Chipping Walden, of the Saxon word gipping, which signifieth Leaning or hanging, 
Gipping, of going up to any place.  and may very well be applied thereunto, sith the whole town hangeth as it were upon the sides of two hills, whereof the lesser runneth quite through the midst of the same. I might here for further confirmation of these things bring in mention of the Walled of Kent: but this may suffice for the use of the word Wald, which now differeth much from Wold. For as that signifieth a woody soil, so this betokeneth a soil without wood, or plain champain country, without any store of trees, as may be seen in Cotsall, Porkewold, etc. Beside this I could say more of our forests, and the aforesaid enclosures also, & therein to prove by the book of forest law, that the whole county of Lancaster hath likewise been forest heretofore. Also how William the Bastard made a law, that whosoever did take any wild beast within the king's forest should lose an ear; as Henry the first did punish them either by life or limb: which ordinance was confirmed by Henry the second and his peers at Woodstock, whereupon great trouble ensued under king john and Henry the third, as appeareth by the chronicles: but it shall suffice to have said so much as is set down already.  
Howbeit, that I may restore one antiquity to light, which hath hitherto lain as it were raked up in the embers of oblivion, I will give out those laws that Canutus made for his forest: whereby many things shall be disclosed concerning the same (whereof peradventure some lawyers have no knowledge) and diverse other notes gathered touching the ancient estate of the realm not to be found in other. But before I deal with the great charter (which as you may perceive, is in many places unperfect by reason of corruption, and want also of congruity, crept in by length of time, not by me to be restored) I will not another brief law, which he made in the first year of his reign at Winchester, afterward inserted into these his later constitutions, canon 32, & beginneth thus in his own Saxon tongue; Ic will that elc one, &c: I will and grant tha each one shall be worthy of such venery as he by hunting can take either in the plains or in the woods, within his own fee or dominion; but each man shall abstain from my venery in every place, where I will that my beasts shall have firm peace and quietness, upon pain to forfeit so much as a man may forfeit. Hitherto the statute made by the aforesaid Canutus, which was afterward confirmed by king Edward surnamed the Confessor; & ratified by the Bastard in the fourth year of his reign. Now followeth the great charter itself in such rude order and Latin as I find it word for word, and which I would gladly have turned into English, if it might have sounded to any benefit of the unskilful and unlearned.  

Incipiunt constitutiones Canuti regis de foresta.  
HAe sunt sanctiones de foresta, quas ego Canutus rex cum consilio primariorum hominum meorum condo & facio, ut cunctis regni nostri Angliae ecclesijs & pax & justitia fiat, & ut omnis delinquens secundum modum delicti, & delinquentis fortunam patiatur.  
1 Sint iam deinceps quatuor ex liberalioribus hominibus, 
Pegened.  qui habent saluas suas debitas consuetudines (quos Angli Pegened appellant) in qualibet regni mei provincia constituti, ad justitiam distribuedam, una cum poena merita & materijs fornestae cuncto populo meo, tam Anglis quàm Danis per totum regnum meum Angliae, quos quatuor primarios forestae appellandos censemus.  
2 Sint sub quolibet horum, quatuor ex mediocribus hominibus (quos Angli Lespegend 
Lespegend. Nunc sortè Tringald.  nuncupant, Dani verò young men vocant) locati, qui ●uram & onus tum viridis tum veneris suscipiant.  
3 In administranda autem justitia nullatenus volo ut tales se intromittant: mediocrésque tales post ferarum curam susceptam, pro liberalibus semper hadbeantur, 
Ealdermen.  quos Dani Ealdermen appellant.  
4 Sub horum iterum quolibet sint duo minutorum hominum, 
Tineman.  quos Tineman Angli dicunt, hi nocturnam curam & veneris & viridis tum seruilia opera subibunt.  
5 Si talis minutus servus fuerit, tam citò quàm inforesta nostra locabitur, liber esto, omnésque hos ex sumptibus nostris manutenebimus.  
6 Habeat ettam quilibet primariorum quolibet anno de nostra warda, quam Michni Angli appellant, 
Michni.  duos equos, unum cum sella, alterum sine sella, unum gladium, quinque lanceas, unum cuspidem, unum scutum, & ducentos solidos argenti.  
7 Mediocrium quilibet unum equum, unam lanceam, unum scutum, & 60 solidos argenti.  
8 Minutorum quilibet, unum lanceam, unam arcubalistam, & 15 solidos argenti.  
9 Sint omnes tam primarij, quàm mediocres, & minuti, immunes, liberi, & quieti ab omnibus provincialibus summonitionibus, & popularibus placitis, quae Hundred laghe 
Hundred law.  Angli dicunt, & ab omnibus armorum oneribus, quod Warscot Angli dicunt, 
Warscot.  & forincesis querelis.  
10 Sint mediocrium & minutorum causae, & carum correctiones, tam criminalium quàm civilium per providam sapientiam & rationem primariorum iudicatae & decisae: primariorum verò enormia si quae fuerint (ne scelus aliquod remaneat inultum) nosmet in ira nostra regali puniemus.  
11 Habeant hi quatuor unam regalem potestatem (salue semper nobis nostra praesentia) quatérque in anno generales forestae demonstrationes & viridis & veneris forisfactiones, 
Muchehunt.  quas Muchehunt dicunt, ubi teneant omnes, calumniam de materia aliqua tangente forestam, eántque ad triplex judicium, 
Ofgangfordell. Purgatio ignis, triplex ordali●.  quod Angli Ofgangfordell dicunt. Ita autem acquiratur illued triplex judicium, Accipiat secura quinque, & sit ipse sextus, & sic iurando acquirat triplex judicium, aut triplex juramentum. Sed purgatio ignis nullatenus admittatur, nisi ubi nuda veritas nequit aliter investigari.  
12 Liberalis autem homo. 
Pegen.  1. Pegen, modo crimen suum non sit inter maiora, habeat fidelem hominem qui possit pro eo jurare iur amentum. 
Forathe.  1. Forathe: si autem non habet, ipsemet iuret, nec pardonetur ei aliquod juramentum.  
13 Si advena vel peregrinus qui de longinquo venerit sit calumniatus de foresta, & talis est sua inopia ut no possit habere plegium ad primam calumniam, qualem * nullus Anglus judicare potest: tunc subeat captionem regis, & ibi expectet quousque vadat ad judicium ferri & aquae: attamen si quis extraneo aut peregrino de longè venienti ** sibi ipsi nocet si aliquod judicium iudicaverint.  
14 Quicúnque coram primarios homines meos forestae in falso testimonio steterit & victus fuerit, non sit dignus imposterum stare aut portare testimonium, quia legalitatem suam perdidit, & pro culpa soluat regi decem solidos, quos Dani vocant Halfehang, aliàs 
Helfehang.  Halsehang.  
15 Si quis vim aliquam primarijs forestae meae intulerit, si liberalis sit amittat libertatem & omnia sua, si villanus abscindatur dextra.  
16 Si alteruter iterum peccaverit, reus sit mortis.  
17 Si quis autem contra primarium pugnaverit, in plito emendet secundum pretium sui ipsius, quod Angli Pere & pite dicunt, 
Pere & Pite.  dicunt, & soluat primario quadraginta solidos.  
18 Si pacem quis fregerit ante mediocres forestae, quod dicunt Gethbrech, 
Gethbrech.  emendet regi decem solidis.  
19 Si quis mediocrium aliquem cum ira percusserit, emendetur prout interfectio ferae regalis mihi emendari solet.  
20 Si quis delinquens in foresta nostra capietur, poenas luet secundum modum & genus delicti.  
21 Poena & forisfactio non una eadémque erit liberalis (quem Dani Ealderman 
Ealderman.  vocant) & illiberalis: domini & servi: noti & ignoti: nec una eadémque erit causarum tum civilium tum criminalium, ferarum forestae, & ferarum regalium: viridis & veneris tractatio: nam crimen veneris ab antiquo inter maiora & non immeritò numerabatur viridis verò (fractione chaceae nostrae regalis excepta) ita pusillum & exiguum est, quòd vix earespicit nostra constitutio: qui in hoc tamen deliquerit, sit criminis forestae reus.  
22 Si liber aliquis feram forestae ad cursum impulerit, sive casu, sive praehabita voluntate, ita ut cursu celeri cogatur fera anhelare, decem solidis regi emendet, si illiberalis dupliciter emendet, si servus careat corio.  
23 Si vero harum aliquot interfecerit, soluat dupliciter & persoluat, sitque pretij sui reus contra regem.  
24 Sed si regalem feram, 
Staggon or stag.  quam Angli Staggon appellant, alteruter coegerit anhelare, alter per unum annum, alter per duos careat libertate naturali: si verò servus, pro utlegato habeatur, quem Angli Frendlesman vocant. 
Frendlesman.   
25 Si verò occiderit, amittat liber scutum libertatis, si sit illiberalis careat libertate, si servus vita.  
26 Episcopi, abbates, & barones mei non calumniabuntur pro venatione, si non regales feras occiderint: & siregales, restabunt rei regi pro libito suo, sine certa emendatione.  
27 Sunt aliae (praeter feras forestae) bestlae, quae dum inter septa & sepes forestae continentur, emendationi fubiacent: quales sunt capreoli, lepores, & cuniculi. Sunt & alia quàm plurima animalia, quae quamquam infra septa forestae viwnt, & oneri & curae mediocrium subiacent forestae, tamen nequaquam censeri possunt, 
Bubali olim in Anglia.  qualia sunt bubali, vaccae, & similia. Vulpes & lupi, nec forestae nec veneris habentur, & proinde eorum interfectio nulli emendationi subiacet. Si tamen infra limites occiduntur, fractio sit regalis chaceae, & mitiùs emendetur. Aper verò quanquam forestae sit, nullatenus tamen animal veneris haberi est assuetus.  
28 Bosco nec subbosco nostro sine licentia primariorum forestae nemo manum, apponat, quòd si quis fecerit reus sit fractionis regalis chaceae.  
29 Si quis verò ilicem aut arborem aliquam, quae victum feris suppeditat sciderit, 
Ilices aliquando in Britamnia nisi intelligatur de quercu.  praeter fractionem regalis chaceae, emendet regi viginti solidis.  
30 Volo ut monis liber homo pro libito suo habeat venerem sive viridem in planis suis super terras suas, sine chacea tamen; & devitent omnes meam, ubicúnque eam habere voluero.  
31 Nullus mediocris habebit nec custodiet canes, 
Greihounds.  quos Angli Greihounds appellant. Liberali verò, dum genuiscissio eorum facta fuerit coram primario forestae licebit, aut sine genuiscissione dune remoti sunt à limitibus forestae per decem miliaria: quando verò propiùs venerint, emendet quodlibet miliare uno solido. Siverò infra septa forestae reperiatur, dominus canis forisfaciet & decem solidos regi.  
32 Velteres verò quos Langeran appellant, quia manifestè constat in ijs nihil esse periculi, 
Uelter Langeran.  cuilibet licebit sine genuiscissione, eos custodire. Idem de canibus quos Ramhundt vocant. 
Ramhundt.   
33 Quòdsi casu inauspicato huiusmodi canes rabidi fiant & ubique vagantur, negligentia dominorum, redduntur illiciti, 
Pretium hominis mediocris.  emendetur regi pro illicitis, etc. Quòdsi intra septa forestae reperiantur, talis exquiratur herus, & emendet secundum pretium hominis mediocris, quòd secundum legem Werinorum. 1. Churingorum, est ducentorum solidorum.  
34 Si canis rabidus momorderit feram, tunc emendet secundum pretium hominis liberalis, quod est duodecies solidis centum. 
Pretium liberi hominis.  Si verò fera regalis morsa fuerit, reus sit maximi criminis.  
And these are the constitutions of Canutus concerning the forest, very barbarously translated by those that took the same in hand. Howbeit as I find it so I set it down, without any alteration of my copy in any jot or tittle.    

Of gardens and orchards. Chap. 19  
AFter such time as Calis was won from the French, and that our countrymen had learned to trade into diverse countries (whereby they grew rich) they began to wax idle also, and thereupon not only left off their former painfulness and frugality, but in like sort gave themselves to live in excess and vanity, whereby many goodly commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst us. Such strangers also as dwelled here with us, perceiving our sluggishness, and espying that this idleness of ours might redound to their great profit, forthwith employed their endeavours to bring in the supply of such things as we lacked, continually from foreign countries; which yet more augmented our idleness. For having all things at reasonable prices as we supposed, by such means from them, we thought it mere madness to spend either time or cost about the same here at home. And thus we became enemies to our own welfare, as men that in those days reposed our felicity in following the wars, wherewith we were often exercised both at home and other places. Besides this, the natural desire that mankind hath to esteem of things far sought, because they be rare and costly, and the irksome contempt of things near hand, for that they are common and plentiful, hath borne no small sway also in this behalf amongst us. For hereby we have neglected our own good gifts of God, growing here at home as vile and of no valour, and had every trifle and toy in admiration that is brought hither from far countries, ascribing I wots not what great forces and solemn estimation unto them, until they also have waxed old, after which they have been so little regarded, if not more despised amongst us than our own. Examples hereof I could set down many, & in many things, but sith my purpose is to deal to this time with gardens and orchards, it shall suffice that I touch them only, and show our inconstancy in the same, so far as shall seem & be convenient for my turn. I comprehend therefore under the word garden, all such grounds as are wrought with the spade by man's hand, for so the case requireth. Of wine I have written already elsewhere sufficiently, which commodity (as I have learned further, since the penning of that book) hath been very plentiful in this Island, not only in the time of the Romans, but also since the conquest, as I have seen by record: yet at this present have we none at all or else very little to speak of growing in this Island: which I impute not unto the soil, but the negligence of my countrymen. Such herbs, fruits, and roots also as grow yéerelie out of the ground, of seed, have been very plentiful in this land, in the time of the first Edward, and after his days: but in process of time they grew also to be neglected, so that from Henry the fourth till the latter end of Henry the seventh, & beginning of Henry the eight, there was little or no use of them in England, but they remained either unknown, or supposed as food more meet for hogs & savage beasts to feed upon than mankind. Whereas in my time their use is not only resumed among the poor commons, I mean of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirets, parsnip, carrots, cabbages, navews, turnips, and all kinds of salad herbs, but also fed upon as dainty dishes at the tables of delicate merchants, gentlemen, and the nobility, who make their provision yearly for new seeds out of strange countries, from whence they have them abundantly. Neither do they now stay with such of these fruits as are wholesome in their kinds, but adventure further upon such as are very dangerous and hurtful, as the verangenes, mushrooms, &c: as if nature had ordained all for the belly, or that all things were to be eaten, for whose mischievous operation the Lord in some measure hath given and provided a remedy.  
Hops in time past were plentiful in this land, afterwards also their maintenance did cease, and now being revived, where are any better to be found? where any greater commodity to be raised by them? only poles are accounted to be their greatest charge. But sith men have learned of late to sow ashen keys in ashyards by themselves, that inconvenience in short time will be redressed. Madder hath grown abundantly in this Island, but of long time neglected, and now a little revived, and offereth itself to prove no small benefit unto our country, as many other things else, which are now fetched from us; as we before time when we gave ourselves to idleness, were glad to have them other. If you look into our gardens annexed to our houses, how wonderfully is their beauty increased, not only with flowers, which Colmella calleth Terrena sydera, saying; Pingit & in varios terrestria sydera flores, and variety of curious and costly workmanship, but also with rare and medicinable herbs sought up in the land within these forty years: so that in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens were but dunghills and laistowes to such as did possess them. How art also helpeth nature in the daily colouring, doubling and enlarging the proportion of our flowers, it is incredible to report: for so curious and cunning are our gardeners now in these days, that they presume to do in manner what they list with nature, and moderate her course in things as if they were her superiors. It is a world also to see, how many strange herbs, plants, and annual fruits, are daily brought unto us from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canary Iles, and all parts of the world: the which albeit that in respect of the constitutions of our bodies they do not grow for us, because that God hath bestowed sufficient commodities upon every country for her own necessity; yet for delectation sake unto the eye, and their odoriferous savours unto the nose, they are to be cherished, and God to be glorified also in them, because they are his good gifts, and created to do man help and service. There is not almost one noble man, gentleman, or merchant, that hath not great store of these flowers, which now also do begin to wax so well acquainted with our soils, that we may almost account of them as parcel of our own commodities. They have no less regard in like sort to cherish medicinable herbs fetched out of other regions nearer hand: insomuch that I have seen in some one garden to the number of three hundred or four hundred of them, if not more: of the half of whose names within forty years passed we had no manner knowledge. But herein I find some cause of just complaint, for that we extol their uses so far that we fall into contempt of our own, which are in truth more beneficial and apt for us than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I said before) every region hath abundantly within her own limits whatsoever is needful and most convenient for them that dwell therein. How do men extol the use of Tobacco in my time, whereas in truth (whether the cause be in the repugnancy of our constitution unto the operation thereof, or that the ground doth alter her force, I cannot tell) it is not found of so great efficacy as they writ. And beside this, our common germander or thistle benet is found & known to be so wholesome and of so great power in medicine, as any other herb, if they be used accordingly. I could exemplify after the like manner in sundry other, as the Salsa parilla, Mochoacan, &c: but I forbear so to do, because I covet to be brief. And truly the estimation and credit that we yield and give unto compound medicines made with foreign drugs, is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and use of our own simples hath been so long raked up in the embers. And as this may be verified, so to be one sound conclusion, for the greater number of simples that go unto any compound medicine, the greater confusion is found therein, because the qualities and operations of very few of the particulars are throughly known. And even so our continual desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and apothecary only hath the benefit, is no small cause that the use of our simples here at home doth go to loss, and that we tread those herbs under our feet, whose forces if we knew, & could apply them to our necessities, we would honour & have in reverence as to their case behoveth. Alas what have we to do with such Arabian & Grecian stuff as is daily brought from those parties, which lie in another clime? And therefore the bodies of such as dwell there, are of another constitution, than ours are here at home? Certes they grow not for us, but for the Arabians and Grecians. And albeit that they may by skill be applied unto our benefit, yet to be more skilful in them than in our own, is folly; and to use foreign wares when our own may serve the turn is more folly; but to despise our own and magnify abou● measure the use of them that are sought and brought from far, is most folly of all: for it savoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence, and therefore worthy of reproach.  
Among the Indians, who have the most present cures for every disease, of their own nation, there is small regard of compound medicines, & less of foreign drugs, because they neither know them nor can use them, but work wonders even with their own simples. With them also the difference of the clime doth show her full effect. For whereas they will heal one another in short time with application of one simple, &c: if a Spaniard or Englishman stand in need of their help, they are driven to have a longer space in their cures, and now and then also to use some addition of two or three simples at the most, whose forces unto them are throughly known, because their exercise is only in their own, as men that never sought or heard what virtue was in those that came from other countries. And even so did Marcus Cato the learned Roman endeavour to deal in his cures in sundry diseases, wherein he not only used such simples as were to be had in his own country, but also examined and learned the forces of each of them, wherewith he dealt so diligently, that in all his life time, he could attain to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote of those most learnedly, as would easily be seen, if those his books were extant. For the space also of 600 years, the colewort only was a medicine in Rome for all diseases, so that his virtues were thoroughly known in those parts.  
In Pliny's time the like affection to foreign drugs did rage among the Romans, whereby their own did grow in contempt. Crying out therefore of this extreme folly, lib. 22. cap. 24, he speaketh after this manner: Non placent remedia tam longè nascentia, non enim nobis gignuntur, immò ne illis quidem, alioquin non venderent; siplacet etiam superstitionis gratiâ emantur, quoniam supplicamus, etc. Salutem quidem sine his posse constare, vel obid probabimus, ut tanto magis sui tandem pudeat. For my part I doubt not, if the use of outlandish drugs had not blinded our physicians of England in times passed, but that the virtues of our simples here at home would have been far better known, and so well unto us, as those of India are to the practisioners of those parts, and thereunto be found more profitable for us than the foreign either are or may be. This also will I add, that even those which are most common by reason of their plenty, and most vile because of their abundance, are not without some universal and especial efficacy, if it were known, for our benefit: sith God in nature hath so disposed his creatures, that the most needful are the most plentiful, and serving for such general diseases as our constitution most commonly is affected withal. Great thanks therefore be given unto the physicians of our age and country, who not only endeavour to search out the use of such simples as our soil doth yield and bring forth, but also to procure such as grow elsewhere, upon purpose so to acquaint them with our clime, that they in time through some alteration received from the nature of the earth, may likewise turn to our benefit and commodity, and be used as our own.  
The chief workman, or as I may call him the founder of this devise, is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist, whose industry hath wonderfully stirred them up unto this good act. For albeit that Matthiolus, Rembert I▪ obell, and other have traveled very far in this behalf, yet none hath come near to Clusius, much less gone further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbs as of late are brought to light. I doubt not but if this man were in England but one seven years, he would reveal a number of herbs growing with us, whereof neither our physicians nor apothecary's as yet have any knowledge. And even like thanks be given unto our nobility, gentlemen, and others, for their continual nutriture and cherishing of such home-born and foreign simples in their gardens, for hereby they shall not only be had at hand and preserved, but also their forms made more familiar to be discerned, and their forces better known than hitherto they have been.  
And even as it fareth with our gardens, so doth it with our orchards, which were never furnished with so good fruit, nor with such variety as at this present. For beside that we have most delicate apples, plums, pears, walnuts, filberts, &c: and those of sundry sorts, planted within forty years passed, in comparison of which most of the old trees are nothing worth: so have we no less store of strange fruit, as abricotes, almonds, peaches, figs, cornetrees in noble men's orchards. I have seen capers, oranges, and lemons, and heard of wild olives growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from far, whose names I know not. So that England for these commodities was never better furnished, neither any nation under their clime more plentifully endued with these and other blessings from the most high God, who grant us grace withal to use the same to his honour and glory! and not as instruments and provocations unto further excess and vanity, wherewith his displeasure may be kindled, lest these his benefits do turn unto thorns and briars unto us for our annoyance and punishment, which he hath bestowed upon us for our consolation and comfort.  
We have in like sort such workmen as are not only excellent in graffing the natural fruits, but also in their artificial mixtures, whereby one tree bringeth forth sundry fruits, and one and the same fruit of divers colours and tastes, dallieng as it were with nature and her course, as if her whole trade were perfectly known unto them: of hard fruits they will make tender, of sour sweet, of sweet yet more delicate, béereving also some of their kernels, other of their cores, and finally enduing them with the savour of musk, ambre, or sweet spices at their pleasures. diverse also have written at large of these several practices, and some of them how to convert the kernels of peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make far greater, and to remove or add superfluous or necessary moisture to the trees, with other things belonging to their preservation, and with no less diligence than our physicians do commonly show upon our own diseased bodies, which to me doth seem right strange. And even so do our gardeners with their herbs, whereby they are strengthened against noisome blasts, and preserved from putrefaction and hindrance, whereby some such as were annual, are now made perpetual, being yéerelie taken up, and either reserved in the house, or having the rose pulled from their roots, laid again into the earth, where they remain in safety. What choice they make also in their waters, and wherewith some of them do now and then keep them moist, it is a world to see; insomuch that the apothecary's shops may seem to be needful also to our gardens and orchards, and that in sundry wise: nay the kitchen itself is so far from being able to be miss among them, that even the very dishwater is not without some use amongst our finest plants. Whereby and sundry other circumstances not here to be remembered, I am persuaded, that albeit the gardens of the Hesperides were in times passed so greatly accounted of because of their delicacy: yet if it were possible to have such an equal judge, as by certain knowledge of both were able to pronounce upon them, I doubt not but he would give the price unto the gardens of our days, and generally over all Europe, in comparison of those times, wherein the old exceeded. Pliny and other speak of a rose that had three score leaves growing upon one button: but if I should tell of one which bore a triple number unto that proportion, I know I shall not be believed, and no great matter though I were not, howbeit, such a one was to be seen in Antwerp 1585., as I have heard, and I know who might have had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would have ventured ten pounds upon the growth the same, which should have been but a tickle hazard, and therefore better undone, as I did always imagine. For mine own part, good reader, let me boast a little of my garden, which is but small, and the whole Area thereof little above 300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath been my good luck in purchase of the variety of simples, that notwithstanding my small ability, there are very near three hundred of one sort and other contained therein, no one of them being common or usually to be had. If therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping be so well furnished, what shall we think of those of Hampton court, None such, Tibaults, Cobham garden, and sundry other appertaining to diverse citizens of London, whom I could particularly name, if I should not seem to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing?   

Of waters generally. Chap. 21.  
THere is no one commodity in England, whereof I can make less report than of our waters. For albeit our soil abound with water in all places, and that in the most ample manner: yet can I not find by some experience that almost any one of our rivers hath such odd and rare qualities as divers of the many are said to be endued withal. vitrvuius writeth of a well in Paphlagonia, whose water seemeth as it were mixed with wine, & addeth thereto that diverse become drunk by superfluous taking of the same. The like force is found In amne Licesio, a river of Thracia, upon whose banks a man shall hardly miss to find some traveler or other sleeping for drunkenness, by drinking of that liquor. Near also unto Ephesus are certain wells, which taste like sharp vinegar, and therefore are much esteemed of by such as are sick and evil at ease in those parts. At Hieropolis is a spring of such force (as Strabo) saith) that the water thereof mixed with certain herbs of choice, doth colour wool with such a gloss, that the die thereof contendeth with scarlet, murreie, and purple, and oft overcometh the same. The Cydims in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such virtue, that who so batheth himself therein, shall find great case of the gout that runneth over all his joints. In one of the fortunate Isles (saith Pomponius the Cosmographer) are two springs, one of the which bringeth immoderate laughter to him that drinketh thereof, the other sadness and restraint of that effect, whereby the last is taken to be a sovereign medicine against the other, to the great admiration of such as have beholden it. At Susis in Persia there is a spring, which maketh him that drinketh down any of the water, to cast all his teeth: but if he only wash his mouth withal, it maketh them fast, & his mouth to be very healthful. So there is a river among the Gadarens, whereof if a beast drink, he forthwith casteth hoof, hair, and horns, if he have any. Also a lake in Assyria, near unto the which there is a kind of gluey matter to be found, which holdeth such birds as by hap do light thereon so fast as birdlime, by means whereof very many do perish and are taken that light upon the same: howbeit if any portion hereof happen to be set on fire by casualty or otherwise, it will never be quenched but by casting on of dust, as Caieranus doth report. Another at Halicarnassus called Salmacis, which is noted to make such men effeminate as drink of the water of the same. Certes it may be (saith Strabo) that the water and air of a region may qualify the courage of some men, but none can make them effeminate, nor any other thing because of such corruption in them, sooner than superfluous wealth, and inconstancy of living and behaviour, which is a bane unto all natures, lib. 4. All which, with many other not now coming to memory, as the Letheus, Styx, Phlegeton, Cocytus, &c: have strange & incredible reports made of them by the new and ancient writers, the like whereof are not to be found in England, which I impute wholly to the blessing of God, who hath ordained nothing amongst us in this our temperate region, but that which is good, wholesome, and most commodious for our nation. We have therefore no hurtful waters amongst us, but all wholesome and profitable for the benefit of the people. Nevertheless as none of them is to be found without her fish: so we know by experience, that diverse turn ash, some other elm, and oaken stakes or poles that lie or are thrown into them into hard stone, in long continuance of time, which is the strangest thing that I can learn at this present whereupon to rest for a certainty. Yet I read of diverse wells, whereunto our old writers ascribe either wonderful virtues, or rare courses, as of one upon the shore, beyond the which the sea floweth every day twice a large mile and more; and yet is the surge of that water always seven foot from the salt sea: whereby it should seem that the head of the spring is movable. But alas I do not easily believe it, more than that which is written of the Lilingwan lake in Wales, which is near to the Severne, and receiveth the flowing sea into her channel as it were a gulf, and yet is never full: but when the sea goeth away by reason of the ebb, it casteth up the water with such violence, ●hat her banks are overflown and drowned, which is an absurd report. They add also, that if all the people of the country stood near to the same, with their aces toward the lake, in such manner that the dashing of the water might touch and wet their clothes, they should have no power to go from thence, but maugre their resistance be drawn into that gulf and perish; whereas if they turned their backs unto the same, they should suffer no such inconvenience though they stood never so near. Many other such like toys I could set down of other wells and waters of our country. But why should I write that for other men to read, whereto I give no credit myself, more than to the report which johannes du Choul doth make in his description of Pilat's lake, In monte Pilati in Gallia, or Boccatius of the Scaphigi●lo in the Apennine hills, or Foelix Malliolus of Pila●s lake In monte fracto (where, jacobus de Voragino bishop of Gene, & joachimus Vadianus in Pompon▪ Melam do also make mention) sith I take them but for fables, & far unworthy that any good man should stain his paper with such frivolous matters as are reported of them, being devised at the first by Satanas the father of lies, for the holding of the ignorant & credulous in their superstitions and errors. Such also is the tale that goeth of Wenefrids well, & nothing inferior to that of Mercury near to port Caperia in Rome, wherein such as went by would dip branches of bay, and sprinkle the same upon themselves: and so many as stood about them, calling upon Mercury, and craving pardon for their sins, as if that ceremony had been of force unto forgiveness and remission of their trespasses. And so it appeareth partly by Cicero, who (being a man neither thinking well of their own gods nor liking of the augurs) doth write in his first De legibus (except my memory fail me) aspersione aquae labem tolli corpoream, & castimoniam corporis praestari, which maketh me to think further, that they thought it equal with our late holie-water, wherewith it may be compared. I might further also (if I would) make relation of diverse wells, which have wrought many miracles in time of superstition, as S. Butolphs' well in Hadstocke, S. Germans well at Falkeburne, Holy well at S. Alban's and London, and sundry other in other places: but as their virtues are now found out to be but baits to draw men and women unto them, either for gain unto the places where they were, or satisfaction of the lewd disposition of such as hunted after other gain, so it shall suffice to have touched them far off. Only this will I add, that we have no hurtful waters, no not unto our sheep, though it please Cardan to avouch otherwise; for our waters are not the causes but the signs of their infections when they drink, as I elsewhere have noted in the chapter of cattle, as also that we have a spring near Saffron Walden, and not far from the house of the lord Audleie, which is of such force, that it looseth the body of him that drinketh thereof in very genelt manner, and beside that is very delectable & pleasant to be taken, as I have found by experience. I hear also of two wells near London, of which the one is very excellent water, the other will bear no soap, and yet so situate that the one is hard by the other. And thus much of waters.   

Of woods and marshes. Chap. 22.  
IT should seem by ancient 
Great abundance of wood sometime in England.  records, and the testimony of sundry authors, that the whole countries of Lhoegres and Cambria, now England and Wales, have sometimes been very well replenished with great woods & groves, although at this time the said commodity be not a little decayed in both, and in such wise that a man shall oft ride ten or twenty miles in each of them, and find very little or rather none at all, except it be near unto towns, gentlemen's houses, & villages, where the inhabitants have planted a few elms, oaks, hasels, or ashes about their dwellings for their defence from the rough winds, and keeping of the stormy weather from annoyance of the same. This scarcity at the first grew (as it is thought) either by the industry of man, for maintenance of tillage (as we understand the like to be done of late by the Spaniards in the west Indies, where they fired whole woods of very great compass thereby to come by ground whereon to sow their grains) or else through the covetousness of such, as in preferring of pasture for their sheep and greater cattle, do make small account of firebote and timber: or finally by the cruelty of the enemies, whereof we have sundry examples declared in our histories. Howbeit where the rocks and quarry grounds are, I take the swart of the earth to be so thin, that no tree of any greatness, other than shrubs and bushes, is able to grow or prosper long therein for want of sufficient moisture wherewith to feed them with fresh humour, or at the leastwise of mould, to shroud, stay upright, and cherish the same in the blustering winter's weather, till they may grow unto any greatness, and spread or yield their roots down right into the soil about them: and this either is or may be one other cause, wherefore some places are naturally void of wood. But to proceed. Although I must needs confess that there is good store of great wood or timber here and there, even now in some places of England, yet in our days it is far unlike to that plenty, which our ancestors have seen heretofore, when stately building was less in use. For albeit that there were then greater number of messages and mansions almost in every place; yet were their frames so slight and slender, that one mean dwelling house in our time is able to countervail very many of them, if you consider the present charge with the plenty of timber that we bestow upon them. In times past men were contented to dwell in houses, builded of sallow, willow, plumtree, hardbeame, and elm, so that the use of oak was in manner dedicated wholly unto churches, religious houses, princes palaces, noblemen's lodgings, & navigation: but now all these are rejected, and nothing but oak any whit regarded. And yet see the change, for when our houses were builded of willow, than had we oaken men; but now that our houses are come to be made of oak, our men are not only become willow, but a great many through Persian delicacy crept in among us altogether of straw, 
Desire of much wealth and ease abateth manhood, & overthroweth a manly courage.  which is a sore alteration. In those the courage of the owner was a sufficient defence to keep the house in safety, but now the assurance of the timber, double doors, locks and bolts must defend the man from robbing. Now have we many chimneys and yet our tenderlings complain of rheums, catarrhs and poses. Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did never ache. For as the smoke in those days was supposed to be a sufficient hardening for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to keep the goodman and his family from the quacke or pose, wherewith as then very few were oft acquainted.  
Of the curiousness of these piles I speak not, sith our workmen are grown generally to such an excellency of devise in the frames now made, that they far pass the finest of the old. And such is their husbandry in dealing with their timber, that the same stuff which in time past was rejected as crooked, unprofitable, and to no use but the fire, doth now come in the fronts and best part of the work. Whereby the common saying is likewise in these days verified in our mansion houses, which erst was said only of the timber for ships, that no oak can grow so crooked but it falleth out to some use, & that necessary in the navy. It is a world to see moreover how diverse men being bend to building, and having a delectable vein in spending of their goods by that trade, do daily imagine new devices of their own to guide their workmen withal, and those more curious and excellent always than the former. In the proceeding also of their works, how they set up, how they pull down, how they enlarge, how they restrain, how they add to, how they take from, whereby their heads are never idle, their purses never shut, nor their books of account never made perfect. Destruunt, aedificant, mutant quadrata rotundis saith the poet. So that if a man should well consider of all the odd crotchets in such a bvilder's brain, he would think his head to have even enough of those affairs only, & therefore judge that he should not well be able to deal in any other. But such commonly are our workemasters, that they have beside this vein afore mentioned, either great charge of merchandizes, little less business in the commonwealth, or finally no small dealings otherwise incident unto them, whereby gain ariseth, and some trouble oft among withal. Which causeth me to wonder not a little how they can play the parts so well of so many sundry men, whereas diverse other of greater forecast in appearance can seldom shift well or thrive in any one of them. But to our purpose.  
We have many woods, forests, and parks, which cherish trees abundantly, although in the woodland countries there is almost no hedge that hath not some store of the greatest sort, beside infinite numbers of hedgerowes, groves, and springs, that are maintained of purpose for the building and provision of such owners as do possess the same. Howbeit as every soil doth not bear all kinds of wood, so there is not any wood, park, hedgerow, grove, or forest, that is not mixed with diverse, as oak, ash, hazel, hawthorn, birch, béech, hardbeame, hull, sorfe, quicken asp, poplers, wild cherry, and such like, whereof oak hath always the pre-eminence, as most meet for building and the navy, whereunto it is reserved. This tree bringeth forth also a profitable kind of mast, whereby such as dwell near unto the aforesaid places do cherish and bring up innumerable herds of swine. In time of plenty of this mast, our red and fallow deer will not let to participate thereof with our hogs, more than our neat: yea our common poultry also if they may come unto them. But as this abundance doth prove very pernicious unto the first, so these eggs which these latter do bring forth (beside blackness in colour and bitterness of taste) have not seldom been found to breed diverse diseases unto such persons as have eaten of the same. 
The like have I seen where hens do feed upon the tender blades of garlic.  I might add in like sort the profit ensuing by the bark of this wood, whereof our tanner's have great use in dressing of leather, and which they buy yearly in May by the fadame, as I have oft seen: but it shall not need at this time to enter into any such discourse, only this I wis●● that ●ur sole and upper leathering may have their due time, and not be hasted on by extraordinary slights, as with ash, bark, etc. Whereby as I grant that it seemeth outwardly to be very thick & well done: so if you respect the sadness thereof, it doth prove in the end to be very hollow & not able to hold out water. Nevertheless we have good laws for redress of this enormity, but it cometh to pass in these as in the execution of most penal statutes. For the gains to be gotten by the same being given to one or two hungry and unthrifty persons, they make a show of great reformation at the first, & for a little while, till ●hey find that following of suit in law against the offenders is somewhat too chargeable and tedious. This therefore perceived, they give over the law, and fall to the admission of gifts and rewards to wink at things past, and when they have once gone over their ground with this kind of tillage, then do they tender licences, and offer large dispensations unto him that shall ask the same, thereby to do what him listeth in his trade for an yearly pension, whereby the bribour now groweth to some certain revenues, & the tanner to so great liberty that his leather is much worse than before. But is not this a mockery of our laws, & manifest illusion of the good subject whom they thus pill & poll? Of all oak growing in England the park oak is the softest, and far more spalt and brickle than the hedge oak. And of all in Essex, that growing in Bardfield park is the finest for joiners craft: for oftentimes have I seen of their works made of that oak so fine and fair, as most of the wainescot that is brought hither out of Dansk, for our wainescot is not made in England. Yet diverse have assayed to deal without oaks to that end, but not with so good success as they have hoped, because the ab or juice will not so soon be removed and clean drawn out, which some attribute to want of time in the salt water. Nevertheless in building, so well the hedge as the park oak go all one way, and never so much hath been spent in a hundred years before, as is in ten year of our time; for every man almost is a builder, and he that hath bought any small parcel of ground, be it never so little, will not be quiet till he have pulled down the old house (if any were there standing) and set up a new after his own devise. But whereunto will this curiosity come?  
Of elm we have great store in every high way and elsewhere, yet have I not seen thereof any together in woods or forests, but where they have been first planted and then suffered to spread at their own wills. Yet have I known great woods of béech and hazel in many places, especially in Berkshire, Oxfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, where they are greatly cherished, & converted to sundry uses by such as dwell about them. Of all the elms that ever I saw, those in the south side of Dover court, in Essex near Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I mean) in crooked manner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but navy timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their natural quality, that being used in the said behalf, they continue longer, and more long than any the like trees in whatsoever parcel else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleaving, as I find.  
Ash cometh up every where of itself, and with every kind of wood. And as we have very great plenty and no less use of these in our husbandry, so are we not without the plane, the ugh, the sorfe, the chestnut, the line, the black cherry, and such like. And although that we enjoy them not in so great plenty now in most places, as in times past, or the other afore remembered: yet have we sufficient of them all for our necessary turns and uses, especially of ugh; as may be seen betwixt Rotheram and Sheffield, and some stéeds of Kent also, as I have been informed.  
The fir, frankincense, and pine, we do not altogether want, especially the fir, whereof we have some store in Chatleie moor in Darbishire, Shropshire, Andernesse, and a moss near Manchester, not far from Leircesters' house: although that in time passed not only all Lancastershire, but a great part of the coast between Chester and the Solme were well stored. As for the frankincense and pine, they have been planted only in colleges and cloisters, by the clergy and religious heretofore. Wherefore (in mine opinion) we may rather say that we want them altogether: for except they grew naturally, and not by force, I see no cause why they should be accounted for parcel of our commodities. We have also the asp, whereof our fletchers make their arrows. The several kinds of poplars of our turners have great use for bowls, treies', troughs, dishes, etc. Also the alder, whose bark is not unprofitable to die black withal, and therefore much used by our country wives in colouring their knit hosen. I might here take occasion to speak of the great sales yéerelie made of wood, whereby an infinite quantity hath been destroyed within these few years: but I give over to travel in this behalf. Howbeit thus much I dare affirm, that if woods go so fast to decay in the next hundred year of Grace, as they have done and are like to do in this, sometimes for increase of sheep-walks, and some maintenance of prodigality and pomp (for I have known a well burnished gentleman 
* This gentleman caught such an heat with this sore load that he was feign to go to Rome for physic, yet it could not save his life, but he must needs die homewards.  that hath borne threescore at once in one pair of galigascons to show his strength and bravery) it is to be feared that the fenny boat, broom, turf, gall, heath, firze, brakes, whinnes, ling, dies, hassacks, flags, straw, sedge, réed, rush, and also seacole will be good merchandise even in the city of London, whereunto some of then even now have gotten ready passage, and taken up their inns in the greatest merchants parlours. A man would think that our laws were able enough to make sufficient provision for the redress of this error & enormity likely to ensue. But such is the nature of our countrymen, that as many laws are made, so they will keep none; or if they be urged to make answer, they will rather seek some crooked construction of them to the increase of their private gain, than yield themselves to be guided by the same for a common wealth and profit to their country. So that in the end whatsoever the law saith we will have our wills, whereby the wholesome ordinances of the prince are contemned, the travel of the nobility & councillors as it were derided, the common wealth impoverished, & a few only enriched by this perverse dealing. Thus many thousand persons do suffer hindrance by this their lewd behaviour. Hereby the wholesome laws of the prince are oft defrauded, and the good meaning magistrate in consultation about the common wealth utterly neglected. I would wish that I might live no longer than to see four things in this land reform, that is: the want of discipline in the church: the covetous dealing of most of our merchants in the preferment of the commodities of other countries, and hindrance of their own: the holding of fairs and markets upon the sunday to be abolished and referred to the wednesdays: and that every man, in whatsoever part of the champain soil enjoyeth forty acres of land, and upwards, after that rate, either by free deed, copy hold, or fee farm, might plant one acre of word, or sow the same with oak mast, hazel, béech, and sufficient provision be made that it may be cherished and kept. But I fear me that I should then live too long, and so long, that I should either be weary of the world, or the world of me; and yet they are not such things but they may easily be brought to pass.  
Certes every small occasion in my time is enough to cut down a great wood, and every trifle sufficeth to lay infinite acres of corn ground unto pasture. As for the taking down of houses, a small fine will bear out a great many. Would to God we might once take example of the Romans, who in restraint of superfluous grazing, made an exact limitation, how many head of cattle each estate might keep, and what numbers of acres should suffice for that and other purposes. Neither was wood ever better cherished or mansion houses maintained, than by their laws and statutes. Such also was their care in the maintenance of navigation, that it was a great part of the charge of their consuls, yéerelie to view and look unto the hills whereon great timber did grow, lest their unnecessary faults for the satisfaction of the private owner, and his covetous mind might prove a prejudice unto the common wealth, in the hindrance of sufficient stuff for the furniture of their navy. Certes the like hereof is yet observed in Venice. Read also I pray you what Suetonius writeth of the consulship of Bibulus and Cesar. As for the wood that Ancus Martius dedicated toward the maintenance of the common navy, I pass it over, as having elsewhere remembered it unto another end. But what do I mean to speak of these, sith my purpose is only to talk of our own woods? Well, take this then for a final conclusion in woods, that beside some countries are already driven to sell their wood by the pound, which is an heavy report: within these forty years we shall have little great timber growing above forty years old; for it is commonly seen that those young staddles which we leave standing at one & twenty years fall, are usually at the next sale cut down without any danger of the statute, and serve for fire boat, if it please the owner to burn them.  
Marises and fenny bogs we have many in England, 
Marises and tens.  though not now so many as some of the old Roman writers do specify, but more in Wales, if you have respect unto the several quantities of the countries. Howbeit as they are very profitable in the summer half of the year, so are a number of them which lie low and near to great rivers, to small commodity in the winter part, as common experience doth teach. Yet this I find of many moors, that in times past they have been harder ground, and sundry of them well replenished with great woods, that now are void of bushes. And for example hereof, we may see the trial (beside the roots that are daily found in the déeps of Monmouth, where turf is digged, also in Wales, Aburgavennie, and Merioneth) in sundry parts of Lancashire, where great store of fir hath grown in times past, as I said, and the people go unto this day into their fens and marises with long spits, which they dash here and there up to the very cronge into the ground. In which practice, (a thing commonly done in winter) if they happen to smite upon any fir trees which lie there at their whole lengths, or other blocks, they note the place, and about harvest time, when the ground is at the driest, they come again and get them up, and afterward carrying them home, apply them to their uses. The like do they in Shropshire with the like, which hath been felled in old time, within 7 miles of Salop. Some of them foolishly suppose the same to have lain there since Noys flood: and other more fond than the rest, imagine them to grow even in the places where they find them, without all consideration that in times pat, the most part, if not all Lhoegres and Cambria was generally replenished with wood, which being felled or overthrown upon sundry occasions, was left lying in some places still on the ground, and in process of time became to be quite overgrown with earth and moulds, which moulds wanting their due sadness, are now turned into moorie plots. Whereby it cometh to pass also, that great plenty of water cometh between the new lose swart and the old hard earth, that being drawn away by ditching and dreanes (a thing soon done if our countrymen were painful in that behalf) might soon leave a dry soil to the great lucre and advantage of the owner. We find in our histories, that Lincoln was sometime builded by Lud brother to Cassibelan, who called it Cair Ludcoit, of the great store of woods that environed the same: but now the commodity is utterly decayed there, so that if Lud were alive again, he would not call it his city in the wood, but rather his town in the plains: for the wood (as I hear) is wasted altogether about the same. The hills called the Peke were in like sort named Mennith and Orcoit, that is, the woody hills and forests. But how much wood is now to be seen in those places, let him that hath been there testify, if he list; for I hear of no such store there as hath been in time passed by those that travel that way. And thus much of woods and marises, and so far as I can deal with the same.   

Of baths and hot wells. Chap. 23.  
AS almighty GOD hath in most plentiful manner bestowed infinite, and those very notable benefits upon this isle of Britain, whereby it is not a little enriched: so in hot and natural baths (whereof we have diverse in sundry places) it manifestly appeareth that he hath not forgotten England. There are sundry baths therefore to be found in this realm, of which the first is called saint Uinconts, the second Halliewell; both being places (in my opinion) more obscure than the other two, and yet not seldom sought unto by such as stand in need. For albeit the fame of their forces be not so generally spread, yet in some cases they are thought to be nothing inferior to the other, as diverse have often affirmed by their own experience and trial. The third place wherein hot baths are to be found is near unto Buxston, a town in Darbishire, situate in the high Peke, not passing sixteen miles from Manchester, or Markechesterford, and twenty from Derby, where, about eight or nine several wells are to be seen; of which three are counted to be most excellent: but of all, the gratest is the hottest, void of corruption, and compared (as jones saith) with those of Summersetshire, so cold indeed, as a quart of boiling water would be made if five quarts of running water were added thereunto; whereas on the other side, those of Bath likened unto these, have such he at appropriated unto them, as a gallon of hot water hath when a quart of cold is mixed with the same. Hereupon the effect of this bath worketh more temperately and pleasantly (as he writeth) than the other. And albeit that it maketh not so great speed in cure of such as resort unto it for help: yet it dealeth more effectually and commodiously than those in Summersetshire, and infer withal less grievous accidents in the restraining of natural issues, strengthening the affeebled members, assisting the lively forces, dispersing annoious oppilations, and qualifying of sundry griefs, as his experience hath oft confirmed. The like virtues have the other two, but not in such measure: and therefore their operation is not so speedily perceived. The fourth place where baths are, is kings Newnam, and within certain miles of Coventrie, the water whereof (as it is thought) proceedeth from some rock of alum, and this I understand by diverse glovers which have been there, and also by mine own experience, that it hath a taste much like to alum liquor, and yet nothing unpleasant nor unsavoury in the drinking. There are three wells in all, but the chiefest and best of them riseth out of an hill, and runneth toward the south, & from thence infinite plenty of water without any notable diminution of the spring is daily carried into sundry parties of the realm, & droonke by such as have need to occupy the same. Of the other two, one is reserved for such as be comely personages and void of loathsome diseases: the other is left common for tag and rag; but cleansed daily as the other is, whereby it becometh the wholesomer. Many diseases also are cured in the same, as the palsy, dimness of sight, dullness of hearing, but especially the colic and the stone, old sores and green wounds; so that I suppose there was never any compound medicine of greater and more speedy force in these behalfs, than the use of this simple liquor is to such as do frequent it. The said water hath a natural property also following it which is rare, for if a leaf, or stick of ash, oak, &c: do fall into the same, within a short space, such store of fine sand (coming no doubt out of the earth with the water) will congeal and gather about it, that the form being reserved, and the inner part not lightly altered, it will seem to become an hard stone, and much like unto that which is engendered in the kidneys of a man, as I have seen by experience. At the first entrance it is very cold, but after a season it warmeth the goer in, casting him into an indifferent heat. And this is furthermore remembered of it, that no man hath yet sustained any manner of impeachment through the coldness of the same. The virtue thereof was found 1579 about Whitsuntide, by a man who had wounded himself, & coming by the same water, thought only to wash the blood from his hand therewith, and so to go home and seek for help by surgery: finally finding the pain well assuaged, & the wound fair cleansed, he departed, and misliking his usual medicines, he eftsoons came again, and so often indeed unto the said water till his hand was healed outright without any other practice. By this means also he became a counsellor to other being hurt or in pain, that they should try the virtue of this spring, who finding ease also, gave out such commendation of the said water, that now at this present their fame is fully equal, and the resort unto them nothing inferior to that of the old baths. Beside this, the cures of such diseases as their forces do extend unto, is much more speedy than we may have at the other; and this is one commodity also not smallly to be considered of. The fift place of baths or medicinable wells is at an hamlet called Newton, a little from saint Neots, or (as we pronounce it) saint Needs, which is ten or twelve miles from Cambridge, where two springs are known to be, of which the one is very sweet and fresh, the other brackish & salt; this is good for scabs and leaperie (as it is said) the other for dimness of sight. Very many also do make their repair unto them for sundry diseases, some returning whole, and some nothing at all amended, because their cure is without the each and working of those waters. Never went people so fast from the church, either unto a fair or market, as they go to these wells, and those near Rugbie, both places being discovered in this 1579 of Grace. I hear of another well to be found also about Ratcliff near London, even at the same season. But sith rumours are now spread almost of every spring, & vain tales fly about in manner of every water, I surcease to speak at all of any other, till further experience do try whether they be medicinable or not: and yet I doubt not but most of these already mentioned have heretofore been known & remembered also, though confusedly by the writers of old time; & yet in process of time either neglected or forgotten, by means of sundry troubles and turmoils made in this realm by Danes, and other outward enemies, whereby their manifold benefit hath wonderfully been miss.  
The last place of our baths, is a city in Summersetshire, which taketh his name of the hot waters there to be seen and used. At the first it was called Cair Bledud, and not Cair Bledune, as some would have it, for that is the old name of the ancient castle at Malmesburie, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolemy afterward called it Thermae, other Aquae solis, or Scamannia, or Acmancester, but now it height generally Bath in English, and under that name it is likely to continue. The city of itself is a very ancient thing, no doubt, as may yet appear by diverse notable antiquities engraved in stone, to be seen in the walls thereof; and first of all between the south gate and the west, and betwixt the west gate and the north.  
The first is the antic head of a man, made all flat, with great locks of hair, much like to the coin that I have seen of Antius the Roman. The second between the south and the north gate is an image, as I take it, of Hercules, for he held in each hand a serpent, and so doth this. thirdly there standeth a man on foot with a sword in his one hand, and a buckler stretched out in the other. There is also a branch that lieth folded and wreathed into circles, like to the wreath of Alcimedon. There are moreover two naked images, whereof the one embraceth the other, beside sundry antic heads, with ruffeled hair, a greiehound running, and at his tail certain Roman letters, but so defaced that no man living can read them at this present. There is moreover the image of Lacaon, environed with two serpents, and an other inscription, and all these between the south and the west gates, as I have said before.  
Now, between the west and north gate are two inscriptions, of which some words are evident to be read, the residue are clean defaced. There is also the image of a naked man, and a stone in like sort, which hath Cupidines & labruscas intercurrentes, and a table having at each hand an image vined and finely flourished both above and beneath. Finally (saving that I saw afterward the image of a naked man grasping a serpent in each hand) there was an inscription of a tomb or burial, wherein these words did plainly appear, Vixit annos thirty: but so defusedlie written, that letters stood for whole words, and two or three letters combined into one. Certes I will not say whether these were set into the places where they now stand by the gentiles, or brought thither from other ruins of the town itself, and placed afterward in those walls, in their necessary reparations. But howsoever the matter standeth, this is to be gathered by our histories, that Bladud first builded that city there, and peradventure might also kindle the sulphurous veins, of purpose to burn continually there in the honour of Minerva: by which occasion the springs thereabout did in process of time become hot & not unprofitable, for sundry kinds of diseases, Indeed the later pagans dreamt, that Minerva was the chief goddess and governess of these waters, because of the nearness of her temple unto the same. Solinus addeth furthermore, 
Chap. 25.  how that in her said temple, the fire which was continually kept, did never consume into dead sparkles; but so soon as the embers thereof were cold, 
The Pyritis is found almost in every vein of metal in great plenty, diversities and colour, and sometimes mixed with that metal of whose excrements it consisteth.  they congealed into clots of hard stone: all which I take to be nothing else than the effect of the aforesaid fire, of the sulphurous vein kindled in the earth, from whence the waters do come. That these baths or waters are derived from such, the marchasites, which the Grecians call Pyritis, per antonomasiam (for being smit with the iron, it yieldeth more sparks than any flint or calcedonie, and therefore seemeth to deserve the name above the rest) and besides these other stones mixed with some copper, and daily found upon the mounteins thereabouts will bear sufficient witness, though I would write the contrary. Doctor Turner also the father of English physic, and an excellent divine, supposeth that these springs do draw their forces from sulphur: or if there be any other thing mingled withal, he guesseth that it should be salt peter, because he found an obscure likelihood of the same, even in the cross bath. But that they participate with any alum at all, he could never till his dying day be endured to believe. I might here (if I thought it necessary) entreat of the notable situation of the city, which standeth in a pleasant bottom, environed on every side with great hills, out of the which come so many springs of pure water by sundry ways unto the city, and in such abundance, as that every house is served with the same by pipes of lead, the said metal being the more plenteous and less of value unto them, because it is not had far off from those quarters. It should not be amiss also to speak of the four gates, number of parish churches, bridges, religious houses dissolved, and their founders, if place did serve therefore: but for so much as my purpose is not to deal in this behalf, I will omit the mention of these things, and go in hand with the baths themselves, whereof in the title of this chapter I protested to entreat.  
There are two springs of water (as Leland saith) in the west south west part of the town, 
Cross bath.  whereof the biggest is called the cross bath, of a certain cross that was erected sometime in the midst thereof. This bath is much frequented by such as are diseased with lepry, pocks, scabs, and great aches: yet of itself it is very temperate and pleasant, having eleven or twelve arches of stone in the sides thereof, for men to stand under, when rain doth aught annoy them.  
The common bath, or as some call it, the hot bath, 
Common bath.  is two hundred foot, or thereabout from the cross bath, less in compass within the wall than the other, and with only seven arches, wrought out of the main enclosure. It is worthily called the hot bath, for at the first coming into it, men think that it would scald their flesh, and lose it from the bone: but after a season, and that the bodies of the comers thereto be warmed throughly in the same, it is more tolerable and easy to be borne. Both these baths be in the middle of a little street, and join to S. Thomas hospital, so that it may be thought that Reginald bishop of Bath made his house near unto these common baths, only to secure such poor people as should resort unto them.  
The king's bath is very fair and large, 
King bath.  standing almost in the middle of the town, at the west end of the cathedral church. It is compassed about with a very high stone wall, and the brims thereof are mured round about, where in be two and thirty arches for men and women to stand in separatlie, who being of the gentry for the most part, 
Hot houses in some count●res little ●etter than brodels.  do resort thither indifferently, but not in such lascivious sort as unto other baths and hot houses of the main, whereof some writ more a great deal than modesty should reveal, and honesty perform. There went a sluice out of this bath, which served in times past the priory with water, which was derived out of it unto two places, and commonly used for baths, but now I do not think that they remain in usage.  
As for the colour of the water of all the baths, it is most like to a deep blue, 
Colour of the water of the baths.  and réeketh much after the manner of a seething pot, 
Taste of the water.  commonly yielding somewhat a sulphuroous taste, and very unpleasant savour. The water also that runneth from the two small baths, goeth by a dike into the avon by west, and beneath the bridge: but the same that goeth from the king's bath turneth a mill, and after goeth into avon above Bath bridge, where it loseth both force and taste, and is like unto the rest. In all the three baths a man may evidently see how the water bubbleth up from the springs. 
Fall or issue of the water.  This is also to be noted, that at certain times all entrances into them is utterly prohibited, that is to say, at high noon, and midnight: for at those two seasons, and a while before and after, they boil very fervently, and become so hot that no man is able to endure their heat, or any while sustain their force and vehement working. They purge themselves furthermore from all such filth as the diseased do leave in each of them, wherefore we do forbear the rash entrance into them at that time: and so much the rather, for that we would not by contraction of any new diseases, depart more gréevouflie affected than we came unto the city, which is in deed a thing that each one should regard. For these causes therefore they are commonly shut up from half an hour after ten of the clock in the forenoon, 
Hot good to enter into baths at all seasons.  to half an hour after one in the afternoon, and likewise at midnight: at which times the keeper of them resorteth to his charge, openeth the gates, and leaveth (or should leave) free passage unto such as come unto them. Hitherto Leland.  
What cost of late hath been bestowed upon these baths by diverse of the nobility, gentry, commonalty, and clergy, it lieth not in me to declare: yet as I hear, they are not only very much repaired and garnished with sundry curious pieces of workmanship, partly touching their commendation, and partly for the ease and benefit of such as resort unto them; but also better ordered, cleanlier kept, & more friendly provision made for such poverty as daily repaireth thither. But notwithstanding all this, such is the general estate of things in Bath, that the rich men may spend while they will, and the poor beg whilst they list for their maintenance and diet so long as they remain there: and yet I deny not but that there is very good order in that city for all degrees. But where shall a man find any equal regard of poor and rich, though God doth give these his good gifts freely, & unto both alike? I would here entreat further of the customs used in these baths, what number of physicians daily attend upon those waters, for no man (especially such as be able to entertain them) doth enter into these baths before he consult with the physician; also, what diet is to be observed, what particular diseases are healed there, and to what end the comers thither do drink oftimes of that medicinable liquor: but then I should exceed the limits of a description. Wherefore I pass it over to others, hoping that some man yer long will vouchsafe to perform that at large, which the famous clerk Doctor Turner hath briefly yet happily begun, touching the effects & working of the same. For hitherto I do not know of many that have traveled in the natures of those baths of our country, with any great commendation; much less of any that hath revealed them at the full for the benefit of our nation, or commodity of strangers that resort unto the same.   

Of antiquities found. Chap. 24.  
Having taken some occasion to speak here and there in this treatise of antiquities, it shall not be amiss to deal yet more in this chapter, with some of them apart, & by themselves, whereby the secure authority of the Romans over this Island may in some cases more manifestly appear. For such was their possession of this Island on this side of the Tine, that they held not one or two, or a few places only under their subjection, but all the whole country from east to west, from the Tine to the British sea, so that there was no region void of their governance: notwithstanding that until the death of Lucius, and extinction of his issue, they did permit the successors of Lud and Cimbalme to reign and rule amongst them, though under a certain tribute, as elsewhere I have declared. The chief cause that urgeth me to speak of antiquities, is the pains that I have taken to gather great numbers of them together, intending (if ever my chronology shall happen to come abroad) to set down the lively porfraitures of every emperor engraven in the same: also the faces of Pompeie, Crassus, the seven kings of the Romans, Cicero, and diverse other, which I have provided ready for the purpose, beside the monuments and lively images of sundry philosophers, and kings of this Island, since the time of Edward the Confessor. Whereof although presently I want a few, yet I do not doubt but to obtain them all, if friendship at the leastwise procured for money shall be able to prevail. But as it hath done hitherto, so the charges to be employed upon these brazen or copper images, will hereafter put by the impression of that treatife: whereby it may come to pass; that long travel shall soon prove to be spent in vain, and much cost come to very small success. Whereof yet I force not greatly, sith by this means I have reaped some commodity unto myself, by searching of the histories, which often minister store of examples ready to be used in my function, as occasion shall move me. But to proceed with my purpose.  
Before the coming of the Romans, there was a kind of copper money currant here in Britain, as Caesar confesseth in the fift book of his Commentaries, but I find not of what manner it was. Hereto he addeth a report of certain rings, of a proportionate weight, which they used in his time, in stead likewise of money. But as hitherto it hath not been my luck (I say) to have the certain view of any of these, so after the coming of the Romans, they enforced us to abandon our own, and receive such imperial moneys or coins, as for the payment of their legions was daily brought over unto them. What coins the Romans had, it is easy to be known, and from time to time much of it is found in many places of this Island, as well of gold and silver, as of copper, brass, and other metal, much like steel, almost of every emperor. So that I account it no rare thing to have of the Roman coin, albeit that it still represent an image of our captivity, and may be a good admonition for us, to take heed how we yield ourselves to the regiment of strangers. Of the store of these moneys, found upon the Kentish coast, I have already made mention in the description of Richborow, and chapter of Isles adjacent unto the British Albion, and there showed also how simple fishermen have had plenty of them, and that the coneys in making proffers and holes to breed in, have scraped them out of the ground in very great abundance. In speaking also of S. Albans, in the chapter of towns and villages, I have not omitted to tell what plenty of these coins have been gathered there: wherefore I shall not need here to repeat the same again. Howbeit this is certain, that the most part of all these antiquities, to be found within the land, & distant from the shore, are to be gotten either in the ruins of ancient cities and towns decayed, or in enclosed burrows, where their legions accustomed sometime to winter, as by experience is daily confirmed. What store hath been seen of them in the city of London, which they called Augusta, of the legion that sojourned there, & likewise in York named also Uictrix, of the legion Victoria, or Altera Roma (because of the beauty and fine building of the same) I myself can partly witness, that have seen, & often had of them, if better testimony were wanting. The like I may affirm of Colchester, where those of Claudius, Adrian, trajan, Vespasian, and other, are oftentimes ploughed up, or found by other means: also of Cantorburie, Andredeschester (now decayed) Rochester, then called Durobrewm, Winchester, and diverse other beyond the Thames, which for brevity sake I do pass over in silence. Only the chief of all and where most are found in deed, is near unto Carleon and Cairgwent in Southwales, about Kenchester, three miles above Hereford, Aldborow, Ancaster, Bramdon, Dodington, where a spur and piece of a chain of gold were found in king Henry the eight his days, besides much of the said Roman coin, Binchester, Camalet, Lacocke upon avon, and Lincoln, Dorchester, Warwick, and Chester, where they are often had in very great abundance. It seemeth that Ancaster hath been a great thing, for many square & coloured pavements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and often laid open by such as dig and blow in the fields about the same. And amongst these, one Uresbie or Roscbie, a ploughman, did ere up not long since a stone like a trough, covered with another stone, wherein was great foison of the aforesaid coins. The like also was seen not yet forty years agone about Grantham. But in king Henry the eight his days, an husbandman had far better luck at Harleston, two miles from the aforesaid place, where he found not only great plenty of this coin, but also an huge brass pot, and therein a large helmet of pure gold, richly fretted with pearl, and set with all kind of costly stones: he took up also chains much like unto beads of silver, all which, as being (if a man might guess any certainty by their beauty) not likely to be long hidden, he presented to queen Katherine then lying at Peterborow, and therewithal a few ancient rolls of parchment written long agone, though so defaced with mouldiness, and rotten for age, that no man could well hold them in his hand without falling into pieces, much less read them by reason of their blindness.  
In the beginning of the same king's days also at Killeie a man found as he eared, an arming girdle, harnessed with pure gold, and a great massy pommel with a cross hilt for a sword of the same metal, beside studs and harness for spurs, and the huge long spurs of like stuff, whereof one doctor Ruthall got a part into his hands. The boroughs or buries, whereof I spoke before, were certain plots of ground, wherein the Roman soldiers did use to lie when they kept in the open fields as chosen places, from whence they might have easy access unto their adversaries, if any outrage were wrought or rebellion moved against them. And as these were the usual abodes for those able legions that served daily in the wars, so had they other certain habitations for the old and forworne soldiers, whereby diverse cities grew in time to be replenished with Roman colonies, as Cairleon, Colchester, Chester, and such other, of which, Colchester bore the name of Colonia long time, and wherein A. Plautius builded a temple unto the goddess of victory (after the departure of Claudius) which Tacitus calleth Aram sempiternae dominationis, a perpetual monument of that our British servitude. But to return unto our borrows, they were generally walled about with stone walls, and so large in compass that some did contain thirty, forty, three score, or eighty acres of ground within their limits: they had also diverse gates or ports unto each of them, and of these not a few remain to be seen in our time, as one for example not far from great Chesterford in Essex, near to the limits of Cambridgshire, which I have often viewed, and wherein the compass of the very wall with the places where the gates stood is easy to be discerned: the like also is to be seen at a place within two mile's south of Burton, called the Borrow hills. In these therefore and such like, and likewise at Euolsburg, now S. Neots, or S. Needs, and sundry other places, especially upon the shore and coasts of Kent, as Dover, Rye, Romneie, Lid, &c: is much of their coin also to be found, and some pieces or other are daily taken up, which they call Borrow pence, Dwarves money, Hegs' pence, Feirie groats, jews money, & by other foolish names not worthy to be remembered. xsAt the coming of the Saxons, the Britons used these holds as rescues for their cattle in the day and night, when their enemies were abroad; the like also did the Saxons against the Danes, by which occasions and now and then by carrying of their stones to help forward other buildings near at hand) many of them were thrown down and defaced, which otherwise might have continued for a longer time, and so your honour would say, if you should happen to peruse the thickness and manner of building of those said walls and borrows. It is not long since a silver saucer of very ancient making was found near to Saffron Walden, in the open field among the Sterbirie hills, 
Sterbirie a place where en army hath lain.  and eared up by a plough, but of such massy greatness, that it weighed better than twenty ounces, as I have heard reported. But if I should stand in these things until I had said all that might be spoken of them, both by experience and testimony of Leland in his Commentaries of Britain, and the report of diverse yet living, I might make a greater chapter than would be either convenient or profitable to the reader: wherefore so much only shall serve the turn for this time as I have said already of antiquities found within our Island, especially of coin, whereof I purposed chiefly to entreat.   

Of the coins of England. Chap. 25.  
THe Saxon coin before the conquest is in manner utterly unknown to me: howbeit if my conjecture be any thing, I suppose that one shilling of silver in those days did counterpoise our common ounce, though afterward it came to pass that it arose to twenty pence, and so continued until the time of king Henry the eight, 
Copper money.  who first brought it to three shillings and four pence, & afterward our silver coin unto brass & copper moneys, by reason of those inestimable charges, which diverse ways oppressed him. And as I gather such obscure notice of the shilling which is called in Latin Solidus, so I read more manifestly of another which is the 48 part of a pound, and this also currant among the Saxons of our Isle, so well in gold as in silver, at such time as 240 of their penies made up a just pound, five pence went to the shilling, and four shillings to the ounce. But to proceed with my purpose. After the death of K. Henry, Edward his son began to restore the aforesaid coin again unto fine silver: so queen Marie his successor did continue his good purpose, notwithstanding that in her time the Spanish money was very common in England, by reason of her marriage with Philip king of Spain.  
After her decease the lady Elizabeth her sister, 
Silver restored.  and now our most gracious queen, sovereigue and princess, did finish the matter wholly, utterly abolishing the use of copper and brazen coin, and converting the same into guns and great ordinance, she restored sundry coins of fine silver, as pieces of halfpenny farthing, of a penny, of three half pence, pieces of two pence, of three pence, of four pence (called the groat) of six pence usually named the testone, and shilling of twelve pence, whereon she hath imprinted her own image, and emphatical superscription. Our gold is either old or new. 
Old gash.  The old is that which hath remained since the time of king Edward the third, or been coined by such other princes as have reigned since his decease, without any abasing or diminution of the finesse of that metal. Thereof also we have yet remaining, the rial, the George noble, the Henry rial, the salut, the angel, and their smaller pieces, as halves or quarters, though these in my time are not so common to be seen. I have also beheld the sovereign of twenty shillings, and the piece of shirtie shillings, I have heard likewise of pieces of forty shillings, three pounds, five pounds, and ten pounds. But sith there were few of them coined, and those only at the commandment of kings, yearly to bestow where their majesties thought good in lie of new years gifts and rewards: it is not requisite that I should remember them here amongst our currant moneys.  
The new gold is taken for such as began to be coined in the latter days of king Henry the eight, 
New gold.  at which time the finesse of the metal began to be very much allayed, & is not likely to be restored for aught that I can see: and yet is it such as hath been coined since by his successors princes of this realm, in value and goodness equal and not inferior to the coin and currant gold of other nations, where each one doth covet chiefly to gather up our old finer gold: so that the angels, rials, and nobles, are more plentifully seen in France, Italy, and Flanders, than they be by a great deal within the realm of England, if you regard the payments which they daily make in those kinds of our coin. Our pieces now currant are of ten shillings, five shillings, and two shillings and six pence only: and those of sundry stamps and names, as half sovereigns (equal in weight with our currant shilling, whereby that gold is valued at ten times so much silver) quarter's of sovereigns (otherwise called crowns) and half crowns: likewise angels, half angels, and quarters of angels, or if there be any other, in good sooth I know them not, as one scarcely acquainted with any silver at all, much less than (God it wots) with any store of gold.  
The first currant shilling or silver pieces of twelve pence stamped within memory, were coined by K. Henry the eight in the twentieth year of his reign, & those of five shillings, and of two shillings and six pence, & the half shilling by king Edward the sixth: but the odd pieces above remembered under the groat by our high and mighty princess queen Elizabeth, the name of the groat, penny, two pence, half penny, and farthing, in old time the greatest silver moneys if you respect their denominations only, being more ancient than that I can well discuss of the time of their beginnings. Yet thus much I read, that king Edward the first in the eight year of his reign, did first coin the penny and smallest pieces of silver roundwise, which before were square, and wont to bear a double cross with a crest, in such sort that the penny might easily be broken, either into halves or quarters: by which shift only the people came by small moneys, as half pence and farthings, that otherwise were not stamped nor coined of set purpose.  
Of foreign coins we have all the ducats, the single, double, and the double double, the crusadoes, with the long cross and the short: the portigue, a piece very solemnly kept of diverse, & yet oft times abased with washing, or absolutely counterfeited: and finally the French and Flemish crowns, only currant among us, so long as they hold weight. But of silver coins, as the souls turnois, whereof ten make a shilling, as the frank doth two shillings, and three franks the French crown, &c: we have none at all: yet are the dalders, and such often times brought over, but nevertheless exchanged as bullion, according to their fineness and weight, and afterward converted into coin, by such as have authority.  
In old time we had sundry mints in England, and those commonly kept in abbeys and religious houses before the conquest, where true dealing was commonly supposed most of all to dwell: as at Ramseie, S. Edmundsburie, Canturburie, Glassenburie, Peterborow, and such like, sundry exemplificats of the grants whereof are yet to be seen in writing, especially that of Peterborow under the confirmation of pope Eugenius: whereunto it appeareth further by a charter of king Edgar (which I have) that they either held it or had another in Stanford. But after the Normans had once gotten the kingdom into their fingers, they trusted themselves best with the oversight of their mints, and therefore erected diverse of their own, although they afterward permitted some for small pieces of silver unto sundry of the houses aforesaid. In my time diverse mints are suppressed, as Southwark, Bristol, &c: and all coinage is brought into one place, that is to say, the Tower of London, where it is continually holden and perused, but not without great gain to such as deal withal. There is also coinage of tin holden yearly at two several times, that is to say, Midsummer and Michaelmas in the west country; which at the first hearing I supposed to have been of money of the said metal, and granted by privilege from some prince unto the towns of Hailestone, Trurie, and lostwithiel. Howbeit, upon further examination of the matter, I find it to be nothing so, but an office only erected for the prince, wherein he is allowed the ordinary customs of that metal: and such blocks of tin as have passed the hands of his officers, are marked with an especial stamp, whereby it is known that the custom due for the same hath ordinarily been answered. It should seem (and in my opinion is very likely to be true) that while the Romans reigned here, Kingston upon Thames (sometime a right noble city and place where the Saxon kings were usually crowned) was the chief place of their coinage for this province. For in ear-ring of the ground about that town in times past, and now of late (besides the curious foundation of many goodly buildings that have been ripped up by ploughs, and diverse coins of brass, silver, and gold, with Roman letters in painted pots found there) in the days of cardinal Woolseie, one such huge pot was discovered full as it were of new silver lately coined; another with plates of silver ready to be coined; and the third with chains of silver and such broken stuff ready (as it should appear) to be melted into coinage, whereof let this suffice to countenance out my conjecture. Of coins currant before the coming of the Romans I have elsewhere declared, that there were none at all in Britain: but as the Islanders of Scylira, the old Romans, Armenians, Scythians, Seritans, Sarmatians, Indians, and Essences did barter ware for ware, so the Britons used brass or rings of iron, brought unto a certain proportion, in steed of money, as the Lacedæmonians & Bisantines also did, & the Achivi (as Homer writeth) who had (saith he) rough pieces of brass and iron in steed of coin, wherewith they purchased their wines.    

The contents of the third book.  

1 Of cattle kept for profit.  
2 Of wild and tame fowls.  
3 Of fish usually taken up on our coasts.  
4 Of savage beasts and vermins.  
5 Of hawks and ravenous fowls.  
6 Of venomous beasts.  
7 Of our English dogs and their qualities.  
8 Of our saffron, and the dressing thereof.  
9 Of quarries of stone for building.  
10 Of sundry minerals.  
11 Of metals to be had in our land.  
12 Of precious stones.  
13 Of salt made in England.  
14 Of our account of time and her parts.  
15 Of principal fairs and markets.  
16 Of our inns and thorowfaires.    


Of cattle kept for profit. Chap. 1.  
THere is no kind of tame cattle usually to be seen in these parts of the world, whereof we have not some, and that great store in England; as horses, oxen, sheep, goats, swine, and far surmounting the like in other countries, as may be proved with ease. For where are oxen commonly more large of bone, horses more decent and pleasant in pace, kine more commodious for the pale, sheep more profitable for wool, swine more wholesome of flesh, and goats more gainful to their keepers, than here with us in England? But to speak of them peculiarly, I suppose that our kine are so abundant in yield of milk, whereof we make our butter & cheese, as the like any where else, and so apt for the plough in diverse places as either our horses or oxen. And albeit they now and then twin, yet herein they seem to come short of that commoditle which is looked for in other countries, to wit, in that they bring forth most commonly but one calf at once. The gains also gotten by a cow (all charges borne) hath been valued at twenty shillings yearly: but now as land is enhanced, this proportion of gain is much abated, and likely to decay more and more, if ground arise to be yet dearer, which God forbidden, if it be his will and pleasure. I heard of late of a cow in Warwikshire, belonging to Thomas Bruer of Studleie, which in six years had sixteen calves, that is, four at once in three caluings and twice twins, which unto many may seem a thing incredible. 
Oxen.  In like manner our oxen are such as the like are not to be found in any country of Europe, both for greatness of body and sweetness of flesh: or else would not the Roman writers have preferred them before those of Liguria. In most places our graziers are now grown to be so cunning, that if they do but see an ox or bullock, and come to the feeling of him, they will give a guess at his weight, and how many score or stone of flesh and tallow he beareth, how the butcher may live by the sale, and what he may have for the skin and tallow; which is a point of skill not commonly practised heretofore. Some such graziers also are reported to ride with velvet coats, and chains of gold about them: and in their absence their wives will not let to supply those turns with no less skill than their husbands: which is an hard work for the poor butcher, sith he through this means can seldom be rich or wealthy by his trade. In like sort the flesh of our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buyer will: but in young ware rather by weight, especially for the steer and heighfer, sith the finer beef is the lightest, whereas the flesh of bulls and old kine, &: is of sadder substance and therefore much heavier as it lieth in the scale. Their horns also are known to be more fair and large in England than in any other places, except those which are to be seen among the Paeones, which quantity albeit that it be given to our breed generally by nature, yet it is now and then helped also by art. 
Athenaeus lib. 10. cap. 8.  For when they be very young, many graziers will oftentimes anoint their budding horns, or tender tips with honey, which mollifieth the natural hardness of that substance, and thereby maketh them to grow unto a notable greatness. Certes, it is not strange in England, to see oxen whose horns have the length of a yard or three foot between the tips, and they themselves thereto so tall, as the height of a man of mean and indifferent stature is scarce equal unto them. Nevertheless it is much to be lamented that our general breed of cattles is not better looked unto: for the greatest occupiers wean least store, because they can buy them (as they say) far better cheap than to raise and bring them up. In my time a cow hath risen from four nobles to four marks by this means, which notwithstanding were no great price if they did yearly bring forth more than one calf a piece, as I hear they do in other countries.  
Our horses moreover are high, 
Horses.  and although not commonly of such huge greatness as in other places of the main: yet if you respect the easiness of their pace, it is hard to say where their like are to be had. Our land doth yield no asses, and therefore we want the generation also of mules and summer's; and therefore the most part of our carriage is made by these, which remaining stoned, are either reserved for the cart, or appointed to bear such burdens as are convenient for them. Our cart or plough horses (for we use them indifferently) are commonly so strong that five or six of them (at the most) will draw three thousand weight of the greatest tale with ease for a long journey, although it be not a load of common usage, which consisteth only of two thousand, or fifty foot of timber, forty bushels of white salt, or six and thirty of bay, or five quarters of wheat, experience daily teacheth, and I have elsewhere remembered. Such as are kept also for burden, will carry four hundred weight commonly, without any hurt or hindrance. This furthermore is to be noted, that our princes and the nobility have their carriage commonly made by carts, whereby it cometh to pass, that when the queens majesty doth remove from any one place to another, there are usually 400 carewares, which amount to the sum of 2400 horses, appointed out of the countries adjoining, whereby her carriage is conveyed safely unto the appointed place. Hereby also the ancient use of summer's and sumpter horses is in manner utterly relinquished, which causeth the trains of our princes in their progresses to show far less than those of the kings of other nations.  
Such as serve for the saddle are commonly gelded, 
Geldings.  and now grown to be very dear among us, especially if they be well coloured, justly limmed, and have thereto an easy ambling pace. For our countrymen, seeking their ease in every corner where it is to be had, delight very much in these qualities, but chiefly in their excellent paces, which besides that it is in manner peculiar unto horses of our soil, and not hurtful to the rider or owner sitting on their backs: it is moreover very pleasant and delectable in his ears, in that the noise of their well proportioned pace doth yield comfortable sound as he traveleth by the way. Yet is there no greater deceit used any where than among our horssekeepers, horssecorsers, and hostelers: for such is the subtle knavery of a great sort of them (without exception of any of them be it spoken which deal for private gain) that an honest meaning man shall have very good luck among them, if he be not deceived by some false trick or other. There are certain notable markets, wherein great plenty of horses and colts is bought and sold, and whereunto such as have need resort yearly to buy and make their necessary provision of them, as Rippon, Newport pond, Wolfpit, Harborow, and diverse other. But as most drovers are very diligent to bring great store of these unto those places; so many of them are too too lewd in abusing such as buy them. For they have a custom to make them look fair to the eye, when they come within two days journey of the market, to drive them till they sweat, & for the space of eight or twelve hours, which being done they turn them all over the backs into some water, where they stand for a season, and then go forward with them to the place appointed, where they make sale of their infected ware, and such as by this means do fall into many diseases and maladies. Of such outlandish horses as are daily brought over unto us I speak not, as the jennet of Spain, the courser of Naples, the hobby of Ireland, the Flemish roil, and Scotish nag, because that further speech of them cometh not within the compass of this treatise, and for whose breed and maintenance (especially of the greatest sort) king Henry the eight erected a noble studderie and for a time had very good success with them, till the officers waxing weary, procured a mixed brood of bastard races, whereby his good purpose came to little effect. Sir Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred the best horses in England, and written of the manner of their production: would to God his compass of ground were like to that of Pella in Syria, wherein the king of that nation had usually a studderie of 30000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo doth remember Lib. 16. But to leave this, let us see what may be said of sheep.  
Our sheep are very excellent, 
Sheep.  sith for sweetness of flesh they pass all other. And so much are our wools to be preferred before those of Milesia and other places, that if jason had known the value of them that are bred, and to be had in Britain, he would never have gone to Colchis, to look for any there. For as Dionysius Alexandrinus saith in his De situ orbis, it may by spinning be made comparable to the spider's web. What fools then are our countrymen, in that they seek to bereave themselves of this commodity, by practising daily how to transfer the same to other nations, in carrying over their rams & ewes to breed & increase among them? The first example hereof was given under Edward the fourth, who not understanding the bottom of the suit of sundry traitorous merchants, that sought a present gain with the perpetual hindrance of their country, licensed them to carry over certain numbers of them into Spain, who having licence but for a few shipped veris many: a thing commonly practised in other commodities also, whereby the prince and her land are not seldom times defrauded. But such is our nature, and so blind are we in deed, that we see no inconvenience before we feel it: and for a present gain we regard not what damage may ensue to our posterity. Hereto some other man would add also the desire that we have to benefit other countries, and to impech our own. And it is so sure as God liveth, that every trifle which cometh from beyond the sea, though it be not worth three pence, is more esteemed than a continual commodity at home with us, which far exceedeth that value. In time past the use of this commodity consisted (for the most part) in cloth and woolsteds: but now by means of strangers succoured here from domestical persecution, the same hath been employed unto sundry other uses, as mockadoes, bay, vellures, grograines, &c: whereby the makers have reaped no small commodity. It is furthermore to be noted, for the low countries of Belgie know it, and daily experience (notwithstanding the sharpness of our laws to the contrary) doth yet confirm it: that although our rams & weathers do go thither from us never so well headed according to their kind: 
Sheep without horns.  yet after they have remained there a while, they cast there their heads, and from thenceforth they remain polled without any horns at all. Certes this kind of cattle is more cherished in England, than standeth well with the commodity of the commons, or prosperity of diverse towns, whereof some are wholly converted to their feeding: yet such a profitable sweetness is their fleece, such necessity in their flesh, and so great a benefit in the manuring of barren soil with their dung and piss, that their superfluous numbers are the better borne withal. And there is never an husbandman (for now I speak not of our great shéepemasters of whom some one man hath 20000) but hath more or less of this cattle séeding on his fallows and short grounds, which yield the finer fleece, as Virgil (following Varro) well espied Georg. 3. where he saith: 
Si tibi lanicium curae, primùm aspera sylua,  
Lappaequae tribulique absint, fuge pabula laeta.   
Nevertheless the sheep of our country are often troubled with the rot (as are our swine with the measles though never so generally) and many men are now and then great losers by the same: but after the calamity is over, if they can recover and keep their new stocks sound for seven years together, the former loss will easily be recompensed with double commodity. Cardan writeth that our waters are hurtful to our sheep, howbeit this is but his conjecture: for we know that our sheep are infected by going to the water, and take the same as a sure and certain token that a rot hath gotten hold of them, their livers and lights being already distempered through excessive heat, which enforceth them the rather to seek unto the water. Certes there is no parcel of the main, wherein a man shall generally find more fine and wholesome water than in England; and therefore it is impossible that our sheep should decay by tasting of the same. Wherefore the hindrance by rot is rather to be ascribed to the unseasonableness & moisture of the weather in summer, also their licking in of mildews, gossamer, rowtie fogs, & rank grass, full of superfluous juice: but specially (I say) to over moist wether, whereby the continual rain piercing into their hollow fells, soaketh forthwith into their flesh, which bringeth them to their baines. Being also infected their first show of sickness is their desire to drink, so that our waters are not unto them Causa aegritudinis, but Signum morbi, what so ever Cardan do maintain to the contrary. There are (& peradventure no small babes) which are grown to be so good husbands, that they can make account of every ten kine to be clearly worth twenty pounds in common and indifferent years, if the milk of five sheep be daily added to the same. But as I wot not how true this surmise is, because it is no part of my trade, so I am sure hereof, that some housewives can and do ad daily a less proportion of ewes milk unto the cheese of so many kine, whereby their cheese doth the longer abide moist, and eateth more brickle and mellow than otherwise it would.  
Goats we have p●ntie, 
Goats.  and of sundry colours in the west parts of England; especially in and towards Wales, and amongst the rocky hills, by whom the owners do reap no small advantage: some also are cherished elsewhere in diverse stéeds for the benefit of such as are diseased with sundry maladies, unto whom (as I hear) their milk, cheese, and bodies of their young kids are judged very profitable, and therefore inquired for of many far and near. Certes I find among the writers, that the milk of a goat is next in estimation to that of the woman; for that it helpeth the stomach, removeth oppilations and stoppings of the liver, and looseth the belly. Some place also next unto it the milk of the ewe: and thirdly that of the cow. But hereof I can show no reason; only this I know, that ewes milk is fulsome, sweet, and such in taste, as except such as are used unto it no man will gladly yield to live and feed withal.  
As for swine, there is no place that hath greater store, 
Swine.  nor more wholesome in eating, than are these here in England, which nevertheless do never any good till they come to the table. Of these some we eat green for pork, and other dried up into bacon to have it of more continuance. Lard we make some though very little, because it is chargeable: neither have we such use thereof as is to be seen in France and other countries, sith we do either bake our meat with sweet suet of beef or mutton, and baste all our meat with sweet or salt butter, or suffer the fattest to baste itself by leisure. In champain countries they are kept by herds, and an hogherd appointed to attend and wait upon them, who commonly gathereth them together by his noise and cry, and leadeth them forth to feed abroad in the fields. In some places also women do scour and wet their clothes with their dung, as other do with hemlocks and nettles: but such is the savour of the clothes touched withal, that I cannot abide to wear them on my body, more than such as are scoured with the refuse soap, than the which (in mine opinion) there is none more unkindly favour.  
Of our tame bores we make brawn, 
Boars.  which is a kind of meat not usually known to strangers (as I take it) otherwise would not the swart Rutters and French cooks, at the loss of Calis (where they found great store of this provision almost in every house) have attempted with ridiculous success to roast, bake, broil, & fry the same for their masters, till they were better informed. I have heard moreover, how a noble man of England, not long since, did send over an hogshead of brawn ready soused to a catholic gentleman of France, who supposing it to be fish, reserved it till Lent, at which time he did eat thereof with very great frugality. Thereto he so well liked of the provision itself, that he wrote over very earnestly & with offer of great recompense for more of the same fish against the year ensuing: whereas if he had known it to have been flesh, he would not have touched it (I dare say) for a thousand crowns without the pope's dispensation. A friend of mine also dwelling sometime in Spain, having certain jews at his table, did set brawn before them, whereof they did eat very earnestly, supposing it to be a kind of fish not common in those parties: but when the goodman of the house brought in the head in pastime among them, to show what they had eaten, they rose from the table, hied them home in haste, each of them procuring himself to vomit, some by oil, and some by other means, till (as they supposed) they had cleansed their stomaches of that prohibited food. With us it is accounted a great piece of service at the table, from November until February be ended; but chiefly in the Christmas time. With the same also we begin our dinners each day after other: and because it is somewhat hard of digestion, a draft of malueseie, bastard, or muscadel, is usually droonke after it, where either of them are conveniently to be had: otherwise the meaner fort content themselves with their own drink, which at that season is generally very strong, and stronger indeed than in all the year beside. It is made commonly of the fore part of a tame boar, set up for the purpose by the space of a whole year or two, 
Brawn of the boar.  especially in gentlemen's houses (for the husbandmen and farmers never frank them for their own use above three or four months, or half a year at the most) in which time he is dieted with oats and peason, and lodged on the bare planks of an uneasy coat, till his fat be hardened sufficiently for their purpose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and cut out, and then of his former parts is our brawn made, 
Baked hog.  the rest is nothing so fat, and therefore it beareth the name of souse only, and is commonly reserved for the serving man and hind, except it please the owner to have any part thereof baked, which are then handled of custom after this manner. The hinder parts being cut off, they are first drawn with lard, and then sodden; being sodden they are soused in claret wine and vinegar a certain space, and afterward baked in pasties, and eaten of many in steed of the wild boar, and truly it is very good meat: the pestles may be hanged up a while to dry before they be drawn with lard if you will, and thereby prove the better. But hereof enough, and therefore to come again unto our brawn. the neck pieces being cut off round, are called collars of brawn, the shoulders are named shilds, only the ribs retain the former denomination, so that these aforesaid pieces deserve the name of brawn: the bowels of the beast are commonly cast away because of their rankness, and so were likewise his stones; till a foolish fantasy got hold of late amongst some delicate dames, who have now found the means to dress them also with great cost for a dainty dish, and bring them to the board as a service among other of like sort, though not without note of their desire to the provocation of fleshly lust, which by this their fond curiosity is not a little revealed. When the boar is thus cut out, each piece is wrapped up, either with bulrushes, osier péeles, tape, inkle, or such like, and then sodden in a lead or cauldron together, till they be so tender that a man may thrust a bruised rush or soft straw clean through the fat: which being done, they take it up, and lay it abroad to cool: afterward putting it into close vessels, they power either good small ale or beer mingled with verjuice and salt thereto till it be covered, and so let it lie (now and then altering and changing the sousing drink lest it should wax sour) till occasion serve to spend it out of the way. Some use to make brawn of great barrow hogs, and seeth them, and souse the whole, as they do that of the bore; and in my judgement it is the better of both, and more easy of digestion. But of brawn thus much; and so much may seem sufficient.   

Of wild and tame fowls. Chap. 2.  
ORder requireth that I speak somewhat of the fowls also of England, which I may easily divide into the wild & tame: but alas such is my small skill in fowls, that to say the truth, I can neither recite their numbers, nor well distinguish one kind of them from another. Yet this I have by general knowledge, that there is no nation under the sun, which hath already in the time of the year more plenty of wild foul than we, for so many kinds as our Island doth bring forth, and much more would have, if those of the higher soil might be spared but one year or two, from the greedy engines of covetous fowlers, which set only for the pot & purse. Certes this enormity bred great trouble in K. john's days, insomuch that going in progress about the tenth of his reign, he found little or no game wherewith to solace himself, or exercise his falcons. Wherefore being at Bristol in the Christmas ensuing, be restrained all manner of hawking or taking of wildfowl throughout England for a season, whereby the land within few years was throughly replenished again. But what stand I upon this impertinent discourse? Of such therefore as are bred in our land, we have the crane, the bitter, the wild & tame swan, the bustard, the herron, curlew, snite, wild-goose, wind or doterell, brant, lark, plover of both sorts, lapwing, teele, widgeon, mallard, sheldrake, shoveller, pewet, seamew, barnacle, quail (who only with man are subject to the falling sickness) the not, the oliet or olife, the dunbird, woodcock, partridge and pheasant, besides diverse other, whose names to me are utterly unknown, and much more the taste of their flesh, wherewith I was never acquainted. But as these serve not at all seasons, so in their several turns there is no plenty of them wanting, whereby the tables of the nobility and gentry should seem at any time furnished. But of all these the production of none is more marvelous in my mind, than that of the barnacle, whose place of generation we have sought oft times so far as the Orchades, whereas peradventure we might have found the same nearer home, and not only upon the coasts of Ireland, but even in our own rivers. If I should say how either these or some such other foul not much unlike unto them have bred of late times (for their place of generation is not perpetual, but as opportunity serveth, and the circumstances do minister occasion) in the Thames mouth, I do not think that many will believe me: yet such a thing hath there been seen, where a kind of foul had his beginning upon a short tender shrub standing near unto the shore, from whence when their time came, they fell down, either into the salt water and lived, or upon the dry land and perished, as Pena the French herbarian hath also noted in the very end of his herbal. What I for mine own part have seen here by experience, I have already so touched in the chapter of islands, that it should be but time spent in vain to repeat it here again. Look therefore in the description of Man or Manaw for more of these barnacles, as also in the eleventh chapter of the description of Scotland, & I do not doubt but you shall in some respect be satisfied in the generation of these fowls. As for egrets, pawpers, and such like, they are daily brought unto us from beyond the sea, as if all the foul of our country could not suffice to satisfy our delicate appetites.  
Our tame foul are such (for the most part) as are common both to us and to other countries, as cocks, hens, geese, ducks, peacocks of Jude, pigeons, now an hurtful foul by reason of their multitudes, and number of houses daily erected for their increase (which the bowers of the country call in scorn alms houses, and dens of thieves, and such like) whereof there is great plenty in every farmer's yard. They are kept there also to be sold either for ready money in the open markets, or else to be spent at home in good company amongst their neighbours without reprehension or fines. Neither are we so miserable in England (a thing only granted unto us by the especial grace of God, and liberty of our princes) as to dine or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make so great a repast with a cock's comb, as they do in some other countries: but if occasion serve, the whole carcases of many capons, hens, pigeons, and such like do oft go to wrack, beside beef, mutton, veal, and lamb: all which at every feast are taken for necessary dishes amongst the commonalty of England.  
The golding of cocks, whereby capons are made, is an ancient practice brought in of old time by the Romans when they dwelled here in this land: but the gelding of turkeys or Indish peacocks is a newer devise: and certainly not used amiss, sith the rankness of that bird is very much abated thereby, and the strong taste of the flesh in sundry wise amended. If I should say that ganders grow also to be gelded, I suppose that some will laugh me to scorn, neither have I tasted at any time of such a foul so served, yet have I heard it more than once to be used in the country, where their geese are driven to the field like herds of cattle by a gooseheard, a toy also no less to be marveled at than the other. For as it is rare to hear of a gelded gander, so is it strange to me to see or hear of geese to be led to the field like sheep: yet so it is, & their gooseheard carrieth a rattle of paper or parchment with him, when he goeth about in the morning to gather his gosting together, the noise whereof cometh no sooner to their ears, than they fall to gaggling, and hasten to go with him. If it happen that the gates be not yet open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to see how they will peep under the doors, and never leave creaking and gaggling till they be let out unto him to overtake their fellows. With us where I dwell they are not kept in this sort, nor in many other places, neither are they kept so much for their bodies as their feathers. Some hold furthermore an opinion, that in over rank soils their dung doth so qualify the batablenesse of the soil, that their cattle is thereby kept from the garget, and sundry other diseases, although some of them come to their ends now and then, by licking up of their feathers. I might here make mention of other fowls producted by the industry of man, as between the pheasant cock and doonghill hen, or between the pheasant and the ringdoove, the peacock and the turkey hen, the partridge and the pigeon: but sith I have no more knowledge of these, than what I have gotten by mine care, I will not meddle with them. Yet Cardan speaking of the second sort, doth affirm it to be a foul of excellent beauty. I would likewise entreat of other fowls which we repute unclean, as ravens, crows, pies, choughes, rooks, kites, iays, ringtailes, starlings, woodspikes, woodnawes, ravens, &c: but sith they abound in all countries, though peradventure most of all in England (by reason of our negligence) I shall not need to spend any time in the rehearsal of them. Neither are our crows and thoughts cherished of purpose to catch up the worms that breed in our soils (as Polydore supposeth) sith there are no uplandish towns but have (or should have) nets of their own in store to catch them withal. Sundry acts of parliament are likewise made for their utter destruction, as also the spoil of other ravenous fouls hurtful to poultry, coneys, lambs, and kids, whose valuation of reward to him that killeth them is after the head: a devise brought from the Goths, who had the like ordinance for the destruction of their white crows, and tale made by the beck, which killed both lambs and pigs. The like order is taken with us for our vermins, as with them also for the rootage out of their wild beasts, saving that they spared their greatest bears, especially the white, whose skins are by custom & privilege reserved to cover those planchers whereupon their priests do stand at Mass, lest he should take some unkind cold in such a long piece of work: and happy is the man that may provide them for him, for he shall have pardon enough for that so religious an act, to last if he will till dooms day do approach; and many thousands after. Nothing therefore can be more unlikely to be true, than that these noisome creatures are nourished amongst us to devour our worms, which do not abound much more in England than elsewhere in other countries of the main. It may be that some look for a discourse also of our other fowls in this place at my hand, as nightingales, thrushes, blackbirds, mavises, ruddocks, redstarts or dunocks, larks, tivits, kingsfishers, buntings, turtles white or grey, linets, bulfinshes, goldfinshes, washtailes, cheriecrackers, yellowhamers, felfares, &c: but I should then spend more time upon them than is convenient. Neither will I speak of our costly and curious aviaries daily made for the better hearing of their melody, and observation of their natures: but I cease also to go any further in these things, having (as I think) said enough already of these that I have named.   

Of fish usually taken upon our coasts. Cap. 3.  
I Have in my description of waters, as occasion hath served, entreated of the names of some of the several fishes which are commonly to be found in our rivers. Nevertheless as every water hath a sundry mixture, and therefore is not stored with every kind: so there is almost no house, even of the meanest bowers, which have not one or more ponds or holes made for reservation of water unstored with some of them, as with tench, carp, bream, roch, dace, eels, or such like as will live and breed together. Certes it is not possible for me to deliver the names of all such kinds of fishes as our rivers are found to bear: yet lest I should seem injurious to the reader, in not delivering so many of them as have been brought to my knowledge, I will not let to set them down as they do come to mind. Besides the salmons therefore, which are not to be taken from the midst of September to the midst of November, and are very plentiful in our greatest rivers, as their young store are not to be touched from mid April unto Midsummer, we have the trout, barbell, graile, pout, chevin, pike, goodgeon, smelled, perch, menan, shrimps, crevices, lamprieys, and such like, whose preservation is provided for by very sharp laws, not only in our rivers, but also in plashes or lakes and ponds, which otherwise would bring small profit to the owners, and do much harm by continual maintenance of idle persons, who would spend their whole times upon their banks, not coveting to labour with their hands, nor follow any good trade. Of all these there are none more prejudicial to their neighbours that dwell in the same water, than the pike and éele, which commonly devour such fish or fry and spawn as they may get and come by. Nevertheless, the pike is friend unto the tench, as to his leech & surgeon. For when the fishmonger hath opened his side and laid out his rivet and fat unto the buyer, for the better utterance of his ware, and can not make him away at that present, he layeth the same again into the proper place, and sowing up the wound, he restoreth him to the pond where tenches are, who never cease to suck and lick his grieved place, till they have restored him to health, and made him ready to come again to the stall, when his turn shall come about. I might here make report how the pike, carp, and some other of our river fishes are sold by inches of clean fish, from the eyes or gills to the crotch of the tails, but it is needless: also how the pike as he ageth, receiveth diverse names, as from a fry to a gilthed, from a gilthed to a pod, from a pod to a jack, from a jack to a pickerel, from a pickerel to a pike, and last of all to a luce; also that a salmon is the first year a gravellin, and commonly so big as an herring, the second a salmon peal, the third a pug, and the fourth a salmon: but this is in like sort unnecessary.  
I might finally tell you, how that in fenny rivers sides if you cut a turf, and lay it with the grass downwards, upon the earth, in such sort as the water may touch it as it passeth by, you shall have a brood of éeles, it would seem a wonder; and yet it is believed with no less assurance of some, than that an horse hair laid in a pale full of the like water will in short time stir and become a living creature. But sith the certainty of these things is rather proved by few than the certainty of them known unto many, I let it pass at this time. Nevertheless this is generally observed in the maintenance of fry so well in rivers as in ponds, that in the time of spawn we use to throw in faggots made of willow and sallow, and now and then of bushes for want of the other, whereby such spawn as falleth into the same is preserved and kept from the pike, perch, éele and other fish, of which the carp also will feed upon his own, and thereby hinder the store and increase of proper kind. Some use in every fift or seventh year to lay their great ponds dry for all the summer time, to the end they may gather grass, and a thin swart for the fish to feed upon; and afterwards store them with bréeders, after the water be let of new again into them: finally, when they have spawned, they draw out the bréeders, leaving not above four or six behind, even in the greatest ponds, by means whereof the rest do prosper the better: and this observation is most used in carp and bream; as for perch (a delicate fish) it prospereth every where, I mean so well in ponds as rivers, and also in motes and pits, as I do know by experience, though their bottoms be but clay. More would I write of our fresh fish, if any more were needful; wherefore I will now turn over unto such of the salt water as are taken upon out coasts. As our fowls therefore have their seasons, so likewise have all our sorts of sea fish: whereby it cometh to pass that none, or at the leastwise very few of them are to be had at all times. Nevertheless, the seas that environ our coasts, are of all other most plentiful: for as by reason of their depth they are a great succour, so our low shores minister great plenty of food unto the fish that come thereto, no place being void or barren, either through want of food for them, or the falls of filthy rivers, which naturally annoy them. In December therefore and januarie we commonly abound in herring and red fish, as rochet, and gurnard. In February and March we feed on plaice, trout, turbot, muscles, etc. In April and May, with makrell, and cockles. In june and julie, with conger. In August and September, with haddock and herring: and the two months ensuing with the same, as also thornbacke and reigh of all sorts; all which are the most usual, and wherewith our common sort are best of all refreshed.  
For mine own part I am greatly acquainted neither with the seasons, nor yet with the fish itself: and therefore if I should take upon me to describe or speak of either of them absolutely, I should enterprise more than I am able to perform, and go in hand with a greater matter than I can well bring about. It shall suffice therefore to declare what sorts of fishes I have most often seen, to the end I may not altogether pass over this chapter without the rehearsal of something, although the whole sum of that which I have to say be nothing indeed, if the performance of a full discourse hereof be any thing hardly required.  
Of fishes therefore as I find five sorts, the flat, the round, the long, the legged and shelled: so the flat are divided into the smooth, scaled and tailed. Of the first are the plaice, the but, the turbot, birt, floke or sea flounder, dorreie, dab, etc. Of the second the soles, etc. Of the third, 
Flat fish.  our chaits, maidens, kingsons, flath and thornbacke, whereof the greater be for the most part either dried and carried into other countries, or sodden, soused, & eaten here at home, whilst the lesser be fried or buttered; soon after they be taken as provision not to be kept long for fear of putrefaction. Under the round kinds are commonly comprehended lumps, 
Round fish.  an ugly fish to sight, and yet very delicate in eating, if it be kindly dressed: the whiting (an old waiter or servitor in the court) the rochet, sea bream, pirle, hake, sea trout, gurnard, haddock, cod, herring, pilchard, sprat, and such like. And these are they whereof I have best knowledge, and be commonly to be had in their times upon our coasts. Under this kind also are all the great fish contained, as the seal, the dolphin, the porpoise, the thirlepole, whale, and whatsoever is round of body be it never so great and huge. Of the long sort are congers, eels, garefish, and such other of that form. 
Long fish.  Finally, of the legged kind we have not many, neither have I seen any more of this sort than the Polypus called in English the lobstar, 
Legged fish.  crayfish or crevice, and the crab. As for the little crafish they are not taken in the sea, but plentifully in our fresh rivers in banks, and under stones, where they keep themselves in most secret manner; and oft by likeness of colour with the stones among which they lie, deceive even the skilful takers of them, except they use great diligence. Carolus Stephanus in his maison rustic, doubted whether these lobster's be fish or not; and in the end concludeth them to grow of the purgation of the water as doth the frog, and these also not to be eaten, for that they be strong and very hard of digestion. But hereof let other determine further.  
I might here speak of sundry other fishes now and then taken also upon our coasts: but sith my mind is only to touch either all such as are usually gotten, or so many of them only as I can well rehearse upon certain knowledge, I think it good at this time to forbear the further entreaty of them. As touching the shellie sort, we have plenty of oysters, whose valour in old time for their sweetness was not unknown in Rome (although Mutianus as Pliny noteth lib. 32, cap. 6. prefer the Cyzicene before them) and these we have in like manner of diverse quantities, and no less variety also of our muscles and cockles. We have in like sort no small store of great whelks, scalops and periwinkles, and each of them brought far into the land from the sea coast in their several seasons. And albeit our oysters are generally forborn in the four hot months of the year, that is to say, May, june, julie, and August, which are void of the letter R: yet in some places they be continually eaten, where they be kept in pits as I have known by experience. And thus much of our sea fish, as a man in manner utterly unacquainted with their diversity of kinds: yet so much have I yielded to do, hoping hereafter to say some what more, and more orderly of them, if it shall please God that I may live and have leisure once again to peruse this treatise, and so make up a perfect piece of work, of that which as you now see is very slenderly attempted and begun.   

Of savage beasts and vermins. Chap. 4.  
IT is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath endued this Island, that it is void of noisome beasts, as lions, bears, tigers, pards, wolves, & such like, by means whereof our countrymen may travel in safety, & our herds and flocks remain for the most part abroad in the field without any herdman or keeper.  
This is chiefly spoken of the south and south-west parts of the Island. For whereas we that dwell on this side of the Twed, may safely boast of our security in this behalf: yet cannot the Scots do the like in every point within their kingdom, sith they have grievous wolves and cruel foxes, beside some other of like disposition continually conversant among them, to the general hindrance of their husbandmen, and no small damage unto the inhabiters of those quarters. The happy and fortunate want of these beasts in England is universally ascribed to the politic government of king Edgar, 
wolves.  who to the intent the whole country might once be cleansed and clearly rid of them, charged the conquered Welshmen (who were then pestered with these ravenous creatures above measure) to pay him a yearly tribute of wolves skins, 
Tribute of wolves skins.  to be gathered within the land. He appointed them thereto a certain number of three hundred, with free liberty for their prince to hunt & pursue them over all quarters of the realm; as our chronicles do report. Some there be which writ how Ludwall prince of Wales paid yearly to king Edgar this tribute of three hundred wolves, whose carcases being brought into Lhoegres, were buried at Wolfpit in Cambridgeshire, and that by means thereof within the compass and term of four years, none of those noisome creatures were left to be heard of within Wales and England. Since this time also we read not that any wolf hath been seen here that hath been bred within the bounds and limits of our country: howbeit there have been diverse brought over from beyond the seas for greediness of gain, and to make money only by the gazing and gaping of our people upon them, who covet oft to see them being strange beasts in their eyes, and seldom known (as I have said) in England.  
Lions we have had very many in the north parts of Scotland, and those with manes of no less force than they of Mauritania were sometimes reported to be; but how and when they were destroyed as yet I do not read. They had in like sort no less plenty of wild and cruel bulls, which the princes and their nobility in the frugal time of the land did hunt, and follow for the trial of their manhood, and by pursuit either on horseback or foot in armour; notwithstanding that many times they were dangerously assailed by them. But both these savage creatures are now not heard of, or at the least wise the later scarcely known in the south parts. Howbeit it this I gather by their being here, that our Island was not cut from the main by the great deluge or flood of Noah: but long after, otherwise the generation of those & other like creatures could not have extended into our islands. For, that any man would of set purpose replenish the country with them for his pleasure and pastime in hunting, I can in no wise believe.  
Of foxes we have some but no great store, 
Foxes.  and also badgers in our sandy & light grounds, 
badger's.  where woods, firzes, broom, and plenty of shrubs are to shroud them in, when they be from their borrows, and thereto warrens of coneys at hand to feed upon at will. Otherwise in clay, which we call the cledgie mould, we seldom hear of any, because the moisture and toughness of the soil is such, as will not suffer them to draw and make their borrows deep. Certes if I may freely say what I think, I suppose that these two kinds (I mean foxes and badgers) are rather preserved by gentlemen to hunt and have pastime withal at their own pleasures, than otherwise suffered to live, as not able to be destroyed because of their great numbers. For such is the scantitie of them here in England, in comparison of the plenty that is to be seen in other countries, and so earnestly are the inhabitants bend to root them out, that except it had been to bear thus with the recreations of their superiors in this behalf, it could not otherwise have been chosen, but that they should have been utterly destroyed by many years agone.  
I might here entreat largely of other vermin, as the polecat, 
Bevers.  the miniver, the weasel, stote, fulmart, squirrel, fitchew, and such like, which Cardan includeth under the word Mustela: also of the otter, and likewise of the beaver, whose hinder feet and tail only are supposed to be fish. Certes the tail of this beast is like unto a thin whetstone, as the body unto a monstruous rat: the beast also itself is of such force in the teeth, that it will gnaw an hole through a thick plank, or shear through a double billet in a night; it loveth also the stillest rivers: & it is given to them by nature, to go by flocks unto the woods at hand, where they gather sticks wherewith to build their nests, wherein their bodies lie dry above the water, although they so provide most commonly, that they tails may hang within the same. It is also reported that their said tails are a delicate dish, and their stones of such medicinable force, that (as Vertomannus saith) four men smelling unto them each after other did bleed at the nose through their attractive force, proceeding from a vehement savour wherewith they are endued: there is greatest plenty of them in Persia, chiefly about Balascham, from whence they and their dried cods are brought into all quarters of the world, though not without some forgery by such as provide them. And of all these here remembered, as the first sorts are plentiful in every wood and hedgerow: so these latter, especially the otter (for to say the truth we have not many bevers, but only in the Teisie in Wales) is not wanting or to seek in many, but most streams and rivers of this isle: but it shall suffice in this sort to have named them as I do finally the marten, 
Marterns.  a beast of the chase, although for number I worthily doubt whether that of our bevers or martens may be thought to be the less.  
Other pernicious beasts we have not, except you repute the great plenty of red & fallow deer, whose colours are oft garled white and black, all white or all black, and store of coneys amongst the hurtful fort. Which although that of themselves they are not offensive at all, yet their great numbers are thought to be very prejudicial, and therefore justly reproved of many; as are in like sort our huge flocks of sheep, whereon the greatest part of our soil is employed almost in every place, and yet our mutton, wool, and sells never the better cheap. The young males which our fallow deer do bring forth, are commonly named according to their several ages: for the first year it is a sawn, the second a puckot, the third a ●●rell, the fourth a soar, the fift a buck of the first head; not bearing the name of a buck till he be five years old: and from henceforth his age is commonly known by his head or horns. Howbeit this notice of his years is not so certain, but that the best woodman may now and then he deceived in that account: for in some grounds a buck of the first head will be so well headed as another in a high rowtie soil will be in the fourth. It is also much to be marveled at, that whereas they do yéerelie new and cast their horns: yet in fight they never break off where they do grief or mew. Furthermore, in examining the condition of our red deer, I find that the young male is called in the first year a calf, in the second a broket, the third a spaie, the fourth a stagon or stag, the fift a great stag, the sixth an hart, and so forth unto his death. And with him in degree of venery are accounted the hare, bore, and wolf. The fallow deer as bucks and does, are nourished in parks, and coneys in warrens and burrows. As for hares, they run at their own adventure, except some gentleman or other (for his pleasure) do make an enclosure for them. 
Stags.  Of these also the stag is accounted for the most noble game, the fallow deer is the next, than the roe, whereof we have indifferent store; and last of all the hare, not the least in estimation, because the hunting of that seely beast is mother to all the terms, blasts, and artificial devices that hunters do use. All which (notwithstanding our custom) are pastimes more meet for ladies and gentlewomen to exercise (whatsoever Franciscus Patritius saith to the contrary in his institution of a prince) than for men of courage to follow, whose hunting should practise their arms in tasting of their manhood, and dealing with such beasts as eftsoons will turn again, and offer them the hardest rather than their horses feet, which many times may carry them with dishonour from the field. Surely this noble kind of hunting only did great princes frequent in times past, as it may yet appear by the histories of their times, especially of Alexander, who at vacant times hunted the tiger, the pard, the boar, and the bear, but most willingly lions, because of the honourable estimation of that beast; insomuch that at one time he caused an odd or chosen lion (for force and beauty) to be let forth unto him hand to hand, with whom he had much business, albeit that in the end he overthrew and killed the beast. Hereunto beside that which we read of the usual hunting of the princes and kings of Scotland, of the wild bull, wolf, &c: the example of king Henry the first of England, who disdaining (as he termed them) to follow or pursue cowards, cherished of set purpose sundry kinds of wild beasts, as bears, libards, ounces, lions at Woodstock, & one or two other places in England, which he walled about with hard stone, An. 1120, and where he would often fight with some one of them hand to hand, when they did turn again and make any raise upon him: but chiefly he loved to hunt the lion and the bore, which are both very dangerous exercises, especially that with the lion, except some policy be found wherewith to trouble his eyesight in any manner of wise. For though the bore be fierce, and hath learned by nature to harden his flesh and skin against the trees, to sharpen his teeth, and defile himself with earth, thereby to prohibit the entrance of the weapons: yet is the sport somewhat more easy, especially where two stand so near together, that the one (if need be) may help and be a succour to the other. Neither would he cease for all this to follow his pastime, either on horseback or on foot, as occasion served, much like the younger Cyrus. I have read of wild bores and bulls to have been about Blackleie near Manchester, whither the said prince would now and then resort also for his solace in that behalf, as also to come by those excellent falcons then bred thereabouts; but now they are gone, especially the bulls, as I have said already.  
King Henry the fift in his beginning thought it a mere scofferie to pursue any fallow deer with hounds or greihounds, but supposed himself always to have done a sufficient act when he had tired them by his own travel on foot, and so killed them with his hands in the upshot of that exercise and end of his recreation. Certes herein he resembled Polymnestor Milesius, of whom it is written, how he ran so swiftly, that he would and did very often overtake hares for his pleasure, which I can hardly believe: and therefore much less that one Lidas did run so lightly and swiftly after like game, that as he passed over the sand, he left not so much as the prints of his feet behind him. And thus did very many in like sort with the hart (as I do read) but this I think was very long agone, when men were far higher and swifter than they are now: and yet I deny not, but rather grant willingly that the hunting of the red dear is a right princely pastime. In diverse foreign countries they cause their red and fallow dear to draw the plough, as we do our oxen and horses. 
Hinds have been milked  In some places also they milk their hinds as we do here our kine and goats. And the experience of this latter is noted by Giraldus Cambrensis to have been seen and used in Wales, where he did eat cheese made of hind's milk, at such time as Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie preached the croisad there, when they were both lodged in a gentleman's house, whose wife of purpose kept a deirie of the same. As for the ploughing with ures (which I suppose to be unlikely) because they are (in mine opinion) untameable and alkes a thing commonly used in the east countries; here is no place to speak of it, since we want these kind of beasts, neither is it my purpose to entreat at large of other things than are to be seen in England. Wherefore I will omit to say any more of wild and sanage beasts at this time, thinking myself to have spoken already sufficiently of this matter, if not too much in the judgement of the curious.   

Of hawks and ravenous fowls. Chap. 5.  
I Can not make (as yet) any just report how many sorts of hawks are bred within this relame. Howbeit which of those that are usually had among us are disclosed with in this land, I think it more easy and loss difficult to set down. First of all therefore that we have the eagle, common experience doth evidently confirm, and diverse of our rocks whereon they breed, if speech did serve, could well declare the same. But the most excellent airy of all is not much from Chester, at a castle called Dinas Bren, sometime builded by Brennus, as our writers do remember. Certes this castle is no great thing, but yet a pile sometime very strong and inaccessible for enemies, though now all ruinous as many other are. It standeth upon an hard rock, in the side whereof an eagle breedeth every year. This also is notable in the overthrow of her nest (a thing oft attempted) that he which goeth thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so provide to be let down thereto, that he may sit in the one and be covered with the other: for otherwise the eagle would kill him, and tear the flesh from his bones with her sharp talons though his apparel were never so good. The common people call this foul an earn, but as I am ignorant whither the word eagle and earn do show any difference of sex, I mean between the male and female, so we have great store of them. And near to the places where they breed, the commons complain of great harm to be done by them in their fields: for they are able to bear a young lamb or kid unto their nests, therewith to feed their young and come again for more. I was once of the opinion that there was a diversity of kind between the eagle and the earn, till I perceived that our nation used the word earn in most places for the eagle. We have also the lanner and the lanneret: the tersell and the gosehawke: the musket and the sparhawke: the tack and the hobby: and finally some (though very few) marlions. And these are all the hawks that I do hear as yet to be bred within this Island. Howbeit as these are not wanting with us, so as they not very plentiful: wherefore such as delight in hawking do make their chief purveyance & provision for the same out of Dansk, Germany, and the Eastcountries, from whence we have them in great abundance, and at excessive prices, whereas at home and where they be bred they are sold for almost right nought, and usually brought to the markets as chickens, pullets and pigeons are with us, and there bought up to be eaten (as we do the aforesaid fowls) almost of every man. It is said that the sparhawke preieth not upon the foul in the morning that she taketh over even, but as loath to have double benefit by one seely foul, doth let it go to make some shift for itself. But hereof as I stand in some doubt, so this I find among the writers worthy the noting, that the sparhawke is enemy to young children, as is also the ape; but of the peacock she is marvelously afraid & so appalled, that all courage & stomach for a time is taken from her upon the sight thereof. But to proceed with the rest. Of other ravenous birds we have also very great plenty, as the buzzard, the kite, the ringtaile, dunkite, & such as often annoy our country dames by spoiling of their young breeds of chickens, ducks and goslings, whereunto our very ravens and crows have learned also the way: and so much are our ravens given to this kind of spoil, that some idle and curious heads of set purpose have manned, reclaimed, and used them in steed of hawks, when other could not be had. Some do imagine that the raven should be the vulture, and I was almost persuaded in times past to believe the same: but finding of late a description of the vulture, which better agreeth with the form of a second kind of eagle, I freely surcease to be longer of that opinion: for as it hath after a sort the shape, colour, and quantity of an eagle, so are the legs and feet more hairy and rough, their sides under their wings better covered with thick down (wherewith also their gorge or a part of their breast under their throats is armed, and not with feathers) than are the like parts of the eagle, and unto which portraiture there is no member of the raven (who is also very black of colour) that can have any resemblance: we have none of them in England to my knowledge, if we have, they go generally under the name of eagle or herne. Neither have we the pygargus or gripe, wherefore I have no occasion to entreat further. I have seen the carrion crows so cunning also by their own industry of late, that they have used to soar over great rivers (as the Thames for example) & suddenly coming down have caught a small fish in their feet & gone away withal without wetting of their wings. And even at this present the aforesaid river is not without some of them, a thing (in my opinion) not a little to be wondered at. We have also ospraies which breed with us in parks and woods, whereby the keepers of the same do reap in breeding time no small commodity: for so soon almost as the young are hatched, they tie them to the but ends or ground ends of sundry trees, where the old ones finding them, do never cease to bring fish unto them, which the keepers take & eat from them, and commonly is such as is well fed, or not of the worst sort. It hath not been my hap hitherto to see any of these fowls, & partly through mine own negligence: but I hear that it hath one foot like an hawk to catch hold withal, and another resembling a goose wherewith to swim; but whether it be so or not so, I refer the further search and trial thereof unto some other. This nevertheless is certain that both alive and dead, yea even her very oil is a deadly terror to such fish as come within the wind of it. There is no cause wherefore I should describe the cormorant amongst hawks, of which some be black and many pied chiefly about the isle of Elie, where they are taken for the night raven, except I should call him a water hawk. But sith such dealing is not convenient, let us now see what may be said of our venomous worms, and how many kinds we have of them within our realm and country.   

Of venomous beasts. Chap. 6.  
IF I should go about to make any long discourse of venomous beasts or worms bred in England, I should attempt more than occasion itself would readily offer, sith we have very few worms, but no beasts at all, that are thought by their natural qualities to be either venomous or hurtful. First of all therefore we have the adder (in our old Saxon tongue called an atter) which some men do not rashly take to be the viper. Certes if it be so, then is it not the viper author of the death of her 
* Galenus de Theriaca ad Pisonem,  parents, as some histories affirm; and thereto Encelius a late writer in his De re metallica, lib. 3. cap. 38. 
* Plin. lib. 10. cap. 62.  where he maketh mention of a she adder which he saw in Sala, whose womb (as he saith) was eaten out after a like fashion, her young ones lying by her in the sun shine, as if they had been earth worms. Nevertheless as he nameth them Viperas, so he calleth the male Echiss, and the female Echidna, concluding in the end that Echis is the same serpent which his countrymen to this day call Ein atter, as I have also noted before out of a Saxon dictionary. For my part I am persuaded that the slaughter of their parents is either not true at all, or not always (although I doubt not but that nature hath right well provided to inhibit their superfluous increase by some means or other) and so much the rather am I led hereunto, for that I gather by Nicander, that of all venomous worms the viper only bringeth out her young alive, and therefore is called in Latin Vipera quasi vivipara: but of her own death he doth not (to my remembrance) say any thing. It is testified also by other in other words, & to the like sense, that Echis id est vipera sola exserpentibus non ouased animalia parit. And it may well be, for I remember that I have read in Philostratus De vita Appollonij, 
Adder or viper.  how he saw a viper licking her young. I did see an adder once myself that lay (as I thought) sleeping on a moulehill, out of whose mouth came eleven young adders of twelve or thirteen inches in length a piece, which played to and fro in the grass one with another, till some of them espied me. 
See Aristotle, Animalium lib. 5. cap. ultimo, & Theophrast. lib. 7. cap. 13.  So soon therefore as they saw my face, they ran again into the mouth of their dam, whom I killed, and then found each of them shrouded in a distinct cell or pannicle in her belly, much like unto a soft white jelly, which maketh me to be of the opinion that our adder is the viper indeed. The colour of their skin is for the most part like rusty iron or iron grey: but such as be very old resemble a ruddy blue, & as once in the year, to wit, in April or about the beginning of May they cast their old skins (whereby as it is thought their age reneweth) so their stinging bringeth death without present remedy be at hand, the wounded never ceasing to swell, neither the venem to work till the skin of the one break, and the other ascend upward to the hart, where it finisheth the natural effect, except the ivico of dragons (in Latin called Dracunculus minor) he speedily ministered and drunk in strong ale, or else some other medicine taken of like force, that may countervail and overcome the venem of the same. The length of them is most commonly two foot and somewhat more, but seldom doth it extend unto two foot six inches, except it be in some rare and monstruous one: 
Snakes.  whereas our snakes are much longer; and seen sometimes to surmount a yard, or three foot, although their poison be nothing so grievous and deadly as the others. Our adders lie in winter under stones, as Aristotle also saith of the viper Lib. 8. cap. 15. and in holes of the earth, rotten stubs of trees, and amongst the dead leaves: but in the heat of the summer they come abroad, and lie either round on beapes, or at length von some hillock, or elsewhere in the grass. They are found only in our woodland countries and highest grounds, where sometimes (though seldom) a speckled stone called Echites, in dutch Ein atter stain, is gotten out of their dried carcases, which divers report to be good against their poison. As for our snakes, which in Latin are properly named Angues, 
Sol. cap. 40.  they commonly are seen in moors, 
Plin. lib. 37. cap. 11.  fens, lomie walls, and low bottoms.  
And as we have greats store of toads where adders commonly are found, 
Toads.  so do frogs abound where snakes do keep their residence. 
Frogs.  We have also the sloworme, 
Sloworme.  which is black and graieth of colour, and somewhat shorter than an adder. I was at the kill once of one of them, and there by perceived that she was not so called of any want of nimble motion, but rather of the contrary. Nevertheless we have a blind worm to be found under logs in woods, and timber that hath lain long in a place, which some also do call (and upon better ground) by the name of flow worms, and they are known easily by their more or less variety of striped colours, drawn long ways from their heads, their whole bodies little exceeding a foot in length, & yet is there venem deadly. This also is not to be omitted, that now an then in our fenny countries, other kinds of serpents are found of greater quantity than either our adder or our snake: but as these are not ordinary and oft to be seen, so I mean not to entreat of them among our common annoyances. Neither have we the scorpion, a plague of God sent not long since into Italy, and whose poison (as Apollodorus saith) is white, neither the tarantula or Neopolitan spider, whose poison bringeth death, except music be at hand. Wherefore I suppose our country to be the more happy (I mean in part) for that it is void of these two grievous annoyances, wherewith other nations are plagued.  
We have also efts, both of the land and water, 
Efts.  and likewise the noisome swifts, 
Swifts.  whereof to say any more it should be but loss of time, sith they are well known; and no region to my knowledge found to be void of many of them. 
Flies.  As for flies (sith it shall not be amiss a little to touch them also) we have none that can do hurt or hindrance naturally unto any: for whether they be cut wasted, 
Cutwasted▪ whole bodied.  or whole bodied, 
Hornets.  they are void of poison and all venomous inclination. 
Wasps.  The cut or girt wasted (for so I English the word Insecta) are the hornets, wasps, bees, and such like, whereof we have great store, and of which an opinion is conceived, that the first do breed of the corruption of dead horses, the second of pears and apples corrupted, and the last of kine and oxen: which may be true, especially the first and latter in some parts of the beast, and not their whole substances, as also in the second, sith we have never wasps, but when our fruit beginneth to wax ripe. In deed Virgil and others speak of a generation of bees, by killing or smothering of a bruised bullock or calf, and laying his bowls or his flesh wrapped up in his hide in a close house for a certain season; but how true it is hitherto I have not tried. Yet sure I am of this, that no one living creature corrupteth without the production of another; as we may see by ourselves, whose flesh doth alter into louse; and also in sheep for excessive numbers of flesh flies, if they be suffered to lie unburied or uneaten by the dogs and swine, who often and happily prevent such needless generations.  
As concerning bees, I think it good to remember, that whereas some ancient writers affirm it to be a commodity wanting in our Island, it is now found to be nothing so. In old time peradventure we had none in deed, but in my days there is such plenty of them in manner every where, that in some uplandish towns▪ there are one hundred, or two hundred hives of them, although the said hives are not so huge as those of the east country, but far less, as not able to contain above one bushel of corn, or five pecks at the most. Pliny (a man that of set purpose delighteth to write of wonders) speaking of honey noteth that in the north regions the hives in his time were of such quantity, that some one comb contained eight foot in length, & yet (as it should seem) he speaketh not of the greatest. For in Podolia, which is now subject to the king of Poland, their hives are so great and combs so abundant, that huge bores overturning and falling into them, are drowned in the honey, before they can recover & find the means to come out.  
Our honey also is taken and reputed to be the best, 
Honey.  because it is harder, better wrought, and cleanlier vesselled up, than that which cometh from beyond the sea, where they stamp and strain their combs, bees, and young blowings altogether into the stuff, as I have been informed. In use also of medicine our physicians and apothecary's eschew the foreign, especially that of Spain and Ponthus, by reason of a venomous quality naturally planted in the same, as some writ, and choose the home made: not only by reason of our soil, which hath no less plenty of wild thime growing therein than in Sicilia, & about Athens, and maketh the best stuff; as also for that it breedeth (being gotten in harvest time) less choler, and which is oftentimes (as I have seen by experience) so white as sugar, and corned as if it were salt. Our hives are made commonly of rye straw, and wadled about with bramble quarters: but some make the same of wicker, and cast them over with clay. We cherish none in trees, but set our hives somewhere on the warmest side of the house, providing that they may stand dry and without danger both of the mouse and moth. This furthermore is to be noted, that whereas in vessels of oil, that which is nearest the top is counted the finest, and of wine that in the midst: so of honey the best which is heaviest and moistes is always next the bottom, and evermore casteth and driveth his dregs upward toward the very top, contrary to the nature of other liquid substances, whose groonds and léeze do generally settle downwards. And thus much as by the way of our bees and English honey.  
As for the whole bodied, as the cantharides, and such venomous creatures of the same kind, to be abundantly found in other countries, we hear not of them: yet have we béetles, horseflies, turdbugs or dorres (called in Latin Scarabei) the locust or the grasshoppers (which to me do seem to be one thing, as I will anon declare) and such like, whereof let other entreat that make an exercise in catching of flies, but a far greater sport in offering them to spiders. As did Domitian sometime, and an other prince yet living, who delighted so much to see the jolly combats betwixt a stout fly and an old spider, that diverse men have had great rewards given them for their painful provision of flies made only for this purpose. Some parasites also in the time of the aforesaid emperor, (when they were disposed to laugh at his folly, and yet would seem in appearance to gratify his fantastical head with some show of dutiful demeanour) could devise to set their lord on work, by letting a flesh fly privily into his chamber, which he forthwith would eagerly have hunted (all other business set apart) and never ceased till he had caught her into his fingers: whereupon arose the proverb, Ne musca quidem, uttered first by Vibius Priscus, who being asked whether any body was with Domitian, answered, Nemusca quidem, whereby he noted his folly. There are some cockescombs here and there in England, learning it abroad as men transregionate, which make account also of this pastime, as of a notable matter, telling what a fight is seen between them, if either of them be lusty and courageous in his kind. One also hath made a book of the spider and the fly, wherein he dealeth so profoundly, and beyond all measure of skill, that neither he himself that made it, neither any one that readeth it, can reach unto the meaning thereof. But if those jolly fellows in steed of the straw that they thrust into the flies tale (a great injury no doubt to such a noble champion) would bestow the cost to set a fools cap upon their own heads: then might they with more security and less reprehension behold these notable battles.  
Now as concerning the locust, I am led by diverse of my country, who (as they say) were either in Germany, Italy, or Pannonia, 1542, when those nations were greatly annoyed with that kind of fly, and affirm very constantly, that they saw none other creature than the grasshopper, during the time of that annoyance, which was said to come to them from the Meotides. In most of our translations also of the bible, the word Locusta is Englished a grasshopper, and thereunto Leuit. 11. it is reputed among the clean food, otherwise john the Baptist would never have lived with them in the wilderness. In Barbary, Numidia, 
See Diodorus Siculus.  and sundry other places of Africa, as they have been, so are they eaten to this day powdered in barels, and therefore the people of those parts are called Acedophagi: nevertheless they shorten the life of the eaters by the production at the last of an irksome and filthy disease. In India they are three foot long, in Ethiopia much shorter, but in England seldom above an inch. As for the cricket called in Latin Cicada, he hath some likelihood, but not very great, with the grasshopper, and therefore he is not to be brought in as an umpire in this case. Finally Matthiolus, and so many as describe the locust, do set down none other form than that of our grasshopper, which maketh me so much the more to rest upon my former imagination, which is, that the locust and grasshopper are one.   

Of our English dogs and their qualities. Chap. 7.  
THere is no country that may (as I take it) compare with ours, in number, excellency, and diversity of dogs. And therefore if Polycrates of Samia were now alive, he would not send to Epyro for such merchandise: but to his further cost provide them out of Britain, as an ornament to his country, and piece of husbandry for his common wealth, which he furnished of set purpose with Molossian and Lacaonian dogs, as he did the same also with sheep out of Attica and Miletum, goats from Scyro and Naxus, swine out of Sicilia, and artificers out of other places. Howbeit the learned doctor Caius in his Latin treatise unto Gesner De canibus Anglicis, bringeth them all into three sorts: that is, the gentle kind serving for game: the homely kind apt for sundry uses: and the currish kind meet for many toys. For my part I can say no more of them than he hath done already. Wherefore I will here set down only a sum of that which he hath written of their names and natures, with the addition of an example or two now lately had in experience, whereby the courages of our mastiffs shall yet more largely appear. As for those of other countries I have not to deal with them: neither care I to report out of Pliny, that dogs were sometime killed in sacrifice, and sometime their whelps eaten as a delicate dish, Lib. 29. cap. 4. Wherefore if any man be disposed to read of them, let him resort to Pliny lib. 8. cap. 40. who (among other wonders) telleth of an army of two hundred dogs, which fetched a king of the Garamantes out of captivity, maugre the resistance of his adversaries: also to Cardan, lib. 10. De animalibus, Aristotle, &c: who writ marvels of them, but none further from credit than Cardan, who is not afraid to compare some of them for greatness with oxen, and some also for smallness unto the little field mouse. Neither do I find any far writer of great antiquity, that maketh mention of our dogs, Starbo excepted, who saith that the Galls did sometime buy up all our mastiffs, to serve in the forewards of their battles, wherein they resembled the Colophonians, Castabalenses of Calicute and Phenicia, of whom Pliny also speaketh, but they had them not from us.  
The first sort therefore he divideth either into such as rouse the beast, and continue the chase, or springeth the bird, and bewrayeth her flight by pursuit. And as these are commonly called spaniels, so the other are named hounds, whereof he maketh eight sorts, of which the foremost excelleth in perfect smelling, the second in quick espieng, the third in swiftness and quickness, the fourth in smelling and nimbleness, &c: and the last in subtlety and deceitfulness. These (saith Strabo) are most apt for game, and called Sagaces by a general name, not only because of their skill in hunting, but also for that they know their own and the names of their fellows most exactly. For if the hunter see any one to follow skilfully, and with likelihood of good success, he biddeth the rest to hark and follow such a dog, and they eftsoons obey to soon as they hear his name. The first kind of these are also commonly called hariers, whose game is the fox, the hare, the wolf (if we had any) hart, buck, badger, otter, polecat, lopstart, weasel, conie, &c: the second height a terrer, and it hunteth the badger and grey only: the third a bloodhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and now and then to pursue a thief or beast by his dry foot: the fourth height a gasehound, who hunteth by the eye: the fift a greihound, cherished for his strength, swiftness, and stature, commended by Bratius in his De venatione, and not unremembered by Hercules Stroza in a like treatise, but above all other those of Britain, where he saith: — & magna spectandi mole Britanni, also by Nemesianus, libro Cynegeticôn, where he saith: 
Divisa Britannia mittit  
Veloces nostríque orbis venatibus aptos,  of which sort also some be smooth, of sundry colours, and some shake haired: the sixth a liemer, that excelleth in smelling and swift running: the seventh a tumbler: and the eight a thief, whose offices (I mean of the latter two) incline only to deceit, wherein they are oft to skilful, that few men would think so mischievous a wit to remain in such silly creatures. Having made this enumeration of dogs, which are apt for the chase and hunting, he cometh next to such as serve the falcons in their times, whereof he maketh also two sorts. One that findeth his game on the land, an other that putteth up such foul as keepeth in the water: and of these this is commonly most usual for the net or train, the other for the hawk, as he doth show at large. Of the first he saith, that they have no peculiar names assigned to them severally, but each of them is called after the bird which by natural appointment he is allotted to hunt or serve, for which consideration some be named dogs for the pheasant, some for the falcon, and some for the partridge. Howbeit, the common name for all is spaniel (saith he) and thereupon alludeth, as if these kinds of dogs had been brought hither out of Spain. In like sort we have of water spaniels in their kind. The third sort of dogs of the gentle kind, is the spaniel gentle, or comforter, or (as the common term is) the fistinghound, and those are called Melitei, of the Island Malta, from whence they were brought hither. These are little and pretty, proper and fine, and sought out far and near to satisfy the nice delicacy of dainty dames, and wanton women's wills; instruments of folly to play and dally withal, in trifling away the treasure of time, to withdraw their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content their corrupt concupiscences with vain disport, a silly poor shift to shun their irksome idleness. These Sybariticall puppies, the smaller they be (and thereto if they have an hole in the foreparts of their heads) the better they are accepted, the more pleasure also they provoke, as meet plaiefellowes for mincing mistresses to bear in their bosoms, to keep company withal in their chambers, to secure with sleep in bed, and nourish with meat at board, to lie in their laps, and lick their lips as they lie (like young Diana's) in their wagons and coaches. And good reason it should be so, for coarseness with fineness hath no fellowship, but featness with neatness hath neighbourhead enough. That plausible proverb therefore verified sometime upon a tyrant, namely that he loved his sow better than his son, may well be applied to some of this kind of people, who delight more in their dogs, that are deprived of all possibility of reason, than they do in children that are capable of wisdom & judgement. Yea, they oft feed them of the best, where the poor man's child at their doors can hardly come by the worst. But the former abuse peradventure reigneth where there hath been long want of issue, else where barrenness is the best blossom of beauty: or finally, where poor men's children for want of their own issue are not ready to be had. It is thought of some that it is very wholesome for a weak stomach to bear such a dog in the bosom, as it is for him that hath the palsy to feel the daily smell and favour of a for. But how truly this is affirmed let the learned judge: only it shall suffice for Doctor Caius to have said thus much of spaniels and dogs of the gentle kind.  
Dogs of the homely kind, 
Homely kind of dogs.  are either shepherds curs, or mastiffs. The first are so common, that it needeth me not to speak of them. Their use also is so well known in keeping the heard together (either when they graze or go before the shepherd) that it should be but in vain to spend any▪ time about them. Wherefore I will leave this cur unto his own kind, 
Tie dogs.  and go in hand with the mastiff, tie dog, or banddog, so called because many of them are tied up in chains and strong bonds, in the day time, for doing hurt abroad, which is an huge dog, stubborn, ugly, eager, burdenous of body (& therefore but of little swiftness) terrible and fearful to behold, and oftentimes more fierce and fell than any Arcadian or Corsican cur. Our Englishmen to the intent that these dogs may be more cruel and fierce, assist nature with some art, use and custom. For although this kind of dog be capable of courage, violent, valiant, stout and bold: yet will they increase these their stomaches by teaching them to bait the bear, the bull, the lion, and other such like cruel and bloody beasts, (either brought over or kept up at home, for the same purpose) without any collar to defend their throats, and oftentimes thereto they train them up in fight and wrestling with a man (having for the safeguard of his life either a pike staff, club, sword, privy coat) whereby they become the more fierce and cruel unto strangers. The Caspians made so much account sometime of such great dogs, that every able man would nourish sundry of them in his house of set purpose, to the end they should devour their carcases after their deaths, thinking the dogs bellies to be the most honourable sepulchres. The common people also followed the same rate, and therefore there were tie dogs kept up by public ordinance, to devour them after their deaths: by means whereof these beasts became the more eager, and with great difficulty after a while restrained from falling upon the living. But whither am I digressed? In returning therefore to our own, I say that of mastiffs, some bark only with fierce and open mouth but will not bite, 
Some 〈…〉  some do both bark and bite, but the cruelest do either not bark at all, or bite before they bark, and therefore are more to be feared than any of the other. 
Some bite and bark not.  They take also their name of the word maze and thief (or master thief if you will) because they often stound and put such persons to their shifts in towns and villages, and are the principal causes of their apprehension and taking. The force which is in them surmounteth all belief, and the fast hold which they take with their teeth exceedeth all credit: for three of them against a bear, four against a lion are sufficient to try masteries with them. King Henry the seventh, as the report goeth, commanded all such curs to be hanged, because they durst presume to fight against the lion, who is their king and sovereign. The like he did with an excellent falcon, as some say, because he feared not hand to hand to match with an eagle, willing his falconers in his own presence to pluck off his head after he was taken down, saying that it was not meet for any subject to offer such wrong unto his lord and superior, wherein he had a further meaning. But if king Henry the seventh had lived in our time, what would he have done to one English mastiff, which alone and without any help at all pulled down first an huge bear, than a pard, and last of all a lion, each after other before the French king in one day, when the lord Buckhurst was ambassador unto him, and whereof if I should write the circumstances, that is, how he took his advantage being let lose unto them, and finally drove them into such exceeding fear, that they were all glad to run away when he was taken from them, I should take much pains, and yet reap but small credit: wherefore it shall suffice to have said thus much thereof. Some of our mastiffs will rage's only in the night some are to be tied up both day and night. Such also as are suffered to go lose about the house and yard, are so gentle in the day time, that children may ride on their backs, & play with them at their pleasures. diverse of them likewise are of such controversy over their master and whosoever of his household, that if a stranger do embrace or touch any of them, they will fall fiercely upon them, unto their extreme mischief if their fury be not prevented. Such an one was the dog of Nichomedes king sometime of Bithynia, who seeing Consign the queen to embrace and kiss her husband as they walked together in a garden, did tear her all to pieces, maugre his resistance, and the present aid of such as attended on them. Some of them moreover will suffer a stranger to come in and walk about the house or yard where him listeth, without giving over to follow him: but if he put forth his hand to touch any thing, then will they fly upon him and kill him if they may. I had one myself once, which would not suffer any man to bring in his weapon further than my gate: neither those that were of my house to be touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten any of my children, he would gently have assayed to catch the rod in his teeth and take it out of my hand, or else pluck down their clothes to save them from the stripes: which in my opinion is not unworthy to be noted. And thus much of our mastiffs, creatures of no less faith and love towards their masters than horses; as may appear even by the confidence that Masinissa reposed in them, in so much that mistrusting his household servants he made him a guard of dogs, which many a time delivered him from their treasons and conspiracies, even by their barking and biting, nor of less force than the Molossian race, brought from Epiro into some countries, which the poets feign to have original from the brazen dog that Vulcan made, and gave to jupiter, who also delivered the same to Europa, she to Procris, and Procris to Shafalus, as julius Pollux noteth, lib. 5. cap. 5: neither unequal in carefulness to the mastiff of Alexander Phereus', who by his only courage and attendance kept his master long time from slaughter, till at the last he was removed by policy, and the tyrant killed sleeping: the story goeth thus. The●e the wife of the said Phereus' and her three brethren conspired the death of her husband, who fearing the dog only, she found the means to allure him from his chamber door by fair means, unto another house hard by, whilst they should execute their purpose. Nevertheless, when they came to the bed where he lay sleeping, they waxed faint hearted, till she did put them in choice, either that they should dispatch him at once, or else that she herself would wake her husband, and give him warning of his enemies, or at the least wise bring in the dog upon them, which they feared most of all: and therefore quickly dispatched him.  
The last sort of dogs consisteth of the currish kind meet for many toys: of which the whappet or prick-eared cur is one. Some men call them warners, because they are good for nothing else but to bark and give warning when any body doth stir or lie in wait about the house in the night season. Certes it is unpossible to describe these curs in any order, because they have no any one kind proper unto themselves, but are a confused company mixed of all the rest. The second sort of them are called turn spits, whose office is not unknown to any. And as these are only reserved for this purpose, so in many places our mastiffs (beside the use which tinkers have of them in carrying their heavy budgets) are made to draw water in great wheels out of deep wells, going much like unto those which are framed for our turn spits, as is to be seen at Roiston, where this feat is often practised. Besides these also we have sholts or curs daily brought out of Iseland, and much made of among us, because of their sauciness and quarreling. Moreover they bite very sore, and love candles exceedingly, as do the men and women of their country: but I may say no more of them, because they are not bred with us. Yet this will I make report of by the way, for pastimes sake, that when a great man of those parts came of late into one of our ships which went thither for fish, to see the form and fashion of the same, his wife appareled in fine fables, abiding on the deck whilst her husband was under the hatches with the mariners, espied a pound or two of candles hanging at the mast, and being loath to stand there idle alone, she fell to and eat them up every one, supposing herself to have been at a jolly banquet, and showing very pleasant gesture when her husband came up again unto her.  
The last kind of toiesh curs are named bansers, and those being of a mongrel sort also, are taught & exercised to danse in measure at the musical sound of an instrument, as at the just stroke of a drum, sweet accent of the citharne, and pleasant harmony of the harp, showing many tricks by the gesture of their bodies: as to stand bolt upright, to lie flat upon the ground, to turn round as a ring, holding their tails in their teeth, to saw and beg for meat, to take a man's cap from his head, and sundry such properties, which they learn of their idle rogish masters whose instruments they are to gather gain, as old apes clothed in motleie, and coloured short wasted jackets are for the like vagabunds, who seek no better living, than that which they may get by fond pastime and idleness. I might here entreat of other dogs, as of those which are bred between a bitch and a wolf, and called Lycisca: a thing very often seen in France saith Franciscus Patricius in his common wealth, as procured of set purpose, and learned as I think of the Indians, who tie their fault bitches often in woods, that they might be loined by tigers: also between a bitch and a fox, or a bear and a mastiff. But as we utterly want the first sort, except they be brought unto us: so it happeneth sometime, that the other two are engendered and seen at home amongst us. But all the rest heretofore remembered in this chapter, there is none more ugly and odious in sight, cruel and fierce in deed, nor untractable in hand, than that which is begotten between the bear and the bandog. For whatsoever he catcheth hold of, he taketh it so fast, that a man may sooner tear and rend his body in sunder, than get open his mouth to separate his chaps. Certes he regardeth neither wolf, bear, nor lion, and therefore may well be compared with those two dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India (& procreated as it is thought between a mastiff and male tiger, as be those also of Hyrcania) or to them that are bred in Arcadia, where copulation is oft seen between lions and bitches, as the like is in France (as I said) between she wolves and dog's, whereof let this suffice; sith the further tractation of them doth not concern my purpose, more than the confutation of Cardan's talk, De subt. lib. 10. who saith, that after many generations, dogs do become wolves, and contrariwise; which if it were true, than could not England be without many wolves: but nature hath set a difference between them, not only in outward form, but also in inward disposition of their bones, wherefore it is unpossible that his assertion can be sound.   

Of our saffron, and the dressing thereof. Chap. 8.  
AS the saffron of England, which Platina reckoneth among spices, is the most excellent of all other: for it giveth place neither to that of Cilicia, whereof Solinus speaketh, neither to any that cometh from Cilicia, where it groweth upon the mount Taurus, Tmolus, Italy, Aetolia, Sicilia, or Licia, in sweetness, tincture, and continuance; so of that which is to be had amongst us, the same that grows about Saffron Walden, sometime called Waldenburg, in the edge of Essex, first of all planted there in the time of Edward the third, and that of Gloucester shire and those westerly parts, which some think to be better than that of Walden, surmounteth all the rest, and therefore beareth worthily the higher price, by six pence or twelve pence most commonly in the pound. The root of the herb that beareth this commodity is round, much like unto an indifferent chestnut, & yet it is not cloved as the lily, nor flaked as the scallion, but hath a sad substance Inter bulbosa, as Orchis, hyacinthus orientalis, and Statyrion. The colour of the rind is not much differing from the innermost shell of a chestnut, although it be not altogether so brickle as is the pill of an onion. So long as the leaf flourisheth the root is little & small; but when the grass is withered, the head increaseth and multiplieth, the fillets also or small roots die, so that when the time doth come to take them up, they have not roots at all, but so continue until September that they do grow again: and before the chive be grounded the smallest heads are also most esteemed; but whether they be great or small, if sheep or neat may come to them on the heap, as they lie in the field, they will devour them as if they were hay or stubble, some also will wroot for them in very eager manner. The leaf or rather the blade thereof is long and narrow as grass, which come up always in October after the flowers be gathered and gone, pointed on a little tuft much like unto our sieves. Sometimes our cattle will feed upon the same; nevertheless, if it be bitten whilst it is green, the head dieth, and therefore our crokers are careful to keep it from such annoyance until it begin to whither, and then also will the cattle soon taste thereof: for until that time the juice thereof is bitter. In every flower we find commonly three chives, and three yellows, and double the number of leaves. Of twisted flowers I speak not; yet is it found, that two flowers grow together, which bring forth five chives, so that always there is an odd chive and odd yellow, though three or four flowers should come out of one root. The whole herb is named in Greek Crocos, but of some (as Dioscorides saith) Castor, Cynomorphos, or Hercules blood: yet in the Arabian speech, (from whence we borrow the name which we give thereunto) I find that it is called Zahafaran, 
Occasion of the name.  as Rembert doth bear witness. The cause wherefore it was called Crocus was this (as the poets feign) specially those from whom Galen hath borrowed the history, which he noteth in his ninth book De medicamentis secundum loca, where he writeth after this manner (although I take Crocus to be the first that used this commodity.) A certain young gentleman called Crocus went to play at coits in the field with Mercury, and being héedlesse of himself, Mercury's coit happened by mishap to hit him on the head, whereby he received a wound that yer long killed him altogether, to the great discomfort of his friends. Finally, in the place where he bled, saffron was after found to grow, whereupon the people seeing the colour of the chive as it stood (although I doubt not but it grew there long before) adjudged it to come of the blood of Crocus, and therefore they gave it his name. And thus far Rembert, who with Galen, &c: differ very much from Ovid's Metamorphos. 4. who writeth also thereof. Indeed the chive, while it remaineth whole & unbrused, resembleth a dark red, but being broken and converted into use, it yieldeth a yellow tincture. But what have we to do with fables?  
The heads of saffron are raised in julie, either with plough, raising, or tined hook; and being scoured from their rose or filth, and severed from such heads as are engendered of them since the last setting, they are interred again in julie and August by ranks or rows, and being covered with moulds, they rest in the earth, where they cast forth little fillets and small roots like unto a scallion, until September, in the beginning of which month the ground is pared, and all weeds and grass that groweth upon the same removed, 
Paung.  to the intent that nothing may annoy the flower when as his time doth come to rise.  
These things being thus ordered in the latter end of the aforesaid month of September, 
Gathering  the flower beginneth to appear of a whitish blue, fesse or sky colour, and in the end showing itself in the own kind, 
See 〈◊〉.  it resembleth almost the Leucotion of Theophrast, saving that it is longer, and hath in the midst thereof three chives very red and pleasant to behold. These flowers are gathered in the morning before the rising of the sunné, which otherwise would cause them to welke or flitter. And the chives being picked from the flowers, these are thrown into the doonghill; the other dried upon little kelles covered with strained canuasses upon a soft fire: whereby, and by the weight that is laid upon them, they are dried and pressed into cakes, and then bagged up for the benefit of their owners. In good years we gather four score or an hundred pounds of wet saffron of an acre, which being dried doth yield twenty pounds of dry and more. Whereby, and sith the price of saffron is commonly about twenty shillings in money, or not so little, it is easy to see what benefit is reaped by an acre of this commodity, towards the charges of the setter, which indeed are great, but yet not so great as he shall be thereby a loser, if he be any thing diligent. For admit that the triple tillage of an acre doth cost 13 shillings four pence before the saffron be set, the clodding sixteen pence, the taking of every load of stones from the same four pence, the raising of every quarter of heads six pence, and so much for cleansing of them, besides the rent of ten shillings for every acre, thirty load of dung which is worth six pence the load to be laid on the first year, for the setting three and twenty shillings and four pence, for the paring five shillings, six pence for the picking of a pound wet, &c: yea though he hire it ready set, and pay ten pounds for the same, yet shall he sustain no damage, if warm weather and open season do happen at the gathering. This also is to be noted, that every acre asketh twenty quarters of heads, placed in ranks two inches one from an other in long beds, which contain eight or ten foot in breadth. And after three years that ground will serve well, and without compest for barleie by the space of eighteen or twenty years together, as experience doth confirm. The heads also of every acre at the raising will store an acre and an half of new ground, which is a great advantage, and it will flower eight or ten days together. But the best saffron is gathered at the first; at which time four pounds of wet saffron will go very near to make one of dry; but in the midst five pounds of the one will make but one of the other, because the chive waxeth smaller, as six at the last will do no more but yield one of the dried, by reason of the chive which is now very lean and hungry. After twenty years also the same ground may be set with saffron again. And in am of a conclusion, take this for a perpetual rule, that heads coming out of a good ground will prosper best in a lighter soil; and contrariwise: which is one note that our crokers do carefully observe.  
The heads are raised every third year about us, to wit, 
Raising.  after Midsummer, when the rose cometh dry from the heads; and commonly in the first year after they be set they yield very little increase: yet that which then cometh is counted the finest and greatest chive, & best for medicine, and called saffron Du hort. The next crop is much greater; but the third exceedeth, and then they raise again about Walden and in Cambridge shire. In this period of time also the heads are said to child, that is, to yield out of some parts of them diverse other headlets, whereby it hath been seen, that some one head hath been increased (though with his own detriment) to three, or four, or five, or six, which augmentation is the only cause whereby they are sold so good cheap. For to my remembrance I have not known four bushels or a come of them to be valued much above two shillings eight pence, except in some odd years that they arise to eight or ten shillings the quarter, and that is when over great store of winter's water hath rotten the most of them as they stood within the ground, or heat in summer parched and burnt them up.  
In Norfolk and Suffolk they raise but once in seven years: but as their saffron is not so fine as that of Cambridge shire and about Walden, so it will not cake, thing, nor hold colour withal, wherein lieth a great part of the value of this stuff. Some crafty jacks use to mix it with scraped brazell or with the flower of Sonchus, which cometh somewhat near indeed to the hue of our good saffron (if it be late gathered) but it is soon bewrayed both by the depth of the colour and hardness. Such also was the plenty of saffron about twenty years passed, that some of the townsmen of Walden gave the one half of the flowers for picking of the other, and sent them ten or twelve miles abroad into the country, whilst the rest, not thankful for the abundance of God's blessing bestowed upon them (as wishing rather more scarcity thereof because of the keeping up of the price) in most contemptuous manner murmured against him, saying that he did shit saffron therewith to choke the market. But as they showed themselves no less than ingrat infidels in this behalf, so the Lord considered their unthankfulness, & gave them ever since such scarcity, as the greatest murmurers have now the least store; and most of them are either worn out of occupying, or remain scarce able to maintain their grounds without the help of other men. Certes it hath generally decayed about Safton Walden since the said time, until now of late within these two years, that men began again to plant and renew the same, because of the great commodity. But to proceed. When the heads be raised and taken up, they will remain sixteen or twenty days out of the earth or more: yea peradventure a full month. Howbeit they are commonly in the earth again by saint james tide, or very shortly after. For as if they be taken up before Midsummer, or beginning of julie, the heads will shirnke like a roasted warden: so after August they will wax dry, become unfruitful, and decay. And I know it by experience, in that I have carried some of them to London with me; and notwithstanding that they have remained there unset by the space of forty days and more: yet some of them have brought forth two or three flowers a piece, and some flowers three or five chives, to the greeat admiration of such as have gathered the same, and not been acquainted with their nature and country where they grew. The crokers or saffron men do use an observation a little before the coming up of the flower, and sometime in the taking up at Midsummer tide, by opening of the heads to judge of plenty and scarcity of this commodity to come. For if they see as it were many small hairy veins of saffron to be in the midst of the bulbe, they pronounce a fruitful year. And to say truth, at the cleaving of each head, a man shall discern the saffron by the colour, and see where abouts the chive will issue out of the root. Warm dark nights, sweet dews, fat grounds (chiefly the chalky) and misty mornings are very good for saffron; but frost and cold do kill and keep back the flower, or else shrink up the chive. And thus much have I thought good to speak of English saffron, which is hot in the second and dry in the first degree, and most plentiful as our crokers hold, in that year wherein ewes twin most. But as I can make no warrantize hereof, so I am otherwise sure, that there is no more deceit used in any trade than in saffron. For in the making they will grease the papers on the kell with a little candle grease, to make the worst saffron have so good a colour as the best: afterwards also they will sprinkle butter thereon to make the weight better. But both these are bewrayed, either by a quantity thereof holden over the fire in a silver spoon, or by the softness thereof between the fore finger and the thumb; or thirdly, by the colour thereof in age: for if you lay it by far worse saffron of other countries, the colour will bewray the forgery by the swartnesse of the chive, which otherwise would excel it, and thereunto being sound, remain crisp, brickle, and dry: and finally, if it be holden near the face, will strike a certain biting heat upon the skin and eyes, whereby it is adjudged good and merchant ware indeed among the skilful crokers.  
Now if it please you to hear of any of the virtues thereof, I will note these ensuing at the request of one, who required me to touch a few of them with whatsoever brevity I listed. Therefore our saffron (beside the manifold use that it hath in the kitchen and pastry, also in our cakes at bridals, and thanksgivings of women) is very profitably mingled with those medicines which we take for the diseases of the breast, of the lungs, of the liver, and of the bladder: it is good also for the stomach if you take it in meat, for it comforteth the same and maketh good digestion: being sodden also in wine, it not only keepeth a man from drunkenness, but encourageth also unto procreation of issue. If you drink it in sweet wine, it enlargeth the breath, and is good for those that are troubled with the tisike and shortness of the wind: mingled with the milk of a woman, and laid upon the eyes, it stayeth such humours as descend into the same, and taketh away the red weals and pearls that oft grow about them: it killeth moths if it be sowed in paper bags very thin, and laid up in presses amongst tapistry or apparel: also it is very profitably laid unto all inflammations, painful aposthumes, and the shingles; and doth no small ease unto deafness, if it be mingled with such medicines as are beneficial unto the ears: it is of great use also in ripening of botches and all swellings proceeding of raw humours. Or if it shall please you to drink the root thereof with maluesie, it will marvelously provoke urine, dissolve and expel gravel, and yield no small ease to them that make their water by dropmeales. Finally, three drams thereof taken at once, which is about the weight of one shilling nine pence halfpenny, is deadly poison; as Dioscorides doth affirm: and droonke in wine (saith Platina) lib. 3. cap. 13. De honesta voluptate, doth haste on drunkenness, which is very true. And I have known some, that by eating only of bread more than of custom strained with saffron, have become like drunken men, & yet otherwise well known to be but competent drinkers. For further confirmation of this also, if a man do but open and ransack a bag of one hundred or two hundred weight, as merchants do when they buy it of the crokers, it will strike such an air into their heads which deal withal, that for a time they shall be giddy and sick (I mean for two or three hours space) their noses and eyes in like sort will yield such plenty of rheumatic water, that they shall be the better for it long after, especially their eyesight, which is wonderfully clarified by this means: howbeit some merchants not liking of this physic, muffle themselves as women do when they ride, and put on spectacles set in leather, which doth in some measure (but not for altogether) put by the force thereof. There groweth some saffron in many places of Almain, and also about Uienna in Austria, which later is taken for the best that springeth in those quarters. In steed of this some do use the Carthamus, called amongst us bastard saffron, but neither is this of any value, nor the other in any wise comparable unto ours. Whereof let this suffice as of a commodity brought into this Island in the time of Edward 3. and not commonly planted till Richard 2. did reign. It would grow very well (as I take it) about the Chiltern hills, & in all the vale of the White horse so well as in Walden and Cambridgeshire, if they were careful of it. I hear of some also to be cherished already in Glocestershire, and certain other places westward. But of the fineness and tincture of the chive, I hear not as yet of any trial. Would to God that my countrymen had been heretofore (or were now) more careful of this commodity! then would it no doubt have proved more beneficial to our Island than our cloth or wool. But alas! so idle are we, and heretofore so much given to ease, by reason of the smallness of our rents, that few men regard to search out which are their best commodities. But if landlords hold on to raise the rents of their farms as they begin, they will enforce their tenants to look better unto their gains, and scratch out their rent from under every clod that may be turned aside. The greatest mart for saffron is at Aquila in Abruzo, where they have an especial weight for the same of ten pounds less in the hundred than that of florence and Luke: but how it agreeth with ours it shall appear hereafter.   

Of quarries of stone for building. Chap. 9  
QUarries with us are pits or mines, out of which we dig our stone to build withal, & of these as we have great plenty in England, so are they of diverse sorts, and those very profitable for sundry necessary uses. In times past the use of stone was in manner dedicated to the building of churches, religious houses, princely palaces, bishops manors, and holds only: but now that scrupulous observation is altogether infringed, and building with stone so commonly taken up, that amongst noble men & gentlemen, the timber frames are supposed to be not much better than paper work, of little continuance, and least continuance of all. It far passeth my cunning to set down how many sorts of stone for building are to be found in England, but much further to call each of them by their proper names. Howbeit, such is the curiosity of our countrymen, that notwithstanding almighty God hath so blessed our realm in most plentiful manner, with such and so many quarries apt and meet for piles of longest continuance, yet we as loathsome of this abundance, or not liking of the plenty, do commonly leave these natural gifts to mould and cinder in the ground, and take up an artificial brick, in burning whereof a great part of the wood of this land is daily consumed and spent, to the no small decay of that commodity, and hindrance of the poor that perish oft for cold.  
Our elders have from time to time, following our natural vice in misliking of our own commodities at home, and desiring those of other countries abroad, most esteemed the cane stone that is brought hither out of Normandy: and many even in these our days following the same vein, do covet in their works almost to use none other. Howbeit experience on the one side, and our skilful masons on the other (whose judgement is nothing inferior to those of other countries) do affirm, that in the north and south parts of England, and certain other places, there are some quarries, which for hardness and beauty are equal to the outlandish greet. This may also be confirmed by the king's chapel at Cambridge, the greatest part of the square stone whereof was brought thither out of the north. Some commend the vein of white free stone, slate, and mere stone, which is between Pentowen, and the black head in Cornwall, for very fine stuff. Other do speak much of the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and paving stone of Burbecke. For toph stone, not a few allow of the quarry that is at Dresleie, diverse mislike not of the veins of hard stone that are at Oxford, and Burford. One praiseth the free stone at Manchester, & Prestburie in Glocestershire; another the quarries of the like in Richmont. The third liketh well of the hard stone in Clee hill in Shropshire; the fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, and Terrinton. Whereby it appeareth that we have quarries enough, and good enough in England, sufficient for us to build withal, if the peevish contempt of our own commodities, and delectations to enrich other countries, did not catch such foolish hold upon us. It is also verified (as any other way) that all nations have rather need of England, than Eugland of any other. And this I think may suffice for the substance of our works. Now if you have regard to their ornature, how many mines of sundry kinds of course & fine marble are there to be had in England? But chiefly one in Staffordshire, an other near to the Peke, the 〈…〉 to the lord Chaindois) the fift at Eglestone, which is o● black marble, spotted with grey or white spots, the sixth not far from Durham. Of white marble also we have store, and so fair as the Marpesian of Paris I'll. But what mean I to go about to recite all, or the most excellent? sith these which I have named already are not altogether of the best, nor scarcely of any value in comparison of those, whose places of growth are utterly unknown unto me, and whereof the black marble spotted with green is none of the vilest sort, as may appear by parcel of the pavement of the lower part of the choir of Paul's in London, and also in Westminster, where some pieces thereof are yet to be seen and marked, if any will look for them. If marble will not serve, then have we the finest alabaster that may elsewhere be had, as about saint David's of Wales; also near to Beau manor, which is about four or five miles from Leicester, & taken to be the best, although there are diverse other quarries hereof beyond the Trent, as in Yorkshire, &c: and fully so good as that, whose names at this time are out of my remembrance. What should I talk of the plaster of Axholme (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundry places of Lincoln and Darbishires, wherewith they blanch their houses in stead of lime, I speak not) certes it is a fine kind of alabaster. But sith it is sold commonly but after twelve pence the load, we judge it to be but vile and course. For my part I cannot skill of stone, yet in my opinion it is not without great use for plaster of paris, and such is the mine of it, that the stones thereof lie in flakes on upon an other like planks or tables, and under the same is an exceeding hard stone very profitable for building, as hath often times been proved. This is also to be marked further of our plaster white and grey, that not contented with the same, as God by the quarry doth send and yield it forth, we have now devised to cast it in moulds for windows and pillars of what form and fashion we list, even as alabaster itself: and with such stuff sundry houses in Yorkshire are furnished of late. But of what continuance this devise is like to prove, the time to come shall easily bewray. In the mean time sir Ralph Burcher knight hath put the devise in practice, and affirmeth that six men in six months shall travel in that trade to see greater profit to the owner, than twelve men in six years could before this trick was invented.  
If neither alabaster nor marble doth suffice, we have the touchstone, called in Latin Lydius lapis, shining as glass, either to match in sockets with our pillars of alabaster, or contrariwise: or if it please the workman to join pillars of alabaster or touch with sockets of brass, pewter, or copper, we want not also these metals. So that I think no nation can have more excellent & greater diversity of stuff for building, than we may have in England, if ourselves could so like of it. But such alas is our nature, that not our own but other men's do most of all delight us; & for desire of novelty, we oft exchange our finest cloth, corn, tin, and wools, for half penny cockhorsses for children, dogs of wax or of cheese, two penny tabor, leaden swords, painted feathers, gewgaws for fools, dogtricks for disards, hawkeswhoods, and such like trumpery, whereby we reap just mockage and reproach in other countries. I might remember here our pits for millstones, that are to be had in diverse places of our country, as in Angleseie, Kent, also at Queen hope of blue greet, of no less value than the Colaine, yea than the French stones: our grindstones for hardware men. Our whetstones are no less laudable than those of Creta & Lacedemonia, albeit we use no oil with them, as they did in those parties, but only water, 〈◊〉 the Italians and Naxi●●● 〈…〉 th●irs: whereas they that grow in Cilicia must have both oil and water laid upon them, or else they make no edge. These also are divided either into the hard greet, as the common that shoemakers use, or the soft greet called hones, to be had among the barbers, and those either black or white, and the rub or brickle stone which husbandmen do occupy in the whetting of their scythes.  
In like manner slate of sundry colours is every where in manner to be had, as is the flint and chalk, the shalder and the pebble. Howbeit for all this we must fetch them still from far, as did the Hull men their stones out of Iseland, wherewith they paved their town for want of the like in England: or as sir Thomas Gresham did, when he bought the stones in Flanders, wherewith he paved the Burse. But as he will answer peradventure, that he bargained for the whole mould and substance of his workmanship in Flanders: so the Hullanders or Hull men will say, how that stockfish is light loading, and therefore they did balasse their vessels with these Iseland stones, to keep them from turning over in their so tedious a voyage. And thus much briefly of our quarries of stone for building, wherein oftentimes the workmen have found strange things enclosed, I mean lively creatures shut up in the hard stones, and living there without respiration or breathing, as frogs, toads, &c: whereof you shall read more in the chronology following: also in Caius Langius, William of Newburie, Agricola, Cornelius of Amsterdam, Bellogius de a quatilibus, Albert the great, lib. 19. cap. 9 De rebus metallicis, and Goropius in Niloscopio, pag. 237, etc. Sometime also they find precious stones (though seldom) and some of them perfectly squared by nature, and much like unto the diamond, found of late in a quarry of marble at Naples, which was so perfectly pointed, as if all the workmen in the world had consulted about the performance of that workmanship. I know that these reports unto some will seem incredible, and therefore I stand the longer upon them; nevertheless omitting to speak particularly of such things as happen amongst us, and rather seeking to confirm the same by the like in other countries, I will deliver a few more examples, whereby the truth hereof shall so much the better appear. For in the midst of a stone not long since found at Chius, upon the breaking up thereof, there was seen Caput panisci enclosed therein, very perfectly form as the beholders do remember. How come the grains of gold to be so fast enclosed in the stones that are & have been found in the Spanish Baetis? But this is most marvelous, that a most delectable and sweet oil, comparable to the finest balm, or oil of spike in smell, was found naturally included in a stone, which could not otherwise be broken but with a smith's hammer. Goropius doth tell of a perch perfectly form to be found in Britain: but as then committed into hard stone, upon the top of a crag. Aristotle and Theophrast speak of fishes digged out of the earth, far from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirmeth, but with addition that they are perilous to be eaten. In pope Martin's time, a serpent was found fast enclosed in a rock, as the kernel is within the nut, so that no air could come to it: and in my time another in a coffin of stone at avignon, wherein a man had been buried, which so filled the room, and lay so close from air, that all men wondered how it was possible for the same to live and continue so long time there. Finally I myself have seen stones opened, and within them the substances of corrupted worms like unto adders (but far shorter) whose crests and wrinkles of body appeared also therein, as if they had been engraved in the stones by art and industry of man. Wherefore to affirme● that as well living creatures, 〈…〉 stones, gold, &c: are now and then found in our quarries, shall not hereafter be a thing so incredible as many talking philosophers, void of all experience, do affirm, and wilfully maintain against such as hold the contrary.   

Of sundry minerals. Chap. 10.  
WIth how great benefits this Island of ours hath been endued from the beginning, I hope there is no godly man but will readily confess, and yield unto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed every way, & there is no temporal commodity necessary to be had or craved by any nation at God's hand, that he hath not in most abundant manner bestowed upon us Englishmen, if we could see to use it, & be thankful for the same. But alas (as I said in the chapter precedent) we love to enrich them that care not for us, but for our great commodities: and one trifling toy not worth the carriage, coming (as the proverb saith) in three ships from beyond the sea is more worth with us, than a right good jewel, easy to be had at home. They have also the cast to teach us to neglect our own things, for if they see that we begin to make any account of our commodities (if it be so that they have also the like in their own countries) they will suddenly abase the same to so low a price, that our gain not being worthy our travel, and the same commodity with less cost ready to be had at home from other countries (though but for a while) it causeth us to give over our endeavours, and as it were by and by to forget the matter whereabout we went before, to obtain them at their hands. And this is the only cause wherefore our commodities are oft so little esteemed of. Some of them can say without any teacher, that they will buy the case of a fox of an Englishman for a groat, and make him afterward give twelve pence for the tail. Would to God we might once wax wiser, and each one endeavour that the commonwealth of England may flourish again in her old rate, and that our commodities may be fully wrought at home (as cloth if you will for an example) and not carried out to be shorn and dressed abroad, while our clothworkers here do starve and beg their bread, and for lack of daily practice utterly neglect to be skilful in this science! But to my purpose.  
We have in England great plenty of quick silver, antimony, sulphur, black lead, and orpiment red and yellow. We have also the finest alum (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest favourers of the commonwealth of England of a subject hath been of late egregiously abused, 
The lord Mountioy.  and even almost with barbarous incivility) & of no less force against fire, if it were used in our parietings than that of Lipara, which only was in use sometime amongst the Asians & Romans, & whereof Sylla had such trial that when he meant to have burned a tower of wood erected by Archelaus the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could by no means set it on fire in a long time, because it was washed over with alum, as were also so the gates of the temple of jerusalem with like effect, and perceived when Titus commanded fire to be put unto the same. Beside this we have also the natural cinnabarum or vermilion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time for mortar, and yet 〈…〉: the chrysocolla, coperis, and mineral stone, whereof petriolum is made, and that which is most strange the mineral pearl, which as they are for greatness and colour most excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the main land, and in sundry places far distant from the shore. Certes the western part of the land hath in times passed greatly abounded with these and many other rare and excellent commodities, but now they are washed away by the violence of the sea, which hath devoured the greatest part of Cornwall and Devonshire on either side: and it doth appear yet by good record, that whereas now there is a great distance between the Syllan Isles and point of the lands end, there was of late years to speak of scarcely a brook or drain of one fadam water between them, if so much, as by those evidences appeareth, and are yet to be seen in the hands of the lord and chief owner of those Iles. But to proceed.  
Of colemines we have such plenty in the north and western parts of our Island, as may suffice for all the realm of England: and so must they do hereafter in deed, if would be not better cherished than it is at this present. And to say the truth, notwithstanding that very many of them are carried into other countries of the main, yet their greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchen and hall, as may appear already in most cities and towns that lie about the coast, where they have but little other fuel, except it be turf and hassock. I marvel not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the smiths do work their iron with charcoal. I think that far carriage be the only cause, which is but a slender excuse to enforce us to carry them unto the main from hence.  
Beside our colemines we have pits in like sort of white plaster, and of fat and white and other coloured marvel, wherewith in many places the inhabitors do compest their soil, and which doth benefit their land in ample manner for many years to come. We have saltpetre for our ordinance, and salt soda for our glass, & thereto in one place a kind of earth (in Southerie as I ween hard by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make moulds for goldsmiths and casters of metal, that a load of it was worth five shillings thirty years agone: none such again they say in England. But whether there be or not, let us not be unthankful to God for these and other his benefits bestowed upon us, whereby he showeth himself a loving and merciful father unto us, which contrariwise return unto him in am of humility and obedience, nothing but wickedness, avarice, mere contempt of his will, pride, excess, atheism, and no less than jewish ingratitude.   

Of metals to be had in our land. Chap. 11.  
ALl metals receive their beginning of quicksilver and sulphur, which are as mother and father to them. And such is the purpose of nature in their generations: that she tendeth always to the procreation of gold, nevertheless she seldom reacheth unto that her end, because of the unequal mixture and proportion of these two in the substance engendered, whereby impediment and corruption 〈◊〉 induced, which as it is more or less, doth show itself in the metal that is producted. First of all therefore the substance of sulphur and quicksilver being mixed in 〈◊〉 proportion, after long and temperate decoction in the ●●●els of the earth, orderly engrossed and fixed, becometh gold, which Encelius doth call the sun and right heir of nature but if it serve but a little (saith he) in ●he commixtion and other circumstances, than dost, it product silver the daughter, not so noble a child as g●ld her brother, which among metal is worthily called the chief. Contrariwise, the substances of the aforesaid parents mixed without proportion, and less digested and fixed in the entrails of the earth, whereby the radical moisture becometh combustible and not of force to endure heat and hammer, doth either turn into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first metals known in time passed unto antiquity, although that in these days there are diverse other, whereof neither they nor our alchumists had ever any knowledge. Of these therefore which are reputed among the third sort, we here in England have our parts, and as I call them to mind, so will I entreat of them, and with such brevity as may serve the turn, and yet not altogether omit to say somewhat of gold and silver also, because I find by good experience how it was not said of old time without great reason, 
Gold Silver.  that all countries have need of Britain, and Britain itself of none. For truly if a man regard such necessities as nature only requireth, there is no nation under the sun, that can say so much as ours: sith we do want none that are convenient for us. Wherefore if it be a benefit to have any gold at all, we are not void of some, neither likewise of silver: whatsoever Cicero affirmeth to the contrary, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi. 16. in whose time they were not found, Britannici belli exitus (saith he) expectatur, constat enim aditus insulae esse munitos mirificis molibus: etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque argenti scrupulum esse ullum in illa insula, neque ullam spem praedae nisiex mancipijs, ex quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos expectare. And albeit that we have no such abundance of these (as some other countries do yield) yet have my rich countrymen store enough of both in their purses, where in time passed they were wont to have least, because the garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines and apparel of the priests consumed the greatest part, as experience hath confirmed.  
Of late my countrymen have found out I wots not what voyage into the west Indies, from whence they have brought some gold, whereby our country is enriched: but of all that ever adventured into those parts, none have sped better than sir Francis Drake whose success 1582 hath far passed even his own expectation. One john Frobisher in like manner attempting to seek out a shorter cut by the northerly regions into the peaceable sea and kingdom of cathay, happened 1577 upon certain islands by the way, wherein great plenty of much gold appeared, and so much that some letted not to give out for certainty, that Solomon had his gold from thence, wherewith he builded the temple. This golden show made him so desirous also of like success, that he left off his former voyage, & returned home to bring news of such things as he had seen. But when after another voyage it was found to be but dross, he gave over both the enterprises, and now keepeth home without any desire at all to seek into far countries. In truth, such was the plenty of over there seen and to be had, that if it had holden perfect, might have furnished all the world with abundance of that metal; the journey also was short and performed in four or five months, which was a notable encouragement. But to proceed.  
Tin and lead, metals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried unto Marsilis from hence, 
Tin. Led.  as Diodorus also confirmeth, are very plentiful with us, the one in Cornwall, Devonshire (& elsewhere in in the north) the other in Darbishire, Weredale, and sundry places of this Island; whereby my countrymen do reap no small commodity, but especially our pewterers, who in time passed employed the use of pewter only upon dishes, pots, and a few other trifles for service here at home, whereas now they are grown unto such exquisite cunning, that they can in manner imitate by infusion any form or fashion of cup, dish, salt, bowl, or goblet, which is made by goldsmith's craft, though they he never so curious, exquisite, and artificially forged. Such furniture of household of this metal, as we commonly call by the name of vessel, is sold usually by the garnish, which doth co●eine twelve plaiters, twelve dishes, twelve saucers, and those are either of silver fashion, or else with broad or narrow brims, and bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seven pence, or peradventure at eight pence. Of poringers, pots, and other like I speak not albeit that in the making of all these things there is such exquisite diligence used, I mean for the mixture of the metal and true making of this commodity (by reason of sharp laws provided in that behalf) as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I have been also informed that it consisteth of a composition, which hath thirty pounds of kettle brass to a thousand pounds of tin, whereunto they add three or four pounds of tinglasse: but as too much of this doth make the stuff brickle, so the more the brass be, the better is the pewter, and more profitable unto him that doth buy and purchase the same. But to proceed.  
In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of an ordinary making (I say flat, because dishes and platters in my time begin to be made deep like basons, and are indeed more convenient both for sauce, broth, and keeping the meat warm) is esteemed almost so precious, as the like number of vessels that are made of fine silver, and in manner no less desired amongst the great estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilful in that trade as ours, neither their metal so good, nor plenty so great, as we have here in England. The Romans made excellent looking glasses of our English tin, howbeit our workmen were not then so equisite in that feat as the Brundusiens: wherefore the wrought metal was carried over unto them by way of merchandise, and very highly were those glasses esteemed of till silver came generally in place, which in the end brought the tin into such contempt, that in manner every dishwasher refused to look in other than silver glasses for the attiring of her head. Howbeit the making of silver glasses had been in use before Britain was known unto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles devised them in the young time of Pompeie, which was before the coming of Caesar into this Island.  
There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which endured so long till the people had consumed all their wood by melting of the same (as they did also at Comeristwith six miles from Stradfluer) and I suppose that in Pliny's time the abundance of lead (whereof he speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the seventeenth of his thirty fourth book: also he affirmeth that it lay in the very swart of the earth, and daily gotten in such plenty, that the Romans made a restraint of the carriage thereof to Rome, limiting how much should yearly be wrought and transported over the sea. And here by the way it is worthy to be noted, of a crow which a miner of tin, dwelling near Comeristwith (as Leland saith) had made so tame, that it would daily fly and follow him to his work and other places where soever he happened to travel. This labourer working on a time in the bottom or valley, where the first mine was known to be, did lay his purse and girdle by him, as men commonly do that address themselves to apply their business earnestly, and he himself also had used from time to time before. The crow likewise was very busy flittering about him, and so much molested him, that he waxed angry with the bird, & in his fury threatened to wring off his neck, if be might once get him into his hands; to be short, in the end the crow hastily caught up his girdle and purse, and made away withal so far as her wings could carry her. Hereupon the poor man falling into great agony (for he feared to use peradventure all his money) threw down his mattock at adventure and ran after the bird, cursing and menacing that he should lose his life if ever he got him again: but as it fell out, the crow was the means whereby his life was saved, for he had not been long out of the mine, yer it fell down and killed all his fellows. If I should take upon me to discourse and search out the cause of the thus dealing of this bird at large, I should peradventure set myself further into the briars than well find which way to come out again: yet am I persuaded, that the crow was God's instrument herein, whereby the life of this poor labourer was preserved. It was done also in an other order than that which I read of another tame crow, kept up by a shoemaker of Dutch land in his shop or stove: who seeing the same to sit upon the perch among his shone, very heavily and drowsy, said unto the bird: What aileth my jack, why art thou sad and pensive? The crow hearing his master speak after this sort unto him, answered (or else the devil within him) out of the psalter: Cogitavi dies antiquos & aeternos in mente habui. But whither am I digressed, from lead unto crows, & from crows unto devils? Certes it is now high time to return unto our metals, and resume the tractation of such things as I had erst in hand.  
Iron is found in many places, 
Iron.  as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but chiefly in the woods betwixt Beluos and Willocke or Wicberie near Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Of which mines diverse do bring forth so fine and good stuff, as any that cometh from beyond the sea, beside the infinite gains to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little more cost in the refining of it. It is also of such toughness, that it yieldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the realm. Nevertheless, it was better cheap with us when strangers only brought it hither: for it is our quality when we get any commodity, to use it with extremity towards our own nation, after we have once found the means to shut out foreigners from the bringing in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of wood, as doth the making of our pots and table vessel of glass, wherein is much loss sith it is so quickly broken; and yet (as I think) easy to be made tougher, if our alchumists could once find the true birth or production of the red man, whose mixture would induce a metallicall toughness unto it, whereby it should abide the hammer.  
Copper is lately not found, 
Copper.  but rather restored again to light. For I have read of copper to have been heretofore gotten in our Island; howbeit as strangers have most commonly the governance of our mines, so they hither to make small gains of this in hand in the north parts: for (as I am informed) the profit doth very hardly countervail the charges, whereat wise men do not a little marvel, considering the abundance which that mine doth seem to offer, and as it were at hand Leland our countryman noteth sundry great likelihoods of natural copper mines to be eastwards, as between Dudman and Trewa●●thher places, wherea● in sundry places of this book already, and therefore it shall b● but in vain to repeat them here again: as for ●hat which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speak not of it, sith it is not incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine lately found is brought to good perfection.  
As for our steel, 
Steel.  it is not so good for edge-tools as that of Colaine, and yet the one is often sold for the other, and like tale used in both, that is to say, thirty gads to the sheaf, and twelve sheffes to the burden. Our alchumie is artificial, and thereof our spoons and some salts are commonly made, and preferred before our pewter with some, albeit in truth it be much subject to corruption, putrefaction, more heavy and foul to handle than our pewter; yet some ignorant persons affirm it to be a metal more natural, and the very same which Encelius calleth Plumbum cinereum, the Germans, wisemute, mithan, & counterfeie, adding, that where it groweth, silver can not be far off. Nevertheless it is known to be a mixture of brass, lead, and tin (of which this latter occupieth the one half) but after another proportion than is used in pewter. But alas I am persuaded that neither the old Arabians, nor new alchumists of our time did ever hear of it, albeit that the name thereof do seem to come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed do call it alchumie, an unwholesome metal (God wots) and worthy to be banished and driven out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse, as having no more to say of the metals of my country, except I should talk of brass, bell metal, and such as are brought over for merchandise from other countries: and yet I can not but say that there is some brass found also in England, but so small is the quantity, that it is not greatly to be esteemed or accounted of.   

Of precious stones. Chap. 12.  
THe old writers remember few other stones of estimation to be found in this Island than that which we call great, and they in Latin Gagates: 
Gait.  whereunto furthermore they ascribe sundry properties, as usually practised here in times past, 
Laon. Chalchonutle.  whereof none of our writers do make any mention at all. Howbeit whatsoever it hath pleased a number of strangers (upon false surmise) to write of the usages of this our country, about the trial of the virginity of our maidens by drinking the powder hereof against the time of their bestowing in marriage: certain it is that even to this day there is some plenty to be had of this commodity in Darbishire and about Barwike, whereof rings, salts, small cups, and sundry trifling toys are made, although that in many men's opinions nothing so fine as that which is brought over by merchants daily from the main. But as these men are drowned with the common error conceived of our nation, so I am sure that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now living can go beyond the judgement of the old Romans, who preferred the geat of Britain before the like stones bred about Luke and all other countries wheresoever. Marbodeus Gallus also writing of the same among other of estimation, saith thus: 
Nascitur in Lycialapis & propè gemma Gagates,  
Sed genus eximium faecunda Britannia mittit,  
Lucidus & niger est, levis & levissimus idem,  
Vicinas paleas trahit attritu calefactus,  
Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur unctus olivo.   
The German writers confound it with amber as if it were a kind thereof: but as I regard not their judgement in this point, so I read that it taketh name of Gagas a city and river in Silicia, where it groweth in plentiful manner, as Dioscorides saith. Nicander in Theriaca calleth it Engangin and Gangitin, of the plenty thereof that is found in the place aforesaid, which he calleth Ganges, and where they have great use of it in driving away of serpents by the only perfume thereof. Charles the fourth emperor of that name glazed the church withal that standeth at the fall of Tangra, but I cannot imagine what light should enter thereby. The writers also divide this stone into five kinds, of which the one is in colour like unto lion tawny, another streaked with white veins, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is garled with diverse colours, among which some are like drops of blood (but those come out of Ind) and the fift shining black as any ravens feather.  
Moreover, as get was one of the first stones of this isle, whereof any foreign account was made, so our pearls also did match with it in renown: in so much that the only desire of them caused Caesar to adventure hither, after he had seen the quantities and heard of our plenty of them, while he abode in France, and whereof he made a taberd which he offered up in Rome to Venus, where it hung long after as a rich and notable oblation and testimony of the riches of our country. Certes they are to be found in these our days, and thereto of diverse colours, in no less numbers than ever they were in old time. Yet are they not now so much desired because of their smallness, and also for other causes, but especially sith church work, as copes, vestments, albes, tunicles, altarclothes, canopies, and such trash, are worthily abolished; upon which our countrymen superstitiously bestowed no small quantities of them. For I think there were sew churches or religious houses, besides bishop's mitres, books and other pontifical vestures, but were either throughly fretted, or notably garnished with huge numbers of them. Marbodeus likewise speaking of pearls, commendeth them after this manner: Gignit & insignes antiqua Britannia baccas, etc.  
Marcellinus also Lib. 23, in ipso, fine, speaketh of our pearls and their generation, but he preferreth greatly those of Persia before them, which to me doth seem unequally done. But as the British get or orient pearl were in old time esteemed above those of other countries; so time hath since the conquest of the Romans revealed many other: insomuch that at this season there are found in England the Aetites (in English called the ernestone, but for earn some pronounce eagle) and the hematite or bloodstone, and these very pure and excellent: also the calcedonie, the porphyrite, the crystal, and those other which we call calaminares and speculares, besides a kind of diamond or adamant, which although it be very fair to sight, is yet much softer (as most are that are found & bred toward the north) than those that are brought hither out of other countries. We have also upon our coast the white coral, nothing inferior to that which is found beyond the sea in the albe, near to the fall of Tangra, or to the red and black, whereof Dioscorides entreateth, Lib. 5. cap. 8. We have in like sort sundry other stones daily found in cliffs and rocks (beside the load stone which is oftentimes taken up out of our mines of iron) whereof such as find them have either no knowledge at all, or else do make but small account, being seduced by outlandith lapidaries, whereof the most part discourage us from the searching and seeking out of our own commodities, to the end that they may have the more free utterance of their natural and artificial wares, whereby they get great gains amongst such as have no skill.  
I have heard that the best trial of a stone is to lay it on the nail of the thumb, 
Trial of a stone.  and so to go abroad into the clear light, where if the colour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be natural and good: but if it altar, especially toward the nail, then is it not sound, but rather to be taken for an artificial piece of practice. If this be true it is an experiment worthy the noting. Cardan also hath it in his De subtilitate; if not, 
Lib. 7.  I have read more lies than this, as one for example out of Cato, who saith, that a cup of ivy will hold no wine at all. I have made some vessels of the same wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that there is no such Antipathia between wine and our ivy, as some of our reading philosophers (without all manner of practice) will seem to infer amongst us: and yet I deny not but the ivy of Gréece or Italy may have such a property; but why should not the ivy then of France somewhat participate withal in the like effect, which groweth in an hotter soil than ours is? For as Baptista porta saith, it holdeth not also in the French ivy, wherefore I can not believe that it hath any such quality at all as Cato ascribeth unto it. What should I say more of stones? Truly I can not tell, sith I have said what I may already, and peradventure more than I think necessary: and that causeth me to pass over those that are now & then taken out of our oysters, toads, muskels, snails and adders, and likewise such as are found upon sundry hills in Glocestershire, which have naturally such sundry proportions, forms & colours in them, as pass all human possibility to imitate, be the workman never so skilful and cunning, also those that are found in the heads of our perches and carp much desired of such as have the stone, & yet of themselves are no stones but rather shells or gristles, which in time consume to nothing. This yet will I add, that if those which are found in muskels (for I am utterly ignorant of the generation of pearls) be good pearl in deed, I have at sundry times gathered more than an ounce of them, of which diverse have holes already entered by nature, some of them not much inferior to great peason in quantity, and thereto of sundry colours, as it happeneth amongst such as are brought from the esterlie coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of flesh, stolen stinking fish and welked muskels are thought to be good meat; for other fish is too dear amongst us when law doth bind us to use it. See more for the generation of pearls in the description of Scotland, for there you shall be further informed out of Boetius in that behalf. They are called orient, because of the clearness, which resembleth the colour of the clear air before the rising of the sun. They are also sought for in the later end of August, a little before which time the sweetness of the dew is most convenient for that kind of fish, which doth engender and conceive them, whose form is flat, and much like unto a lempet. The further north also that they be found the brighter is their colour, & their substances of better valour, as lapidaries do give out.   

Of salt made in England. Chap. 13.  
THere are in England certain wells where salt is made, whereof Leland hath written abundantly in his commentaries of Britain, and whose words only I will set down in English as he wrote them, because be seemeth to have had diligent consideration of the same, without adding any thing of mine own to him, except it be where necessity doth enforce me for the mere aid of the reader, in the understanding of his mind. Directing therefore his journey from Worcester in his peregrination and laborious travel over England, he saith thus: From Worcester I road to the Which by enclosed soil, having meetly good corn ground, sufficient wood and good pasture, about a six miles off, Which standeth somewhat in a valley or low ground, betwixt two small hills on the left ripe (for so he calleth the bank of every brook through out all his English treatises) of a pretty river which not far beneath the Which is called Salope brook. The beauty of the town in manner standeth in one street, yet be there many lanes in the town beside. There is also a mean church in the main street, and once in the week an indifferent round market. The town of itself is somewhat foul and dirty when any rain falleth by reason of much carriage through the streets, which are very ill paved or rather not paved at all. The great advancement also hereof is by making of salt. And though the commodity thereof be singular great, yet the burgesses be poor generally, because gentlemen have for the most part gotten the great gain of it into their hands, whilst the poor burgesses yield unto all the labour. 
A common plague in all things of any great commodity, for one beateth the bush but another catcheth the birds, as we may see in batfowling.  There are at this present time three hundred salters, and three salt springs in the town of Which, whereof the principal is within a butshoot of the right ripe (or bank) of the river that there cometh down: and this spring is double so profitable in yielding of salt liquor, as both the other. Some say (or rather fable) that this salt spring did fail in the time of Richard de la Which bishop of Chichester, and that afterwards by his intercession it was restored to the profit of the old course (such is the superstition of the people) in remembrance whereof, or peradventure for the zeal which the Which men and salters did bear unto Richard de la Which their countryman, they used of late times on his day (which cometh once in the year) to hang this salt spring or well about with tapistry, and to have sundry games, drinkings, and foolish revels at it. But to proceed. There be a great number of salt coats about this well, wherein the salt water is sodden in leads, and brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two salt springs be on the left side of the river a pretty way lower than the first, and (as I found) at the very end of the town. At these also be diverse furnaces to make salt, but the profit and plenty of these two are nothing comparable to the gain that riseth by the greatest. I asked of a salter how many furnaces they had at all the three springs, and he numbered them to eighteen score, that is, three hundred and sixty, saying how every one of them paid yearly six shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of old they had liberties given unto them for three hundred furnaces or more, and thereupon they give a fee farm (or Vectigal) of one hundred pounds yearly. Certes the pension is as it was, but the number of furnaces is now increased to four hundred. There was of late search made for another salt spring there abouts, by the means of one Newport a gentleman dwelling at the Which, and the place where it was appeareth, as doth also the wood and timber which was set about it, to keep up the earth from falling into the same. But this pit was not since occupied, whether it were for lack of plenty of the salt spring, or for letting or hindering of the profit of the other three. Me think that if wood and sale of salt would serve, they might dig and find more salt springs about the Which than three, but there is somewhat else in the wind. For I heard that of late years a salt spring was found in an other quarter of Worcestershire, 
Privileges do sometimes harm.  but it grew to be without any use, sith the Which men have such a privilege, that they alone in those quarters shall have the making of salt. The pits be so set about with gutters, that the salt water is easily turned to every man's house, and at Mantwich very many troughs go over the river for the commodity of such as dwell on the other side of the same. They seeth also their salt water in furnaces of lead, and lad out the salt some in cases of wicker, through which the water draineth, and the salt remaineth. There be also two or three but very little salt springs at Dertwitch, in a low bottom, where salt is sometime made.  
Of late also a mile from Cumbremere abbaie a piece of an hill did sink, and in the same pit rose a spring of salt water, where the abbot began to make salt; but the men of the city compounded with the abbot & covent that there should be none made there, whereby the pit was suffered to go to loss. And although it yielded salt water still of itself, yet it was spoiled at the last and filled up with filth. The Which men use the commodity of their salt springs in drawing and decocting the water of them only by six months in the year, that is, from Midsummer to Christmas, as (I guess) to maintain the price of salt, or for saving of wood, which I think to be their principal reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destruction of wood, and shall be greater hereafter, except some provision be made for the better increase of firing. The lack of wood also is already perceived in places near the Which, for whereas they used to buy and take their wood near unto their occupiengs, those wonted springs are now decayed, and they be enforced to seek their wood so far as Worcester town, and all the parts about Brenisgrave, Alchirch, and Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearly to be spent at these furnaces? and he answered that by estimation there was consumed about six thousand load, and it was round pole wood for the most, which is easy to be cleft, and handsomely riven in pieces. The people that are about the furnace are very ill coloured, and the just rate of every furnace is to make four loads of salt yearly, and to every load goeth five or six quarters as they make their accounts. If the furnace men make more in one furnace than four loads, it is (as it is said) employed to their own avail. And thus much hath Leland left in memory of our white salt, who in an other book, not now in my hands, hath touched the making also of bay salt in some part of our country. But sith that book is delivered again to the owner, the tractation of bay salt can not be framed in any order, because my memory will not serve to show the true manner and the place. It shall suffice therefore to have given such notice of it, to the end the reader may know that aswell the bay as white are wrought and made in England, and more white also upon the west coast toward Scotland, in Essex and else where, out of the salt water between Wire and Cokermouth, which commonly is of like price with our wheat. Finally, having thus intermeddled our artificial salt with our minerals, let us give over, and go in hand with such metals as are growing here in England.   

Of our account of time & her parts. Chap. 14.  
AS Libra is As or Assis to the Romans for their weight, and the foot in standard measure: so in our account of the parts of time, we take the day consisting of four and twenty hours, to be the greatest of the least, and least of the greatest, whereby we keep our reckoning: for of the hour (to say the truth) the most ancient Romans, Greeks, nor hebrews had any use; sith they reckoned by watches: and whereof also Censorinus cap. 19 showeth a reason wherefore they were neglected. For my part I do not see any great difference used in the observation of time & her parts, between our own & any other foreign nation, wherefore I shall not need to stand long on this matter. Howbeit to the end our exact order herein shall appear unto all men, I will set down some short rehearsal thereof, and that in so brief manner as unto me is possible. As for our astronomical practices, I mean not to meddle with them, sith their course is uniformly observed over all. Our common order therefore is to begin at the minute, which containeth part of an hour, as at the smallest part of time known unto the people, notwithstanding that in most places they descend no lower than the half quarter or quarter of the hour; and from whence they proceed unto the hour, to wit, the four and twentieth part of that which we call the common and natural day, which doth begin at midnight, and is observed continually by clocks, dials, and astronomical instruments of all sorts. The artificial variety of which kind of ware is so great here in England, as no place else (in mine opinion) can be comparable therein to this isle. I will not speak of the cost bestowed upon them in pearl and stone, neither of the valour of metal, whereof they have been made, as gold, silver, &c: and almost no abbey or religious house without some of them. This only shall suffice to note here (as by the way) that as antiquity hath delighted in these things, so in our time pomp and excess spendeth all, and nothing is regarded that bringeth in no bread. Of unequal or temporal hours or days, our nation hath no regard, and therefore to show their quantities, differences, and divisions, into the greater and the lesser, (whereof the later containeth one unequal hour, or the rising of half a sign, the other of a whole sign, which is in two hours space, whereof Mark seemeth to speak cap. 15 c 25, as the rest of the evangelists (yea and he also ibid. vers. 33) do of the other, Matth. 27 e 45 Luke 23 e 44, john 19 b 14) it should be but in vain. In like sort, whereas the elder Egyptians, Italians, Bohemians, latter athenians, and jews begin their day at the sun set over night; the Persians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Noribergians, at the sun rising (each of them accounting their days and nights by unequal hours) also the elder athenians, Arabians, Dutchmen, Umbers, etrurians, and Astronomers at high noon, and so reckon from noon to noon: we after Hipparchus and the latter Egyptians, or to speak more properly, imitating the Roman manner used in the church there of long time, choose the very point of midnight; from whence we account twelve equal hours unto middaie ensuing, and other twelve again unto the aforesaid point, according to these verses; 
Manè diem Graeca gens incipit astrasequentes  
In medio lucis judaeis vespere sancta,  
Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.   
And this is our general order for the natural day. Of the artificial we make so far account, as that we reckon it day when the sun is up, and night when the sun leaveth our horizon. Otherwise also we divide it into two parts, that is to say, fore noon and after noon, not regarding the ruddy, shining, burning and warming seasons (of three unequal hours a piece, which others seem to divide into spring time, summer, autumn, and winter, in like curious manner) and whereof I read these verses: 
Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horae,  
Haec rubet, haec splendet, haec calet, illa tepet.   
Indeed our physicians have another partition of the day, as men of no less learning no doubt than the best of foreign countries, if we could so conceive of them. And herein they concur also with those of other nations, who for distinction in regiment of our humours, divide the artificial day and night in such wise as these verses do import, and are indeed a general rule which each of them doth follow: 
Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas,  
Vis cholerae medias lucis sex vendicat horas.  
Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas,  
Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.   
Or thus, as Tansteter hath given them forth in his prelections: 
A nona noctis donec sit terita lucis,  
Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis  
Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora  
Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis,  
Posthaec phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.   
In English thus in effect: 
Three hours yer sun do rise, and so many after, blood,  
From nine to three at after noon, hot choler bears the sway,  
Even so to nine at night, swart choler hath to rule,  
As phlegm from thence to three at morn: six hours each one I say.   
In like sort for the night we have none other parts than the twilight, 
Night.  darkenight, midnight, and cocks crowing: whereas the Latins divide the same into 7 parts, as Vesper 
Vesper.  or Vesperugo, as Plautus calleth it, as Virgil useth the word Hesper the evening, which is immediately after the setting of the sun. Crepusculum 
Crepusculum.  the twilight (which some call Prima fax, because men begin then to light candles) when it is between day and night, light and darkness, or properly neither day nor night. Concubium 
Concubium.  the still of the night, when each one is laid to rest. Intempestum, 
Intempestum.  the dull or dead of the night, which is midnight, when men be in their first or dead sleep. Gallicinium, 
Gallicinium.  the cocks crowing. Conticinium, 
Conticinium.  when the cocks have left crowing. Matutinum, 
Matutinum.  the breach of the day, and Diluculum 
Diluculum.  sive aurora, the ruddy, orange, golden or shining colour, seen immediately before the rising of the sun, and is opposite to the evening, as Matutinum is to the twilight.  
Other there are which do reckon by watches, dividing the night after sun setting into four equal parts. 
Watches.  Of which the first beginneth at evening called the first watch, and continueth by three unequal hours, and so forth until the end of the ninth hour, whereat the fourth watch entereth, which is called the morning watch, because it concurreth partly with the dark night, and partly with the morning and breach of the day before the rising of the sun.  
As for the original of the word hour, it is very ancient; 
Hour.  but yet not so old as that of the watch, whereof we shall read abundantly in the scriptures, which was devised first among soldiers for their better safeguard and change of watchmen in their camps; the like whereof is almost used among our seafaring men, which they call clearing of the glass, and performed from time to time with great heed and some solemnity. Here unto the word Hora among the Grecians signified so well the four quarters of the year, as the four and twentieth part of the day, and limits of any form. But what stand I upon these things to let my purpose stay? To proceed therefore.  
Of natural days is the week compacted, 
week.  which consisteth of seven of them, the friday being commonly called among the vulgar sort either king or worling, because it is either the fairest or foulest of the seven: albeit that I cannot guess of any reason why they should so imagine. The first of these entereth with monday, whereby it cometh to pass, that we rest upon the sunday, which is the seventh in number, as almighty God hath commanded in his word. The jews begin their week upon our saturday at the setting of the sun: and the Turks in these days with the saturday, whereby it cometh to pass, that as the jews make our last day the first of their week, so the Turks make the jewish sabaoth the beginning of their Hebdoma: because Mahomet their prophet (as they say) was borne and dead upon the friday, and so he was indeed, except their Alcharon deceive them. The jews do reckon their days by their distance from their sabaoth, so that the first day of their week is the first day of the sabaoth, and so forth unto the sixth. The Latins and Egyptians accounted their days after the seven planets, choosing the same for the denominator of the day, that entereth his regiment with the first unequal hour of the same after the sun be risen. Howbeit, as this order is not wholly retained with us, so the use of the same is not yet altogether abolished, as may appear by our sunday, monday, and saturday. The rest were changed by the Saxons, who in remembrance of Theut sometime their prince, called the second day of the week Theutsdach, the third wooden, Othin, Othon, or Edon, or Wodensdach. Also of Thor they named the fourth day Thorsdach, and of Frea wife to wooden the fift was called Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amiss as I think) that suppose them to mean by Thor, jupiter, by wooden, Mercury, by Frea (or Frigga as Saxo calleth her) Venus, and finally by Theut, Mars: which if it be so, than it is an easy matter to find out the german Mars, Venus, Mercury, and jupiter, whereof you may read more hereafter in my chronology. The truth is, that Frea albeit that Saxon giveth her scant a good report, for that she loved one of her husband's men better than himself, had seven sons by wooden; the first, father to Wecca, of whom descended those that were afterwards kings of Kent. Fethelgeta was the second, and of him came the kings of Mercia. Baldaie the third, father to the kings of the west Saxons. Beldagius the fourth, parent to the kings of Brenicia or Northumberland. Weogodach the fift, author of the kings of Deira. Caser the sixth race of the east Angle race, & Nascad original burgeant of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same strain, as our old monuments do express. But to proceed.  
As certain of our days suffered this alteration by the Saxons, so in our churches we retained for a long time the number of days or of 
* Ferias.  sabaoth, after the manner of the jews, I mean unstill the service after the Roman use was abolished, which custom was first received (as some think) by pope Sylvester, though other say by Constantine; albeit another sort do affirm, that Sylvester caused the sunday only to be called the Lords day, and dealt not with the rest.  
In like manner of weeks our months are made, which are so called of the moon, 
month.  each one containing eight and twenty days, or four weeks, without any further curiosity. For we reckon not our time by the year of the moon, as the jews, Grecians, or Romans did at the first; or as the Turks, Arabians and Persians do now: neither any parcel thereof by the said planet, as in some part of the west Indies, where they have neither week, month, nor year, but only a general account of hundreds and thousands of moons. Wherefore if we say or write a month, it is to be expounded of eight and twenty days, or four weeks only, and not of her usual period of nine and twenty days and one and thirty minutes. Or (if you take it at large) for a month of the common calendar, 
Trivethus in Antartico.  which nevertheless in plées and suits is nothing at all allowed of, sith the moon maketh her full revolution in eight and twenty days or four weeks, that is, unto the place where she left the sun: notwithstanding that he be now gone, and at her return not to be found very often in that sign wherein she before had left him. Plutarch writeth of divers barbarous nations which reckoned a more or less number of these months for whole years: and that of these some accounted but three, as the Archadians did four, the Acarnans six, and the Egyptians but one for a whole year, which causeth them to make such a large account of their antiquity and original. But forsomuch as we are not troubled with any such disorder, it shall suffice that I have generally said of months and their quantities at this time. Now a word or two of the ancient Roman calendar.  
In old time each month of the Roman calendar was reckoned after the course of the moon, and their entrances were uncertain, as were also the changes of that planet: whereby it came to pass, that the day of the change was the first of the month, howsoever it fell out. But after julius Cesar had once corrected the same, the several beginnings of every one of them did not only remain fixed, but also the old order in the division of their parts continued still unaltered: so that the month is yet divided as before, into calends, ideses and noons, albeit that in my days, the use of the same be but small, and their order retained only in our calendars, for the better understanding of such times, as the historiographers and old authors do remember. The reckoning also of each of these goeth (as you see) after a preposterous order, whereby the Romans did rather note how many days were to the next change from the precedent, than contrariwise, as by perusal of the same you shall more easily perceive.  
The days also of the change of the month of the moon, are called Calendae, which in time of paganism were consecrated to juno, and sacrifice made to that goddess on the same. On these days also, and on the ideses and noons they would not marry. Likewise the morrow after each of them were called Dies atri, black days, as were also diverse other, and those either by reason of some notable overthrow or mishap that befell unto the Romans upon those days, or in respect of some superstitious imagination conceived of evil success likely to fall out upon the same. Of some they were called Dies Aegyptiaci. Whereby it appeareth that this peevish estimation of these days came from that nation. And as we do note our holy and festival days with red letters in our calendars, so did the Romans their principal feasts & circle of the moon, either in red or golden letters, and their victories in white, in their public or consulary tables. This also is more to be added, that if any good success happened afterward upon such day as was already black in their calendar, they would solemnly enter it in white letters by racing out of the black, whereby the black day was turned into white, and wherein they not a little rejoiced.  
The word Calendae (in Greek Neomenia) is derived of Calo, to call: for upon the first day of every month, the priest used to call the people of the city and country together in Calabria, for so the place was called where they met, and show them by a custom how many days were from the said calends to the nonce, & what feasts were to be celebrated between that and the next change. Their order is retrograde, because that after the month was half expired, or the moon past the full, they reckoned by the days to come until the next change, as seventeen days, sixteen days, fourteen days, &c: as the Greeks did in the latter decad only, for they had no use of calends. The very day therefore of the change is called Calendae, dedicated to juno, who thereof was also called Calendaris. At the first also the fasts or feast days were known by none other means unto the people but by the denunciation of the priests (as I said) upon this day, till Flavius Scriba caused them to be written: published in their common calendars, contrary to the will and meaning of the senate, for the ease and benefit of the people, as he pretended.  
The nonce commonly are not above four or six in every month: and so long as the nonce lasted, so long did the markets continue, and therefore they were called Nonae quasi Nundinae. In them also were neither holiedays more than is at this present (except the day of the purification of our lady) no sacrifice offered to the gods, but each one applied his business, and kept his market, reckoning the first day after the calends or change, to be the fourth or sixth day before the fair ended. Some think that they were called Nonae, of the word Non, quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur. For as Ovid saith, Nonarum tutelae deo caret, or for that the nonce were always on the ninth day before the ideses: other because Nundina day was honoured the ninth day before the ideses, albeit I suppose rather that Nundina day (a goddess far younger than the name of Nonae) took her name of the nonce, whereon it was a custom among the Romans, Lustrare infantes ac nomina maribus imponere, as they did with their maid children upon the eight: but howsoever this be, sure it is that they were the mart days of every month, wherein the people bought, sold, exchanged or battered, and did nothing else.  
The ideses are so named of the Hethruscan word, Iduare, to divide: and before that Cesar altered the calendar, they divided the month commonly by the midst. But afterward when he had added certain days the reto, thereby to make it agree to the year of the sun (which he intruded about the end of every month, because he would not alter the celebration of their usual feasts, whereof the chief were holden always upon the day of the ideses) then came they short of the midst, sometime by two or three days. In these therefore (which always are eight) the merchants had leisure to pack up and convey their merchandise, to pay their creditors, and make merry with their friends.  
After the ideses do the calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I noted) as the moon doth in light when she is past the full. But herein lieth all the mystery, if you can say so many days before the next change or new moon, as the number there expressed doth betoken, as for 16 calends so many days before the next conjunction, &c: (as is above remembered.) Of these calends, I mean touching their number in every month, I find these verses ensuing: 
janus & Augustus denas nouémque December,  
junius Aprilis September & ipse Nouémber  
Ter senas retinent, Februs bis octo calendas,  
julius October Mars Maius epta decémque.   
In English thus. 
December june and August month full nineteen calends have,  
Septemb April Nouemb and june twice nine they do desire,  
Sixteen foul February hath, no more can he well crave,  
October May and julie hot but seventeen door require.   
In like manner do the nonce and ideses. 
Sex Maius nonas, October, julius, & Mars,  
Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.  
To julie, Mars, October, May, six nonce I height,  
The rest but four, and as for ideses they keep still eight.  Again touching the number of days in every month: 
junius, Aprilis, Septémque Nouémque, tricenos,  
Vnumplus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos,  
At si bissextus fuerit superadditur unus.  
Thirty days hath November,  
April, june, and September,  
Twenty and eight hath February alone, and all the rest thirty and one, but in the leap you must add one.   
Our year is counted after the course of the sun, and although the church hath some use of that of the moon for observation of certain movable feasts, yet it is reducible to that of the sun, which in our civil dealings is chiefly had in use. Herein only I find a scruple, that the beginning thereof is not uniform and certain, for most of our records bear date the 25 of March, and our calendars she first of januarie; so that with us Christ is borne before he be conceived. Our sundry officers also have sundry entrances into their charges of custom, which breedeth great confusion, whereas if all these might be referred to one original (and that to be the first of Inuarie) I do not think but that there would be more certainty, and less trouble for our historiographers, notaries, & other officers in their account of the year. In old time the athenians began their year with the change of the moon that fell nearest to the entrance of the sun into the crab, the Latins at the winter solstice, or his going into the goat, the jews in civil case at the latter equinoctial, and in ecclesiastical with the first. They of Calecute begin their year somewhere in September, but upon no day certain, sith they first consult with their wizards, who pronounce one day or other thereof to be most happy (as the year goeth about) and therewith they make their entrance, as Osorius doth remember, who addeth that upon the eleventh calends of September, they have solemn plays, much like to the idol games, & that they writ in leaves of tree with a pencil, in stead of paper, which is not found among them. Some of the old Grecians began their year also in September: but sith we seek herein but for the custom of our country only, it shall be enough to affirm that we make our account from the calends or first of januarie, and from the midst of the night which is Limbs between that and the last of December, whereof this may suffice. I might speak of the Cynic year also in this place (for the ease of our English readers) sometime in use amongst the Egyptians, which containeth 1460 common years, whose beginning is always reckoned from the rising of the lesser dog. The first use thereof entered the self year wherein the Olimpiads were restored. And forsomuch as this nation hath no use of intercalation, at the end of every 1460 years, they added an whole year of intercalation, because there are 365 leap years in the period, so that 1460 julian years do contain 1461 after the Egyptians account, whereby their common year is found to be lose than ours. Furthermore, whereas our intercalation for the leap year is somewhat too much by certain minutes, which in 115 years amount unto about an whole day, if one intercalation in so many were omitted, our calendar would be the more perfect: and I would wish that the same year wherein the said intercalation truly found out should be ourpassed, might be observed and called Annus magnus Elizabethae, in perpetual remembrance of our noble and sovereign princess now reigning amongst us.  
I might here say somewhat also of the prime and her alteration, which is risen higher by five days in our common calendar than it was placed by julius Caesar: and in seven thousand years some writer would grow to an error of an whole, if the world should last so long. But forsomuch as in some calendars of ours it is reduced again to the day of every change, it shall suffice to say no more thereof. The pope also hath made a general correction of the calendar, wherein he hath reduced it to the same that it was or should have been at the council of Nice. Howbeit as he hath abolished the use of the golden number, so hath he continued the epact, applying it unto such general use, as doth now serve both the turns, whose reformation had also yer this time been admitted into England, if it had not proceeded from him, against whom and all whose ordinances we have so faithfully sworn and set our hands.  
Certes the next omission is to be performed if all princes would agree thereto in the leap year that shall be about the year of Grace 1668: if it shall please God that the world may last so long, and then may our calendar also stand without any alteration as it doth already. By this also it appeareth how the defect of our calendar may be supplied from the creation, wherein the first equinoctial is seen higher toward the beginning of March than Caesar's calendar now extant doth yield unto by seven days. For as in Caesar's time the true equinoctial was pointed out to happen (as Stadius also noteth) either upon or about the sixteenth or seventeenth of March, albeit the manifest appearance thereof was not found until the five and twentieth of that month in their dials or by eyesight: so at the beginning of the world the said entrance of the sun into the ram, must needs fall out to be about the twentieth or one & twentieth of April, as the calendar now standeth, if I fail not in my numbers. Above the year we have no more parts of time, that carry any several names with them, e●●cept you will affirm the word age to be one, which is taken for a hundred years, and signifieth in English so much as Seculum or Aeuum doth in Latin; neither is it needful to remember that some of my countrymen do reckon their times not by years but by summers and winters, which is very common among us. Wherefore to shut up this chapter withal, you shall have a table of the names of the days of the week, after the old Saxon and Scotish manner, which I have borrowed from amongst our ancient writers, as I have perused their volumes.  

The present names.  
Monday.  
Tuesday.  
Wednesday.  
Thursday.  
friday.  
saturday.  
Sunday, or the Lord's day.   

The old Saxon names.  
Monendeg.  
Tuesdeg.  
Wodnesdeg.  
Thunresdeg.  
Frigesdeg.  
Saterdeg.  
Sunnandeg.   

The Scotish usage.  
Diu Luna.  
Diu Mart.  
Diu Yath.  
Diu Ethamon.  
Diu Friach.  
Diu Satur.  
Diu Seroll.    

Of our principal fairs and markets. Chap. 15.  
I Have heretofore said sufficiently of our fairs, in the chapter of fairs and markets; and now to perform my promise there made, I set down here so many of our fairs as I have found out by mine own observation, and help of others in this behalf. Certes it is impossible for me to come by all, sith there is almost no town in England, but hath one or more such marts holden yearly in the same, although some of them (I must needs confess) be scarce comparable to Louse fair, and little else bought or sold in them more than good drink, pies, and some pedlerie trash: wherefore it were no loss if diverse of them were abolished. Neither do I see whereunto this number of paltry fairs tendeth, so much as to the corruption of youth, who (all other business set apart) must needs repair unto them, whereby they often spend not only the week days, but also the Lords sabbaoth in great vanity and riot. But such hath been the iniquity of ancient times. God grant therefore that ignorance being now abolished, and a further insight into things grown into the minds of magistrates, these old errors may be considered of, and so far reform, as that thereby neither God may be dishonoured, nor the common wealth of our country any thing diminished. In the mean time, take this table here ensuing in stead of a calendar of the greatest, sith that I cannot, or at the least wise care not to come by the names of the less, whose knowledge cannot be so profitable to them that be far off, as they are oft prejudicial to such as dwell near hand to the places where they be holden and kept, by pilferers that resort unto the same.  

Fairs in januarie.  
THe sixth day being Twelve day at Salisbury, the five and twentieth being saint Paul's day, at Bristol, at Gravesend, at Churchingford, at Northalerton in Yorkshire, where is kept a fair every wednesday from Christmas until june.   

Fairs in February.  
THe first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourteenth at Feversham. On Ash-wednesday at Lichfield, at Tamworth, at Roiston, at Excester, at Abington, at Cicester. The four and twentieth at Henlie upon Thames, at Tewkesburie.   

Fairs in March.  
ON the twelfth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and at Sudburie. The thirteenth day at Wie, at the Mount, & at Bodmin in Cornwall. The fift sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisbury. On monday before our lady day in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendal, Denbigh in Wales. On palm sunday éeuen, at Pumfret. On palmesunday, at Worcester. The twentieth day at Durham. On our lady day in Lent at Northampton, at Malden, at great Chart, at Newcastle. And all the lady days at Huntingdon. And at Saffron Walden on midlentsunday.   

Fairs in April.  
THe fift day at Wallingford. The seventh at Derby. The ninth at Bickleswoorth, at Belinswoorth. On monday after, at Euesham in Worcestershire. On tuesday in Easter week at Northfléet, at Rochfort, at Hitchin. The third sunday after Easter, at Louth. The two and twentieth at Stabford. On saint George's day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at Tamworth, at Ampthill, at Hinninham, at Gilford, at saint Pombes in Cornwall. On saint Marks day at Derby, at Dunmow in Essex. The six and twentieth at Tenderden in Kent.   

Fairs in May.  
ON May day at Rippon, at Perin in Cornwall, at Osestrie in Wales, at Lexfield in Suffolk, at Stow the old, at Reading, at Leicester, at Chensford, at Maidstone, at Brickehill, at Blackeborne, at Cogilton, at Stokeneie land. The third at Bramyard, at Henningham, at Elstow, Waltham, Holicrosse, and Hedningham castle. The seventh at Beverleie, at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension day at Newcastle, at Yerne, at Brimechame, at saint Edes, at Bishopstratford, at Wicham, at Middlewich, at Stopford, at Chapel frith. On Whitsunéeven, at Skipton upon Craven. On Whitsunday, at richel, at Gribbie, and every wednesday fortnight at Kingston upon Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirbistephin in Westmoreland. On monday in Whitsunwéeke, at Darington, at Excester, at Bradford, at Rigate, at Burton, at Salforth, at Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Applebie, at Bicklesworth, at Stokeclare. On tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Lewse, at Rochfort, at Canturburie, at Ormeskirke, at Perith, at long Milford. On wednesday in Whitsunweeke, at Sandbarre, at Raiston. On Trinity sunday, at Kendal, and at rowel. On thursday after Trinity sunday, at Prescote, at Stapford, at saint 〈…〉, at Newburie, at Coventrie, at saint Eden, at Bishop 〈…〉 ford, at Rosse. The ninth at L 〈…〉, at Dimstable. The twenty seventh day at L 〈…〉 ham. The twenty ninth at Crambrooke. On monday in Rogation week at Reth, and sunday after Ascension day, at Thaxsted.   

Fairs in june.  
THe ninth day at Maidstone. The xi, at Okingham, at Newbourgh, at Bardfield, at Maxfield, & Holt. The seventeenth at Hadstocke. The twenty three at Shrewsburie, at saint Albans. The twenty fourth day, at Horsham, at Bedell, at Strackstocke, at saint Annes, at Wakefield, at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedford, at Barnewell beside Cambridge, at Woollerhampton, at Crambrooke, at Gloucester, at Lincoln, at Peterborow, at Windsor, at Harstone, at Lancaster, at Westchester, at Halifax, at Ashborne. The twenty seventh, at Folkestone. The twenty eight, at Hetcorne, at saint Pombes. The twenty ninth, at Woodhurst, at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Woollerhampton, at Peterfield, at Lempster, at Sudburie, at Gargrainge, at Bromleie.   

Fairs in julie.  
THe second at Congreton, at Ashton under line. The sunday after the third of julie, at Raiston. The eleventh at Partneie, and at Lid. The fifteenth, at Pichbacke. The seventeenth, at Winchcomb. The twentieth, at Uxbridge, at Catesby, at Bolton. The twenty two, at Marleborow, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetburie, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at Bridgenorth, at Clitherall, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswike, at Battelfield, at Bicklewoorth. The twenty fift, at Bristol, at Dover, at Chilham, at Derby, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudleie in Staffordshire, at saint james beside London, at Reading, at Ereth in the isle, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldock, at Louth, at Malmesburie, at Bromeleie, at Chichester, at Liverpool, at Altergam, at Ravenglasse in the north. The twenty sixth, at Tiptrie. The twenty seventh at Canturburie, at Horsham, at Richmund in the north, at Warington, at Chapel frith.   

Fairs in August.  
THe first day at Excester, at Feversham, at Dunstable, at saint Edes, at Bedford, at Northam church, at Wisbich, at York, at Rumneie, at Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at Thaxsted, at Blackamoor, at Hungerford, at Berdford, at Stroides, at Fernam, at S. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croileie, at Seddell, at new Brainford. The xv, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at caerleil, at Preston in Andall, at Wakefield on the two lady days, and upon the sunday after the fifteenth day of August, at Haverhull, On Bartholomew day, at London, at beggars bush beside Rye, at Teukesburie, at Sudburie, at Rye, at Nantwich, at Pagets, at Bromleie, at Norwich, at Northalerton, at Dover. On the sunday after Bartholomew day, at Sandwich. The twenty seventh, and at Ashford.   

Fairs in September.  
THe first day at S. Giles at the Bush. The eight day at Woolfpit, at Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwark at London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbourgh both the lady days, at Partneie. The three lady days at Blackeburne, at Gisborne in Yorkshire, at Chalton, at U●●ester OOn Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkshire, at 〈…〉 ippond a horse fair, at Penhad, at Bersleie, as Wal 〈…〉 ably, at Wotton under hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On saint Mathies day, at Marleborough, at Bedford, at Croidon, at Holden in holderness, at saint Edmundsburie, at Malton, at saint jews, at Shrewesburie, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sitting borne, at Brainetrie, at Baldock, at Katherine hill beside Gilford, at Dover, at Eastrie. The twenty ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canturburie, at Malton a noble horse fair, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester, at Cokermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadleie, at Malden an horse fair, at Way hill, at Newburie, and at Leicester.   

Fairs in October.  
THe fourth day at Michael. The sixth day at saint Faiths beside Norwich, at Maidstone. The eight at Harborough, at Hereford, at Bishop Storford. On S. Edward's day, at Roiston, at Gravesend, at Windsor, at Marshfield. The ninth day at Colchester. On saint Luke's even, at Elie, at Wrickle, at Upane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stanton, at Charing, at Burton upon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in Oxford, at Tisdale, at Middlewich, at Holt in Wales. The twenty one day at Saffron Walden, at Newmarket, at Hertford, at Cicester, at Stokesleie. The twenty third, at Preston, at Bikelsworth, at Ritchdale, at Whitechurch. The twenty eight, at Newmarket, and Hertford. On all saints even, at Wakefield, and at Rithen.   

Fairs in November.  
THe second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The sixth day, at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at Lesford, and Wetshod fair at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The eleventh, at Marleborough, at Dover. The thirteenth, at saint Edmundsburie, at Gilford. The seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The ninetéenth, at Horsham. On saint Edmund's day, at Hith, at Ingerstone. The twenty third day, at Sandwich. On saint Andrews day at Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Peterfield, at Maidenhed, at Bewdleie, at Warington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkshire, at Osestrie in Wales, and at Paul's Belcham.   

Fairs in December.  
ON the fift day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixth, at Cased, at Hedningham, at Spalding, at Excester, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in cheshire. The seventh day at Sandhurst. The eight day being the conception of our lady, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in Cheshire. The twenty ninth, at Canturburie, and at Salisbury.    

Of our inns and thorowfaires. Chap. 16.  
THose towns that we call thorowfaires have great and sumpthous inns builded in them, for the receiving of such travelers and strangers as pass to and fro. The manner of harbouring wherein, is not like to that of some other countries, in which the host or goodman of the house doth challenge, a lordly authority over his guests, but clean otherwise, sith every man may use his inn as his own house in England, and have for his money how great or little variety of victuals, and what other service himself shall think expedient to call for. Our inns are also very well furnished with naperie, bedding, and tapestry, especially with naperie: for beside the linen used at the tables, which is commonly washed daily, is such and so much as belongeth unto the estate and calling of the guest. Each comer is sure to lie in clean sheets, wherein no man hath been lodged since they came from the laundress, or out of the water wherein they were last washed. If the traveler have an horse, his bed doth cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to pay a penny for the same: but whether he be horsseman or footman if his chamber be once appointed he may carry the kay with him, as of his own house so long as he lodgeth there. If he lose aughts whilst he abideth in the inn, the host is bound by a general custom to restore the damage, so that there is no greater security any where for travelers than in the greatest inhis of England. Their horses in like sort are walked, dressed and looked unto by certain hostelers or hired servants, appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of extraordinary reward will deal very diligently after outward appearance in this their function and calling. Herein nevertheless are many of them blame worthy, in that they do not only deceive the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundry means, except their owners look well to them; but also make such packs with slipper merchants which hunt after prey (for what place is sure from evil & wicked persons) that many an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he traveleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsel of the tapsters or drawers of drink, and chamberleins is not seldom behind or wanting. Certes I believe not that chapman or traveler in England is rob by the way without the knowledge of some of them, for when he cometh into the nine, & alighteth from his horse, the ostler forthwith is very busy to take down his budget or capcase in the yard from his saddle bow, which he peiseth slily in his hand to feel the weight thereof: or if he miss of this pitch, when the guest hath taken up his chamber, the chamberlain that looketh to the making of the beds, will be sure to remove it from the place where the owner hath set it as if it were to set it more conveniently some where else, whereby he getteth an inkling whether it be money or other short wares, & thereof giveth warning to such odd guests as haunt the house and are of his confederacy, to the utter undoing of many an honest yeoman as he iournieth by the way. The tapster in like sort for his part doth mark his behaviour, and what plenty of money he draweth when he payeth the shot, to the like end: so that it shall be an hard matter to escape all their subtle practices. Some think it a gay matter to commit their budgets at their coming to the goodman of the house: but thereby they oft bewray themselves. For albeit their money be safe for the time that it is in his hands (for you shall not hear that a man is rob in his inn) yet after their departure the host can make no warrantise of the same, sith his protection extendeth no further than the gate of his own house: and there cannot be a surer taken unto such as pry and watch for those booties, than to see any guest deliver his capcase in such manner. In all our inns we have plenty of ale, beer, and sundry kinds of wine, and such is the capacity of some of them that they are able to lodge two hundred or three hundred persons, and their horses at ease, & thereto with a very short warning make such provision for their diet, as to him that is unacquainted withal may seem to be incredible. Howbeit of all in England there are no worse inhis than in London, and yet many are there far better than the best that I have heard of in any foreign country, if all circumstances be duly considered. But to leave this & go in hand with my purpose. I will here set down a table of the best thorowfaires and towns of greatest travel of England, in some of which there are twelve or sixteen such inns at the least, as I before did speak of. And it is a world to see how each owner of them contendeth with other for goodness of entertainment of their guests, as about finesse & change of linen, furniture of bedding, beauty of rooms, service at the table, costliness of plate, strength of drink, variety of wines, or well using of horses. Finally there is not so much omitted among them as the gorgeousness of their very signs at their doors, wherein some do consume thirty or forty pounds, a mere vanity in mine opinion, but so vain will they needs be, and that not only to give some outward token of the inn keepers wealth, but also to procure good guests to the frequenting of their houses in hope there to be well used. Lo here the table now at hand, for more of our inns I shall not need to speak.  

The way from Walsingham to London.  
FRom Walsingham to Picknam 12. miles  
From Picknam to Brandonferie 10. miles  
From Brandonfarie to Newmarket 10. miles  
From Newmarket to Brabram 10. miles  
From Brabram to Barkewaie 20. miles  
From Barkewaie to Puchrich 7. miles  
From Puchrich to Ware 5. miles  
From Ware to Waltham 8. miles  
From Waltham to London 12. miles.   

The way from Barwike to York, and so to London.  
FRom Barwike to Belford 12. miles  
From Belford to Anwike 12. miles  
From Anwike to Morpit 12. miles  
From Morpit to Newcastle 12. miles  
From Newcastle to Durham 12. miles  
From Durham to Darington  
From Darington to Northalerton 14. miles  
From Northalerton to Toplife 7. miles  
From Toplife to York 16. miles  
From York to Tadcaster 8. miles  
From Tadcaster to Wantbridge 12. miles  
From Wantbridge to Dancaster 8. miles  
From Dancaster to Tutford 18. miles  
From Tutford to Newarke 10. miles  
From Newarke to Grantham 10. miles  
From Grantham to Stanford 16. miles  
From Stanford to Stilton 12. miles  
From Stilton to Huntingdon 9 miles  
From Huntingdon to Roiston 15. miles  
From Roiston to Ware 12. miles  
From Ware to Waltham 8. miles  
From Waltham to London 12. miles   

The way from Carnarvan to Chester, and so to London.  
FRom Carnarvan to conway 24. miles  
From conway to Denbigh 12. miles  
From Denbigh to Flint 12. miles  
From Flint to Chester 10. miles  
From Chester to Which 14. miles  
From Which to Stone 15. miles  
From Stone to Lichfield 16. miles  
From Lichfield to Colsill 12. miles  
From Colsill to Coventrie 8. miles   
And so from Coventrie to London, as hereafter followeth.  

The way from Cockermouth to Lancaster, and so to London.  
FRom Cockermouth to Kiswike 6. miles  
From Kiswike to Grocener 8. miles  
From Grocener to Kendale 14. miles  
From Kendale to Burton 7. miles  
From Burton to Lancaster 8. miles  
From Lancaster to Preston 20. miles  
From Preston to Wigam 14. miles  
From Wigam to Warington 20. miles  
From Warington to Newcastle 20. miles  
From Newcastle to Lichfield 20. miles  
From Lichfield to Coventrie 20. miles  
From Coventrie to daintry 14. miles  
From daintry to Tocester 10. miles  
From Tocester to Stonistratford 6. miles  
From Stonistratford to Brichill 7. miles  
From Brichill to Dunstable 7. miles  
From Dunstable to saint Albon 10. miles  
From saint Albon to Barnet 10. miles  
From Barnet to London. 10. miles   

The way from Yarmouth to Colchester, and so to London.  
FRom Yarmouth to Becclis 8. miles  
From Becclis to Blibour 7. miles  
From Blibour to Snaphridge 8. miles  
From Snaphridge to Woodbridge. 8. miles  
From Woodbridge to Ipswich 5. miles  
From Ipswich to Colchester 12. miles  
From Colchester to Eastford 8. miles  
From Eastford to Chelmesford 10. miles  
From Chelmestford to Brentwood 10. miles  
From Brentwood to London 15. miles   

The way from Dover to London.  
FRom Dover to Canturburie 12. miles  
From Canturburie to Sittingborne 12. miles  
From Sittingborne to Rochester 8. miles  
From Rochester to Gravesend 5. miles  
From Gravesend to Datford 6. miles  
From Datford to London 12. miles   

The way from saint Burien in Cornwall to London.  
FRom S. Burien to the Mount 20. miles  
From the Mount to Thurie 12. miles  
From saint Thurie to Bodman 20. miles  
From Bodman to Launstone 20. miles  
From Launstone to Ocomton 15. miles  
From Ocomton to Crokehornewell 10. miles  
From Crokehornewell to Excester 10. miles  
From Excester to Honiton 12. miles  
From Honiton to Chard 10. miles  
From Chard to Crokehorne 7. miles  
From Crokehorne to Shirborne 10. miles  
From Shirborne to Shaftsburie 10. miles  
From Shaftsburie to Salisbury 18. miles  
From Salisbury to Andevor 15. miles  
From Andevor to Basingstocke 18. miles  
From Basingstocke to Hartford 8. miles  
From Hartford to Bagshot 8. miles  
From Bagshot to Stanes 8. miles  
From Stanes to London 15. miles   

The way from Bristol to London.  
FRom Bristol to Maxfield 10. miles  
From Maxfield to Chipnam 10. miles  
From Chipnam to Marleborough 15. miles  
From Marleborough to Hungerford 8. miles  
From Hungerford to Newburie 7. miles  
From Newburie to Reading 15. miles  
From Reading to Maidenhead. 10. miles  
From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7. miles  
From Colbrooke to London 15. miles   

The way from saint David's to London.  
FRom saint David's to Axford 20. miles  
From Axford to Carmarden 10. miles  
From Carmarden to Newton 10. miles  
From Newton to Lanburie 10. miles  
From Lanburie to Brechnocke 16. miles  
From Brechnocke to Hay 10. miles  
From Hay to Harford 14. miles  
From Harford to Roso 9 miles  
From Roso to Gloucester 12. miles  
From Gloucester to Cicester 15. miles  
From Cicester to Farington 16. miles  
From Farington to Habington 7. miles  
From Habington to Dorchester 7. miles  
From Dorchester to Henleie 12. miles  
From Henleie to Maidenhead 7. miles  
From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7. miles  
From Colbrooke to London 15. miles   

Of thorowfares, from Dover to Cambridge.  
FRom Dover to Canturburie 12. miles  
From Canturburie to Roschester 20. miles  
From Rofchester to Gravesend 5. miles  
From Gravesend over the Thames, to Hornedon 4. miles  
From Hornedon to Chelmesford 12. miles  
From Chelmesford to Dunmow 10. miles  
From Dunmow to Thaxsted 5. miles  
From Thaxsted to Radwinter 3. miles  
From Radwinter to Linton 5. miles  
From Linton to Babrenham 3. miles  
From Babrenham to Cambridge 4. miles   

From Canturburie to Oxford.  
FRom Canturburie to London 43. miles  
From London to Uxbridge or Colbrooke 15. mile  
From Uxbridge to Baccansfield 7. miles  
From Baccansfield to east Wickham 5. miles  
From Wickham to Stocking church 5. miles  
From Stocking church to Thetisford 5. miles  
From Thetisford to Whatleie 6. miles  
From What leie to Oxford 4. miles   

From London to Cambridge.  
FRom London to Edmondton 6. miles  
From Edmondton to Waltham 6. miles  
From Waltham to Hoddesdon 5. miles  
From Hoddesdon to Ware 3. miles  
From Ware to Polcherchurch 5. miles  
From Pulcherchurch to Barkewaie 7. miles  
From Barkewaie to Fulmere 6. miles  
From Fulmere to Cambridge 6. miles   

Or thus better way.  
From London to Hoddesdon 17. miles  
From Hoddesdon to Hadham 7. miles  
From Hadham to Saffron Walden 12. miles  
From Saffron Walden to Cambridge 10. miles   

Of certain ways in Scotland, out of Reginald Wolves his annotations. From Barwijc to Edenborow.  
FRom Barwijc to Chirneside 10. miles  
From Chirneside to Coldingham 3. miles  
From Coldingham to Pinketon 6. miles  
From Pinketon to Dunbarre 6. miles  
From Dunbarre to Linton 6. miles  
From Linton to Haddington 6. miles  
From Haddington to Seaton 4. miles  
From Seaton to Aberladie or Muskelborow 8. mi.  
From thence to Edenborow 8. miles   

From Edenborow to Barwijc another way.  
FRom Edenborow to Dalketh 5. miles  
From Dalketh to new Battle & Lander 5. miles  
From Lander to Ursildon 6. miles  
From Ursildon to Driburg 5. miles  
From Driburg to Cariton 6. miles  
From Cariton to Barwtjc 14. miles   

From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westward.  
FRom Edenborow to Kirkeliston 6. miles  
From Kirkeliston to Lithco 6. miles  
From Lithco to Farekirke over Forth 6. miles  
From thence to Strivelin upon Forth 6. miles  
From Strivelin to Dunbrittaine 24. miles   

From Strivelin to Kinghorne eastward.  
FRom Strivelin to Down in Menketh 3. miles  
From Down to Campskenell 3. miles  
From Campskenell to Alwie upon Forth 4. miles  
From Alwie to Culrose on Fife 10. miles  
From Culrose to Dunfermelin 2. miles  
From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin 2. miles  
From Euerkennin to Aberdore on Forth 3. miles  
From Aberdore to Kinghorne upon Forth 3. miles   

From Kinghorne to Taimouth.  
FRom Kinghorne to Dissard in Fife 3. miles  
From Dissard to Cowper 8. miles  
From Cowper to S. Andrews 14. miles  
From S. Andrews to the Taimouth 6. miles   

From Taimouth to Stockeford.  
FRom Taimouth to Balmerimoth abbeie 4. mil.  
From thence to Londores abbeie 4. miles  
From Londores to S. john's town 12. miles  
From S. john's to Schone 5. miles  
From thence to Abernithie, where the Erne runneth into the Taie 15. miles  
From Abernithie to Dundée 15. miles  
From Dundee to Arbroth and Muros 24. miles  
From Muros to Aberden 20. miles  
From Aberden to the water of Doneie 20. miles  
From thence to the river of Spaie 30. miles  
From thence to Stockeford in Rosse, and so to the Nesse of Haben, a famous point on the west side 30. miles   

From Carleill to Whiteherne westward.  
FRom Carleill over the Ferie against Redkirke 4. miles  
From thence to Dunfrées 20. miles  
From Dunfrées to the Ferie of Credit 40. miles  
From thence to Wigton 3. miles  
From thence to Whitherne 12. miles   
Hitherto of the common ways of England and Scotland, whereunto I will adjoin the old thorowfaires ascribed to Antoninus, to the end that by their conference the diligent reader may have further consideration of the same than my leisure will permit me. In setting forth also thereof, I have noted such diversity of reading, as hath happened in the sight of such written and printed copies, as I have seen in my time. Notwithstanding. I must confess the same to be much corrupted in the rehearsal of the miles.  

Iter Britanniarum.  

A GESSORIACO.  
De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.  

A LIMIT, ID EST, A VALLO Praetorio usque M. P. CLVI. sic:  

A Bramenio Corstopitum, 
Britannia.  m. p. XX  
Vindomora, m. p. IX  
Viconia * m. p. XIX Vinovia Vinovium  
Cataractoni m. p. XXII Darington.  
Isurium m. p. XXIIII Aidbor● 〈…〉  
Eburacum legio VI Victrix m. p. XVII york.  
Deruentione m. p. VII Tadcaster.  
Delgovitia m. p. XIII Wentbridge.  
Praetorio m. p. XXV Tudford.    

ITEM A VALLO AD portum Ritupis m. p. 481 491 sic,  

Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. X, 15 alias a Blato  
Lugu-vallo * m. p. XII alias a Lugu-valio. Cairteill.  
Voreda m. p. XIIII  
Brovonacis * m. p. XIII Bravoniacis  
Verteris m. p. XX, 13  
Lavatris m. p. XIIII  
Cataractone * m. p. XXI Caturractonium. Darington.  
Isuriam * m. p. XXIIII Isoriam. Ald borrow alias Topcliffe.  
Eburacum * m. p. XVIII Eboracum. york.  
Calcaria * m. p. IX Cacaria  
Camboduno m. p. XX  
Mammuncio * m. p. XVIII Manucio  
Condate m. p. XVIII  
Deva legio XXIII. CI. m. p. XX  
Bovio * m. p. X Bonio  
Mediolano m. p. XX  
Rutunio m. p. XII  
Vrio Conio * m. p. XI Viroconium, Shrewesbuie propè.  
Vxacona m. p. XI  
Penno-Crucio m. p. XII  
Etoceto m. p. XII  
Mandues Sedo m. p. XVI  
Venonis m. p. XII  
Bennaventa * m. p. XVII Banna venta  
Lactorodo * m. p. XII Lactodoro  
Maginto * m. p. XVII. 12 Magiovintum  
Duro-cobrivis m. p. XII Dunstable.  
Verolamio m. p. XII S●●lbanes.  
Sullomacis * m. p. IX Barnet.  
Longidinio m. p. XII Londinio. London.  
Noviomago m. p. XII  
Vagniacis m. p. VI  
Durobrovis m. p. V Duroprovis. Rochester.  
Durolevo m. p. XVI. 8  
Duror-Verno * m. p. XII Droverno Duroverno  
Ad portum Ritupis m. p. XII Duraruenno Daruerno    

ITEM A LONDINIO ad portum Dubris m. p. 56 66, sic:  

Dubobrus * m. p. XXVII Durobrovis Durobrius. Rochester.  
Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 Canturburie.  
Ad portum Dubris m. p. XIIII Dover haven.    

ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Lemanis m. p. 68 sic:  

Durobrius m. p. XXVII Rochester.  
Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 Canturburie.  
Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. XVI Lumming haven.    

ITEM A LONDINIO Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p. 443, sic:  

Caesaromago m. p. XXVIII  
Colonia m. p. XXIIII  
Villa Faustini m. p. XXXV, 25  
Icianos m. p. XVIII  
Camborico m. p. XXXV  
Duroliponte m. p. XXV  
Durobrivas m. p. XXXV  
Gausennis m. p. XXX  
Lindo m. p. XXVI  
Segeloci m. p. XIIII  
Dano m. p. XXI  
Lege-Olio * m. p. XVI Logetium  
Eburaco m. p. XXI  
Isubriganium * m. p. XVI Isurium Briganium  
Cataractoni m. p. XXIIII  
Levatris * m. p. XVIII Levatrix  
Verteris m. p. XIIII  
Brocovo * m. p. XX Brocovicum  
Lugu-Vallo m. p. XXV, 22    

ITEM A LONDINIO Lindo m. p. 156 sic:  

Verolami m. p. XXI  
Duro Cobrius m. p. XII  
Magiovinio * m. p. XII Maginto  
Lactodoro m. p. XVI Magis  
Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII Isanna vatia  
Tripontio m. p. XII Isanna varia  
Venonis m. p. IX  
Ratas m. p. XII  
Verometo m. p. XIII  
Margi-duno m. p. XII  
Ad Pontem * m. p. VII Pons Aelij  
Croco Calana * m. p. VII Crorolana  
Lindo m. p. XII    

ITEM A REGNO Londinio m. p. 116, 96 sic:  

Clausentum m. p. XX  
Venta Belgarum m. p. X  
Galleva * Attebatum m. p. XXII Galleva, Walingford.  
Pontibus m. p. XXII Reding. Calliva Walingford.,  
Londinio m. p. XXII    

ITEM AB EBURACO Londinium m. p. 227 sic:  

Lagecio m. p. XXI  
Dano m. p. XVI Dancaster.  
Ageloco * m. p. XXI Segoloco  
Lindo m. p. XIIII  
Crococalano m. p. XIIII  
Margi-duno m. p. XIIII  
Vernemero * m. p. XII Verometo  
Ratis m. p. XII  
Vennonis m. p. XII  
Bannavanto m. p. XIX  
Magio Vinio m. p. XXVIII  
Durocobrius m. p. XII Dunstable.  
Verolamo m. p. XII S Albans.  
Sullomaca m. p. IX Barnet.  
Londinio m. p. XII London.    

ITEM A VENTA ICINORUM Londinio m. p. 128 sic:  

Sitomago m. p. XXXI  
Combretovio * m. p. XXII Cumbretnio  
Ad Ansam m. p. XV  
Camoloduno m. p. VI  
Canonio m. p. IX  
Caesaromago m. p. XII  
Durolito m. p. XVI  
Londinio m. p. XV    

ITEM A GLAMOVENTA Mediolano m. p. 150 sic:  

Galava m. p. XVIII  
Alone * m. p. XII Ala●●a * Aliona Alione  
Galacum * m. p. XIX Galacum Brigantum  
Bremetonaci m. p. XXVII  
Coccio m. p. XX  
Mancunio * m. p. XVIII Mammucio vel Manucio  
Condate m. p. XVIII  
Mediolano m. p. XIX    

ITEM A SEGONCIO DEuam m. p. 74 sic:  

Canovio m. p. XXIIII  
Varis m. p. XIX  
Deva. m. p. XXXII    

ITEM A CALLEVA alias MURIDONO alias Viroconiorum. Per Viroconi●●●  

Vindonu * m. p. XV Vindomi  
Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI  
Brige * m. p. XI Brag●  
Soruioduni m. p. IX  
Vindogladia m. p. XIII, 15  
Durnovaria m. p. VIII  
Muriduno m. p. XXXVI  
Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. XV, 12 Iscadum  
Leucaro m. p. XV  
Bomio m. p. XV  
Nido m. p. XV  
Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. XIIII Iscelegla  
Burrio m. p. IX  
Gobannio m. p. XII  
Magnis m. p. XXII.  
Bravinio * m. p. XXIIII Bron●ni●  
Viriconio m. p. XXVII    

ITEM AB ISCA Callet m. p. 109 sic:  

Burrio m. p. IX  
Blestio m. p. XI  
Ariconio m. p. XI.  
Clevo m. p. XV  
Durocornovio m. p. XIIII  
Spinis m. p. XV  
Calleva m. p. XV    

ITEM ALIO ITINERE AB Isca Calleva m. p. 103 sic:  

Venta Silurum m. p. IX  
Abone m. p. IX  
Traiectus m. p. IX  
Aquis Solis m. p. VI  
Verlucione m. p. XV  
Cunetione m. p. XX  
Spinis m. p. XV  
Calleva m. p. XV    

ITEM A CALLEVA IS CADUM Nunniorum m. p. 136 sic:  

Vindomi m. p. XV  
Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI  
Brige m. p. XI  
Sorbiodoni m. p. VIII  
Vindocladia m. p. XII  
Durnonovaria * m. p. VIII 〈◊〉  
Moriduno m p. XXXVI  
Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. XV       
FINIS.   


THE History of England, from the time that it was first inhabited, until the time that it was last conquered:  
Wherein the sundry alterations of the state under foreign people is declared; and other manifold observations remembered:  
BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.  
Now newly read over, and diligently digested into books and chapters, with their several arguments prefixed, containing an abridgement of the whole history, for the help of the reader's judgement and memory:  
With two tables of particulars, the one serving the description, the other the history: by Abr. Fleming.  Laus historiae ex I. Lelando. 
Quod sol aethereo praestat pulcherrimus orbi, Historia humanis usibus hoc tribuit.    

To the Readers studious in histories.  
THe order observed in the description of Britain, by reason of the necessary divison thereof into books and chapters growing our of the variety of matters therein contained, seemed (in my judgement) so convenient a course devised by the writer, as I was easily induced thereby to digest the history of England immediately following into the like method: so that as in the one, so likewise in the other, by summary contents foregoing every chapter, as also by certain material titles added at the head of every page of the said history, it is a thing of no difficulty to comprehend what is discoursed and discussed in the same.  
Wherein (sith histories are said to be the registers of memory and the monuments of verity) all lovers of knowledge, specially historical, are advisedly to mark (among other points) the several and successive alterations of regiments in this land: whereof it was my meaning to have made an abstract, but that the same is sufficiently handled in the first book and fourth chapter of the description of Britain; whereto if the seventh chapter of the same book be also annexed, 
Pag. 5, 6, 7, 8, 15. 16, 28, 29, of the description: and pag. 202 of the history of England.  there is little or no defect at all in that case whereof justly to make complaint.  
Wherefore by remitting the readers to those, I reap this advantage, namely a dischage of a forethought & purposed labour, which as to reduce into some plausible form was a work both of time, pain and study: so seeming unlikely to be comprised in few words (being a matter of necessary and important observation) occasion of tediousness is to and fro avoided; specially to the reader, who is further to be advertised, that the computations of years here and there expressed, according to the indirect direction of the copies whence they were derived and drawn, is not so absolute (in some men's opinion) as it might have been: howbeit justifiable by their originals.  
Wherein hereafter (God prolonging peace in the church and commonwealth that the use of books may not be abridged) such diligent care shall be had, that in whatsoever the help of books will do good, or conference with antiquaries avail, there shall want no will to use the one and the other. And yet it is not a work for every common capacity, nay it is a toil without head or tail even for extraordinary wits, to correct the accounts of former ages so many hundred years received, out of uncerteinties to raise certainties, and to reconcile writers dissenting in opinion and report. But as this is unpossible, so is no more to be looked for than may be performed: and further to inquire as it is against reason, so to undertake more than may commendably be achieved, were fowl folly.  
Abraham Fleming.   

THE FIRST BOOK of the history of England.  


·HONI· SOIT· QVI· MAL· Y· PENSE·   
Who inhabited this Island before the coming of Brute: of Noah & his three sons, among whom the whole earth was divided: and to which of their portions this Isle of Britain befell. The first Chapter.  
WHat manner of people did first inhabit this our country, which hath most generally and of longest continuance been known among all nations by the name of Britain as yet is not certainly known; neither can it be decided from whence the first inhabitants there of came, by reason of such diversity in judgements as have risen amongst the learned in this behalf. 
The original of nations for the most part uncertain.  But sith the original in manner of all nations is doubtful, and even the same for the more part fabulous (that always excepted which we find in the holy scriptures) I wish not any man to lean to that which shall be here set down as to an infallible truth, sith I do but only show other men's conjectures, grounded nevertheless upon likely reasons, concerning that matter whereof there is now left but little other certainty, or rather none at all.  
To fetch therefore the matter from the farthest, 
whither Britain were an Island at the first.  and so to stretch it forward, 
Geog. come. lib.  it seemeth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger that in the beginning, when God framed the world, 
No islands at the first, as some conjecture.  and divided the waters apart from the earth, this isle was then a parcel of the continent, and joined without any separation of sea to the main land. But this opinion (as all other the like uncerteinties) I leave to be discussed of by the learned: howbeit for the first inhabitation of this isle with people, I have thought good to set down in part, what may be gathered out of such writers as have touched that matter, and may seem to give some light unto the knowledge thereof.  
First therefore john Bale our countryman, who in his time greatly traveled in the search of such antiquities, 
In the first part of the acts of the English votaries.  doth probably conjecture, that this land was inhabited and replenished with people long before the flood, and that time in the which the generation of mankind (as Moses writeth) began to multiply 
Britain inhabited before the flood.  upon the universal face of the earth: 
Genesis. 6  and therefore it followeth, that as well this land was inhabited with people long before the days of Noah, 
Berosus ant. lib. ●  as any the other countries and parts of the world beside. But when they had once forsaken the ordinances appointed them by God, and betaken them to new ways invented of themselves, such looseness of life ensued every where, as brought upon them the great deluge and universal flood, in the which perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters, as the residue of the race of mankind, generally dispersed in every other part of the whole world, only Noah & his family excepted, who by the providence and pleasure of almighty God was preserved from the rage of those waters, to recontinue and repair the new generation of man upon earth.  
AFter the flood (as Annius de Viterbo recordeth) 
Noah.  and reason also enforceth, 
In comment. super 4. lib. Berosus de antiquit. lib. 1. Annisus ut supr.  Noah was the only monarch of all the wrold, and as the same Annius gathereth by the account of Moses in the 100 year after the flood, Noah divided the earth among his three sons; assigning to the possession of his eldest son all that portion of land which now is known by the name of Asia; to his second son Cham, he appointed all that part of the world which now is called Africa: and to his third son japhet was allotted all Europa, with all the Isles thereto belonging, wherein among other was contained this our Isle of Britain, with the other Isles thereto pertaining.  
IAphet the third son of Noah, of some called japetus, 
japhet and his sons.  and of others, Atlas Maurus (because he departed this life in Mauritania) was the first (as Bodinus affirmeth by the authority and consent of 
johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn.  the Hebrew, Greek & Latin writers) that peopled the countries of Europe, which afterward he divided among his sons: 
Franciscus Tarapha.  of whom jubal (as Tarapha affirmeth) obtained the kingdom of Spain. Gomer had dominion over the Italians, and (as Berosus and divers other authors agree) Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which contained in it (as Bale witnesseth) a great part of Europe, but specially those countries which now are called by the names of Gallia and Britannia.  
Thus was the Island inhabited and peopled within 
Britain inhabited shortly after the flood.  200 years after the flood by the children of japhet the son of Noah: & this is not only proved by Annius, writing upon Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the offspring of japhet, the Isles of the Gentiles (whereof Britain is one) were sorted into regions in the time of Phaleg the son of Hiber, who was borne at the time of the division of languages. Hereupon Theophilus 
Theophilus' episcop. Antioch. ad An●ol. lib. 2.  hath these words: Cùm priscis temporibus pavei forant homines in Arabia & Chaldaea, post linguarum divisonem aucti & multiplicati paulatim sunt: 
The words of Theophilus a doctor of the church, who lived an. Dom. 160.  hinc quidam abierunt versus orientem, quidam concessere ad partes maioris, continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad septentrionem sedes quaesiu●●i, nec priùs desierunt terram ubique occupare, quàm etiam 〈◊〉 annos in Arctois climatibus accesserint, etc. That is; When at the first there were not many men in Arabia and Chaldaea, it came to pass, that after the division of tongues, they began somewhat better to increase and multiply, by which occasion some of them went toward the east, and some toward the parts of the great many land: divers went also northwards to seek them dwelling places, neither stayed they to replenish the earth as they went, till they came unto the Isles of Britain, lying under the north pole. Thus far Theophilus.  
These things considered, Gildas the Britain had great reason to think, that this country had been inhabited from the beginning. And Polydore Virgil was with no less consideration hereby induced to confess, that the isle of Britain had received inhabitants forthwith after the flood.   

Of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, five kings succeeding each other in regiment over the Celts and Samotheans, and how many hundred years the Celts inhabited this Island. The second Chapter.  
SAmothes the first begotten son of japhet called by Moses Mesech, 
Gen. 2.  Dis, 
De migr. gen.  by others received for his portion (according to the report of Wolfgangus Lazius) all the country lying between the river of Rhine and the Pyrenian mountains, where he founded the kingdom of Celtica over his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to have been indifferent to the inhabitants both of the country of Gallia, 
Cent. 1.  and the isle of Britain, & that he planted colonies of men (brought forth of the east parts) in either of them, first in the main land, and after in the Island. 
Anti. lib. 1.  He is reported by Berosus to have excelled all men of that age in learning and knowledge: 
Bale script. Brit. cent. 1.  and also is thought by Bale to have imparted the same among his people; namely, the understanding of the sundry courses of the stars, 
Caesar commen●. lib. 8.  the order of inferior things, with many other matters incident to the moral and politic government of man's life: and to have delivered the same in the Phenician letters: out of which the Greeks (according to the opinion of Achilochus) devised & derived the Greek characters, 
In epithes. temp. De aequivocis contra Appionem.  insomuch that Xenophon and josephus do constantly report (although Diogenes Laertius be against it) that both the Greeks and other nations received their letters and learning first from these countries. 
Lib. de Magic. success. lib. 22.  Of this king and his learning arose a sect of philosophers (saith Annius) first in Britain, and after in Gallia, the which of his name were called Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Setion write) were passing skilful both in the law of God and man: and for that cause exceedingly given to religion, 
Script. Brit. cent. 1. De ant. Cant. cent. lib. 1.  especially the inhabitants of this isle of Britain, insomuch that the whole nation did not only take the name of them, but the Island itself (as Bale and doctor Caius agree) came to be called Samothea, 
This I'll called Samothes.  which was the first peculiar name that ever it had, and by the which it was especially known before the arrival of Albion.  
MAgus the son of Samothes, 
Magus the son of Samothes Lib. 9  after the death of his father, was the second king of Celtica; by whom (as Berosus writeth) there were many towns builded among the Celts, which by the witness of Annius did bear the addition of their founder Magus: 
Annius in co● men. super ●●dem. Geogr.  of which towns divers are to be found in Ptolemy: And Antoninus a painful surueior of the world and searcher of cities, maketh mention of four of them here in Britain, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Noviomagus. Neomagus sir Thomas Eliot writeth to have stood where the city of Chester now standeth; Niomagus, George Lillie placeth where the town of Buckingham is now remaining. Beside this, Bale doth so highly commend the foresaid Magus for his learning renowned over all the world, that he would have the Persians, and other nations of the south and west parts, to derive the name of their divines called Magi from him. In deed Ravisius Textor, and sir john Prise affirm, that in the days of Pliny, the Britons were so expert in art magic, that they might be thought to have first delivered the same to the Persians. What the name of Magus importeth, and of what profession the Magi were, Tully declareth at large, 
De diui. lib. 1. DE fastis li. 5.  and Mantuan in brief, after this manner: 
Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit,  
Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumú deorum,  
Persepoli facit ista magos prudentia triplex.  
The Persians term him Magus, that  
the course of stars doth know,  
The power of herbs, and worship due  
to God that man doth owe, 
H. F.   
By threefold knowledge thus the name  
of Magus then doth grow.   
SArron the third king of the Celts succeeded his father Magus in government of the country of Gallia, 
Sarron the son of Magus. De ant. Cant. lib. 1. Bale script. Brit. cent. 1.  and the isle Samothea, wherein as (D. Caius writeth) he founded certain public places for them that professed learning, with Berosus affirmeth to be done, to the internt to restrain the wilful outrage of men, being as then but raw and void of all civility. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the first author of those kind of philosophers, which were called Sarronides, of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: 
Lib. 6.  There are (saith he) among the Celts certain divines and philosophers called Sarronides, whom above all other they have in great estimation. For it is the manner among them, not without a philosopher to make any sacrifice: sith they are of belief, that sacrifices ought only to be made by such as are skilful in the divine mysteries, as of those who are nearest unto God, by whose intercession they think all good things are to be required of God, and whose advise they use and follow, as well in war as in peace.  
DRuis, whom Seneca calleth Dryus, 
Druis the son of Sarron.  being the son of Sarron, 
De morte Claud  was after his father established the fourth king of Celtica, indifferently reigning as well over the Celts as Britons, or rather (as the inhabitants of this isle were then called) Samotheans. This prince is commended by Berosus to be so plentifully endued with wisdom and learning, that Annius taketh him to be the undoubted author of the beginning and name of the philosophers called Druids, whom Caesar and all other ancient Greek and Latin writers do affirm to have had their beginning in Britain, and to have been brought from thence into Gallia, insomuch that when there arose any doubt in that country touching any point of their discipline, they did repair to be resolved therein into Britain, where, specially in the isle of Anglesey (as Humphrey L●●oyd witnesseth) they made their principal abode. 
Anti. lib. 5. Annius super eu●ndem. De bello Gallico. lib. 9 De belio Gallico. 6;  Touching their usages many things are written by Aristotle, Sotion, Pliny, Laertius, Bodinus, and others: which I will gather in brief, and set down as followeth. They had (as Caesar saith) the charge of common & private sacrifices, the discussing of points of religion, the bringing up of youth, the determining of matters in variance, with full power to interdict so many from the sacrifice of their gods and the company of men, as disobeyed their award. 
Hist. an. lib. 1.  Polydore affirmeth, how they taught, that men's souls could not die, but departed from one body to another, and that to the intent to make men valiant and dreadless of death. Tully writeth, 
De diui. lib. 1.  that partly by tokens, and partly by surmises, they would foretell things to come. And by the report of Hector Boetius, 
Hi●t. S●oti, li. 2.  some of them were not ignorant of the immortality of the one and everlasting God. 
Demigr. gen. 〈◊〉 2.  All these things they had written in the Greek tongue, insomuch that Wolf Lazius (upon the report of Marcellinus 
Marcellinus. ) declareth how the Greek letters were first brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druids. And hereupon it cometh also to pass, that the British tongue hath in it remaining at this day some smack of the Greek. Among other abuses of the Druids, they had (according to Diodorus) one custom to kill men, and by the falling, bleeding, and dismembering of the, to divine of things to come: for the which and other wicked practices, their sect was first condemned for abominable (as some have written) and dissolved in Gallia (as aventinus witnesseth) by Tiberius and Cladius the emperors; 
Anna. B oiorum. lib. 22.  and lastly abolished here in Britain (by the report of Caius) when the gospel of Christ by the preaching of Fugatius and Damianus was received among the Britain's, 
De ant. Caut.  under Lucius king of Britain, about the year of our saviour, 179.  
BArdus the son of Druis succeeded his father in the kingdom of Celtica, 
Bardus the son of Druis. Berosus ani. lib. 2. Annius in com●en super eur●dem.  and was the fift king over the Celtes and Samotheans, amongst whom he was highly renowned (as appeareth by Berosus) for invention of ditties and music, wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that he trained his people: and of such as excelled in this knowledge, he made an order of philosophical poets or heralds, calling them by his own name Bardi. And it should seem by doctor Caius and master Bale, 
Ant. Cant. li. 1. script. Britain. cent. 1,  that Caesar found some of them here at his arrival in this isle, and reported that they had also their first beginning in the same. The profession and usages of these Bardi, Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale, 
Nonnius Marcel. Strabo. Diodor. Sicul. lib. 6. ●arol. Stepha. ●n dict. hist. Bale. john Prise.  and sir john Prise, are in effect reported after this sort. They did use to record the noble exploits of the ancient captains, and to draw the pedegrées and genealogies of such as were living. They would frame pleasant ditties and songs, learn the same by heart, and sing them to instruments at solemn feasts and assemblies of noble men and gentlemen. Wherefore they were had in so high estimation, that if two hosts had been ready ranged to join in battle, and that any of them had fortuned to enter among them, both the hosts (as well the enemies as the friends) would have holden their hands, given ear unto them, and ceased from fight, until these Bards had gone out of the battle. Of these Bards Lucan saith, 
Vos quoque qui fortes animas bellóque peremptas, 
Lucan. lib. 1.   
Laudius in longum vates dimittitis aeuum,  
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi:  
And you o poet Bards from danger void that ditties sound,  
Of souls of dreadless men, 
H. F.  whom rage of battle would confound,  
And make their lasting praise to time of later age rebound.   
Because the names of these poets were neither discrepant from the civility of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the Christians, they (of all the other sects before specified) were suffered only to continue unabolished in all ages, insomuch that there flourished of them among the Britain's (according to Bale) before the birth of Christ, 
john Bale script Britan. cent. 2. john Prise deafen hist. Brit. Caius de ant. Cant lib. 1. john Leland syllable. of't. dict. Hum. Lloyd de Mona insula.  Plenidus and Oronius: after Christ (as Prise recounteth) Thalestine, and the two Merlin's, Melkin, Elaskirion, and others: and of late days among the Welshmen, David Day, jollo Gough, David ap William, with an infinite number more. And in Wales there are sundry of them (as Caius reporteth) remaining unto this day, where they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes'. Also by the witness of Humphrey Llhoyd, there is an Island near unto Wales, called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, whereof the one name in Latin, and the other in Saxon or old English, signifieth the Island of the Bards or Barthes'. Thus far the government of the Celts in this isle.  

An appendix to the former chapter.  
AFter Bardus, 
Bale.  the Celts (as Bale saith) loathing the streict ordinances of their ancient kings, and b●●aking themselves to pleasure and idleness, were in short time, and with small labour brought under the subjection of the giant Albion, the son of Neptune, who altering the state of things in this Island, streicted the name of Celtica and the Celts within the bounds of Gallia, from whence they came first to inhabit this land under the conduct of Samothes, as before ye have heard, accordingly as Annius hath gathered out of Berosus the Chaldean, 
Annius.  who therein agreeth also with the scripture, the saying of Theophilus the doctor, 
Theophilus.  and the general consent of all writers, which fully consent, that the first inhabitants of this isle came out of the parties of Gallia, although some of them dissent about the time and manner of their coming. Sir Brian Tuke thinketh it to be meant of the arrival of Brute, 
Sir Brian Tuke  when he came out of those countries into this isle. Caesar and Tacitus seem to be of opinion, 
Caesar. Tacitus. Bodinus.  that those Celts which first inhabited here, came over to view the country for trade of merchandise. Bodinus would have them to come in (a God's name) from Languedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a city in Languadoc named Albie. Beda, 
Beda. Polydor.  and likewise Polydore (who followeth him) affirm that they came from the coasts of Armorica, which is now called little Britain.  
But that the authorities afore recited are sufficient to prove the time that this Island was first inhabited by the Celts, the old possessors of Gallia; not only the néernesse of the regions, but the congruence of languages, two great arguments of originals do fully confirm the same. Bodinus writeth upon report, 
Bodinus.  that the British and Celtike language was all one. But whether that be true or not, I am not able to affirm, because the Celtike tongue is long sithence grown wholly out of use. Howbeit some such Celtike words as remain in the writings of old authors may be perceived to agree with the Welsh tongue, being the voncorrupted speech of the ancient Britain's. In deed Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language called a horse Marc: 
Pausanias.  and by that name do the Welshmen call a horse to this day: and the word Trimarc in Pausanias, signifieth in the Celtike tongue, three horses.  
Thus it appeareth by the authority of writers, by situation of place, and by affinity of language, that this Island was first found and inhabited by the Celts, that there name from Samothes to Albion continued here the space of 310 years or there abouts. And finally it is likely, 
john Bale.  that aswell the progeny as the speech of them is partly remaining in this isle among the inhabitants, and specially the British, even unto this day.    

Of the giant Albion, of his coming into this Island, divers opinions why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were slain by Hercules: of Danaus and of his 50. daughters. The third Chapter.  
Neptunus' called by Moses (as some take it) Nepthuim, 
Bale.  the sixth son of Osiris, after the account of Annius, and the brother of Hercules, 
Annius de Viterbo. Diodorus Siculus.  had appointed him of his father (as Diodorus writeth) the government of the ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himself of sundry light ships for the more ready passage by water, 
Pinnesses or galleys.  which in the end grew to the number of a full navy: & so by continual exercise he became so skilful, and therewith so mighty upon the waters (as Higinus & Pictonius do write) that he was not only called the king, 
Higinus. Pictonius.  but also esteemed the god of the seas. He had to wife a lady called Amphitrita, who was also honoured as goddess of the seas, of whose body he begat sundry children: and (as Bale reporteth) he made every one of them king of an Island. 
Scrip. Bri. cens. 1.  In the isle of Britain he landed his fourth son called Albion the giant, who brought the same under his subjection. And hereupon it resteth, that john Textor, and Polydore Virgil made mention, that light ships were first invented in the British seas, 
joh. Textor. Polydor.  and that the same were covered round with the hides of beasts, for defending them from the surges and waves of the water.  
This Albion being put by his father in possession of this isle of Britain, within short time subdued the Samotheans, the first inhabitants thereof, without finding any great resistance, for that (as before ye have heard) they had given over the practice of all warlike and other painful exercises, and through use of effeminate pleasures, whereunto they had given themselves over, they were become now unapt to withstand the force of their enemies: and so (by the testimony of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, 
Nichol. Perot. Rigmanus Philesius. Aristotle. Hum. Lhoyd.  and Humphrey Llhoyd, with divers other, both foreign & home-writers) this Island was first called by the name of Albion, having at one time both the name and inhabitants changed from the line of japhet unto the accursed race of Cham.  
This Albion (that thus changed the name of this Isle) and his company, are called giants, which signifieth none other than a tall kind of men, of that uncorrupt stature and highness naturally incident to the first age (which Berosus also seemeth to allow, 
Berosus.  where he writeth, that Noah was one of the giants) and were not so called only of their monstrous greatness, as the common people think (although in deed they exceeded the usual stature of men now in these days) but also for that they took their name of the soil where they were borne: 
What Gigantes signify.  for Gigantes signifieth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as Cesar calleth them) Indigenae) that is, borne and bred out of the earth were they inhabited.  
Thus some think, but verily although that their opinion is not to be allowed in any condition, which maintain that there should be any Aborigines, 
Against the opinion of the Aborigines.  or other kind of men than those of Adam's line; yet that there have been men of far greater stature than are now to be found, is sufficiently proved by the huge bones of those that have been found in our time, or lately before: whereof here to make further relation it shall not need, sith in the description of Britain ye shall find it sufficiently declared.  
But now to our purpose. As Albion held Britain in subjection, 
Bale. Bergion 〈◊〉 there to 〈◊〉 Hercules ●●●bicus.  so his brother Bergion kept Ireland and the Orkenies under his rule and dominion, and hearing that their coosine Hercules Lybicus having finished his conquests in Spain, meant to pass through Gallia into Italy, against their brother Lestrigo that oppressed Italy, under subjection of him & other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune; as well Albion as Bergion assembling their powers together, passed over into Gallia, to stop the passage of Hercules, whose intention was to vanquish and destroy those tyrants the sons of Neptune, & their complices that kept divers countries and regions under the painful yoke of their heavy thraldom.  
The cause that moaned Hercules thus to pursue upon those tyrants now reigning thus in the world, 
The cause why Hercules purs●● his coosins.  was, for that not long before, the greatest part of them had conspired together and slain his father. Osiris, not withstanding that they were nephews to the same Osiris, as sons to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter, they divided his carcase also amongst them, so that each of them got a piece in token of rejoicing at their murderous achieved enterprise.  
For this cause Hercules (whom Moses calleth Laabin) proclaimed wars against them all in revenge of his father's death: and first he killed Triphon and Bustris in Egypt, than Anteus in Mauritania, & the Garions in Spain, which enterprise achieved, he led his army towards Italy, and by the way passed, through a part of Gallia, where Albion and Bergion having united their powers together, 
Pomp Me●●  were ready to receive him with battle: and so near to the mouth of the river called Rhosne, in Latin Rhodanus, they met & fought. At the first there was a right terrible and cruel conflict betwixt them. And albeit that Hercules had the greatest number of men, yet was it very doubtful a great while, to whether part the glory of that days work would bend. whereupon when the victory began outright to turn unto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceiving the danger and likelihood of utter lose of that battle, specially for that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood still and were not otherwise occupied, to stoop down, and to gather up stones, 
Hercules' 〈◊〉 conifite●h ● enemies.  whereof in that place there was great plenty, which by his commandment they bestowed so freely upon their enemies, that in the end he obtained the victory, and did not only put his adversaries to flight, 
Albion is slain.  but also slew Albion there in the field, together with his brother Bergion, and the most part of all their whole army. This was the end of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowess of Hercules, who as one appointed by God's providence to subdue the cruel & unmerciful tyrants, spent his time to the benefit of mankind, delivering the oppressed from the heavy yoke of miserable thraldom, in every place where he came.  
And by the order of this battle we may learn whereof the poets had their invention, 
The occ●●● of the fables jupiters' ●●●ping his s●● Hercules. How this 〈◊〉 was called Albion, 〈◊〉 giant Ilbe●● john Bale.  when they feign in their writings, that jupiter holp his son Hercules, by throwing down stones from heaven in this battle against Albion and Bergion. Moreover, from henceforth was this isle of Britain called Albion (as before we have said) after the name of the said Albion: because he was established chief ruler and king thereof both by his grandfather Osiris, and his father Neptune that cunning sailour reigning therein (as Bale saith) by the space of 44. years, till finally he was slain in manner afore remembered by his uncle Hercules Libicus.  
After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroyed his enemies, he passed to and fro through Gallia, suppressing the tyrants in every part where he came, and restoring the people unto a reasonable kind of liberty, under lawful governors. This Hercules (as we find) builded the city Alexia in Burgongne, now called Alize. Moreover, by Lilius Giraldus in the life of Hercules it is avouched, that the same Hercules came over hither into Britain. And this doth Giraldus writer by warrant of such Britons as (saith he) have so written themselves, which thing peradventure he hath read in Gildas the ancient Briton poet: a book that (as he confesseth in the 5. dialog of his histories of poets) he hath seen. The same thing also is confirmed by the name of an head of land in Britain called Promontorium Herculis, as in Ptolemy ye may read, which is thought to take name of his arrival at that place. Thus much for Albion and Hercules.  
But now, 
divers opinions why this Isle was called Albion. See more hereof in the description.  whereas it is not denied of any, that this isle was called anciently by the name of Albion: yet there be divers opinions how it came by that name: for many do not allow of this history of Albion the giant. But for so much as it appertaineth rather to the description than to the history of this isle, to rip up and lay forth the secret mysteries of such matters: and because I think that this opinion which is here avouched, how it took that name of the foresaid Albion, son to Neptune, may be confirmed with as good authority as some of the other, I here pass over the rest, & proceed with the history.  
When Albion chief captain of the giants was slain, the residue that remained at home in the isle, continued without any rule or restraint of law, in so much that they fell to such a dissolute order of life, that they seemed little or nothing to differ from brute beasts: and those are they which our ancient chronicles call the giants, who were so named, as well for the huge proportion of their stature (sithence as before is said, that age brought forth far greater men than are now living) as also for that they were the first, or at the least the furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this country. For this word Gigines, or Gegines, from whence our word giant (as some take it) is derived, is a Greek word, and signifieth, Borne or bred of or in the earth, for our foreelders, specially the Gentiles, being ignorant o the true beginning of mankind, were persuaded, that the first inhabitants of any country were bred out of the earth, and therefore when they could go no higher, reckoning the descents of their predecessors, 
Terrae filius what it signifieth.  they would name him Terrae filius, The son of the earth: and so the giants whom the poets feign to have sought to make battle against heaven are called the sons of the earth: and the first inhabitants generally of every country were of the Greeks called Gigines, or Gegines, and of the Latins Aborigines, 
Aborigines. Indigenae.  and Indigenae, that is, People borne of earth from the beginning, and coming from no other country, but bred within the same.  
These giants and first inhabitants of this isle continued in their beastly kind of life unto the arrival of the ladies, 
The mistaking of the name of Dioclesianus for Danaus.  which some of our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daughters of Dioclesian the king of Assyria, whereas in deed they have been deceived, in taking the word Danaus to be short written for Dioclesianus: and by the same means have divers words and names been mistaken, both in our chronicles, and in divers other ancient written works. But this is a fault that learned men should not so much trouble themselves about, considering the same hath been already found by sundry author's ling sithence, as Hugh the Italian, john-harding, john Rouse of Warwick, 
Hugh the Italian. Harding. john Rous out of David Pencair.  and others, specially by the help of David Pencair. a British history, who recite the history under the name of Danaus and his daugthers. And because we would not any man to think, that the history of these daughters of Danaus is only of purpose devised, and brought in place of Dioclesianus, to excuse the imperfection of our writers, whereas there as either no such history (or at the least no such women that arrived in this Isle) 
Nennius.  the authority of Nennius a Briton writer may be avouched who wrote above 900. years past, and maketh mention of the arrival of such ladies.  
To be short, 
Belus priscus. Dictionarium poeticum.  the history is thus. Belus the son of Epaphus, or (as some writers have) of Neptune and Labies (whom Isis after the death of Apis married) had issue two sons: the first Danaus, called also Armeus; and Aegyptus called also Rameses': these two were kings among the Egyptians. Danaus' the elder of the two, 
Danaus. Aegyprus. Higinus.  having in his rule the upper region of Egypt, had by sundry wives 50. daughters, with whom his brother Aegyptus, gaping for the dominion of the whole, did instantly labour, that his sons being also 50. in number, might match. But Danaus having knowledge by some prophesy or oracle, that a son in law of his should be his death, refused so to bestow his daughters. Hereupon grew war betwixt the brethren, in the end whereof, Danaus being the weaker, was enforced to flee his country, and so prepared a navy, embarked himself and his daughters, and with them passed over into Gréece, where he found means to dispossess Gelenor (son to Stenelas king of Argos) of his rightful inheritance, driving him out of his country, and reigned in his place by the assistance of the Argives that had conceived an hatred towards Gelenor, and a great liking towards Danaus, who in very deed did so far excel the kings that had reigned there before him, that the Greeks in remembrance of him were after called Danai.  
But his brother Aegyptus, taking great disdain for that he and his sons were in such sort despised of Danaus, sent his sons with a great army to make war against their uncle, giving them in charge not to return, till they had either slain Danaus, or obtained his daugthers in marriage. he young gentlemen according to their father's commandment, being arrived in Greece, made such war against Danaus, that in the end he was constrained to give unto those his 50. nephews his 50. daughters, to join with them in marriage, and so they were. But as the proverb saith, In trust appeared treachery. For on the first night of the marriage, Danaus' delivered to each of his daughters a sword, charging them that when their husbands after their banquets and pastimes were once brought into a sound sleep, each of them should slay her husband, menacing them with death unless they fulfilled his commandment. They all therefore obeyed the will of their father, Hypermnestra only excepted, with whom prevailed more the love of kindred and wedlock, than the fear of her father's displeasure: for she alone spared the life of her husband Lynceus, waking him out of his sleep, and warning him to departed and flee into Egypt to his father. He therefore having all the wicked practices revealed to him by his wife, followed her advice, and so escaped.  
Now when Danaus perceived how all his daughters had accomplished his commandment, 
Pausanias.  saving only Hypermnestra, he caused her to be brought forth into judgement, for disobeying him in a matter wherein both the safety and loss of his life rested: but she was acquitted by the Argives, & discharged. Howbeit her father kept her in prison, and seeking to find out other husbands for his other daughters that had obeyed his pleasure in slaying their first husbands, long it was yer he could find any to match with them: for the heinous offence committed in the slaughter of their late husbands, was yet too fresh in memory, and their blood not wiped out of mind. Nevertheless, to bring his purpose the better to pass, he made proclamation, that his daughhters should demand no jointures, and every suitor should take his choice without respect to the age of the lady, or ability of him that came to make his choice, but so as first come best served, according to their own fantasies and likings. Howbeit when this policy also failed, & would not serve his turn, he devised a game of running, ordaining therewith, that whosoever got the best price should have the first choice among all the sisters; and he that got the second, should choose next to the first; and so forth, each one after an other, according to the trial of their swiftness of foot.  
How much this practice availed, I know not: but certain it is, divers of them were bestowed, either by this or some other means, for we find that Autonomes was married to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as Pausanias saith) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Amaome with Neptunus Equestris, on whom he begat Nauplius.  
But now to return unto Lynceus, 
Higinus,  whom his wife Hypermnestra preserved, as before ye have heard. After he was once got out of the reach and danger of his father in law king Danaus, he gave knowledge thereof to his wife, 
Pausanias.  in raising a fire on height beaconwise, accordingly as she had requested him to do at his departure from her: and this was at a place which afterwards took name of him, and was called Lyncea. Upon his return into Egypt, he gave his father to understand the whole circumstance of the treacherous cruelty used by his uncle and his daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how hardly he himself had escaped death out of his uncles hands. Whereupon at time convenient he was furnished forth with men and ships by his father, for the speedy revenge of that heinous, unnatural and most disloyal murder, in which enterprise he sped him forth with such diligence, that in short time he found means to dispatch his uncle Danaus, set his wife Hypermnestra at liberty, and subdued the whole kingdom of the Argives.  
This done, he caused the daughters of Danaus' (so many as remained within the limits of his dominion) to be sent for, whom he thought not worthy to live, because of the cruel murder which they had committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wives sisters, he would not put them to death, but commanded them to be thrust into a ship, without master, mate or mariner, and so to be turned into the main ocean sea, and to take and abide such fortune as should chance unto them. These ladies thus embarked and left to the mercy of the seas, by hap were brought to the coasts of this isle then called Albion, 
Harding and john Rous out of David Pencair.  where they took land, and in seeking to provide themselves of victuals by pursuit of wild beasts, met with no other inhabitants, than the rude and savage giants mentjoined before, whom our historiens for their beastly kind of life do call devils. With these monsters did these ladies (finding none other to satisfy the motions the motions of their sensual lust) join in the act of venery, and engendered a race of people in proportion nothing differing from their fathers that begat them, nor in conditions from their mothers that bore them.  
But now peradventure ye will think that I have forgotten myself, in rehearsing this history of the lady's arrival here, because I make no mention of Albina, which should be the eldest of the sisters, of whom this land should also take the name of Albion. To this we answer, that as the name of their father hath been mistaken, so likewise hath the whole course of the history in this behalf. For though we shall admit that to be true which is rehearsed (in manner as before ye have heard) of the arrival here of those ladies; yet certain it is that none of them bore the name of Albina, from whom this land might be called Albion. For further assurance whereof, if any man be desirous to know all their names, 
Higinus.  we have thought good bear to rehearse them as they be found in Higinus, Pausanias, 
The names of the daughters of Danaus.  and others, 1 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Eurydice, 13 Chleo, 14 Urania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danae's, 22 Scea, 23 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome, 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero, 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora, 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies the daughters of Danaus: howbeit, which they were that should arrive in this isle, we cannot say: but it sufficeth to understand, that none of them height Albina. So that, whether the history of their landing here should be true or not, it is all one for the matter concerning the name of this isle, which undoubtedly was called Albion, either of Albion the giant (as before I have said) or by some other occasion. 
See more in the description.   
And thus much for the ladies, whose strange adventure of their arrival here, as it may seem to many & (with good cause) incredible, so without further avouching it for truth, I leave it to the consideration of the reader, to think thereof as reason shall move him; sith I see niot how either in this, or in other things of such antiquity, we cannot have sufficient warrant otherwise than by likely conjectures. Which as in this history of the ladies they are not most probable, yet have we showed the likeliest, that (as we think) may be deemed to agree with those authors that have written of their coming into this isle. But as for an assured proof that this isle was inhabited with people before the coming of Brute, I trust it may suffice which before is recited out of Annius de Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although much more might be said: as of the coming hither of Osiris, as well as in the other parties of the world: and likewise of Ulysses his being here, 
Ulysses in Britain.  who in performing some vow which he either than did make, or before had made, erected an altar in that part of Scotland which was anciently called Calidonia, as julius Solinus Polyhistor in plain words doth record. 
julius Solinus.   
¶ Upon these considerations I have no doubt to deliver unto the reader, the opinion of those that think this land to have been inhabited before the arrival here of Brute, trusting it may be taken in good part, sith we have but showed the conjectures of others, till time that some sufficient learned man shall take upon him to decipher the doubts of all these matters. Nevertheless, I think good to advertise the reader that these stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, do rely only upon the authority of Berosus, whom most diligent antiquaries do reject as a fabulous and counterfeit author, and Vacerius hath laboured to prove the same by a special treatise lately published at Rome.    

THE SECOND BOOK of the History of England.  

Of Brute and his descent, how he slew his father in hunting, his banishment, his letter to king Pandrasus, against whom he wageth battle, taketh him prisoner, and concludeth peace upon conditions. The first Chapter.  
HItherto have we spoken of the inhabitants of this isle before the coming of Brute, although some will needs have it, that he was the first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the Troyans', some few giants only excepted whom he utterly destroyed, and left not one of them alive through the whole isle. But as we shall not doubt of Brutus' coming hither, so may we assuredly think, that he found the isle peopled either with the generation of those which Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he did subdue, 
Humfr. Lhoyd.  and so reigned as well over them as over those which he brought with him.  
This Brutus, or Brytus [for this letter (Y) hath of ancient time had the sounds both of V and I) (as the author of the book which Geffrey of Monmouth translated doth affirm) was the son of silvius, the son of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas the Trioan, begotten of his wife Creusa, & borne in troy, before the city was destroyed. But as other do take it, 
Harding Alex. Nevil. W. Har.  the author of that book (whatsoever he was) and such other as follow him, are deceived only in this point, mistaking the matter, in that Posthumus the son of Aeneas (begotten of his wife Lavinia, and borne after his father's decease in Italy) was called Ascanius, who had issue a son named julius, who (as these others do conjecture) was the father of Brute, that noble chieftain and adventurous leader of those people, which being descended (for the more part in the fourth generation) from those Troyans' that escaped with life, when that royal city was destroyed by the Greeks, got possession of this worthy and most famous I'll.  
To this opinion Giovan Villani a Florentine in his universal history, speaking of Aeneas and his offspring kings of Italy, seemeth to agree, where he saith: silvius (the son of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia) fell in love with a niece of his mother Lavinia, and by her had a son, of whom she died in travel, and therefore was called Brutus, who after as he grew in some stature, and hunting in a forest slew his father unwares, and thereupon for fear of his grandfather silvius Posthumus he fled the country, and with a retinue of such as followed him, passing through divers seas, at length he arrived in the isle of Britain.  
Concerning therefore our Brute, whether his father julius was son to Ascanius the son of Aeneas by his wife Creusa, or son to Posthumus called also Aseanius, and son to Aeaneas by his wife Lavinia, we will not further stand. But this, we find, that when he came to the age of 15. years, so that he was now able to ride abroad with his father into the forests and chaces, he fortuned (either by mishap, or by God's providence) to strike his father with an arrow, 
Brute killeth his father.  in shooting at a dear, of which wound he also died. His grandfather (whether the same was Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this great misfortune that had chanced to his son silvius, lived not long after, but died for very grief and sorrow (as is supposed) which he conceived thereof. And the young gentleman, immediately after he had slain his father (in manner before alleged) was banished his country, and thereupon got him into Grecia, where traveling the country, he lighted by chance among some of the Trojan offspring, and associating himself with them, grew by means of the lineage (whereof he was descended) in process of time into great reputation among them: chiefly by reason there were yet divers of the Trojan race, and that of great authority in that country. For Pyrrhus the son of Achilles, 
Pausanias.  having no issue by his wife Hermione, married Andromache, late wife unto Hector: and by her had three sons, Molossus, Pileus, and Pergamus, who in their time grew to be of great power in those places and countries, and their offspring likewise: whereby Brutus or Brytus wanted no friendship. For even at his first coming thither, divers of the Troyans' that remained in servitude, being desirous of liberty, by flock resorted unto him. And amongst other, Assaracus was one, whom Brute entertained, receiving at his hands the possession of sundry forts and places of defence, before that the king of those parties could have understanding or knowledge of any such thing. Herewith also such as were ready to make the adventure with him, repaired to him on each side, whereupon he first placed garrisons in those towns which had been thus delivered unto him, and afterwards with Assaracus and the residue of the multitude he withdrew into the mountains near adjoining. And thus being made strong with such assistance, by consultation had with them that were of most authority about him, wrote unto the king of that country called Pandrasus, in form as followeth.  

A letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I find it set down in Galfride Monumetensis.  
BRute leader of the remnant of the Trojan people, to Pandrasus king of the Greeks, sendeth greeting. Because it hath been thought a thing unworthy, that the people descended of the noble lineage of Dardanus should be otherwise dealt with than the honour of their nobility doth require: they have withdrawn themselves within the close covert of the woods. For they have chosen rather (after the manner of wild beasts) to live on flesh and herbs in dibertie, than furnished with all the riches in the world to continue under the yoke of servile thraldom. But if this their doing offend thy mighty highness, they are not to be blamed, but rather in this behalf to be pardoned, sith every captive prisoner is desirous to be restored unto his former estate and dignity. You therefore pitying their case, vouchsafe to grant them their abridged liberty, and suffer them to remain in quiet within these woods which they have got into their possession: if not so, yet give them licence to departed forth of this country into some other parts.  
The sight of these letters, and request in them contemned, made Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, howbeit deliberating further of the matter, and considering their small number, he made no great account of them, but determined out of hand to suppress them by force, 
Pandrasus prepareth an army to suppress the Trojan offspring.  before they should grow to a greater multitude. 
Sparatinum.  And to bring his intention the better to pass, he passed by a town called Sparatinum, & marching toward the woods where he thought to have found his enemies, he was suddenly assaulted by Brute, who with three thousand men came forth of the woods, and fiercely setting upon his enemies, made great slaughter of them, so that they were utterly discomfited, & sought by flight to save themselves in passing a river near hand called Akalon. Brute with his men following fast upon the adversaries, caused them to plunge into the water at adventure, 
Peradventure Achelous  so that many of them were drowned. Howbeit Antigonus the brother of Prandrasus did what he could to stay the Grecians from fleeing, 
Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus.  and calling them back again did get some of them together, placed them in order, and began a new field: but it nothing availed, 
He is taken prisoner.  for the Troyans' pressing upon him, took him prisoner, slew and scattered his company, and ceased not till they had rid the fields of all their adversaries.  
This done, Brute entering the town, 
Brute entereth into Sparatinum.  furnished it with six hundred able soldiers, and afterwards went back to the residue of his people that were encamped in the woods, where he was received with unspeakable joy for this prosperous achieved enterprise. But although this evil success at the first beginning sore troubled Pandrasus, as well for the loss of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet was he rather kindled in desire to seek revenge, than otherwise discouraged. And therefore assembling his people again together that were scattered here and there, he came the next day before the town of Sparatinum, where he thought to have found Brute enclosed together with the prisoners, and therefore he showed his whole endeavour by hard siege and fierce assaults to force them within to yield.  
To conclude, so long he continued the siege, till victuals began to wax scant within, so that there was no way but to yield, if present succour came not to remove the siege: whereupon they signified their necessity unto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to fight with the enemies in open field, he meant to give them a camifado in the night season, and so ordered his business, that inforsing a prisoner (named Anacletus whom he had taken in the last battle) to serve his turn, by constreining him to take an oath (which he durst not for conscience sake break) he found means to encounter with his enemies upon the advantage, 
Pandrasus taken prisoner  that he did not only overthrow their whole power, but also took Pandrasus prisoner, whereby all the trouble was ended: and shortly after a perfect peace concluded, upon these conditinos following.  
First that Pandrasus should give his daugther Innogen unto Brute in marriage, 
The condinons of the agreement betwixt Brute & Pandrasus.  with a competent sum of gold and silver for her dowry.  
secondly, to furnish him and his people with a navy of ships, and to store the same with victuals and all other necessaries.  
thirdly, that Brute with his people▪ should have licence to departed the country, to seek adventures whither so ever it should please them to direct their course, without let, impeachment, or trouble to be offered any ways by the Greeks.  
To all these conditions (because they touched not the prerogative of his kingdom) Pandrasus did willingly agree, and likewise performed.    

Brute and his wife Innogen arrive in Leogitia, they ask counsel of an oracle where they shall inhabit, he meeteth with a remnant of Troyans' on the coasts near the shooting down of the Pyrenine hills into the sea.  
The second Chapter.  
ALL things being thus brought to pass according to Brutus' desire, wind also and wether serving the purpose, he with his wife Innogen and his people embarked, and hoising up sails departed from the coasts of Grecia. Now after two days and a nights sailing, they arrived at Leogitia (in some old written books of the British history noted down Lergetia) an Island, where they consulted with an oracle. Brute himself kneeling before the idol, and holding in his right hand a bowl prepared for sacrifice full of wine, and the blood of a white hind, spoke in this manner as here followeth: 
Diva potens nemorum, terror sylustribus apris,  
Cui licet anfractus ire per aethereos,  
Infernásque domos, terrestria iura resolve,  
Et dic quas terras nos habitare velis:  
Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in aeuum,  
Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.   
These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also do guess) were written by Gildas Cambrius in his book entitled Cambreidos, and may thus be Englished: 
Thou goddess that dost rule  
the woods and forests green,  
And chastest foaming boars  
that flee thine awful sight,  
Thou that mayst pass aloft  
in airy skies so sheen,  
And walk eke under earth in places void of light,  
Discover earthly states, direct our course aright,  
And show where we shall dwell, according to thy will,  
In seats of sure abode, where temples we may dight  
For virgins that shall sound thy land with voices shrill.   
After this prayer and coremonie done, according to the pagan rite and custom, Brute abiding his answer, fell asleep: in which sleep appeared to him the said goddess uttering this answer in the verses following expressed.  
Brute, sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna,  
Insula in oceano est, undique clausa mari,  
Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim,  
Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuis:  
Hanc pete, námque tibi sedes erit illa perennis,  
Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis:  
Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis  
Totius terrae subditus orbis erit.  
Brute, far bywest beyond the Gallike land is found,  
An Isle which with the ocean seas enclosed is about,  
Where giants dwelled sometime, but now is desert ground,  
Most meet where thou mayst plant thyself with all thy rout:  
Make thitherwards with speed, for there thou shalt find out  
An everduring seat, and troy shall rise anew,  
Unto thy race, of whom shall kings be borne no doubt,  
That with their mighty power the world shall whole subdue.  
After he awaked out of sleep, and had called his dream to remembrance, he first doubted whether it were a very dream, or a true vision, the gods having spoken to him with lively voice. Whereupon calling such of his company unto him as he thought requisite in such a case, he declared unto them the whole matter with the circumstances, whereat they greatly rejoicing, caused mighty bonfixes to be made, in the which they cast wine, milk, and other liquors, with divers gums and spices of most sweet smell and savour, as in the pagan religion was accustomed. Which observances and ceremonies performed and brought to end, they returned streightwaies to their ships, and as soon as the wind served, passed forward on their journey with great joy and gladness, as men put in comfort to find out the wished seats for their firm and sure habitations. From hence therefore they cast about, 
Brute with his company landed in Africa.  and making westward, first arrived in Africa, and after keeping on their course, they passed the straits of Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hand, they found another company that were likewise descended of the Trojan progeny, on the coasts near where the Pyrenine hills shoot down to the sea, 
The mistaking of those that have copied the British history putting Mare Tyrrhenum, for Pyrenaenum.  whereof the same sea by good reason (as some suppose) was named in those days Mare Pyrenaeum, although hitherto by fault of writers & copiers of the British history received, in this place Mare Tyrrhenum, was slightly put down in stead of Pyrenaeum.  
The offspring of those Troyans', with whom Brute and his company thus did meet, were a remnant of them that came away with Antenor. Their captain height Corineus, a man of great modesty and approved wisdom, and thereto of incomparable strength and boldness.   

Brute and the said Troyans' with their captain Corineus do associate, they take landing within the dominion of king Goffarus, he raiseth an army against Brute and his power, but is discomfited: of the city of Tours: Brutus' arrival in this Island with his company. The third Chapter.  
AFter that Brute and the said Troyans', 
Brute and Corineus join their companies together.  by conference interchangeably had, understood one another's estates, and how they were descended from one country and progeny, they united themselves together, greatly rejoicing that they were so fortunately met: and hoising up their sails, 
They arrive on the coasts of Gallia, now called France. Goffarius surnamed Pictus. Les annals d Aquitaine. Agathyrsi, otherwise called Picts, of painting their bodies.  directed their course forward still, till they arrived within the mouth of the river of Loire, which divideth Aquitaine from Gall Celtike, where they took land within the dominion of a king called Goffarius, surnamed Pictus, by reason he was descended of the people Agathyrsi, otherwise named Picts, because they used to paint their faces and bodies, insomuch that the richer a man was amongst them, the more cost he bestowed in painting himself; and commonly the hair of their head was red, or (as probable writers say) of sky colour. Herodotus calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Marcellus. Pliny. Herodotus li. 4.  because they did wear much gold about them. They used their wives in common, and because they are all supposed to be brethren, there is no strife nor discord among them. Of these Agathyrsi, it is recorded by the said Herodotus, that they refused to secure the Scythians against Darius, giving this reason of their refusal; because they would not make war against him who had done them no wrong. 
Virg. Aeneid. 4:  And of this people doth the poet make mention, saying, ¶ Cretésque Dryopésque fremunt pictique Agathyrsi.  
To paint their faces not for amiableness, 
Caesar come. li. 5  but for terribleness, the Britons in old time used, and that with a kind of herb like unto plantine. In which respect I see no reason why they also should not be called Picts, as well as the Agathyrsi; seeing the denomination sprang of a vain custom in them both. And here by the way, 
P. Mart. come. part. 2. sect. 60.  sithence we have touched this folly in two several people, let it not seem tedious to read this one trick of the Indians, among whom there is great plenty of precious stones, wherewith they adorn themselves in this manner; namely, in certain hollow places which they make in their flesh, they enclose and rivet in precious stones, and that as well in their foreheads as their cheeks, to none other purpose, than the Agathyrsi in the use of their painting.  
The country of Poictou (as some hold) where the said Goffarius reigned, took name of this people: & likewise a part of this our Isle of Britain now contained within Scotland, 
Pightland or Pictland.  which in ancient time was called Pightland or Pictland, as elsewhere both in this history of England, and also of Scotland may further appear. But to our purpose.  
When Goffarius the king of Poictou was advertised of the landing of these strangers within his country, 
Goffarius sendeth unto Brute.  he sent first certain of his people to understand what they meant by their coming a land within his dominion, without licence or leave of him obtained. They that were thus sent, came by chance to a place where Corineus with two hundred of the company were come from the ships into a forest near the sea side, to kill some venison for their sustenance: and being rebuked with some disdainful speech of those Poictovins, 
Corineus answereth the messengers. Imbert.  he shaped them a round answer: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let drive an arrow at Corineus: but he avoiding the danger thereof, shot again at Imbert, in revenge of that injury offered, 
Imbert is slain by Corincus.  and clave his head in sunder. The rest of the Poictovins fled thereupon, and brought word to Goffarius what had happened: 
Goffarius raiseth an army.  who immediately with a mighty army made forward to encounter with the Troyans', and coming to join with them in battle, after sharp and sore conflict, in the end Brute with his army obtained a triumphant victory, 
Goffarius is discomfited.  specially through the noble prowess of Corineus.  
Goffarius escaping from the field, 
Goffarius seeketh aid against Brute.  fled into the inner parts of Gallia, making suit for assistance unto such kings as in those days reigned in divers provinces of that land, who promised to aid him with all their forces, and to expel out of the coasts of Aquitaine, such strangers as without his licence were thus entered the country. 
Brute spoileth the country.  But Brute in the mean time passed forward, and with fire and sword made havoc in places where he came: and gathering great spoils, 
Turonium or Tours built by Brute.  fraught his ships with plenty of riches. At length he came to the place, where afterwards he built a city named Turonium, that is, Tours.  
Here Goffarius, with such Galls as were assembled to his aid, 
Goffarius having renewed his forces, fighteth eftsoons with Brute.  gave battle again unto the Troyans' that were encamped to abide his coming. Where after they has fought a long time with singular manhood on both parties: the Troyans' in fine oppressed with multitudes of adversaries (even thirty times as many more as the Troyans') were constrained to retire into their camp, within the which the Galls kept them as besieged, lodging round about them, and purposing by famine to compel them to yield themselves unto their mercy. But Corineus taking counsel with Brute, devised to departed in the dark of the night out of the camp, to lodge himself with three thousand chosen soldiers secretly in a wood, and there to remain in covert till the morning that Brute should come forth and give a charge upon the enemies, wherewith Corineus should break forth and assail the Galls on the backs.  
This policy was put in practice, and took such effect as the devisers themselves wished: for the Galls being sharply assailed on the front by Brute and his company, were now with the sudden coming of Corineus (who set upon them behind on their backs) brought into such a fear, that incontinently they took them to flight, whom the Troyans' eagerly pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they did overtake them. In this battle Brute lost many of his men, and amongst other one of his nephews named Turinus, after he had showed marvelous proof of his manhood. Of him (as some have written) the foresaid city of Tours took the name, and was called Turonium, because the said Turinus was there buried.  
Andrew Thevet affirmeth the contrary, 
Thevet.  and maintaineth that one Taurus the nephew of Hannibal was the first that enclosed it about with a pale of wood (as the manner of those days was of fensing their towns) in the year of the world 3374. 
3374  and before the birth of our saviour 197.  
But to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obtained so famous a victory, albeit there was good cause for him to rejoice, yet it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers daily decayed, and his enemies still increased, and grew stronger: whereupon resting doubtful what to do, 
Brute in doubt what to do.  whether to proceed against the Galls, or return to his ships to seek the Isle that was appointed him by oracle, at length he chose the surest and best way, as he took it, and as it proved. For whilst greater part of his army was yet left alive, and that the victory remained on his side, he drew to his navy, and lading his ships with exceeding great store of riches which his people had got abroad in the country, he took the seas again. After a few days sailing they landed at the haven now called Totnesse, 
Brute with his remnant of Troyans' arrive in this isle.  the year of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy 66, after the deliverance of the Israelites from the captivity of Babylon 397, 
Anno mundi 2850.  almost ended; in the 18 year of the reign of Tineas king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus king of Athens, before the building of Rome 368, which was before the nativity of our Saviour Christ 1116, 
1116  almost ended, and before the reign of Alexander the great 783.   

Brute discovereth the commodities of this Island, mighty giants withstand him, Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle together at a place beside Dover: he buildeth the city of Trinovant now termed London, calleth this Island by the name of Britain, and divideth it into three parts among his three sons. The fourth Chapter.  
WHEN Brute had entered this land, immediately after his arrival (as writers do record) he searched the country from side to side, and from end to end, finding it in most places very fertile and plenteous of wood and grass, and full of pleasant springs and fair rivers. As he thus traveled to discover the state and commodities of the Island, 
Brute encountered by the giants.  he was encountered by divers strong and mighty giants, whom he destroyed and slew, or rather subdued, with all such other people as he found in the Island, which were more in number than by report of some authors it should appear there were. Among these giants (as Geffrey of Monmouth writeth) there was one of passing strength and great estimation, named Gogmagog, 
Corineus wrestleth with Gogmagog.  with whom Brute caused Corineus to wrestle at a place beside Dover, where it chanced that the giant broke a rib in the side of Corineus while they strove to clasp, and the one to overthrow the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chafed and stirred to wrath, did so double his force that he got the upper hand of the giant, 
Gogmagog is slain.  and cast him down headlong from one of the rocks there, not far from Dover, and so dispatched him: by reason whereof the place was named long after, The fall or leap of Gogmagog, but afterward it was called The fall of Dover. For this valiant deed, and other the like services first and last achieved, 
Cornwall given to Corineus.  Brute gave unto Corineus the whole country of Cornwall. To be brief, after that Brute had destroyed such as stood against him, and brought such people under his subjection as he found in the isle, and searched the land from the one end to the other: he was desirous to build a city, that the same might be the seat royal of his empire or kingdom. Whereupon he chose a plot of ground lying on the north side of the river of Thames, which by good consideration seemed to be most pleasant and convenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswell for wholesomeness of air, goodness of soil, plenty of woods, and commodity of the river, serving as well to bring in as to carry out all kinds of merchandise and things necessary for the gain, store, and use of them that there should inhabit.  
Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a city, in the tenth or (as other think) in the second year after his arrival, which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troynovant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith) Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble city of Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part descended.  
When Brutus had builded this city, and brought the Island fully under his subjection, he by the advise of his nobles commanded this Isle (which before height Albion) to be called Britain, and the inhabitants Britons after his name, for a perpetual memory that he was the first bringer of them into the land. In this mean while also he had by his wife, three sons, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the time of his death drew near, to the first he betook the government of that part of the land now known by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said Locrinus. To the second he appointed the country of Wales, which of him was first named Cambria, divided from Loegria by the river of Severne. To his third son Albanact he delivered all the north part of the isle, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said Albanact: which portion of the said Isle lieth beyond the Humber northward. Thus when Brutus had divided the isle of Britain (as before is mentioned) into 3. parts, and had governed the same by the space of 15. years, he died in the 24 year after his arrival (as Harison noteth) and was buried at Troynovant or London: 
In the days of this our Brute Saul and Samuel governed Israel.  although the place of his said burial there be now grown out of memory.   

Of Locrine the eldest son of Brute, of Albanact his youngest son, and his death: of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and , the nine rulers of Britain successively after Brute. The fift Chapter.  
Locrinus' or Locrine the first begotten son of Brute began to reign over the country called Logiers, 
Locrine the second ruler of Britain  in the year of the world 1874, and held to his part the country that reached from the souht sea unto the river of Humber. While this Locrinus governed Logiers, his brother Albanact ruled in Albania, 
Gal. Mon. Mat. West. Fa. out of G. de Co.  where in fine he was slain in a battle by a king of the Huns or Scythians, called Humber, who invaded that part of Britain, and got possession thereof, till Locrinus with his brother Camber, 
Gal. Mon. Mar. West.  in revenge of their other brother's death, and for the recovery of the kingdom, gathered their powers together, and coming against the said king of the Huns, by the valiancy of their people they discomfited him in battle, 
It should seem that he was come over the Humber.  and chased him so eagerly, that he himself and a great number of his men were drowned in the gulf that then parted Loegria and Albania, which after took name of the said king, and was called Humber, and so continueth unto this day.  
Moreover in this battle against the Huns were three young damsels taken of excellent beauty, 
Gal. Mon.  specially one of them, whose name was Estrild, daughter to a certain king of Scythia. With this Estrild king Locrine fell so far in love, notwithstanding a former contract made betwixt him and the lady Guendoloena, daughter to Corineus' duke of Cornwall, that he meant yet with all speed to marry the same Estrild. But being earnestly called upon, and in manner forced thereto by Corineus, he changed his purpose, and married Guendoloena, keeping nevertheless the aforesaid Estrild as paramour still after a secret sort, during the life of Corineus his father in law.  
Now after that Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsook Guendoloena, and married Estrild. Guendoloena therefore being cast off by her husband, got her into Cornwall to her friends and kindred, and there procured them to make war against the said Locrine her husband, in the which wars he was slain, and a battle fought near to the river of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers affirm) twenty years, & was buried by his father in the City of Troynovant, 
Mat. West.  leaving behind him a young son (begotten of his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, as yet unmeet to govern.  
Guendoloena or Guendoline the wife of Locrinus, 
She is not numbered amongst those that reigned as rulers in this land by Mat. West.  and daughter of Corineus duke of Cornwall, for so much as her son Madan was not of years sufficient to govern, was by common consent of the Britons made ruler of the isle, in the year of the world 2894, and so having the administration in her hands, she did right discreetly use herself therein, to the comfort of all her subjects, till her son Madan came to lawful age, and then she gave over the rule and dominion to him, after she had governed by the space of fifteen years. 
Gal. Mon.   
MAdan the son of Locrine and Guendoline entered into the government of Britain in the 2909, 
Madan the third ruler.  of the world. There is little left in writing of his doings, saving that he used great tyranny amongst his Britons: and therefore after he had ruled this land the term of 40. years, he was devoured of wild beasts, as he was abroad in hunting. He left behind him two sons, Mempricius and Manlius. He builded (as is reported) Madancaistre, now Dancastre, which retaineth still the later part of his name.  
MEmpricius the eldest son of Madan began his reign over the Britons in the year of the world 2949, 
Mempricius the fourth ruler.  he continued not long in peace. For his brother Manlius upon an ambitious mind provoked the Britons to rebel against him, so that sore and deadly war continued long between them. But finally, under colour of a treaty, 
Fabian. Manlius is slain. Gal. Mon.  Manlius was slain by his brother Mempricius, so that then he lived in more tranquility and rest. Howbeit, being delivered thus from trouble of wars, he fell into sloth, 
Sloth engendered lechery.  and so into unlawful lust of lechery, and thereby into the hatred of his people, by forcing of their wines and daughters: and finally became so beastly, that he forsook his lawful wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abominable sin of Sodomy. And thus from one vice he fell into another, 
Mempricius is devoured of beasts.  till he became odious to God and man, and at length, going on hunting, was lost of his people, and destroyed of wild beasts, when he had reigned twenty years, leaving behind him a noble young son named Ebranke, begotten of his lawful wife.  
EBranke the son of Mempricius began to rule over the Britons in the year of the world 2969 
Ebranke the fift ruler.  He had as writers do of him record, 
Ebranke had 21. wives: his thirty daughters sent into Italy.  one and twenty wives, on whom he begot 20. sons and 30. daughters, of the which the eldest height Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to Alba Silvius, which was the eleventh king of Italy, or the sixth king of the Latins, to the end they might be married to his noble men of the blood of Troyans', because the Sabines refused to join their daughters with them in marriage. 
Bergomas lib. 6.  Furthermore, he was the first prince of his land that ever invaded France after Bute, and is commended as author and original builder of many cities, both in his own kingdom, and else where. His sons also under the conduct of Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italy, after they had conducted their sisters thither, invaded Germany, being first molested by the people of that country in their rage, and by the help of the said Alba subdued a great part of that country, & there planted themselves. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father married them in their return, and aided them in their conquests, and that he builded the city of Caerbranke, 
The city of Caerbranke builded. Matth. West.  now called York, about the 14, year of his reign. He builded also in Albania now called Scotland, the castle of Maidens, afterward called Edinburgh of Adian one of their kings. The city of Alclud was builded likewise by him (as some writ) now decayed. After which cities thus builded, he sailed over into Gallia, 
Forty years hath Math. West. and Gal. Monuine.  now called France, with a great army, and subduing the Galls as is aforesaid, he returned home with great riches and triumph. Now when he had guided the land of Britain in noble wise by the term of forty years, he died, and was buried at York.  
BRute Greenshield, 
Brute Greenshield the sixth ruler.  the son of Ebranke, was made governor of this land in the year of the world 3009, Asa reigning in juda, and Baasa in Israel. This prince bore always in the field a green shield, whereof he took his surname, 
jacobus Lef.  and of him some foreign authors affirm, that he made an attempt to bring the whole realm of France under his subjection, which he performed, because his father sustained some dishonour and loss in his last voyage into that country. Howbeit they say, that when he came into Henaud, Brinchild a prince of that quarter gave him also a great overthrow, and compelled him to retire home again into his country. This I borrow out of William Harison, who in his chronology toucheth the same at large, concluding in the end, that the said passage of this prince into France is very likely to be true, and that he named a parcel of Armorica lying on the south, and in manner upon the very loin after his own name, and also a city which he builded there Britain. 
Strabo lib. 4.  For (saith he) it should seem by Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble city of that name long before his time in the said country, whereof Pliny also speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it unto France after a disordered manner. More I find not of this foresaid Brute, saving that he ruled the land a certain time, his father yet living, and after his decease the term of twelve years, and then died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called York.  
LEill the son of Brute Greenshield, 
Leill the seventh ruler.  began to reign in the year of the world 3021, the same time that Asa was reigning in juda, and Ambri in Israel. He built the city now called Carlisle, 
Carlisle builded.  which then after his own name was called Caerleil, that is, Leill his city, or the city of Leill. He repaired also (as Henry Bradshaw saith) the city of Caerleon now called Chester, 
Chester repaired.  which (as in the same Bradshaw appeareth) was built before Brutus' entry into this land by a giant named Leon Gaver. But what authority he had to avouch this it may be doubted, for Ranulfe Higden in his work entitled Polychronicon, saith in plain words; that it is unknown who was the first founder of Chester, but that it took the name of the sojourning there of some Roman legions, by whom also it is not unlike that it might be first built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued Caratacus king of the Ordovices that inhabited the countries now called Lancashire, Cheshire, and Salopshire, built in those parts, and among the Silures, certain places of defence, for the better harbour of his men of war, and keeping down of such Britain's as were still ready to move rebellion.  
But now to the purpose concerning K. Leill. We find it recorded that he was in the beginning of his reign very upright, and desirous to see justice executed, and above all things loved peace & quietness; but as years increased with him, so his virtues began to diminish, in so much that abandoning the care for the body of the commonwealth, he suffered his own body to welter in all vice and voluptuousness, and so procuring the hatred of his subjects, caused malice and discord to rise amongst them, which during his life he was never able to appease. But leaving them so at variance, he departed this life, & was buried at Carlisle, which as ye have heard he had builded while he lived.  
Lord or Ludhurdibras the son of Leill began to govern in the year of the world 3046. 
Lud or Ludhurdibras the eight ruler.  In the beginning of his reign, he sought to appease the debate that was raised in his father's days, and bring the realm to her former quietness, and after that he had brought it to good end, he builded the town of Kaerkin now called Canterbury: 
Kaerking or Canterbury is builded.  also the town of Caerguent now cleped Winchester, 
Caerguent is builded.  and mount Paladour now called Shaftsburie. 
Paladour is builded.  About the building of which town of Shaftsburie, Aquila a prophet of the British nation wrote his prophecies, of which some fragments remain yet to be seen, translated into the Latin by some ancient writers. When this Lud had reigned 29. years, he died, and left a son behind him named Baldud. 
Baldud or Bladud the ninth ruler.  BAldud the son of Ludhurdibras began to rule over the Britain's in the year of the world 3085. This man was well seen in the sciences of astronomy and necromancy, by which (as the common report saith) he made the hot baths in the city of Caerbran now called Bath. But William of Malmesburie is of a contrary opinion, 
Gal. Mon. The king was learned. Hot baths.  affirming that julius Cesar made those baths, or rather repaired them when he was here in England: which is not like to be true: for julius Cesar, as by good conjecture we have to think, never came so far within the land that way forward. But of these baths more shall be said in the description. Now to proceed. This Baldud took such pleasure in artificial practices & magic, that he taught this art throughout all his realm. And to show his cunning in other points, upon a presumptuous pleasure which he had therein, 
Mat. West. The prince did fly.  he took upon him to fly in the air, but he fell upon the temple of Apollo, which stood in the city of Troynovant, and there was torn in pieces after he had ruled the Britain's by the space of 20. years.  
LEir the son of Baldud was admitted ruler over the Britain's, 
Leir the 10. ruler.  in the year of the world 3105, at what time joas reigned in juda. This  was a prince of right noble demeanour, governing his land and subjects in great wealth. He made the town of Caerleir now called Leicester, 
Mat. West. Leicester is builded.  which standeth upon the river of Sore. It is written that he had by his wife three daughters without other issue, whose names were Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla which daughters he greatly loved, but specially Cordeilla the youngest far above the two elder. When this  therefore was come to great years, & began to wax unwieldy through age, 
Gal. Mon.  he thought to understand the affections of his daughters towards him, and prefer her whom he best loved to the succession over the kingdom. Whereupon he first asked Gonorilla the eldest, 
A trial of love.  how well she loved him: who calling her gods to record, protested that she loved him more than her own life, which by right and reason should be most dear unto her. With which answer the father being well pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of her how well she loved him: who answered (confirming her saiengs with great oaths) that she loved him more than tongue could express, and far above all other creatures of the world.  
Then called he his youngest daughter Cordeilla before him, 
The answer of the youngest daughter.  and asked of her what account she made of him, unto whom she made this answer as followeth: knowing the great love and fatherly zeal that you have always borne towards me (for the which I may not answer, you otherwise than I think, and as my conscience leadeth me) I protest unto you, that I have loved you ever, and will continually (while I live) love you as my natural father. And if you would more understand of the love that I bear you, assertaine yourself, that so much as you have, 
The two eldest daughters are married.  so much you are worth, and so much I love you, 
The realm is promised to his two daughters.  and no more. The father being nothing content with this answer, married his two eldest daughters, the one unto Henninus the duke of Cornwall, and the other unto Maglanus the duke of Albania, betwixt whom he willed and ordained that his land should be divided after his death, and the one half thereof immediately should be assigned to them in hand: but for the third daughter Cordeilla he reserved nothing.  
Nevertheless it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beauty, womanhood, and good conditions of the said Cordeilla, desired to have her in marriage, and sent over to her father, requiring that he might have her to wife: to whom answer was made, that he might have his daughter, but as for any dower he could have none, for all was promised and assured to her other sisters already. Aganippus notwithstanding this answer of denial to receive any thing by way of dower with Cordeilla, took her to wife, only moved thereto (I say) for respect of her person and amiable virtues. This Aganippus was one of the twelve kings that ruled Gallia in those days, 
He governed the third part of Gallia as Gal. Mon. saith.  as in the British history it is recorded. But to proceed.  
After that  was fallen into age, the two dukes that had married his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the government of the land did come to their hands, arose against him in armour, and rest from him the governance of the land, upon conditions to be continued for term of life: by the which he was put to his portion, that is, to live after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate, which in process of time was diminished as well by Maglanus as by Henninus. But the greatest grief that Leir took, was to see the unkindness of his daughters, which seemed to think that all was too much which their father had, the same being never so little: in so much that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that misery, that scarcely they would allow him one servant to wait upon him.  
In the end, such was the unkindness, or (as I may say) the unnaturalness which he found in his two daughters, notwithstanding their fair and pleasant words uttered in time past, that being constrained of necessity, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia, there to seek some comfort of his youngest daughter Cordeilla, whom before time he hated. The lady Cordeilla hearing that he was arrived in poor estate, she first sent to him privily a certain sum of money to apparel himself withal, and to retain a certain number of servants that might attend upon him in honourable wise, as appertained to the estate which he had borne: and then so accompanied, she appointed him to come to the court, which he did, and was so joyfully, honourably, and lovingly received, both by his son in law Aganippus, and also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was greatly comforted: for he was no less honoured, than if he had been king of the whole country himself.  
Now when he had informed his son in law and his daughter in what sort he had been used by his other daughters, Aganippus caused a mighty army to be put in a readiness, and likewise a great navy of ships to be rigged, to pass over into Britain with Leir his father in law, to see him again restored to his kingdom. It was accorded, that Cordeilla should also go with him to take possession of the land, the which he promised to leave unto her, as the rightful inheritor after his decease, notwithstanding any former grant made to her sisters or to their husbands in any manner of wise.  
Hereupon, when this army and navy of ships were ready,  and his daughter Cordeilla with her husband took the sea, and arriving in Britain, fought with their enemies, and discomfited them in battle, in the which Maglanus and Henninus were slain: and then was Leir restored to his kingdom, which he ruled after this by the space of two years, and then died, forty years after he first began to reign. His body was buried at Leicester in a vault under the channel of the river of Sore beneath the 
Matth. West.  town.   

The gunarchie of queen Cordeilla, how she was vanquished, of her imprisonment and self-murder: the contention between Cunedag and Margan nephews for government, and the evil end thereof. The sixth Chapter.  
COrdeilla the youngest daughter of Leir was admitted Q. 
Queen Cordeilla.  and supreme governess of Britain, in the year of the world 3155, before the building of Rome 54, Uzia then reigning in juda, and jeroboam over Israel. This Cordeilla after her father's decease ruled the land of Britain right worthily during the space of five years, in which mean time her husband died, and then about the end of those five years, her two nephews Margan and Cunedag, sons to her aforesaid sisters, disdaining to be under the government of a woman, levied war against her, and destroyed a great part of the land, and finally took her prisoner, and laid her fast in ward, wherewith she took such grief, being a woman of a manly courage, and despairing to recover liberty, there she slew herself, when she had reigned (as before is mentioned) the term of five years.  
CUnedagius and Marganus nephews to Cordeilla, having recovered the land out of her hands, 
Cunedag and Margan.  divided the same betwixt them, that is to say, the country over and beyond Humber fell to Margan, as it stretcheth even to Catnesse, and the other part lying south and bywest, was assigned to Cunedagius. This partition chanced in the year of the world 3170, before the building of Rome 47, Uzia as then reigning in juda, and jeroboam in Israel. Afterwards, these two cousins, Cunedag and Margan, had not reigned thus past a two years, but through some seditious persons, Margan was persuaded to raise war against Cunedag, telling him in his ear, how it was a shame for him being come of the elder sister, not to have the rule of the whole isle in his hand. Hereupon overcome with pride, ambition, and covetousness, he raised an army, and entering into the land of Cunedag, 
Margan invadeth his cousin Cunedag.  he burned and destroyed the country before him in miserable manner.  
Cunedag in all haste to resist his adversary, assembled also all the power he could make, and coming with the same against Margan, gave him battle, in the which he slew a great number of Margans' people, and put the residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from country to country, till he came into Cambria, now called Wales, where the said Margan gave him eftsoons a new battle: but being too weak in number of men, he was there overcome and slain in the field, 
Margan is slain. Matt. West.  by reason whereof that country took name of him, being there slain, and so is called to this day Glau Margan, which is to mean in our English tongue, Margans' land. This was the end of that Margan, after he had reigned with his brother two years, or thereabouts.  
AFter the death of Margan, 
Cunedagus alone.  Cunedag the son of Hennius and Ragaie (middlemost daughter of Leir before mentioned) became ruler of all the whole land of Britain, in the year of the world 3172, before the building of Rome 45, Uzia still reigning in juda, and jeroboam in Israel. He governed this isle well and honourably for the term of 33 years, and then dying, his body was buried at Troynovant or London. Moreover, our writers do report, that he builded three temples, one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercury at Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornwall.   

Of Rivallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, jago, and Kinimacus, rulers of Britain by succession, and of the accidents coincident with their times. The seventh Chapter.  
RIuallus, 
Rïuallus the 13. ruler.  the son of Cunedag, began to reign over the Britain's in the year of the world 3203, before the building of Rome 15, joathan as then being king of juda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Rival governed the Island in great wealth and prosperity. In his time it reigned blood by the space of three days together; 
It reigned blood. Matth. West.  after which rain ensued such an exceeding number and multitude of flies, so noisome and contagious, that much people died by reason thereof. When he had reigned 46 years he died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called York. In the time of this rivals reign was the city of Rome builded, 
Rome builded  after concordance of most part of writers. Perdix also a wizard, and a learned astrologian flourished and writ his prophecies, and Herene also.  
GUrgustius, 
Gurgustius the 14. ruler.  the son of the before named Rival, began to govern the Britain's in the year after the creation of the world 3249, and after the first foundation of Rome 33, Ezechias reigning in juda. This Gurgustius in the chronicle of England, is called Gorbodian the son of Reignold, he reigned 37 years, then departing this life, was buried at Caerbranke (now called York) by his father.  
SYsillius, 
Sysillius the 15. ruler.  or after some writers Silvius, the brother of Gurgustius, was chosen to have the governance of Britain, in the year of the world 3287, and after the building of Rome 71, Manasses still reigning in juda. This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill. He reigned 49 years, and then died, and was buried at Carbadon, now called Bath.  
IAgo or Lago, the cousin of Gurgustius, 
Iago the 16. ruler.  as next inheritor to Sysillius, took upon him the government of Britain, in the year of the world 3336, and after the building of Rome 120, in whose time the city of jerusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of juda, Mathania, otherwise called Zedechias, being slain. This jago or Lago died without issue, when he had reigned 28 years, and was buried at York.  
KInimacus or Kinmarus the son of Sysillius as some writ, 
Kinimacus the 17 ruler.  or rather the brother of jago, began to govern the land of Britain, in the year of the world 3364, and after the building of Rome 148, the jews as then being in the third year of their captivity of Babylon. This Kinimacus departed this life, after he had reigned 54 years, and was buried at York.   

Of Gorbodug and his two sons Ferrex and Porrex, one brother killeth another, the mother slayeth her son, and how Britain by civil wars (for lack of issue legitimate to the government) of a monarchy became a pentarchy: the end of Brutus' line. The eight Chapter.  
GOrbodug the son of Kinimacus began his reign over the Britain's, 
Gorbodug the 18. ruler.  in the year after the creation of the world 3418, from the building of the city of Rome 202, the 58 of the jews captivity at Babylon. This Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord, should reign about the term of 62 years, and then departing this world, was buried at London, leaving after him two sons Ferrex and Porrex, or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.  
FErrex with Porrex his brother began jointly to rule over the Britain's, 
Ferrex the 19 ruler.  in the year of the world 3476, after the building of Rome 260, at which time, the people of Rome forsook their city in their rebellious mood. These two brethren continued for a time in good friendship and amity, till at length through covetousness, and desire of greater dominion, provoked by flatterers, they fell at variance and discord, whereby Ferrex was constrained to flee into Gallia, 
Ferrex fled into Gallia.  and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or Suardus, and so returned into Britain, thinking to prevail and obtain the dominion of the whole Island. But his brother Porrex was ready to receive him with battle after he was landed, in the which battle Ferrex was slain, with the more part of his people. The English chronicle saith, that Porrex was he that fled into France, & at his return, was slain, and that Ferrex survived. But Geffrey of Monmouth & Polychronicon are of a contrary opinion. Matthew Westmonasteriensis writeth, that Porrex devising ways to kill Ferrex, 
Matth. West.  achieved his purpose and slew him. But whether of them so ever survived, the mother of them was so highly offended for the death of him that was slain, whom the most entirely loved, that setting apart all motherly affection, she found the means to enter the chamber 〈◊〉 him that survived in the night season, and as he slept, the with the help of his maidens slew him, and cut him into small pieces, as the writers do affirm. Such was the end of these two brethren, 
The mother killeth her son.  after they had reigned by the space of four to five years.  
After this followed a troublous season, full of cruel war, and seditious discord, whereby and in the end, 〈◊〉 for the space of fifty years, the monarchy or sole government of the Island became 〈…〉 that is, it was divided betwixt five kings or rulers, till Dunwallon of Cornwall overcame them all. Thus the line of Brute (according to the report of most writers) took an end: for after the death of the two foresaid brethren, 
Robert Record  no rightful inheritor was left alive to succeed them in the kingdom. The names of these five kings are found in certain old pedegrées: and although the same be much corrupted in divers copies, yet these under named are the most agreeable.  
But of these five kings or dukes, the English chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Cornwall for most rightful heirs. There appeareth no● any 〈◊〉 certain by report of ancient author▪ how long this variance continue 〈◊〉 amongst the Britain's 〈◊〉 but (as some say) it lasted for the space of 51 years coniectyring so much by 〈…〉 recorded in Polychron who saith, 
Fabian. Civil warras 51. years.  〈…〉 till the beginning of the reign of Dunwallon, Mulmucius who began to govern 〈◊〉 the time that Brute first entered. Britain, about the space of 703 three years.  
¶ Here ye must note, that there is difference amongst writers about the supputation and account of these years, Insomuch that some making their reckoning after certain writers, and finding the same to vary above three C. years, are brought into further doubt of the truth at the whole history: but whereas other have by ●aligent search tried out the continuance of every governors reign, and reduced the same to a likelihood of some conformity, I have thought best to follow the same, leaving the credit thereof with the first authors.  

The pentarchy.  
1 Rudacus  
2 Clotenus  
3 Pinnor  
4 Staterus  
5 Yewan  
king of  
Wales.  
Cornwall.  
Loegria.  
Albania.  
Northumberland.    
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK of the History of England.  

Of Mulmucius the first king of Britain, who was crowned with a golden crown, his laws, his foundations, with other his acts and deeds. The first Chapter.  
NOw to proceed 
Mulmucius. Matth. West. Polyd.  with the aforesaid authors, Mulmucius Dunwallon, or as other say Dunuallo Mulmucius, the son of Cloton (as testifieth th' english chronicle and also Geffrey of Monmouth) got the upper hand of the other dukes or rulers: and after his father's decease began his reign over the whole monarchy of Britain, in the year of the world 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliverance of the Israelites out of captivity 97, and about the 26 year of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fift king of the Persians. This Mulmucius Dunuallo is named in the english chronicle Donebant, and proved a right worthy prince. He builded within the city of London then called Troynovant, a temple, and named it the temple of peace: the which (as some hold opinion, 
Fabian. See more in the description.  I wot not upon what ground) was the same which now is called Blackwell hall, where the market for buying and selling of clothes is kept. The chronicle of England affirmeth, 
Malmesburie and the Uies built. Matth. West. Laws made.  that Mulmucius (whom the old book nameth Molle) builded the two towns Malmesburie and the Uies. He also made many good laws, which were long after used, called Mulmucius laws, turned out of the British speech into the Latin by Gildas Priscus, and long time after translated out of latin into english by Alfred king of England, and mingled in his statutes. He moreover gave privileges to temples, to ploughs, to cities, and to high ways leading to the same, so that whosoever fled to them, should be in safeguard from bodily harm, and from thence he might departed into what country he would, with indemnity of his person. Some authors write, 
Caxton and Polychron.  that he began to make the four great high ways of Britain, the which were finished by his son Blinus, as after shall be declared.  
After he had established his land▪ and set his Britain's in good and convenient order, 
The first king that was crowned with a golden crown.  he ordained him by the advise of his lords a crown of gold, & caused himself with great solemnity to be crowned, according to the custom of 〈◊〉 laws then in use: & because he was the first that bore a crown here in Britain, after the opinion of some writers, he is named the first king of Britain, and all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or governors.  
Amongst other of his ordinances, 
Polyd. Weights and measures.  he appointed weights and measures, with the which men should buy and sell. And further he devised sore and straight orders for the punishing of theft. 
Theft punished. Fabian.  Finally, after he had guided the land by the space of forty years, he died, and was buried in the foresaid temple of peace which he had erected within the city of Troynovant now called London, as before ye have heard, appointing in his life time, that his kingdom should be divided betwixt his two sons, Brennus and Belinus (as some men do conjecture.)   

The joint-government of Belinus and Brennus the two sons of Mulmucius, their discontentment, the stratagems of the one against the other, the expulsion of Brennus out of Britain. The second Chapter.  
Brennus' and Belinus began to reign jointly as kings in Britain, 
Belinus and Brennus.  in the year of the world 3574, after the building of the city of Rome 355, and after the deliverance of the Israelites out of captivity 142, 
3574  which was about the seventh year of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon, the seventh king of the Persians. Belinus' held under his government Loegria, 
Matth. West.  Wales, and Cornwall: and Brennus all those countries over and beyond Humber. And with this partition were they contented by the term of six or seven years, 
Polyd. saith 5. Brennus not content with his portion.  after which time expired, Brennus coveting to have more than his portion came to, first thought to purchase himself aid in foreign parties, & therefore by the provocation and counsel of young unquiet heads, sailed over into Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, 
Elsingius.  as then duke or ruler of that country. Beline offended with his brother, that he should thus without his advice marry with a stranger, now in his absence seized all his lands, towns, and fortresses into his own hands, placing garrisons of men of war where he thought convenient.  
In the mean time, burn advertised hereof, assembled a great navy of ships, well furnished with people and soldiers of the Norwegians, with the which he took his course homewards, but in the way he was encountered by Guilthdacus king of Denmark, 
Guilthdacus king of Denmark.  the which had laid long in wait for him, because of the young lady which burn had married, for whom he had been a suitor to her father Elsing of long time. When these two fleets of the Danes and Norwegians met, there was a sore battle betwixt them, but finally the Danes overcame them of Norway, and took the ship wherein the new bride was conveyed, and then was she brought aboard the ship of Guilthdacus. burn escaped by flight as well as he might. But when Guilthdacus had thus obtained the victory and prey, suddenly thereupon arose a sore tempest of wind and weather, 
A tempest.  which scattered the Danish fleet, and put the king in dangers to have been lost but finally within five days after, being driven by force of wind, he landed in Northumberland, with a few such ships as kept together with him. 
Guilthdacus landed in the north.   
Beline being then in that country, providing for defence against his brother, upon knowledge of the king of Denmark's arrival, caused him to be stayed. Shortly after, burn having recovered and gotten together the most part of his ships that were dispersed by the discomfiture, and then newly rigged and furnished of all things necessary, sent word to his brother Beline, both to restore unto him his wife wrongfully ravished by Guilthdacus, and also his lands injuriously by him seized and his possession. These requests being plainly and shortly denied, burn made no long delay, but speedily made toward Albania, and landing with his army in a part thereof, encountered with his brother Beline near unto a wood named as then Calater, where (after cruel fight, 
Calater wood is in Scotland.  and mortal battle betwixt them) at length the victory abode with the Britain's, and the discomfiture did light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them were wounded, slain, and left dead upon the ground.  
Hereby burn being forced to flee, made shift, and got over into Gallia, where after he had sued to this prince, at length he abode, and was well received of one Seguinus or Seginus duke of the people called then Allobrogs (as Galfrid of Monmouth saith) or rather Armorica, 
Seguinus or Seginus duke of the Allobrogs, now the D●●phinat or Savoy.  which now is called Britain, as Polychronicon, and the english history printed by Caxton, more truly may seem to affirm. But Beline having got the upper hand of his enemies, assembling his council at Caerbranke, now called York, took advise what he should do with the king of Denmark: where it was ordained, that he should be set at liberty, with condition and under covenant, to acknowledge himself by doing homage, to hold his land of the king of Britain, and to pay him a yéerelie tribute. These covenants being agreed upon, 
The Danes tributary to the Britain's.  and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at liberty, and so returned into his country. The tribute that he covenanted to pay, was a thousand pounds, as the English chronicle saith.  
When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of all the land of Britain, he first confirmed the laws made by his father: and for so much as the four ways begun by his father were not brought to perfection, 
The four high ways finished.  he therefore caused workmen to be called forth and assembled, whom he set in hand to pave the said ways with stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should travel through the countries from place to place, as occasion should require.  
The first of these four ways is named Fosse, 
The fossae.  and stretcheth from the south into the north, beginning at the corner of Totnesse in Cornwall, and so passing forth by Devonshire, and Somersetshire, by Tutherie, on Cotteswold, and then forward beside Coventrie unto Leicester, and from thence by wild plains towards Newarke, and endeth at the city of Lincoln. The second way was named Watling street, the which stretcheth overthwart the Fosse, 
Watling street  out of the southeast into the north-east, beginning at Dover, and passing by the middle of Kent over Thames beside London, bywest of Westminster, as some have thought, and so forth by S. Albon, and by the west side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by-south of Lilleborne, by Atherston, hearts hill, that now is called the Wreken, and so forth by Severne, passing beside Worcester, unto Stratton to the middle of Wales, and so unto a place called Cardigan, at the Irish sea. The third way was named Ermingstréet, 
Ermingstréet  which stretched out of the west northwest, unto the east southeast, and beginneth at Menevia, the which is in Saint David's land in west Wales, and so unto Southampton. The fourth and last way height Hiknelstréete, 
Hiknelstréete.  which leadeth by Worcester, Winchcomb, Birmingham, Lichfield, Derby, Chesterfield, and by York, and so forth unto Tinmouth. After he had caused these ways to be well and sufficiently raised and made, 
Privileges granted to the ways.  he confirmed unto them all such privileges as were granted by his father.   

Brennus marrieth with the duke of Alobrogs daughter, groweth into great honour, cometh into Britain with an army against his brother Beline, their mother reconcileth them, they join might & munition and have great conquests, conflicts between the Galls and the Romans, the two brethren take Rome. The third Chapter.  
IN the mean time that Beline was thus occupied about the necessary affairs of his realm and kingdom, his brother burn that was fled into Gallia only with 12. persons, because he was a goodly gentleman, and seemed to understand what appertained to honour, grew shortly into favour with Seginus the duke afore mentioned, and declaring unto him his adversity, and the whole circumstance of his mishap, at length was so highly cherished of the said Seginus, delighting in such worthy qualities as he saw in him daily appearing, 
burn marrieth the duke of Alobrogs daughter.  that he gave to him his daughter in marriage, with condition, that if he died without issue male, then should he inherit his estate & duke doom: and if it happened him to leave any heir male behind him, than should he yet help him to recover his land and dominion in Britain, béerest from him by his brother.  
These conditions well and surely upon the duke's part by the assent of the nobles of his land concluded, ratified, and assured, the said duke within the space of one year after died. And then after a certain time, being known that the duchess was not with child, all the lords of that country did homage to burn, receiving him as their lord and supreme governor, upon whom he likewise for his part in recompense of their courtesy, bestowed a great portion of his treasure.  
Shortly after also, 
Brenne with an army returneth into Britain.  with their assent he gathered an army, and with the same eftsoons came over into Britain, to make new war upon his brother Beline. Of whose landing when Beline was informed, he assembled his people, and made himself ready to meet him: but as they were at point to have joined battle, 
burn and Beline made friends by intercession of their mother.  by the intercession of their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned herself in all motherly order, and most loving manner towards them both, they fell to an agreement, and were made friends or ever they parted asunder.  
After this they repaired to London, and there taking advice together with their peers and councillors, for the good order and quieting of the land, at length they accorded to pass with both their armies into Gallia, to subdue that whole country, and so following this determination, they took shipping and sailed over into Gallia, where beginning the war with fire and sword, they wrought such masteries, that within a short time (as saith Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered a great part of Gallia, 
They i● made Gallia and Italy.  Italy, and Germany, and brought it to their subjection. In the end they took Rome by this occasion (as writers report) if these be the same that had the leading of those Galls, which in this season did so much hurt in Italy and other parts of the world.  
After they had passed the mountains, & were entered into Tuscan, 
Now Clusi.  they besieged the city of Clusium, the citizens whereof being in great danger, sent to Rome for aid against their enemies. Whereupon the Romans, considering with themselves that although they were not in any league of society with the Clusians, yet if they were overcome the danger of the next brunt were like to be theirs: 
Ambassadors sent from Rome.  with all speed they sent ambassadors to entreat betwixt the parties for some peace to be had.  
They ●hat were sent, 
Brennus' answer.  required the captains of the Galls, in the name of the senate and citizens of Rome, not to molest the friends of the Romans. Whereunto answer was made by Brennus, that for his part he could be content to have peace, if it were so that the Clusians would be agreeable that the Galls might have part of the country which they held, being more than they did already well occupy, for otherwise (said he) there could be no peace granted.  
The Roman ambassadors being offended with these words, 
The treaty of peace breaketh off.  demanded what the Galls had to do in Tuscan, by reason of which and other the like overthwart words, the parties began to kindle in displeasure so far, that their communication broke off, and so they from treating fell again to try the matter by dint of sword.  
The Roman ambassadors also to show of what prowess the Romans were, contrary to the law of nations (forbidding such as came in embassage about any treaty of peace to take either one part or other) took weapon in hand, and joined themselves with the Clusians, wherewith the Galls were so much displeased, that incontinently with one voice, they required to have the siege raised from Clusium, that they might go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send messengers thither, to require the delivery of such as had broken the law, that punishment might be done on them accordingly as they had deserved. This was done, and knowledge brought again, that the ambassadors were not only not punished, but also chosen to be tribunes for the next year.  
The Galls than became in such a rage (because they saw there was nothing to be looked for at the hands of the Romans, but war, injurious wrongs, and deceitful trains) that they turned all their force against them, 
The Galls make towards Rome.  marching straight towards Rome, and by the way destroyed all that stood before them. The Romans advertised thereof, assembled themselves together to the number of 40. thousand, 
The Romans encountering with the Galls are overthrown.  and encountering with Beline and burn, near to the river Allia, about 11. miles on this side Rome, were slain and quite discomfited.  
The Galls could scarce believe that they had got the victory with so small resistance: but when they perceived that the Romans were quite overthrown and that the field was clearly rid of them, they got together the spoil, and made towards Rome itself, where such fear and terror was stricken into the hearts of the people, 
The Romans in despair with draw into the capitol.  and all men were in despair to defend the city: and therefore the senate with all the warlike youth of the citizens got them into the capitol, which they furnished with victuals and all things necessary for the maintenance of the same against a long siege. The honourable fathers and all the multitude of other people not apt for wars, remained still in the city, as it were to perish with their country if hap so befell.  
In the mean time came the Galls to the city, 
The Galls enter into Rome.  and entering by the gate Collina, they passed forth the right way unto the market place, marveling to see the houses of the poorer sort to be shut against them, and those of the richer to remain wide open; wherefore being doubtful of some deceitful trains, they were not over rash to enter the same; but after they had espied the ancient fathers sit in their chairs appareled in their rich robes, as if they had been in the sanat, 
The reverend aspect of the senators.  they reverenced them as gods, so honourable was their port, graveness in countenance, and show of apparel.  
In the mean time it chanced, 
Marcus Papirius.  that Marcus Papirius stroke one of the Galls on the head with his staff, because he presumed to struck his herd: with which injury the Gall being provoked, slew Papirius (as he sat) with his sword, and therewith the slaughter being begun with one, all the residue of those ancient fatherly men as they sat in their chairs were slain and cruelly murdered. After this all the people found in the city without respect or difference at all, 
Rome sacked.  were put to the sword, and their houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by the two brethren, Beline and burn, 365 years after the first building thereof. Besides this, the Galls attempted in the night season to have entered the capitol: 
365  and in deed ordered their enterprise so secretly, 
The capitol defended.  that they had achieved their purpose, if a sort of ganders had not with their cry and noise disclosed them, in wakening the Romans that were asleep: & so by that means were the Galls beaten back and repelled.   

Camillus' revoked from exile, made dictator, and receiveth peremptory authority, he overthroweth the Galls in a pitched field, controversy between writers touching Brennus and Belinus left undetermined; of divers foundations, erections and reparations done and achieved by Belinus, the burning of his body in stead of his burying. The fourth Chapter.  
THe Romans being thus put to their extreme shift, devised among themselves how to revoke Furius Camillus from exile, whom not long before they had unjustly banished out of the city. In the end they did not only send for him home, but also created him dictator, committing into his hands (so long as his office lasted) an absolute power over all men, both of life and death. Camillus' forgetful of the injury done to him, and mindful of his duty towards his country, and lamenting the state thereof, without delay gathered such an army as the present time permitted.  
In the mean time those that kept the capitol (being almost famished for lack of victuals) compounded with burn and Beline, that for a thousand pounds' weight in gold, 
A composition  the Romans should redeem their liberties, and the said burn and Beline departed with their army out of the city and all the territories of Rome. But at the delivery of the money, and by a certain kind of hap, the Romans name was preserved at that time from such dishonour and ignominy as was likely to have ensued. For some of the covetous sort of the Galls, not contented with the just weight of the gold, did cast their swords also into the balance where the weights lay, thereby to have over weight: whereupon the Romans refused to make payment after that weight.  
And thus whilst they were in altercation about this matter, the one importunnate to have, the other not willing to grant, the time passed, till in the mean season Camillus came in amongst them with his power, 
Camillius disappointeth the Galls of their payment  commanding that the gold should be had away, and affirming that without consent of the dictator, no composition or agreement might be concluded by the meaner magistrate. He gave a sign to the Galls to prepare themselves to battle, whereunto they lightly agreed, and together they went. The battle being once begun, the Galls that looked erst for gold, and not for battle, 
The Galls overthrown.  were easily overcome, such as stood to the brunt were slain, and the rest by flight constrained to departed the city.  
Polybius writeth, that the Galls were turned from the siege of the city, through wars which chanced amongst their own people at home, and therefore they concluded a peace with the Romans, and leaving them in liberty returned home again.  
But howsoever the matter passed, thus much have we stepped from our purpose, to show somewhat of that noble and most famous captain Brennus, who (as not only our histories, but also Giovan Villani the Florentine doth report) was a Britain, and brother to Beline (as before is mentioned) although I know that many other writers are not of that mind, affirming him to be a Gall, and likewise that after this present time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110 years, or there abouts, there was another Brennus a Gall by nation (say they) under whose conduct an other army of the Galls invaded Grecia, which Brennus had a brother that height Belgius, although Humphrey Llhoyd and sir john Prise do flatly deny the same, by reason of some discordance in writers, & namely in the computation of the years set down by them that have recorded the doings of those times, whereof the error is grown. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this matter shall be more fully sifted out in time by the learned and studious of such antiquities. But now to our purpose.  
This is also to be noted, that where our histories make mention, that Beline was abroad with Brennus in the most part of his victories, both in Gallia, Germany, 
Titus Li●. Polydor.  and Italy; Titus Livius speaketh but only of Brennus: whereupon some writ, that after the two brethren were by their mother's entreatance made friends, Brennus only went over to Gallia, and there through proof of his worthy prowess, attained to such estimation amongst the people called Galli Senones, that he was chosen to be their general captain at their going over the mountains into Italy. But whether Beline went over with his brother, and finally returned back again, 
Matth. West.  leaving Brennus behind him, as some writ, or that he went not at all, but remained still at home whilst his brother was abroad, we can affirm no certainty.  
Most part of all our writers make report of many worthy deeds accomplished by Beline, in repairing of cities decayed, & erecting of other new buildings, to the adorning and beautifying of his realm and kingdom. 
Polyehr. Gal. M. Caerleon. wiske built by Beline.  And amongst other works which were by him erected, he builded a city in the south part of Wales, near to the place where the river of Uske falleth into Severne, fast by Glamorgan, which city height Caerleon, or Caerlegion Are Wiske. This Caerleon was the principal city in time passed of all Demetia, now called Southwales. Many notable monuments are remaining there till this day, testifying the great magnificence and royal building of that city in old time. In which city also sith the time of Christ were three churches, one of saint julius the martyr, an other of saint Aron, and the third was the mother church of all Demetia, and the chief see: but after, the same see was translated unto Menevia, (that is to say) saint David in Westwales. In this Caerleon was Amphibulus borne, who taught and instructed saint Albon.  
This Believe also builded an haven, with a gate over the same, 
Fabian.  within the city of Troynovant now called London, in the summitie or highest part whereof afterwards was set a vessel of brass, in the which were put the ashes of his body, which body after his decease was burnt, as the manner of burying in those days did require. This gate was long after called Belina gate, 
john Leland.  and at length by corruption of language Billings gate. He builded also a castle eastward from this gate (as some have written) which was long time after likewise called Belin's castle, and is the same which now we call the tower of London. Thus Beline studying daily to beautify this land with goodly buildings and famous works, 
The tower of London built by Beline.  at length departed this life, after he had reigned with his brother jointly and alone the space of 26 years.   

Of Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britain succeeding each other by lineal descent in the regiment, and of their acts and deeds, with a notable commendation of Queen Martia. The fift Chapter.  
GUrguintus the son of Beline began to reign over the Britain's, 
Gurguintus.  in the year of the world 1596, after the building of Rome 380, after the deliverance of the Israelites out of captivity 164 complete, which was about the 33 year of Artaxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the seventh king of the Persians. This Gurguint in the English chronicle is named Corinbratus, 
Matth. West. Gal. M.  and by Matthew Westmin. he is surnamed Barbiruc, the which because the tribute granted by Guilthdag king of Denmark in perpetuity unto the kings of Britain was denied, he sailed with a mighty navy and army of men into Denmark, where he made such war with fire and sword, 
Gurguint constrained the Danes by force to pay their tribute.  that the king of Denmark with the assent of his barons was constrained to grant eftsoons to continue the payment of the aforesaid tribute.  
After he had thus achieved his desire in Denmark, as he returned back towards Britain, he encountered with a navy of 30 ships beside the Isles of Orkenies. These ships were fraught with men and women, and had to their captain one called Bartholin or Partholin, 
Matth. West. Gal. Mon.  who being brought to the presence of king Gurguint, declared that he with his people were banished out of Spain, and were named Balenses or Baselenses, 
Basques.  and had sailed long on the sea, to the end to find some prince that would assign them a place to inhabit, to whom they would become subjects, & hold of him as of their sovereign governor. 
See more hereof in Ireland.  Therefore he besought the king to consider their estate, and of his great benignity to appoint some void quarter where they might settle. The king with the advice of his barons granted to them the isle of Ireland, which as then (by report of some authors) lay waste and without habitation. But 
Polychron.  it should appear by other writers, that it was inhabited long before those days, by the people called Hibemeneses, of Hiberus their captain that brought them also out of Spain.  
After that Gurguintus was returned into his country, he ordained that the laws made by his ancestors should be duly kept and observed. And thus administering justice to his subjects for the term of 19 years, he finally departed this life, and was buried at London, or as some have at Caerleon. In his days was the town of Cambridge with the university first founded by Cantaber, brother to the 
Caius.  aforesaid Bartholin (according to some writers) as after shall appear.  
GUintollius or Guintellius the son of Gurguintus was admitted king of Britain in the year of the world of 614, after the building of the city of Rome 399, 
Guintolinus.  and second year of the 206 Olimpiad. This Guintoline was a wise prince, grave in counsel, and sober in behaviour. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beauty, & wisdom incomparable, as by her prudent government and equal administration of justice after her husband's decease, during her sons minority, it most manifestly appeared.  
It is thought that in an happy time this Guintoline came to the government of this kingdom, being shaken and brought out of order with civil dissensions, to the end he might reduce it to the former estate, which he carnestlie accomplished: for having once got the place, he studied with great diligence to reform anew, and to adorn with justice, laws and good orders, the British common wealth, by other kings not so framed as stood with the quietness thereof. But afore all things he utterly removed and appeased such civil discord, as seemed yet to remain after the manner of a remnant of those seditious factions and partakings, which had so long time reigned in this land. But as he was busy in hand herewith, death took him out of this life, after he had reigned 27 years, and then was he buried at London.  
SIcilius the son of Guintoline, 
Sicilius.  being not past seven years of age when his father died, was admitted king, in the year 3659, after the building of Rome 430, & after the deliverance of the Israelites out of captivity 218, & in the sixth after the death of Alexander. By reason that Sicilius was not of age sufficient of himself to guide the kingdom of the Britain's, 
Queen Martia governeth in her sons room.  his mother that worthy lady called Martia, had the governance both of his realm and person committed to her charge.  
She was a woman expert and skilful in divers sciences, but chiefly being admitted to the governance of the realm, she studied to preserve the common wealth in good quiet and wholesome order, and therefore devised and established profitable and convenient laws, the which after were called Martian laws, 
She maketh laws.  of her name that first made them. These laws, as those that were thought good and necessary for the preservation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was long after king of England, translated also out of the British tongue, into the English Saxon speech, and then were they called after that translation Marchenelagh, that is to mean, the laws of Martia. 
Matth. West.  To conclude, this worthy woman guided the land during the minority of her son right politicly; and highly to her perpetual renown and commendation. And when her son came to lawful age, she delivered up the governance into his hands. How long he reigned writers vary, some avouch but seven years, 
Matt. Westm.  though other affirm 15. which agreeth not so well with the accord of other histories and times. He was buried at London.   

Of Kimarus and his sudden end, of Elanius and his short regiment, of Morindus and his beastly cruelty, all three immediately succeeding each other in the monarchy of Britain, with the explorts of the last. The sixth Chapter.  
KImarus the son of Sicilius began to reign over the Britain's, 
Kimarus.  in the year of the world 3657, and after the building of Rome 442, & in the first year of the 117, 
Fabian.  Olsmpiad. This Kimarus being a wild young man, and given to follow his lusts and pleasures, was slain by some that were his enemies, as he was abroad in hunting, when he had reigned scarcely three years.  
ELanius the son of Kimarus, 
Elanius.  or (as other have) his brother, began to rule the Britain's in the year after the creation of the world 3361, after the building of Rome 445, after the deliverance of the Israelities 229, 
Matth. West.  and in the fourth year of the Seleuciens, after which account the books of Machabées do reckon, which began in the 14, after the death of Alexander. This Elanius in the English Chronicle is named also Haran; by Mat. Westin. Danius; and by an old chronicle which Fabian much followed, Elanius and Kimarus should seem to be one person: but other hold the contrary, and say that he reigned fully 8. years.  
MOrindus the bastard son of Elanius was admitted king of Britain, 
Morindus.  in the year of the world 366, after the building of Rome 451, after the deliverance of the Israelites 236, and in the tenth year of Cassander K. of Macedonia, which having dispatched Olimpias the mother of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexander's son into his hands, usurped the kingdom of the Macedonians, and held it 15 years. This Morindus in the English chronicle is called Morwith, and was a man of worthy fame in chivalry and martial doings, but so cruel withal, that his unmerciful nature could scarce be satisfied with the torments of them that had offended him, although oftentimes with his own hands he cruelly put them to torture and execution. He was also beautiful and comely of parsonage, liberal and bounteous, and of a marvelous strength.  
In his days, 
G. Mon.  a certain king of the people called Moriani, with a great army landed in Northumberland, and began to make cruel war upon the inhabitants. But Morindus advertised héerof, assembled his Britain's, came against the enemies, and in battle putting them to flight, chased them to their ships, and took a great number of them prisoners, whom to the satisfying of his cruel nature he caused to be slain even in his presence. Some of them were headed, some strangled, some panched, and some he caused to be slain quick.  
¶ These people (whom Gal. Mon. 
The like may be thought of those Murreis or moravians of whom H. B. speaketh.  nameth Moriani) I take to be either those that inhabited about Terrovane and Calais, 
Fabian.  called Morini, or some other people of the Galls or Germans, and not as some esteem them, moravians, or Merhenners, which were not known to the world (as Humphrey Llhoyd hath very well noted) till about the days of the emperor Mauricius, which misconstruction of names hath brought the British history further out of credit than reason requireth, if the circumstances be duly considered.  
But now to end with Morindus. At length this bloody prince heard of a monster that was come a land out of the Irish sea, with the which when he would needs fight, he was devoured of the same, after he had reigned the term of 8 years, leaving behind him five sons, Gorbomanus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Uigenius or Nigenius, and Peredurus.   

Of Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the five sons of Morindus, the building of Cambridge, the restitution of Archigallus to the regiment after his deprivation, Elidurus' three times admitted King, his death and place of interrament. The seventh Chapter.  
GOrbonianus the first son of Morindus succeeded his father in the kingdom of Britain, 
Gorbomen or Gorbonianus.  in the year of the world 3676, after the building of Rome 461, and fourth year of the 121, Olimpiad. This Gorbonianus in the English chronicle is named Granbodian, 
A righteous and religious prince.  and was a righteous prince in his government, and very devout (according to such devotion as he had) towards the advancing of the religion of his gods: and thereupon he repaired all the old temples through his kingdom, and erected some new.  
He also builded the towns of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton writeth) and was beloved both of the rich and poor, for he honoured the rich, and relieved the poor in time of their necessities. In his time was more plenty of all things necessary for the wealthful state of man, than had been before in any of his predecessors days. He died without issue, after he had reigned (by the accord of most writers) about the term of ten years.  
Some writ that this Gorbonian built the towns of Cairgrant, 
Cambridge by whom it was built.  now called Cambridge, & also Grantham, but some think that those which have so written are deceived, in mistaking the name; for that Cambridge was at the first called Granta: and by that means it might be that Gorbonian built only Grantham, and not Cambridge, namely because other writ how that Cambridge (as before is said) was built in the days of Gurguntius the son of Beline, by one Cantaber a Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Partholoin by the advice of the same Gurguntius, got seats for himself and his company in Ireland (as before ye have heard.)  
The said Cantaber also obtaining licence of Gurguntius, builded a town upon the side of the river called Canta, which he closed with walls, and fortified with a strong tower or castle, and after procuring philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth he had been a student) he placed them there, and so even then was that place furnished (as they say) with learned men, and such as were ready to instruct others in knowledge of letters and philosophical doctrine. But by whom or in what time soever it was built, certain it is that there was a city or town walled in that place before the coming of the Saxons, called by the Britain's, Caergrant, and by the Saxons Granchester.  
This town fell so to ruin by the invasion of the Saxons, that at length it was in manner left desolate, and at this day remaineth as a village. But near thereunto under the Saxon kings, an other town was built, now called Cambridge, where by the favour of king Sigebert and 〈◊〉 Burgundian, that was bishop of Dunwich, 〈◊〉 school was erected, as in place convenient shall appear.  
ARchigallus, 
Archigallus.  the second son of Morindus, and brother unto Gorliomanus, was admitted king of Britain, in the year 3686, after the building of the city of Rome 470, after the deliverance of the Israelites out of captivity 25●; and in the first year of Softhenes king of Macedonia. 
He is given to nourish dissension.  This Archigalius (in the English chronicle called Artogaill) followed not the steps of his brother, but giving himself to dissension and strife, imagined causoes against his nobles, that he might displace them, and set such in their rooms as were men of base birth and of evil conditions. Also he sought by unlawful means to bereave his wealthy subjects of their goods and riches, so to enrich himself and impoverish his people. For the which his inordinate doings, his nobles conspired against him, and finally deprived him of all his honour and kingly dignity, after he had reigned about the space of one year.  
Elidurus' the third son of Morindus, 
Elidurus.  and brother to Archigallus, was by one consent of the Britain's chosen to reign over them in his brother's stead, after the creation of the world 3687, and after the building of the city of Rome 471, after the deliverance of the Israelites 256, & in the first year of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Elidurus in the English chronicle named Hesider, or Esoder, proved a most righteous prince, and doubting lest he should do otherwise than became him, if he did not take care for his brother Archigallus estate, a man might wonder what diligence he showed in traveling with the nobles of the realm to have his brother restored to the crown again.  
Now as it chanced one dahy (being abroad on hunting in the wood called Calater) near unto York, 
By this it should seem that Acliud should not be in Scotland, contrary to the Scotish authors.  he found his brother Archigall wandering there in the thickest of that wilderness, whom in most loving manner he secretly conneied home to his house, being as then in the city of Aldud, otherwise called Acliud. Shortly after he feigned himself sick, and in all hast sent messengers about to assemble his barons, who being come at the day appointed, he called them one after another into his privy chamber, and there handled them in such effectuous sort with wise and discreet words, that he got their good wills to further him to their powers, for the reducing of the kingdom eftsoons into the hands of his brother Archigallus.  
After this he assembled a council at York, where he so used the matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the said Elidurus had governed the land well and honourably the space of three years, he resigned wholly his crown and kingly title unto his brother Archigallo, who was received of the Britaines again as king by mediation of his brother in manner as before is said. ¶ A rare example of brotherly love, 
An example of brotherly love.  if a man shall revolve in his mind what an inordinate desire remaineth amongst mortal men to attain to the supreme sovereignty of ruling, and to keep the same when they have it once in possession. He had well learned this lesson (as may appear by his contentation and resignation) namely, that 
Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus, 
Sen. in Thyestes.   
Nec appetendum,  otherwise he would not have been led with such an equability of mind. For this great good will and brotherly love by him showed thus toward his brother, he was surnamed the godly and virtuous.  
WHen Archigallus was thus restored to the kingdom, 
Archigallus again.  and having learned by due correction that he must turn the leaf, and take out a new lesson, by changing his former trade of living into better, if he would reign in surety: he became a new man, using himself uprightly in the administration of justice, and behaving himself so woorihilie in all his doings, both toward the nobles & commons of his realm, that he was both beloved and dread of all his subjects. And so continuing the whole term of his life, finally departed out of this world, after he had reigned this second time the space of ten years, and was buried at York.  
Elidurus' brother to this Archigallus was then again admitted king by consent of all the Britain's, 
Elidurus' again.  3700 of the world. 
Matt. West.  But his two younger brethren, Uigenius and Peredurus, 
Brother against brother.  envying the happy state of this worthy prince, so highly for his virtue and good governance esteemed of the Britain's, of a grounded malice conspired against him, and assembling an army, levied war against him, and in a pitched field took him prisoner, and put him in the tower of London, there to be kept close prisoner, 
Elidure committed to prison.  after he had reigned now this last time the space of one year.  
VIgenius and Peredurus, 
Vigenius and Peredurus.  the youngest sons of Morindus, and brethren to Elidurus, began to reign jointly as kings of Britain, in the year of the world 3701, after the building of Rome 485, after the deliverance of the Israelites 266 complete, and in the 12 year of Antigonus Gonaias, the son of Demetrius king of the Macedonians. These two brethren in the English chronicles are named Higanius and Petitur, who (as Gal. Mon. testifieth) divided the realm betwixt them, 
Britain divided into two realms.  so that all the land from Humber westward fell to Uigenius, or Higanius, the other part beyond Humber northward Peredure held. But other affirm, that Peredurus only reigned, and held his brother Elidurus in prison by his own consent, forsomuch as he was not willing to govern.  
But Gal. Mon. saith, that Uigenius died after he had reigned 7 years, and then Peredurus seized all the land into his own rule, and governed it with such sobriety and wisdom, that he was praised above all his brethren, so that Elidurus was quite forgotten of the Britain's. But others writ that he was a very tyrant, 
variety in writers.  and used himself very cruelly towards the lords of his land, whereupon they rebelled and slew him. But whether by violent hand, or by natural sickness, he finally departed this life, after the consent of most writers, when he had reigned eight years, 
Caxton. Eth. Bur.  leaving no issue behind him to succeed in the governance of the kingdom. He builded the town of Pikering, where his body was buried.  
Elidurus' then, 
Elidurus' the third time.  as soon as his brother Peredurus was dead, for as much as he was next heir to the crown, was delivered out of prison, and now the third time admitted king of Britain, who used himself (as before) very orderly in ministering to all persons right and justice all the days of his life, and lastly being grown to great age died, when he had reigned now this third time (after most concordance of writers) the term of four years: 
He is buried at caerleil.  and was buried at caerleil.   

A Chapter of digression, showing the diversity of writers in opinion, touching the computation of years from the beginning of the British kings of this Island downwards; since Gurguintus time, till the death of Elidurus; and likewise till king Lud reigned in his royalty, with the names of such kings as ruled between the last year of Elidurus, and the first of Lud. The eight Chapter.  
HEre is to be noted, that even from the beginning of the British kings, which reigned here in this land, there is great diversity amongst writers, both touching the names, and also the times of their reigns, specially till they come to the death of the last mentioned king Elidurus. 
Polydor.  Insomuch that Polydore Virgil in his history of England, finding a manifest error (as he taketh it) in those writers whom he followeth touching the account, from the coming of Brute, unto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whom our histories affirm to be the brother of Beline, that to fill up the number which is wanting in the reckoning of the years of those kings which reigned after Brute, till the days of the same Brenne & Beline, he thought good to change the order, lest one error should follow an other, and so of one error making many, he hath placed those kings which after other writers should seem to follow burn and Beline, betwixt Dunuallo and Mulmucius, father to the said Beline and burn, and those five kings which strove for the government after the decease of the two brethren, Ferrex and Porrex, putting Guintoline to succeed after the five kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia, during the minority of her son, than her said son named Sicilius.  
After him succeeded these whose names follow in order, Chimarius, Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigallo, who being deposed, Elidurus was made king, and so continued till he restored the government (as ye have heard) to Archigallo again, and after his death Elidurus was eftsoons admitted, and within a while again deposed by Uigenius and Peredurus, and after their deceasses the third time restored. Then after his decease followed successively Ueginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntins, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Urianus and Eliud, after whom should follow Dunuallow Molmucius, as in his proper place, if the order of things done & the course of time should be observed, as Polydore gathereth by the account of years attributed to those kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those authors whom (as I said) he followeth, if they will that Brennus which led the Galls to Rome be the same that was son to the said Dunuallo Mulmucius, and brother to Beline.  
But sith other have in better order brought out a perfect agreement in the account of years, and succession of those kings, which reigned and governed in this land before the sacking of Rome; and also another such as it is after the same, and before the Romans had any perfect knowledge thereof; we have thought good to follow them therein, leaving to every man his liberty to judge as his knowledge shall serve him in a thing so doubtful and uncertain, by reason of variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalf.  
And even as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus, till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater after his decease, specially till king Lud attained the kingdom. But as may be gathered by that which Fabian and other whom he followeth do write, 
Fabian  there passed above 185 years betwixt the last year of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his reign, in the which time there reigned 32, or 33, kings, as some writers have mentioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are th●se immediately here named; Reg●● the son of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a worthy prince, who justly and mercifully governed his people; Margan the son of Archigallo a noble prince likewise, and guiding his subjects in good quiet; Emerian brother to the same Margan, but far unlike to him in manners, so that he was deposed in the sixth year of his reign; Ydwallo son to Uigenius; Rimo the son of Peredurus; Geruntius the son of Elidurus; Cattles that was buried at Winchester; coil that was buried at Nottingham; Porrex a virtuous and most gentle prince; Cherinus a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus; these three were sons to Chercinus, and reigned successively one after another; after them a son of Androgeus; than Eliud, 
Vrianus.  Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianns, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Bledgabredus an excellent musician: after him his brother Archemall; then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him his son Gligweil an upright dealing prince, and a good justiciary; whom succeeded his son Helie, which reigned 60 years, as the foresaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where other affirm that he reigned 40 years, and some again say that he reigned but 7 months.  
There is great diversity in writers touching the reigns of these kings, and not only for the number of years which they should continue in their reigns but also in their names: so that to show the diversity of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the doings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approved author. But this may suffice to advertise you, that by conferring the years attributed to the other kings which reigned before them, since the coming of Brute, who should enter this land (as by the best writers is gathered) about the year before the building of Rome 367, which was in the year after the creation of the world 2850 (as is said) with their time, there remaineth 182 years to be dealt amongst these 33 kings, which reigned betwixt the said Elidure & Lud, which Lud also began his reign after the building of the city of Rome (as writers affirm) about 679 years, and in the year of the world 3895, as some that will seem the precisest calculators do gather.  
Polydor Virgil changing (as I have showed) the order of succession in the British kings, in bringing diverse of those kings, which after other writers followed Beline and burn, to precéed them so successively after Beline and burn, rehearseth those that by his conjecture did by likelihood succeed, as thus. After the decease of Beline, his son Gurguntius, being the second of that name, succeeded in government of the land, and then these in order as they follow: Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Ouinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had issue, Lud, Cassibellane, and Neurius.   

Of king Helie who gave the name to the isle of Elie, of king Lud, and what memorable edifices he made, London sometimes called Luds town, his bountifulnesses, and burial. The ninth Chapter.  
Here note by the way a thing not to be be forgotten, that of the foresaid Helie the last of the said 3● kings, the isle of Elie took the name, 
whereof the isle of Elie took name.  because that he most commonly did there inhabit, building in the same a goodly palace, and making great reparations of the sluices, ditches & causies about that I'll, for conveyance away of the water, that else would sore have endamaged the country. There be that have maintained, that this isle should rather take name of the great abundance of éeles that are found in these waters and fens wherewith this Isle is environed. But Humphrey Llhoyd holdeth, that it took name of this British word Helig, which signifieth willows, wherewith those fens abound.  
After the decease of the same Helie, 
Lud.  his eldest son Lud began his reign, in the year after the creation of the world 3895, after the building of the city of Rome 679, before the coming of Christ 72, and before the Romances entered Britain 19 years. This Lud proved a right worthy prince, 
A worthy prince.  amending the laws of the realm that were defective, abolishing evil customs and manners used amongst his people, and repairing old cities and towns which were decayed: but specially he delighted most to beautify and enlarge with buildings the city of Troynovant, 
London enclosed with a wall  which he compassed with a strong wall made of lime and stone, 
john Hard.  in the best manner fortified with diverse fair towers: and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which he commanded to be called after his name, Ludsgate, and so unto this day it is called Ludgate, (S) only drowned in pronunciation of the word.  
In the same city also he sojourned for the more part, 
Fabian.  by reason whereof the inhabitants increased, 
Gal. Mon.  and many habitations were builded to receive them, 
Matt. West.  and he himself caused buildings to be made betwixt London stone and Ludgate, and builded for himself not far from the said gate a fair palace, which is the bishop of London's palace beside Paul's at this day, 
The bishops palace.  as some think; yet Harison supposeth it to have been Bainard's castle, where the black friars now standeth. He also builded a fair temple near to his said palace, which temple (as some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this day called Paul's. By reason that king Lud so much esteemed that city before all other of his realm, enlarging it so greatly as he did, and continually in manner remained there, the name was changed, so that it was called Caerlud, 
The name of Troynovant changed and called London  that is to say, Luds town: and after by corruption of speech it was named London.  
Beside the princely doings of this Lud touching the advancement of the common wealth by studies appertaining to the time of peace, he was also strong & valiant in arms, in subduing his enemies, bounteous and liberal both in gifts and keeping a plentiful house, so that he was greatly beloved of all the Britain's. Finally, when he had reigned with great honour for the space of 11 years, he died, and was buried near Ludgate, leaving after him two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius or Tenancius.   

Of Cassibellane and his noble mind, julius Caesar sendeth Caius Volusenus to ●●●uey the coasts of this Island, he lieth with his fleet at Calais, purposing to invade the country, his attempt is bewrayed and withstood by the Britain's. The tenth Chapter.  
GAssibellane the brother of Lud was admitted king of Britain, in the year of the world 3908, 
Cassibellane.  after the building of Rome 692, and before the coming of Christ 58 complete. 
Gal. Mon.  For sith the two sons of Lud were not of age able to govern, 
Matt. West.  the rule of the land was committed to Cassibellane: 
Fabian.  but yet (as some have written) he was not created king, but rather appointed ruler & protector of the land, during the nonage of his nephews. 
Gal. Mon.  Now after he was admitted (by whatsoever order) to the administration of the common wealth, he became so noble a prince and so bounteous, that his name spread far and near, and by his upright dealing in seeing justice executed he grew in such estimation, that the Britaines made small account of his nephews, in comparison of the favour which they bore towards him. But Cassibellane having respect to his honour, lest it might be thought that his nephews were expelled by him out of their rightful possessions, brought them up very honourably; assigning to Androgeus, 
Matt. West.  London and Kent; and to Theomantius the country of Cornwall. Thus far out of the British histories, whereby it may be gathered, that the years assigned to these kings that reigned before Cassibellane, amount to the sum of 1058.  
But whether these governors (whose names we have recited) were kings, 
Polydor.  or rather rulers of the common wealth, or tyrants and usurpers of the government by force, it is uncertain: for not one ancient writer of any approved authority maketh any remembrance of them: and by that which julius Cesar writeth, it may and doth appear, that diverse cities in his days were governed of themselves, as hereafter it shall more plainly appear. Neither doth he make mention of those towns which the British histoie affirmeth to be built by the same kings. In deed both he and other Latin writers speak of diverse people that inhabited divers portions of this land, as of the brigants, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in what parts most of the said people did certainly inhabit, it is hard to avouch for certain truth.  
But what john Leland thinketh hereof, being one in our time that curiously searched out old antiquities, you shall after hear as occasion serveth: and likewise the opinions of other, 
Hector Boetius his fault.  as of Hector Boetius, who coveting to have all such valiant acts as were achieved by the Britain's to be ascribed to his countrymen the Scots, draweth both the Silures and brigants, with other of the Britain's so far northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of the Scotish countries. And what particular names soever they had, yet were they all Scots with him, and known by that general name (as he would persuade us to believe) saying that they entered into Britain out of Ireland 330 years before the incarnation of our Saviour.  
Nevertheless, how general soever the name of Scots than was, sure it is, that no special mention of them is made by any writer, till about 300 years after the birth of our saviour. And yet the Romans, which ruled this land, and had so much ado with the people thereof, make mention of divers other people, nothing so famous as Boetius would make his Scotish men even then to be. But to leave to the Scots the antiquity of their original beginning, as they and other must do unto us our descent from Brute and the other Troyans', sith the contrary doth not plainly appear, unless we shall lean unto presumptions: now are we come to the time in the which what acts were achieved, there remaineth more certain record, and therefore may we the more boldly proceed in this our history. 
More certainty from hence forth appeareth in the history.   
In this season that Cassibellane had royal government here in Britain, Caius julius Cesar 
julius Cesar  being appointed by the senate of Rome to conquer Gallia, was for that purpose created consul, and sent with a mighty army into the country, where after he had brought the Galls unto some frame, 
Caesar de bello Gall. lib. 4.  he determined to assay the winning of Britain, 
Britain's unknown to the Romans.  which as yet the Romans knew not otherwise than by report. The chiefest cause that moved him to take in hand that enterprise, 
Caesar de bello Gal. lib. 4.  was for that he did understand, that there daily came great succours out of that I'll to those Galls that were enemies unto the Romans. 
Causes of the war.  And though the season of that year to make war was far spent (for summer was almost at an end) yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he might but pass over thither, 
Caesar's purpose.  and learn what manner of people did inhabit there, and discover the places, havens, and entries appertaining to that I'll.  
Hereupon calling together such merchants as he knew to have had traffic thither with some trade of wares, he diligently inquired of them the state of the isle: but he could not be throughly satisfied in any of those things that he coveted to know. Therefore thinking it good to understand all things by view that might appertain to the use of that war which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the same, he sent one Caius Uolusenus with a galley or light pinnace to surucie the coasts of the isle, 
Caius Uolusenus sent over into Britain.  commanding him (after diligent search made) to return with speed to him again. He himself also drew downwards towards Bullenois, from whence the shortest cut lieth to pass over into Britain.  
In that part of Gallia there was in those days an haven called Itius Portus (which some take to be Calais) 
john Leland.  and so the word importeth, 
Polydor.  an harbourgh as then able to receive a great number of ships. Unto this haven got Cesar all the ships he could out of the next borders & parties, and those specially which he had provided and put in a readiness the last year for the wars (against them of Uannes' in Armorica, now called Britain in France) he caused to be brought thither, there to lie till they should hear further. 
Uannes' in Britain.  In the mean time (his endeavour being known, and by merchants reported in Britain) all such as were able to bear armour, were commanded and appointed to repair to the sea side, that they might be ready to defend their country in time of so great danger of invasion.  
¶ Cesar in his commentaries agreeth not with our historiographers: for he writeth that immediately upon knowledge had that he would invade Britain, there came to him ambassadors from divers cities of the isle to offer themselves to be subjects to the Romans, and to deliver hostages. Whom after he had exhorted to continue in their good mind, he sent home again, and with them also one Comius governor of Artois, 
Comius.  commanding him to repair unto as many cities in Britain as he might, and to exhort them to submit themselves to the Romans. He maketh no mention of Cassibellane, till the second journey that he made into the isle, at what time the said Cassibelane was chosen (as ye shall hear) to be the general captain of the Britain's, and to have the whole administration of the war for defence of the country: but he nameth him not to be a king. Howbeit in the British history it is contained, that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelane, 
Which is more likely i● this behalf, as appeared by the sequel.  and that he answered how he had not learned as yet to live in servage, but to defend the liberty of his country, and that with weapon in hand (if need were) as he should well perceive, if (blinded through covetousness) he should adventure to seek to disquiet the Britain's.   

Caius Volusenus discovereth to Caesar his observations in the isle of Britain, he maketh haste to conquer it, the Britain's defend their country against him, Caesar after consultation had changeth his landing place, the Romans are put to hard shifts, the Britain's begin to give back, the courage of a Roman ensign-baerer, a sharp encounter between both armies. The eleventh Chapter.  
CAius Uolusenus within five days after his departure from Cesar, 
Uolusenus returneth.  returned unto him with his galley, and decalred what he had seen touching the view which he had taken of the coasts of Britan. Cesar having got together so many sail as he thought sufficient for the transporting of two legions of soldiers, 
Cesar with two legions of soldiers passeth over into Britan.  after he had ordered his business as he thought expedient, and gotten a convenient wind for his purpose, did embark himself and his people, and departed from Calais in the night about the third watch (which is about three or four of the clock after midnight) giving order that the horsemen should take ship at an other place 8 miles above Calais, and follow him. 
The Britan's ready to defend their country.  Howbeit when they somewhat slacked the time, about ten of the clock in the next day, having the wind at will, he touched on the coast of Britain, where he might behold all the shore set and covered with men of war. For the Britain's hearing that Cesar meant very shortly to come against them, were assembled in armour to resist him: and now being advertised of his approach to the land, they prepared themselves to withstand him.  
Cesar perceiving this, determined to stay till the other ships were come, and so he lay at anchor till about 11 of the clock, 
Cesar calleth a council.  and then called a council of the marshals and chief captains, unto whom he declared both what he had learned of Uolusenus, and also further what he would have done, willing them that all things might be ordered as the reason of war required. And because he perceived that this place where he first cast anchor was not meet for the landing of his people, sith (from the height of the cliffs that closed on each side the narrow creek into the which he had thrust) the Britain's might annoy his people with their bows and darts, before they could set foot on land, having now the wind and tide with him, he disanchored from thence, and drew alongst the coast under the downs, 
This was a●bout day.  the space of 7 or 8 miles, and there finding the shore more flat and plain, he approached near to the land, determining to come to the shore.  
The Britain's perceiving Caesar's intent, with all speed caused their horsemen and charets or wagons, which Cesar calleth Esseda, out of the which in those days they used to fight, to march forth toward the place whither they saw Cesar drew, and after followed with their main army. Wherefore Cesar being thus prevented, enforced yet to land with his people, though he saw that he should have much a do. For as the Britain's were in readiness to resist him, so his great and huge ships could not come near the shore, but were forced to keep the deep, so that the Roman soldiers were put to very hard shift; 
The Romans put to their 〈◊〉  to wit, both to leap forth of their ships, and being pestered with their heavy armour and weapons, to fight in the water with their enemies, who knowing the flats and shelves, stood either upon the dry ground, or else but a little way in the shallow places of the water; and being not otherwise encumbered either with armour or weapon, but so as they might bestir themselves at will, they laid load upon the Romans with their arrows and darts, and forced their horses (being thereto enured) to enter the water the more easily, so to annoy and distress the Romans, who wanting experience in such kind of fight, were not well able to help themselves, nor to keep order as they used to do on land: wherefore they fought nothing so lustily as they were wont to do. Cesar perceiving this, commanded the galleys to departed from the great ships, and to row hard to the shore, that being placed over against the open sides of the Britain's, they might with their shot of arrows, darts, and slings, remove the Britain's, and cause them to withdraw further off from the water side.  
This thing being put in execution (according to his commandment) 
The Britan's astonished.  the Britain's were not a little astonished at the strange sight of those galleys, for that they were driven with oars, which erst they had not seen, and shrewdlie were they galled also with the artillery which the Romans discharged upon them, so that they began to shrink and retire somewhat back. 
She valiant courage of an ensign bearer.  Herewith one that bore the ensign of the legion surnamed Decima, wherein the eagle was figured, as in that which was the chief ensign of the legion, when he saw his fellows nothing eager to make forward, first beseeching the gods that his enterprise might turn to the weal, profit, and honour of the legion, he spoke with a loud voice these words to his fellows that were about him; Leap forth now even you worthy soldiers (saith he) if you will not betray your ensign to the enemies: for surely I will acquit myself according to my duty both towards the common wealth, and my general: and therewith leaping forth into the water, he marched with his ensign straight upon the enemies. The Romans doubting to lose their ensign, which should have turned them to great reproach, leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their standard, so that there ensued a sore reencounter: and that which troubled the Romans most, was because they could not keep their order, neither find any sure footing, nor yet follow every man his own ensign, but to put themselves under that ensign which he first met withal after their first coming forth of the ship.  
The Britain's that were enured with the shelves and shallow places of the water, when they saw the Romans thus disorderly come out of their ships, ran upon them with their horses, and fiercely assailed them, 
The fierceness of the Britain's.  and now and then a great multitude of the Britain's would compass in and enclose some one company of them: and other also from the most open places of the shore bestowed great plenty of darts upon the whole number of the Romans, and so troubled them very sore.   

The Romans get to land on the English coast, the Britain's send to Caesar for a treaty of peace, they stay the Roman ambassador as prisoner, Caesar demandeth hostages of the Britain's, the Roman navy is driven divers ways in a great tempest, the British princes steal out of Caesar's camp and gather a fresh power against the Romans, their two armies have a sharp encounter. The twelve Chapter.  
CAesar perceiving the manner of this fight, caused his men of war to enter into boats and other small vessels, which he commanded to go to such places where most need appeared. And relieving them that fought with new supplies, 
The Romans get to land.  at length the Romans got to land, and assembling together, they assailed the Britain's a fresh, and so at last did put them all to flight. 
The want of horsemen.  But the Romans could not follow the Britain's far, because they wanted their horsemen which were yet behind, & through slacking of time could not come to land. And this one thing seemed only to disappoint the lucky fortune that was accustomed to follow Cesar in all his other enterprises.  
The Britain's after this flight were no sooner got together, 
The Britan's send to Cesar.  but that with all speed they sent ambassadors unto Cesar to treat with him of peace, offering to deliver hostages, and further to stand unto that order that Cesar should take with them in any reasonable sort. With these ambassadors came also Comius, 
Comius of Arras.  whom Cesar (as you have heard) had sent before into Britain, whom notwithstanding that he was an ambassador, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions sufficiently furnished, yet had they stayed him as a prisoner. But now after the battle was ended, they set him at liberty, and sent him back with their ambassadors, who excused the matter, laying the blame on the people of the country, which had imprisoned him through lack of understanding what appertained to the law of arms and nations in that behalf.  
Cesar found great fault with their misdemenor, not only for imprisoning his ambassador, but also for that contrary to their promise made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to deliver hostages, in am thereof they had received him with war: yet in the end he said he would pardon them, and not seek any further revenge of their follies. And herewith required of them hostages, 
Cesar demandeth hostages.  of which, part were delivered out of hand, and made promise that the residue should likewise be sent after, craving some respite for performance of the same, because they were to be fetched far off within the country.  
Peace being thus established after the fourth day of the Romans arrival in Britain, the 18 ships which (as ye have heard) were appointed to convey the horsemen over, loosed from the further haven with a soft wind. Which when they approached so near the shore of Britain, that the Romans which were in Caesar's camp might see them, suddenly there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to keep his course, so that they were not only driven in sunder (some being carried again into Gallia, and some westward) but also the other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought over the army, were so pitifully beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them did not only lose their tackle, but also were carried by force of wind into the high sea; the rest being likewise so filled with water, that they were in danger by sinking to perish and to be quite lost. For the moon in the same night was at the full, & therefore caused a spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater periall of those ships and galleys that lay at anchor. There was no way for the Romans to help the matter: wherefore a great number of those ships were so bruised, rend and weatherbeaten, that without new reparation they would serve to no use of sailing. This was a great discomfort to the Romans that had brought over no provision to live by in the winter season, nor saw any hope how they should repass again into Gallia.  
In the mean time the British princes that were in the Roman army, perceiving how greatly this mishap had discouraged the Romans, and again by the small circuit of their camp, guessing that they could be no great number, and that lack of victuals sore oppressed them, they stolen privily away one after another out of the camp, purposing to assemble their powers again, and to forestall the Romans from victuals, and so to drive the matter off till winter: which if they might do (vanquishing these or closing them from returning) they trusted that none of the Romans from thenceforth would attempt eftsoons to come into Britain. Cesar mistrusting their dealings, because they stayed to deliver the residue of their hostages, commanded victuals to be brought out of the parties adjoining, and not having other stuff to repair his ships, he caused 12 of those that were utterly past recovery by the hurts received through violence of the tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other (in which some recovery was perceived) might be repaired and amended.   

The manner of the Britain's fight in charets, the Romans give a fresh sally to the Britain's and put them to flight, they sue to Caesar for peace; what kings and their powers were assistants to Cassibellane in the battle against Caesar, and the manner of both people's encounters by the report of divers Chronologers. The xiii. Chapter.  
Whilst these things were a doing, it chanced that as one of the Roman legions named the seventh, was sent to fetch in corn out of the country adjoining (as their custom was) no war at that time being suspected, or once looked for, when part of the people remained abroad in the field, and part repaired to the camp: those that warded before the camp, informed Cesar, that there appeared a dust greater than was accustomed from that quarter, into the which the legion was gone to fetch in corn. Cesar judging thereof what the matter might mean, commanded those bands that warded to go with him that way forth, and appointed other two bands to come into their rooms, and the residue of his people to get them to armour, and to follow quickly after him.  
He was not gone any great way from the camp, when he might see where his people were overmatched by the enemies, and had much a do to bear out the brunt: for the legion being thronged together, the Britain's pelted them fore with arrows and darts on each side: for sithence there was no forage left in any part of the country about, but only in this place, the Britain's judged that the Romans would come thither for it: therefore having lodged themselves within the woods in ambushes the night before; on the morrow after when they saw the Romans dispersed here & there, and busy to cut down the corn, they set upon them on a sudden, and slaying some few of them, brought the residue out of order, compassing them about with their horsemen and charets, so that they were in great distress.  
The manner of fight with these charets was such, that in the beginning of a battle they would ride about the sides and skirts of the enemies host, and bestow their darts as they sat in those charets, so that oftentimes with the braieng of the horses, and craking noise of the chariot wheels they disordered their enemies, and after that they had wound themselves in amongst the troops of horsemen, they would leap out of the charets and fight on foot. In the mean time those that guided the charets would withdraw themselves out of the battle, placing themselves so, that if their people were overmatched with the multitude of enemies, they might easily withdraw to their charets, and mount upon the same again, by means whereof they were as ready to remove as the horsemen, and as steadfast to stand in the battle as the footmen, and so to supply both duties in one. And those charetmen by exercise and custom were so cunning in their feat, that although their horses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay them and hold them back at their pleasures, and turn and wind them to and fro in a moment, notwithstanding that the place were very steep and dangerous: and again they would run up and down very nimbly upon the cops, and stand upon the beam, and convey themselves quickly again into the chariot.  
Cesar thus finding his people in great distress and ready to be destroyed, came in good time, and delivered them out of that danger: for the Britain's upon his approach with new succours, gave over to assail their enemies any further, & the Romans were delivered out of the fear wherein they stood before his coming. Furthermore, Cesar considering the time served not to assail his enemies, kept his ground, and shortly after brought back his legions into the camp.  
While these things were thus a doing, & all the Romans occupied, the rest that were abroad in the fields got them away. After this there followed a sore season of rain and fowl weather, which kept the Romans with in their camp, and stayed the Britain's from offering battle. But in the mean time they sent messengers abroad into all parts of the country, to give knowledge of the small number of the Romans, and what hope there was both of great spoil to be gotten, and occasion to deliver themselves from further danger for ever, if they might once expel the Romans out of their camp. Hereupon a great multitude both of horsemen and footmen of the Britain's were speedily got together, and approached the Roman camp.  
Cesar although he saw that the same would come to pass which had chanced before, that if the enemies were put to the repulse, they would easily escape the danger with swiftness of foot; yet having now with him thirty horsemen (which Comius of Arras had brought over with him, when he was sent from Cesar as an ambassador unto the Britain's) he placed his legions in order of battle before his camp, and so coming to join with the Britain's, they were not able to sustain the violent impression of the armed men, and so fled. The Romans pursued them so far as they were able to overtake any of them, and so slaying many of them, & burning up all their houses all about, came back again to their camp. Immediately whereupon, even the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to sue for peace, who gladly accepting their offer, commanded them to send over into Gallia, after he should be returned thither, hostages in number double to those that were agreed upon at the first. After that these things were thus ordered, Cesar because the month of September was well-neare half spent, and that winter hasted on (as season not meet for his weak and bruised ships to brook the seas) determined not to stay any longer, but having wind and weather for his purpose, got himself aboard with his people, and returned into Gallia.  
¶ Thus writeth Cesar touching his first journey made into Britain. 
Caesar de bello Gallieo lib. 4.  But the British history (which Polydore calleth the new history) declareth that Cesar in a pitched field was vanquished at the first encounter, and so withdrew back into France. Beda also writeth, that Cesar coming into the country of Gallia, where the people then called Morini inhabited (which are at this day the same that inhabit the diocese of Terwine) from whence lieth the shortest passage over into Britain, now called England, got together 80 sail of great ships and row galleys, wherewith he passed over into Britain, & there at the first being wearied with sharp and sore fight, and after taken with a grievous tempest, he lost the greater part of his navy, with no small number of his soldiers, and almost all his horsemen: and therewith being returned into Gallia, placed his soldiers in stéeds to sojourn there for the winter season. Thus saith Bede. The British history moreover maketh mention of three under-kings that aided Cassibellane in this first battle fought with Cesar, as Cridiorus alias Ederus, king of Albania, now called Scotland: Guitethus king of Uenedocia, that is North-wales: and Britaell king of Demetia, at this day called Southwales.  
The same history also maketh mention of one Belinus that was general of Cassibellanes army, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Caesar's sword fastened in his shield by a blow which Cesar struck at him. Androgeus also and Tenancius were at the battle in aid iof Cassibellane. But Nenius died within 15 days after the battle of the hurt received at Caesar's hand, although after he was so hurt, he slew Labienus one of the Roman tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the best of things for his own honour, or else coveting to write but commentaries, maketh no account to declare the needless circumstances, or any more of the matter, than the chief points of his dealing.  
Again, 
Hector Boet.  the Scotish historiographers write, that when it was first known to the Britain's, that Cesar would invade them, there came from Cassibellane king of Britain an ambassador unto Ederus king of Scots, who in the name of king Cassibellane required aid against the common enemies the Romans, which request was granted, and 10 thousand Scots sent to the aid of Cassibellane. At their coming to London, they were most joyfully received of Cassibellane, who at the same time had knowledge that the Romans were come on land, and had beaten such Britain's back as were appointed to resist their landing. Whereupon Cassibellane with all his whole puissance mightily augmented, not only with the succours of the Scots, but also of the Picts (which in that common cause had sent also of their people to aid the Britain's) set forward towards the place where he understood the enemies to be.  
At their first approach together, Cassibellane sent forth his horsemen and charets called Esseda, by the which he thought to disorder the array of the enemies. Twice they encountered together with doubtful victory. At length they joined puissance against puissance, and fought a very sore and cruel battle, till finally at the sudden coming of the Welshmen and Cornishmen, so huge a noise was raised by the sound of bells hanging at their trappers and charets, that the Romans astonished therewith, were more easily put to flight. The Britain's, Scots, and Picts following the chase without order or array, so that by reason the Romans kept themselves close together, the Britain's, Scots, & Picts did scarce so much harm to the enemies as they themselves received. But yet they followed on still upon the Romans till it was dark night.  
Cesar after he had perceived them once withdrawn, did what he could to assemble his companies together, minding the next morning to seek his revenge of the former days disadvantage. But forsomuch as knowledge was given him that his ships (by reason of a sore tempest) were so beaten and rend, that many of them were past service, he doubted least such news would encourage his enemies, and bring his people into despair. Wherefore he determined not to fight till time more convenient, sending all his wounded folks unto the ships, which he commanded to be newly rigged and trimmed. After this, keeping his army for a time within the place where he was encamped without issuing forth, he shortly drew to the sea side, where his ships lay at anchor, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose he lodged his host, and finally without hope to achieve any other exploit available for that time, he took the sea with such ships as were apt for sailing, and so repassed into Gallia, leaving behind him all the spoil and baggage for want of vessels and leisure to convey it over. ¶ Thus have the Scots in their chronicles framed the matter, more to the conformity of the Roman histories, than according to the report of our British and English writers: and therefore we have thought good to show it here, that the diversity of writers and their affections may the better appear.  
Of this sudden departing also, or rather fleeing of julius Cesar out of Britain, Lucanus the poet maketh mention, reciting the saying of Pompeius in an oration made by him unto this soldiers, wherein he reproachfully and disdainfully reproved the doings of Cesar in Britain, saying:  Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis.  

Caesar taketh a new occasion to make war against the Britain's, he arriveth on the coast without resistance, the number of his ships, both armies encounter, why Caesar forbade the Romans to pursue the discomfited Britain's, he repaireth his navy, the Britain's choose Cassibellane their chief governor, and skirmish afresh with their enemies, but have the repulse in the end. The xiv. Chapter.  
NOw will we return to the sequel of the matter, as Cesar himself reporteth. After his coming into Gallia, there were but two cities of all Britain that sent over their hostages according to their covenant, which gave occasion to Cesar to pick a new quarrel against 
Dion Cassius.  them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) have found some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of that I'll. Therefore purposing to pass again thither, as he that had a great desire to bring the Britain's under the obedience of the Roman estate, he caused a great number of ships to be provided in the winter season and put in a readiness, so that against the next spring there were found to be ready rigged six hundred ships, beside 28 galleys. Hereupon having taken order for the governance of Gallia in his absence, 
Caesar de bell. Gal. lib. 5.  about the beginning of the spring he came to the haven of Calais, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships were come, except 40 which by tempest were driven back, and could not as yet come to him.  
After he had stayed at Calais (as well for a convenient wind, as for other incidents) certain days, at length when the weather so changed that it served his purpose, he took the sea, & having with him five legions of soldiers, and about two thousand horsemen, he departed out of Calais haven about sun setting with a soft south-west wind, directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, & so by a calm he was carried alongst with the tide, so that in the morning when the day appeared, he might behold Britain upon his left hand. Then following the stream as the course of the tide changed, he forced with ●ares to fetch the shore upon that part of the coast, which he had discovered, and tried the last year to be the best landing place for the army. The diligence of the soldiers was showed here to be great, who with continual toil drove forth the heavy ships, to keep course with the galleys, & so at length they landed in Britain about noon on the next day, finding not one to resist his coming ashore: for as he learned by certain prisoners which were taken after his coming to land, the Britain's being assembled in purpose to have resisted him, through fear stricken into their hearts, at the discovering of such an huge number of ships, they forsook the shore and got them unto the mountains. There were in deed of vessels one and other, what with victuallers, & those which private men had provided and furnished forth for their own use, being joined to the ordinary number, at the least eight hundred sail, which appearing in sight all at one time, made a wonderful muster, and right terrible in the eyes of the Britain's.  
But to proceed: Cesar being got to land, encamped his army in a place convenient: and after learning by the prisoners, into what part the enemies were withdrawn, he appointed one Quintus Atrius to remain upon the safeguard of the navy, with ten companies or cohorts of footmen, and three hundred horsemen: and anon after midnight marched forth himself with the residue of his people toward the Britain's, and having made 12 miles of way, he got sight of his enemies host, who sending down their horsemen and charets unto the river side, skirmished with the Romans, meaning to beat them back from the higher ground: but being assailed of the Roman horsemen, they were repelled, & took the woods for their refuge, wherein they had got a place very strong, both by nature and help of hand, which (as was to be thought) had been fortified before, in time of some civil war amongst them: for all the entries were closed with trees which had been cut down for that purpose. Howbeit the soldiers of the 7 legion casting a trench before them, found means to put back the Britain's from their defences, and so entering upon them, drove them out of the woods. But Cesar would not suffer the Romans to follow the Britain's, because the nature of the country was not known unto them: and again the day was far spent, so that he would have the residue thereof bestowed in fortifying his camp.  
The next day, as he had sent forth such as should have pursued the Britain's, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his navy by rigour of a sore and hideous tempest was grievously molested, and thrown upon the shore, so that the cabels and tackle being broken and destroyed with force of the unmerciful rage of wind, the masters and mariners were not able to help the matter. Cesar calling back those which he had sent forth, returned to his ships, and finding them in such state as he had heard, took order for the repairing of those that were not utterly destroyed, and caused them so to be drawn up to the land, that with a trench he might so compass in a plot of ground, that might serve both for defence of his ships, and also for the encamping of those men of war, which he should leave to attend upon the safeguard of the same. And because there were at the least a forty ships lost by violence of this tempest, so as there was no hope of recovery in them, he saw yet how the rest with great labour and cost might be repaired: wherefore he chose out writes among the legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote over to such as he had left there in charge with the government of the country, to provide so many ships as they could, and to send them over unto him. He spent a ten days about the repairing of his navy, and in fortifying the camp for defence thereof, which done, he left those within it that were appointed there before, and then returned towards his enemies.  
At his coming back to the place where he had before encamped, he found them there ready to resist him, having their numbers hugely increased: for the Britain's hearing that he was returned with such a mighty number of ships assembled out of all parts of the land, and had by general consent appointed the whole rule and order of all things touching the war unto Cassivellane or Cassibelane, whose dominion was divided from the cities situate near to the sea coast, 
Cassibellane as should seem, ruled in the parties of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire.  by the river of Thames, 80 miles distant from the sea coast. This Cassibellane before time had been at continual war with other rulers, and cities of the land: but now the Britain's moved with the coming of the Romans, chose him to be chief governor of all their army, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the defence of their country against the Romans only to him. Their horsemen and charets skirmished by the way with the Romans, but so as they were put back oftentimes into the woods and hills adjoining: yet the Britain's slew divers of the Romans as they followed any thing eagerly in the pursuit.  
Also within a while after, as the Romans were busy in fortifying their camp, the Britain's suddenly issued out of the woods, and fierselie assailed those that warded before the camp, unto whose aid Cesar sent two of the chiefest cohorts of two legions, the which being placed but a little distance one from another, when the Romans began to be discouraged with this kind of fight, the Britain's therewith burst through their enemies, and came back from thence in safety. That day Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune was slain. At length Cesar sending sundry other cohorts to the succour of his people that were in fight, and shrewdly handled as it appeared, the Britain's in the end were put back. Nevertheless, that repulse was but at the pleasure of fortune; for they quited themselves afterwards like men, defending their territories with such munition as they had, until such time as either by policy or inequality of power they were vanquished; as you shall see after in the course of the history. Howbeit in fine they were overrun and utterly subdued, but not without much bloodshed and slaughter.   

The Romans heavy armour their great hindrance, the manner of the Britain's fight in war, their encounter with their enemies, their discomfiture, the worthy stratagems or martial exploits of Cassibellane, the Troinovants' submission to Caesar, and their suit touching Mandubratius, many of the Britain's are taken and slain of the Romans. The xv. Chapter.  
IN all this manner of skirmishing and fight which chanced before the camp, even in the sight and view of all men, it was perceived that the Romans, 
The Romans heavy armour  by reason of their heavy armour (being not able either to follow the Britain's as they retired, or so bold as to departed from their ensigns, except they would run into danger of casting themselves away) were nothing meet to match with such kind of enemies: and as for their horsemen, they fought likewise in great hazard, because the Britain's would oftentimes of purpose retire, and when they had trained the Roman horsemen a little from their legions of footmen, they would leap out of their charet and encounter with them on foot. And so the battle of horsemen was dangerous, and like in all points whether they pursued or retired.  
This also was the manner of the Britain's: 
The manner of the Britain's in the wars.  they fought not close together, but in sunder, and divided into companies one separated from another by a good distance, and had their troops standing in places convenient, to the which they might retire, and so relieve one another with sending new fresh men to supply the rooms of them that were hurt or weary. The next day after they had thus fought before the camp of the Romans, they showed themselves aloft on the hills, and began to skirmish with the Roman horsemen, but not so hotly as they had done the day before. But about noon, when Cesar had sent forth three legions of footmen and all his horsemen under the leading of his lieutenant Caius Trebonius to fetch in forage, 
Caius Trebonius.  they suddenly broke out on every side, and set upon the foragers. The Romans so far forth as they might, not breaking their array, nor going from their ensigns or guidons, gave the charge on them, and fiercely repelled them, so that the horsemen having the legions of footmen at their backs, 
Dion Cassius saith, that the Britain's vanquished the Roman footmen at this time, but were put to the worst by the horsemen.  followed the Britain's so long as they might have the said legions in sight ready to secure them if need were: by reason whereof, they slew a great number of the Britain's, not giving them leisure to recover themselves, nor to stay that they might have time to get out of their charet. After this chase and discomfiture, all such as were come from other parties to the aid of their fellows departed home, & after that day the Britain's adventured to fight against Cesar with their main power, and withdrawing beyond the river of 
* (Which is to be supposed was at Kingston) or not far from thence.  Thames, determined to stop the enemies from passing the same, if by any means they might: and whereas there was but one ford by the which they might come over, Cassibellane caused the same to be set full of sharp stakes, not only in the midst of the water, but also at the coming forth on that side where he was lodged with his army in good order, ready to defend the passage. Cesar learning by relation of prisoners which he took, what the Britain's intended to do, marched forth to the river side, where the ford was, by the which his army might pass the same on foot though very hardly. At his coming thither, he might perceive how the Britain's were ready on the further side to impeach his passage, and how that the bank at the coming forth of the water was pight full of sharp stakes, and so likewise was the channel of the river set with piles which were covered with the water.  
These things yet stayed not Cesar, who appointing his horsemen to pass on before, commanded the footmen to follow. The soldiers entering the water, waded through with such speed and violence (nothing appearing of them above water but their heads) that the Britain's were constrained to give place, being not able to sustain the brunt of the Roman horsemen, and the legions of their footmen, and so abandoning the place betook them to flight. Cassibellane not minding to try the matter any more by battle, sent away the most part of his people, but yet kept with him about a four thousand charretmen or wagoners, and still watched what way the Romans took, coasting them ever as they marched, and kept somewhat aside within the covert of woods, and other cumbersome places. And out of those quarters through which he understood the Romans word pass, he gathered both men and cattle into the woods & thick forests, leaving nothing of value abroad in the champion country. And when the Roman horsemen did come abroad into the country to seek booties, he sent out his charet unto the known ways and passages to skirmish with the same horsemen, so much to the disadvantage of the Romans, that they durst not stray far from their main army. Neither would Cesar permit them (lest they might have been utterly distressed by the Britain's) to departed further than the main battles of the footmen kept pace with them, by reason whereof the country was not endamaged by fire and spoil, but only 〈◊〉 the army marched.  
In the mean time, 
Troinovants where they inhabited.  the Troinovants which some take to be Middlesex & Essex men, whose city was the best fenced of all those parties, and thought to be the same that now is called London, sent ambassadors unto Cesar, offering to submit themselves unto him, and to obey his ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mandubratius from the injuries of K. Cassibellane, which Mandubratius had fled unto Cesar into France, after that Cassibellane had slain his father named Imanuentius, 
Imanuentius.  that was chief lord and king of the Troinovants, and so now by their ambassadors the same Troinovants requested Cesar, not only to receive Mandubratius into his protection, but also to send him unto them, that he might take the government and rule of their city into his hands. Cesar commanded them to deliver unto him 40 hostages, and grain for his army, and therewith sent Mandubratius unto them. 
Some take the Troinovants to be Londoners.  The Troinovants accomplished his commandments with all speed, sending both the appointed number of hostages, and also grain for the army. And being thus defended and preserved from injury of the soldiers, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted themselves unto Cesar, by whom he understood that the town of Cassibellane was not far from the place where he was then encamped fenced with woods and marshes, into the which a great number of people with their cattle and other substance was withdrawn. The Britain's in those days (as Cesar writeth) called that a town or hold, which they had fortified with any thick cumbersome wood, with trench and rampire, into the which they used to get themselves for the avoiding of invasion.  
Cesar with his legions of soldiers therefore marched thither, and finding the place very strong both by nature and help of hand, assaulted it on two parts. The Britain's defending their strength a while, at length not able longer to endure the impression of the Romans, fled out on the contrary side of the town where the enemies were not. Within this place a great number of cattle was found, and many of the Britain's taken by the Romans that followed them in chase, and many also slain.   

Cassibellane doth send unto the four kings of Kent for aid against Caesar's host, he offereth submission to Caesar, the Britain's become his tributaries, he returneth into Gallia with the remnant of his army: the differing report of Caesar's commentaries and our historiographers touching these warlike affairs; of a sore fray with bloodshed and manslaughter upon a light occasion; Caesar taketh opportunity to get the conquest of the land by the division between Cassibellane and Androgeus, the time of the Britain's subjection to the Romans. The xuj. Chapter.  
NOw whilst these things passed on this sort in those parts, 
Four kings in Kent.  Cassibellane sent messengers into Kent unto four kings (which ruled that side of the land in those days) Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, commanding them, that assembling together their whole puissance, they should assail the camp of the Romans by the sea side where certain bands lay (as ye have heard) for safeguard of the navy. They according to his appointment came suddenly thither, and by the Romans that sailed forth upon them were sharply fought with, and lost divers of their men that were slain and taken, and amongst the prisoners that the Romans took, Cingetorix was one. When Cassibellane heard these news, being sore troubled for these losses thus chancing one in the neck of an other, but namely most discouraged, for that divers cities had yielded unto the Romans: he sent ambassadors by means of Romius of Arras unto Cesar, offering to submit himself.  
Cesar meaning to winter in Gallia, and therefore because summer drew towards an end, willing to dispatch in Britain, commanded that hostages should be delivered, and appointed what tribute the Britain's should yéerelie send unto the Romans. He also forbade and commanded Cassibellane, that he should not in any wise trouble or endamage Madubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had received the hostages, he brought his army to the sea, and there found his ships well repaired, decked, and in good point: therefore he commanded that they should be had down to the sea. And because he had a great number of prisoners, and divers of his ships were lost in the tempest, he appointed to transport his army over into Gallia at two conveys, which was done with good success about the midst of September, though the ships returning for the residue of the army, after the first convey, were driven so with force of weather, that a great number of them could not come to land at the place appointed: so that Cesar was constrained to fraught those that he could get with a greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britain, and safely landed with the remnant of his people in Gallia with as good speed as he could have desired. He thought not good to leave any of his people behind him, 
Dion Cassius.  knowing that if he should so do, they were in danger to be cast away. And so because he could not well remain there all the winter season for doubt of rebellion in Gallia, he was contented to take up, and return thither, sith he had done sufficiently for the time, lest in coveting the more, he might have come in peril to lose that which he had already obtained.  
Thus according to that which Cesar himself and other authentic authors have written, was Britain made tributary to the Romans by the conduct of the same Cesar. ¶ But our histores far differ from this, 
Gal. Mon. Matt. West.  affirming that Cesar coming the second time, was by the Britain's with valiancy and martial prowess beaten and repelled, as he was at the first, and specially by means that Cassibellane had pight in the Thames great piles of trees piked with iron, through which his ships being entered the river, were perished and lost. And after his coming a land, he was vanquished in battle, and constrained to flee into Gallia with those ships that remained. For joy of this second victory (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, and there did sacrifice to the gods.  
At this feast there fell variance betwixt two young gentlemen, the one named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or Eweline, being of alliance to Androgeus' earl of London. They fell at discord about wrestling, and after multiplying of words, they came to dealing of blows, by means whereof parts were taken, so that there ensued a sore fray, in the which diverse were wounded and hurt, and amongst other Hirilda the king's nephew was slain by the hands of Eweline. The king sore displeased herewith, meant to punish Eweline according to the order of his laws, so that he was summoned to appear in due form to make answer to the murder: but Eweline by the comfort of Androgeus disobeyed the summons, & departed the court with Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his laws. The king to be revenged upon Androgeus, gathered a power, and began to make war upon him.  
Androgeus perceiving himself not able to withstand the king's puissance, sent letters to julius Cesar, exhorting him to return into Britain, and declaring the whole matter concerning the variance betwixt him and the king, promising to aid the Romans in all that he might. julius Cesar joyful of this message, prepared his navy, and with all speed with a mighty host embarked in the same, came toward Britain: but yet he would land, doubting some treason in Androgeus, he received from him in hostage his son named Scena, and thirty other of the best and most noble personages of all his dominion. After this he landed, and joining with Androgeus, came into a valley near to Canturburie, and there encamped. Shortly after came Cassibellane with all his power of Britain's, and gave battle to the Romans. But after the Britain's had long fought and knightly borne themselves in that battle, Androgeus came with his people on a wing, and so sharply assailed them, that the Britain's were constrained to forsake the field, and took themselves to flight. The which flight so discomforted them, that finally they all fled, and gave place to the Romans, the which pursued and slew them without mercy, so that Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrew to a place of surety, but being environed about with the puissance of the Romans, and of Androgeus, who had with him seven thousand men there in the aid of the Romans, Cassibellane in the end was forced to fall to a composition, in covenanting to pay a yearly tribute of three thousand pounds. 
So saith Campton, but Galfrid Monu. saith five thousand.  When Cesar had ordered his business as he thought convenient, he returned, and with him went Androgeus, fearing the displeasure of Cassibellane.  
The reverend father Bede writing of this matter, saith thus: After that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his soldiers abroad in the country to sojourn for the winter season, he caused ships to be made ready, to the number of 600, with the which repassing into Britain, whilst he marched forth with a mighty army against the enemies, his ships that lay at anchor being taken with a sore tempest, were either beaten one against another, or else cast upon the flats and sands, and so broken; so that forty of them were utterly perished, and the residue with great difficulty were repaired. The horsemen of the Romans at the first encounter were put to the worse, and Labienus the tribune slain. In the second conflict he vanquished the Britain's, not without great danger of his people. After this, he marched to the river of Thames, which as then was passable by ford only in one place and not else, as the report goeth. On the further bank of that river, Cassibellane was encamped with an huge multitude of enemies, and had pitched and set the bank, and almost all the ford under the water full of sharp stakes, 
The stakes remained to be seen in Bedes days.  the tokens of which unto this day are to be seen, and it seemeth to the beholders that every of these stakes are as big as a man's thigh, sticking fast in the bottom of the river closed with lead. This being perceived of the Romans, and avoided, the Britain's not able to sustain the violent impression of the Roman legions, hid themselves in the woods, out of the which by often issues, they grievously and many times assailed the Romans, and did them great damage. In the mean time the strong city of Troynovant with her duke Androgeus delivering forty hostages, yielded unto Cesar, whose example many other cities following, allied themselves with the Romans, by whose information Cesar with sore fight took at length the town of Cassibellane, situate betwixt two marches, fenced also with the covert of woods, & having within it great plenty of all things. After this Cesar returned into France, and bestowed his army in places to sojourn there for the winter season.  
The Scotish writers report, that the Britain's, after the Romans were the first time repelled (as before ye have heard) refused to receive the aid of the Scotish men the second time, and so were vanquished, as in the Scotish history ye may see more at length expressed. Thus much touching the war which julius Cesar made against the Britain's, in bringing them under tribute to the Romans. But this tributary subjection was hardly maintained for a season.  
¶ Now here is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish all the Britain's: for he came not amongst the northern men, only discovering and subduing that part which lieth towards the French seas: so that sith other of the Roman emperors did most earnestly travel to bring the Britain's under their subjection (which were ever ready to rebel so many sundry times) Cesar might seem rather to have showed Britain to the Romans, 
Cornelius Tacitus. In vit. Agr.  than to have delivered the possession of the same. This subjection, to the which he brought this Isle (what manner of one soever it was) chanced about the year of the world 3913, 
Dion Gassius.  after the building of Rome 698, before the birth of our saviour 53, the first and second year of the 181 Olympiad, after the coming of Brute 1060, before the conquest made by William duke of Normandy 1120, and 1638 years before this present year of our Lord 1585., after Harisons account.   

The state of Britain when Caesar offered to conquer it, and the manner of their government, as diverse authors report the same in their books: where the contrariety of their opinions is to be observed. The xvij. Chapter.  
AFter that julius Cesar had thus made the Britain's tributaries to the Romans, and was returned into Gallia, Cassibellane reigned 7 years, and was vanquished in the ninth or tenth year after he began first to reign so that he reigned in the whole about 15 or as some have 17 years, and then died, 
Fabian.  leaving no issue behind him. There hath been an old chronicle (as Fabian recordeth) which he saw and followeth much in his book, wherein is contained, that this Cassibellane was not brother to Lud, but eldest son to him: for otherwise as may be thought (saith he) Cesar having the upper hand, would have displaced him from the government, and set up Androgeus the right heir to the crown, as son to the said Lud. But whatsoever our chronicles or the British histories report of this matter, it should appear by that which Cesar writeth (as partly ye have heard) that Britain in those days was not governed by one sole prince, 
Caesar.  but by divers, and that divers cities were estates of themselves, so that the land was divided into sundry governments, much after the form and manner as Germany and Italy are in our time, where some cities are governed by one only prince, some by the nobility, and some by the people. And whereas divers of the rulers in those days here in this land were called kings, those had more large signiories than the other, 
Cassibellane a king.  as Cassibellane, who was therefore called a king.  
And though we do admit this to be true, yet may it be, that in the beginning, after Brute entered the land, there was ordained by him a monarchy, as before is mentioned, which might continue in his posterity many years after, and yet at length before the coming of Cesar, through civil dissension, might happily be broken, and divided into parts, and so remained not only in the time of this Cassibellane, but also long after, whilst they lived as tributaries to the Romans, till finally they were subdued by the Saxons. In which mean time, through the discord, negligence, or rather unadvised rashness of writers, hard it is to judge what may be affirmed and received in their writings for a truth; namely, concerning the succession of the kings that are said to have reigned betwixt the days of Cassibellane, and the coming of the Saxons. The Roman writers (and namely Tacitus) report, that the Britain's in times past were under the rule of kings, 
Cor. Tacit. in vit. Iu. Agr.  and after being made tributaries, were drawn so by princes into sundry factions, that to defend and keep off a common jeopardy, scarcely would two or three cities agree togther, and take weapon in hand with one accord, so that while they fought by parts, the whole was overcome. And after this sort they say that Britain was brought into the form of a province by the Romans, from whom governors under the name of legates and procurators were sent that had the rule of it.  
But yet the same authors make mention of certain kings (as hereafter shall appear) who while the Roman emperors had the most part of the earth in subjection, reigned in Britain. The same witnesseth Gildas, 
Gildas in epist.  saying: Britain hath kings, but they are tyrants: judges it hath, but the same are wicked, oftentimes spoiling and tormenting the innocent people. And Cesar (as ye have heard) speaketh of four kings that ruled in Kent, and thereabouts. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, 
Some take Prasutagus and arviragus to be one man.  that were kings in Britain: and Juvenal speaketh of arviragus: and all the late writers, of Lucius. Hereby it appeareth, that whether one or more, yet kings there were in Britain, bearing rule under the Roman emperors.  
On the other part, the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is, 
Gal. Mon.  that the chief government remained ever with the Britain's, & that the Roman senate receiving a yearly tribute, sent at certain times (Ex officio) their emperors and lieutenants into this isle, to repress the rebellious tumults therein begun, or to beat back the invasion of the enemies that went about to invade it. And thus would these writers infer, that the Britain's ever obeyed their king, till at length they were put beside the government by the Saxons. But whereas in the common history of England, the succession of kings ought to be kept, so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not any to fill the place, than one while the Roman emperors are placed in their steads, and another while their lieutenants, and are said to be created kings of the Britain's, as though the emperors were inferiors unto the kings of Britain, and that the Roman lieutenants at their appointments, and not by prescript of the senate or emperors, administered the province.  
This may suffice here to advertise you of the contrariety in writers. Now we will go forth in following our history, as we have done heretofore, saving that where the Roman histories writ of things done here by emperors, or their lieutenants, it shall be showed as reason requireth, sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned.   

Of Theomantius, the term of years that he reigned, and where he was interred; of Kymbeline, within the time of whose government Christ jesus our saviour was borne, all nations content to obey the Roman emperors and consequently Britain, the customs that the Britain's pay the Romans as Strabo reporteth. The xviij. Chapter.  
AFter the death of Cassibellane, 
Theomantius.  Theomantius or Tenantius the youngest son of Lud was made king of Britain in the year of the world 3921, after the building of Rome 706, & before the coming of Christ 45. He is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace: 
Fabian.  in the same chronicle it is contained, that not he, but his brother Androgeus was king, where Geffrey of Monmouth & others testify, 
Gal. Mon.  that Androgeus abandoned the land clearly, & continued still at Rome, because he knew the Britain's hated him for treason he had committed in aiding julius Cesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet, and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had granted, and finally departed this life after he had reigned 22 years, and was buried at London.  
KYmbeline or Cymbeline the son of Theomantius was of the Britain's made king after the decease of his father, 
Kymbeline.  in the year of the world 3944, after the building of Rome 728, 
Fabian ●ut ● Guido de Columna.  and before the birth of out Saviour 33. This man (as some writ) was brought up at Rome, and there made knight by Augustus Cesar, under whom he served in the wars, and was in such favour with him, that he was at liberty to pay his tribute or not. Little other mention is made of his doings, except that during his reign, 
Christ our saviour borne.  the Saviour of the world our Lord jesus Christ the only son of God was borne of a virgin, about the 23 year of the reign of this Kymbeline, & in the 42 year of the emperor Octavius Augustus, that is to wit, in the year of the world 3966, 
3966  in the second year of the 194 Olympiad, after the building of the city of Rome 750 nigh at an end, after the universal flood 2311, from the birth of Abraham 2019, after the departure of the israelites out of Egypt 1513, after the captivity of Babylon 535, from the building of the temple by Solomon 1034, & from the arrival of Brute 1116, complete. Touching the continuance of the years of Kymbelines reign, some writers do vary, but the best approved affirm, that he reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried at London, leaving behind him two sons, Guiderius and arviragus.  
¶ But here is to be noted, that although our histories do affirm, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius lived in quiet with the Romans, and continually to them paid the tributes which the Britain's had covenanted with julius Cesar to pay, yet we find in the Roman writers, that after julius Caesar's death, when Augustus had taken upon him the rule of the empire, the Britain's refused to pay that tribute: whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth, 
Cor Tacitus. in vita Iu. Agr.  Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was contented to wink; howbeit, through earnest calling upon to recover his right by such as were desirous to see the uttermost of the British kingdom; at length, to wit, in the tenth year after the death of julius Cesar, which was about the thirteenth year of the said Theomantius, Augustus made provision to pass with an army over into Britain, & was come forward upon his journey into Gallia Celtica: or as we may say, 
Dion Cassius.  into these hither parts of France.  
But here receiving advertisements that the Pannonians, which inhabited the country now called Hungary, and the Dalmatians whom now we call slavons had rebelled, he thought it best first to subdue those rebels near home, rather than to seek new countries, and leave such in hazard whereof he had present possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the wars of Britain, whereby the land remained without fear of any invasion to be made by the Romans, till the year after the building of the city of Rome 725, and about the 19 year of king Theomantius reign, that Augustus with an army departed once again from Rome to pass over into Britain, there to make war. But after his coming into Gallia, when the Britain's sent to him certain ambassadors to treat with him of peace, he stayed there to settle the state of things among the Galls, for that they were not in very good order. And having finished there, he went into Spain, and so his journey into Britain was put off till the next year, that is, the 726 after the building of Rome, which fell before the birth of our saviour 25, about which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to have made a voyage into Britain, because they could not agree upon covenants. But as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime stayed him, 
He kept not promise with the Romans.  when (as before is said) he meant to have gone against the Britan's: so even now the Salassians (a people inhabiting about Italy and Switserland) the Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised, 
Those of Calais and Biskate.  withdrew him from his purposed journey. But whether this controversy which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britan's and Augustus, was occasioned by Kymbeline, or some other prince of the Britain's, I have not to avouch: for that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline being brought up in Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, ever showed himself a friend to the Romans, & chiefly was loath to break with them, because the youth of the Britain nation should not be deprived of the benefit to be trained and brought up among the Romans, whereby they might learn both to behave themselves like civil men, and to attain to the knowledge of feats of war.  
But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the almighty God so to dispose the minds of men at that present, not only the Britain's, but in manner all other nations were contented to be obedient to the Roman empire. That this was true in the Britain's, it is evident enough by Strabos words, 
Strab. Geog.  which are in effect as followeth. At this present (saith he) certain princes of Britain, procuring by ambassadors and dutiful demeanours the amity of the emperor Augustus, have offered in the capitol unto the gods presents or gifts, and have ordained the whole isle in a manner to be appertinent, proper, and familiar to the Romans. They are burdened with sore customs which they pay for wares, either to be sent forth into Gallia, or brought from thence, which are commonly ivory vessels, shears, ouches, or ear-rings, and other conceits made of amber & glasses, and such like manner of merchandise: so that now there is no need of any army or garrison of men of war to keep the Isle, for there needeth not past one legion of footmen, or some wing of horsemen, to gather up and receive the tribute: for the charges are rated according to the quantity of the tributes: for otherwise it should be needful to abate the customs, if the tributes were also raised: and if any violence should be used, it were dangerous lest they might be provoked to rebellion. Thus far Strabo.   

Of Guiderius, who denied to pay tribute to the Romans, preparation for war on both sides, of the ridiculous voyage of the Emperor Caligula against the Britain's, his vanity and delight in mischief: Aulus Plautius a Roman senator accompanied with soldiers arrive on the British coasts without resistance, the Britain's take flight and hide themselves. The nineteen. Chapter.  
GUiderius the first son of Kymbeline (of whom Harison saith nothing) began his reign in the seventeenth year after th'incarnation of Christ. This Guiderius being a man of stout courage, 
Guiderius.  gave occasion of breach of peace betwixt the Britain's and Romans, denying to pay them tribute, and procuring the people to new insurrections, which by one mean or other made open rebellion, as Gyldas saith. 
Caligula.  Whereupon the emperor Caligula (as some think) took occasion to levy a power, and as one utterly misliking the negligence (as he called it) of Augustus and Tiberius his predecessors, he meant not only to reduce the Island unto the former subjection, but also to search out the uttermost bounds thereof, to the behoof of himself, and of the Roman monarchy.  
Great provision therefore was made by the said Caligula to perform that noble enterprise, and this was in the fourth year of his reign. The like preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to resist the foreign enemies, so that having all things in a readiness, he ceased not daily to look for the coming of the emperor, whom he meant to receive with hard entertainment if he durst adventure to set toward Britain. 
Dion Cassius lib. 59  But see the sequel: the main army being thus in a readiness, departed from Rome in the 79 year after the building of the city, and marching forth, at length came unto the Belgike shore, from whence they might look over, and behold the cliffs and coast of Britain, which Caligula and his men stood gazing upon with great admiration and wonder.  
Furthermore he caused them to stand in battle array upon the coast, where be heard how the Britain's were in a readiness to withstand his entrance. But entering into his galley, as nothing discouraged with these news, he rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and forthwith returned, and then going up into an high place like a pulpit, framed and set up there for the nonce, he gave the token to fight unto his soldiers by sound of trumpet, and therewith was each man charged to gather cockle shells upon the shore, which he called the spoil of the Ocean, and caused them to be laid up until a time convenient. 
The spoil of the Ocean.  With the achieving of this exploit (as having none other wherewith to beautify his triumph) he seemed greatly exalted, thinking that now he had subdued the whole Ocean, and therefore highly rewarded his soldiers for their pains sustained in that collection of cockle shells, as if they had done him some notable piece of service. He also carried of the same shells with him to Rome, to the end he might there boast of his voyage, and brag how well he had sped: and required therefore very earnestly of have a triumph decreed unto him for the accomplishment of this enterprise.  
But when he saw the senate grudge at the free & liberal granting of a grace in that behalf, and perceived how they refused to attribute divine honours unto him, in recompense of so foolish an enterprise, it wanted little that he had not slain them every one. From thence therefore he went up into a throne or royal seat, and calling therewith the common people about him, he told them a long tale what adventures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean. And when he had perceived them to shout and cry, as if they had consented that he should have been a god for this his great travel and valiant prowess, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of gold & silver to be scattered amongst them, in the gathering whereof, many were pressed to death, and divers also slain with the envenomed caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the same money, of purpose to do mischief, the same caltrops being in form small & sharp, so that by reason of the press of people, much hurt was done by them yet they were perceived. And this was the end of the ridiculous voyage of Caligula attempted against the Britain's.  
But after the death of this Caligula, 
Suetonius.  the emperor Claudius (as Suetonius saith) moved war against the Britain's, because of a stir and rebellion raised in that land, for that such fugitives as were fled from thence, were not again restored when request was made for the same.  
Dion Cassius writeth, 
Dion Cassius.  that one Bericus, being expelled out of Britain, persuaded the emperor Claudius to take the war in hand at this time against the Britain's, so that one Aulus Plautius a senator, and as then praetor, was appointed to take the army that sojourned in France then called Gallia, and to pass over with the same into Britain. The soldiers hearing of this voyage, were loath to go with him, as men not willing to make war in another world: and therefore delayed time, till at length one Narcissus was sent from Claudius, as it were to appease the soldiers, & procure them to set forward. But when this Narcissus went up into the tribunal throne of Plautius, to declare the cause of his coming, the soldiers taking great indignation therewith cried, O Saturnalia, as if they should have celebrated their feast day so called.  
When the servants appareled in their masters robes, represented the room of their masters, and were served by them, as if they had been their servants, and thus at length constrained, through very shame, they agreed to follow Plautius. Hereupon being embarked, he divided his navy into three parts, to the end that if they were kept off from arriving in one place, yet they might take land in another. The ships suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrary wind that drove them back again: but yet the mariners and men of war taking good courage unto them, the rather because there was seen a fiery leame to shoot out of the east towards the west, which way their course lay, made forwards again with their ships, and landed without finding any resistance. For the Britain's looked not for their coming: wherefore, when they heard how their enemies were on land, they got them into the woods and marshes, trusting that by lingering of time the Romans would be constrained to departed, as it had chanced in time passed to julius Cesar aforesaid.   
The end of the third book.   

THE FOURTH BOOK of the History of England.  

The Britain's discomfited, sore wounded, slain, and disabled by Plautius and his power, Claudius the Roman taketh the chief city of Cymbebeline the king of Britain, he bereaveth the Britain's of their armour, and by virtue of his conquest over part of the land is surnamed Britannicus. The first Chapter.  
NOw Plautius had much ado to find out the Britain's in their lurking holes and coverts; howbeit when he had traced them out, first he vanquished Cataratacus, and after Togodumnus the sons of Cynobellinus: for their father was dead not very long before. These therefore fleeing their ways, 
Bodumni.  Plautus received part of the people called Bodumni (which were subjects unto them that were called Catuellani) into the obeisance of the Romans: and so leaving there a garrison of soldiers, 
Catuellani.  passed further till he came to a river which could not well be passed without a bridge: whereupon the Britain's took small regard to defend the passage, as though they had been sure enough. But Plautius appointed a certain number of Germans which he had there with him (being used to swim over rivers, although never so swift) to get over, which they did, slaying and wounding the Britain's horses, which were fastened to their wagons or chariots, so that the Britain's were not able to do any piece of their accustomed service with the same.  
Herewithal was Flavius Uespasianus (that afterwards was emperor) with his brother Sabinus sent over that river, which being got to the further side, slew a great number of the enemies. The residue of the Britain's fled, but the next day proffered a new battle, in the which they fought so stoutly, that the victory depended long in doubtful balance, till Caius Sidius Geta being almost at point to be taken, did so handle the matter, that the Britain's finally were put to flight: for the which his valiant doings, triumphant honours were bestowed upon him, although he was no consul.  
The Britain's after this battle, withdrew to the river of Thames, near to the place where it falleth into the sea, and knowing the shallows and firm places thereof, easily passed over to the further side, whom the Romans following, through lack of knowledge in the nature of the places, they fell into the marish grounds, and so came to lose many of their men, namely of the Germans, which were the first that passed over the river to follow the Britain's, partly by a bridge which lay within the country over the said river, and partly by swimming, and other such shift as they presently made.  
The Britain's having lost one of their rulers, 
Togodumnus.  namely Togodumnus (of whom ye have heard before) were nothing discouraged, but rather more eagerly set on revenge. Plautius' perceiving their fierceness, went no further, but stayed and placed garrisons in steeds where need required, to keep those places which he had gotten, and with all speed sent advertisement unto Claudius, according to that he had in commandment, if any urgent necessity should so move him. Claudius therefore having all things before hand in a readiness, straightways upon the receiving of the advertisement, departed from Rome, and came by water unto Ostia, and from thence unto Massilia, and so through France sped his journeys till he came to the side of the Ocean sea, and then embarking himself with his people, passed over into Britain, and came to his army which abode his coming near the Thames side, where being joined, they passed the river again, fought with the Britain's in a pitched field, and getting the victory, took the town of Camelodunum (which some count to be Colchester) being the chiefest city appertaining unto Cynobelinus. He reduced also many other people into his subjection, some by force, and some by surrender, whereof he was called oftentimes by the name of emperor, which was against the ordinance of the Romans: for it was not lawful for any to take that name upon him oftener than once in any one voyage. Moreover, Claudius took from the Britain's their armour and weapons, and committed the government of them unto Plautius, commanding him to endeavour himself to subdue the residue.  
Thus having brought under a part of Britain, 
Dion Cassius.  and having made his abode therein not past a sixteen days, he departed and came back again to Rome with victory in the sixth month after his setting forth from thence, 
Suetonius.  giving after his return, to his son, the surname of Britannicus. This war he finished in manner as before is said, in the fourth year of his reign, which fell in the year of the world 4011, after the birth of our Saviour 44, and after the building of Rome 79.   

The diverse opinions and variable reports of writers touching the partile conquest of this Island by the Romans, the death of Guiderius. The second Chapter.  
THere be that writ, how Claudius subdued and added to the Roman empire, the Isles of Orknie situate in the north Ocean beyond Britain: which might well be accomplished either by Plautius, or some other his lieutenant: for Plautius indeed for his noble prowess and valiant acts achieved in Britain, afterwards triumphed. Titus the son of Uespasian also won no small praise for delivering his father out of danger in his time, being beset with a company of Britain's, which the said Titus bore down, and put to flight with great slaughter. Beda following the authority of Suetonius, writeth briefly of this matter, and saith, that Claudius passing over into this isle, to the which neither before julius Cesar, neither after him any stranger durst come, within few days received the most part of the country into his subjection without battle or bloodshed.  
Gyldas also writing of this revolting of the Britain's, saith thus: When information thereof was given to the senate, and that haste was made with a speedy army to revenge the same, there was no warlike navy prepared in the sea to fight valiantly for the defence of the country, no square battle, no right wing nor any other provision appointed on the shore to be seen, but the backs of the Britain's in stead of a shield are showed to the persecutors, and their necks ready to be cut off with the sword through cold fear running through their bones, which stretched forth their hands to be bound like womanly creatures; so that a common proverb followed thereof, to wit, That the Britain's were neither valiant in war, nor faithful in peace: and so the Romans bleaing many of the rebels, reserving some, and bringing them to bondage, that the land should not lie altogether untilled and desert, returned into Italy out of that land which was void of wine and oil, leaving some of their men there for governors to chastise the people, not so much with an army of men, as with scourge and whip, and if the matter so required, to apply the naked sword unto their sides: so that it might be accounted Rome and not Britain. And what coin either of brass, silver or gold there was, the same to be stamped with the image of the emperor. Thus far Gildas.  
In the British history we find other report as thus, that Claudius at his coming aland at Porchester, 
Gal. Mon. Matth. West.  besieged that town, to the rescue whereof came Guiderius, and giving battle to the Romans, put them to the worse, till at length one Hamo, being on the Romans side, changed his shield and armour, appareling himself like a Britain, and so entering into the thickest press of the British host, came at length where the king was, and there slew him. But arviragus perceiving this mischief, to the end the Britain's should not be discouraged therewith, caused himself to be adorned with the king's cote-armor, and other habiliments, and so as king continued the fight with such manhood, that the Romans were put to flight. Claudius' retired back to his ships, and Hamo to the next woods, whom arviragus pursued, and at length drove him unto the sea side, and there slew him yer he could take the haven which was there at hand; so that the same took name of him, and was called a long time after, Hamon's haven, and at length by corruption of speech it was called Hampton, and so continueth unto this day, commonly called by the name of Southampton. 
Hampton, why so called.  Thus have you heard how Guiderius or Guinderius (whether you will) came to his end, which chanced (as some writ) in the 28 year of his reign.   

arviragus the Britain & Claudius the Roman with their armies do encounter, a composition concerning marriage concluded between them, Claudius returneth to Rome. The third Chapter.  
arviragus the youngest son of Kymbeline, 
arviragus. Hector Boet.  and brother to Guinderius (because the same Guinderius left no issue to succeed him) was admitted king of Britain in the year of our Lord 45, or rather 46.  
This arviragus, otherwise called by the Britain's Meuricus or Maws, of Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle, 
Caxton.  by which chronicle (as appeareth) he bore himself right manfully against Claudius and his Romans in the war which they made against him: in so much that when Claudius had renewed his force and won Porchester, 
Gal. Mon.  and after came to besiege Winchester (in the which arviragus as then was enclosed) arviragus assembling his power, was ready to come forth and give Claudius' battle: whereupon Claudius doubting the sequel of the thing, sent messengers unto arviragus to treat of concord, and so by composition the matter was taken up, with condition, that Claudius should give his daughter Genissa in marriage unto arviragus, & arviragus should acknowledge to hold his kingdom of the Romans.  
Some writ that Claudius in favour of the valiant prowess which he saw & found in arviragus, 
Ranulfus Cestrensis.  honoured not only him with the marriage of his daughter the said Genissa, but also to the end to make the town more famous where this marriage was solemnised, he therefore called it Claudiocestria, after his name, the which in the British tongue was called before that day Caerleon, and after Glovernia, of a duke that ruled in Demetia that height Glunie, but now it is called Gloucester.  
Other there be that writ, how Claudius being vanquished in battle by arviragus, was compelled by the said arviragus to give unto him his said daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that then arviragus was crowned king of Britain. 
Sueton.  But Suetonius may seem to reprove this part of the British history, which in the life of Claudius witnesseth, that he had by three wives only three daughters, that is to say, Claudia, Antonia, and Octavia: and further, that reputing Claudia not to be his, caused her to be cast down at the door of his wife Herculanilla, whom he had forsaken by way of divorcement: & that he bestowed his daughter Antonia first on C. Pompeius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, very noble young gentlemen; and Octavia he matched with Nero his wives son. Whereby it should appear, that this supposed marriage betwixt arviragus and the daughter of Claudius is but a feigned tale.  
¶ And here to speak my fancy also what I think of this arviragus, and other the kings (whom Galfrid and such as have followed him do register in order, to succeed one after another) I will not deny but such persons there were, and the same happily bearing very great rule in the land, but that they reigned as absolute kings over the whole, or that they succeeded one after another in manner as is avouched by the same writers, it seemeth most unlike to be true: for rather it may be guessed by that, which as well Gyldas as the old approved Roman writers have written, that diverse of these kings lived about one time, or in times greatly differing from those times which in our writers we find noted. As for example, Juvenal maketh this arviragus of whom we now entreat, to reign about Domitian's time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kingly succession in this place is more easy to be flatly denied and utterly reproved, than either wisely defended or truly amended, I will refer the reforming thereof unto those that have perhaps seen more than I have, or more deeply considered the thing, to try out an undoubted truth: in the mean time, I have thought good, both to show what I find in our histories, and likewise in foreign writers, to the which we think (namely in this behalf, whilst the Romans governed there) we may safely give most credit, do we otherwise never so much content ourselves with other vain and fond conceits.  
To proceed yet with the history as we find it by our writers set forth: it is reported, that after the solemnisation of this marriage, 
Legions of soldiers sent into Ireland.  which was done with all honour that might be devised, Claudius sent certain legions of soldiers forth to go into Ireland to subdue that country, and returned himself to Rome.   

arviragus denieth subjection to the Romans, Vespasian is sent to repress him and his power, the Roman host is kept back from landing, queen Genissa pacifieth them after a sharp conflict: & what the Roman writers say of Vespasians being in Britain, the end of arviragus. The fourth Chapter.  
THen did king arviragus ride about to view the state of his realm, repairing cities and towns decayed by the war of the Romans, and saw his people governed with such justice and good order, that he was both feared and greatly beloved: so that in tract of time he grew very wealthy, and by reason thereof fell into pride, so that he denied his subjection to the Romans. Whereupon Claudius appointed Uespasian with an army to go as lientenant into Britain. 
Uespasian in Britain. Cornel. Tacit. in vit. Agr. lib. 5. & li. 6. Gal. Mon. Rutupium.  This journey was to him the beginning of his advancement to that honour, which after to him most luckily befell. But if we shall credit our Britain writers, he gained not much at arviragus hands, for where he would have landed at Sandwich or Richborough, arviragus was ready to resist him, so as he durst not once enter the haven: for arviragus had there such a puissant number of armed men, that the Romans were afraid to approach the land.  
Uespasian therefore withdrew from thence, and coasting westward, landed at Totnesse, and coming to Excester, besieged that city: but about the seventh day after he had planted his siege, came arviragus, and gave him battle, in the which both the armies sustained great loss of men, and neither part got any advantage of the other. On the morrow after queen Genissa made them friends, and so the wars ceased for that time, by her good mediation.  
¶ But seeing (as before I have said) the truth of this history may be greatly mistrusted, ye shall hear what the Roman writers say of Uespasianus being here in Britain, beside that which we have already recited out of Dion in the life of Guiderius.  
In the days of the emperor Claudius, through favour of Narcissus (one that might do all with Claudius) the said Uespasian was sent as colonel or lieutenant of a legion of soldiers into Germany, 
Vespasian.  and being removed from thence into Britain, 
Suetonius. Sabellicus.  he fought thirty several times with the enemies, and brought unto the Roman obeisance two most mighty nations, and above twenty towns, together with the isle of Wight; and these exploits he achieved, partly under the conduct of Aulus Plautius' ruler of Britain for the emperor Claudius, and partly under the same emperor himself. For as it is evident by writers of good credit, he came first over into Britain with the said Aulus Plautius, and served very valiantly under him, as before in place we have partly touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to be partner in the government of things in Britain with Claudius, and had such success, as it appeared to what estate of honour he was predestinate, having conquered nations, and taken kings prisoners. But now to make an end with arviragus: 
Gal. Mon.  when he perceived that his force was too weak to prevail against the Roman empire, and that he should strive but in vain to shake the yoke of subjection from the necks of the Britain's, he made a final peace with them in his old age, and so continued in quiet the residue of his reign, which he lastly ended by death, after he had governed the land by the space of thirty years, or but eight and twenty, as some other imagine. He died in the year of Grace 73, as one author affirmeth, and was buried at Gloucester.   

joseph of Arimathia came into Britain and Simon zealots, the antiquity of christian religion, Britain governed by Lieutenants and treasurers of the Roman emperors, the exploits of Ostorius Scapula and the men of Oxfordshire, he vanquisheth the Welshmen, appeaseth the Yorkshiremen, and bridleth the rage of the Silures. The fift Chapter.  
IN the days of the said arviragus, about the year of Christ 53, joseph of Arimathia, who buried the body of our saviour, being sent by Philip the Apostle (as john Bale following the authority of Gildas and other British writers reciteth) after that the Christians were dispersed out of Gallia, came into Britain with divers other godly christian men, 
Polydorus.  & preaching the gospel there amongst the Britain's, & instructing them in the faith and laws of Christ, converted many to the true belief, and baptized them in the wholesome water of regeneration, & there continued all the residue of his life, obtaining of the king a plot of ground where to inhabit, not past a four miles from Wells, and there with his fellows began to lay the first foundation of the true and perfect religion, in which place (or near thereunto) was afterward erected the abbeie of Glastenburie.  
Nicephorus writeth in his second book and fourth chapter, that one Simon zealots came likewise into Britain. And Theodoretus in his 9 book De curandis Graecorum affectibus, showeth that Paul being released of his second imprisonment, and suffered to departed from Rome, preached the gospel to the Britain's and to other nations in the west. The same thing in manner doth Sophronius the patriarch of jerusalem witness. Tertullian also may be a witness of the ancientness of the faith received here in Britain, where he writing of these times saith: Those places of the Britain's, to the which the Romans could not approach, were subject unto Christ, as were also the countries of Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scythia, and others. ¶ Thus it may appear, that the christian religion was planted here in this land shortly after Christ's time, although it certainly appeareth not who were the first that preached the gospel to the Britain's, nor whether they were Greeks or Latins.  
Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Roman emperors in this season governed this land by lieutenants and treasurers, 
Treasurers or receivers.  the which were called by the name of legates and procurators, thereby to keep the unruly inhabitants the better in order.  
And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of consuls, 
Aulus Plautius.  was sent hither as the first legate or lieutenant (in manner as before ye have heard) & after him Ostorius Scapula, who at his coming found the isle in trouble, 
Ostorius Scapula.  the enemies having made invasion into the country of those that were friends to the Romans, the more presumptuously, for that they thought a new lieutenant, 
Cor. Tacitus lib. 12.  with an army to him unacquainted and come over now in the beginning of winter, would not be hasty to march forth against them. But Ostorius understanding that by the first success and chance of war, fear or hope is bred and augmented, hasted forward to encounter with them, and such as he found abroad in the country he slew out right on every side, and pursued such as fled, to the end they should not come together again. Now for that a displeasing and a doubtful peace was not like to bring quietness either to him or to his army, he took from such as he suspected, their armour. And after this, he went about to defend the rivers of avon & Severne, with placing his soldiers in camps fortified near to the same. But the Oxfordshire men and other of those parties would not suffer him to accomplish his purpose in any quiet sort, being a puissant kind of people, and not hitherto weakened by wars: for they willingly at the first had joined in amity with the Romans. The countries adjoining also being induced by their procurement, 
Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12.  came to them, & so they chose forth a plot of ground, fenced with a mighty ditch, unto the which there was no way to enter but one, & the same very narrow, so as the horsemen could not have any easy passage to break in upon them. Ostorius, although he had no legionary soldiers, but certain bands of aids, marched forth towards the place within the which the Britain's were lodged, and assaulting them in the same, broke through into their camp, where the Britain's being impeached with their own enclosures which they had raised for defence of the place, knowing how that for their rebellion they were like to find small mercy at the Romans hands, when they saw now no way to escape, laid about them manfully, and showed great proof of their valiant stomaches.  
In this battle, 
Which was a certain crown, to be set on his head called civica cornona.  the son of Ostorius the lieutenant deserved the price and commendation of preserving a citizen out of the cruel enemies hands. But now with this slaughter of the Oxfordshire men, divers of the Britain's that stood doubtful what way to take, either to rest in quiet, or to move wars, were contented to be conformable unto a reasonable order of peace, in so much that Ostorius lead his army against the people called Cangi, 
Cangi.  who inhabited that part of Wales now called Denbighshire, which country he spoilt on every side, no enemy once daring to encounter him: & if any of them adventured privily to set upon those which they found behind, or on the outsids of his army, they were cut short yer they could escape out of danger. Whereupon he marched strait to their camp and giving them battle, vanquished them: and using the victory as reason moved him, he lead his army against those that inhabited the inner parts of Wales, spoiling the country on every side. And thus sharply pursuing the rebels, he approached near unto the sea side, which lieth over against Ireland. While this Roman captain was thus occupied, he was called back by the rebellion of the Yorkshire men, whom forthwith upon his coming unto them, he appeased, punishing the first authors of that tumult with death.  
In the mean time, the people called Silures, 
Cor. Tacitus. lib. 12.  being a very fierce kind of men, and valiant, prepared to make war against the Romans, for they might not be bowed neither with roughness, nor yet with any courteous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an army of legionary soldiers to be brought among them.  
Therefore to restrain the furious rage of those people and their neighbours, Ostorious peopled a town near to their borders, called Camelodunum with certain bands of old soldiers, there to inhabit with their wives and children, according to such manner as was used in like cases of placing natural Romans in any town or city, for the more surety and defence of the same. Here also was a temple builded in the honour of Claudius the emperor, where were two images erected, one of the goddess Uictoria, and an other of Claudius himself.   

The conjectures of writers touching the situation of Camelodunum supposed to be Colchester, of the Silures a people spoken of in the former chapter, a fought field between Caratacus the British prince, and Ostorius the Roman, in the confines of Shorpshire; the Britain's go miserably to wrack, Caratacus is delivered to the Romans, his wife and daughter are taken prisoners, his brethren yield themselves to their enemies. The sixth Chapter.  
BUt now there resteth a great doubt among writers, where this city or town called Camelodunum did stand, of some (and not without good ground of probable conjectures gathered upon the advised consideration of the circumstances of that which in old authors is found written of this place) it is thought to be Colchester. 
Camelodunum, Colchester.  But verily by this place of Tacitus it may rather seem to be some other town, situate more westward than Colchester, sith a colony of Roman soldiers were planted there to be at hand, for the repressing of the unquiet Silures, 
Silures where they inhabited.  which by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or near the Welsh marshes.  
There was a castle of great fame in times past that height Camaletum, or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Summersetshire: but sith there is none that hath so written before this time, I will not say that happily some error hath grown by mistaking the name of Camelodunum for this Camaletum, by such as have copied out the book of Cornelius Tacitus; and yet so it might be done by such as found it short or unperfectly written, namely, by such strangers or others, to whom only the name of Camelodunum was only known, and Camaletum peradventure never seen nor heard of. As for example, and Englishman that hath heard of Waterford in Ireland, and not of Wexford, might in taking forth a copy of some writing easily commit a fault in noting the one for the other. We find in Ptolemy Camedolon to be a city belonging to the Trinobants, and he maketh mention also of Camelodunum, but Humphrey Lhoyd thinketh that he meaneth all one city.  
Notwithstanding Polydore Virgil is of a contrary opinion, supposing the one to be Colchester in deed, and the other that is Camelodunum to be Doncaster or Pontfret. Leland esteeming it to be certainly Colchester taketh the Iceni men also to be the Norfolk men. But howsoever we shall take this place of Tacitus, it is evident enough that Camelodunum stood not far from the Thames. And therefore to seek it with Hector Boetius in Scotland, or with Polydore Virgil so far as Doncaster or Pontfret, it may be thought a plain error.  
But to leave each man to his own judgement in a matter so doubtful, we will proceed with the history as touching the wars betwixt the Romans and the Silurians, against whom (trusting not only upon their own manhood, but also upon the high prowess & valiancy of Caratacus) Ostorius set forward. 
Cornelius Tacitus lib. Anna. 12.  Caratacus excelled in fame above all other the princes of Britain, advanced thereto by many doubtful adventures and many prosperous exploits, which in his time he had achieved: but as he was in policy and advantage of place better provided than the Romans: so in power of soldiers he was overmatched. And therefore he removed the battle into the parts of that country where the Ordovices inhabited, 
Hu. Lhoyd.  which are thought to have dwelled in the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, which people together with other that misliked of the Roman government, he joined in one, and chose a plot of ground for his advantage, determining there to try the uttermost hazard of battle.  
The place which he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwaies, and the whole situation thereof made for the Britain's advantage, and clean contrary to the Romans, as enclosed among high hills. And if there were any easy passage to enter it upon any side, the same was shut up with mighty huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it there ran a river without any certain ford to pass over it. This place is supposed to lie in the confines of Shropshire aloft upon the top of an high hill there, environed with a triple rampire and ditch of great depth, having three entries into it, not directly one against an other, but aslope. It is also (they say) compassed about with two rivers, to wit, on the left hand with the river called Clun, & on the right hand with an other called Tevid. On three sides thereof the clime is very steep and headlong, and no way easy to come or reach unto it, but only one.  
Caratac having thus fortified himself within this place, and brought his army into it: to encourage his people, he exhorted them to show their manhood, affirming that to be the day, and that army to be the same wherein should appear the beginning either of liberty then to be recovered, or else of perpetual bondage for ever to be sustained. He rehearsed also specially by name those their elders, which had resisted julius Cesar, by whose high valiancy they lived free from the bloody thraldom and tributes of the Romans, and enjoyed their wives and children safe and undefiled. Thus discoursing of many things with them, in such hope of assured victory, that they began to raise their cries, each one for himself, declaring that he was bound by the duty he ought to the gods of his country, not to shrink for fear of any wounds or hurts that might chance unto them by the enemies weapon.  
This cheerfulness of the Britain's greatly astonished the Roman lieutenant. The hideous course also of the river before his face, the fortifications and craggy height of the hills, all set full of enemies ready to beat him back, put him in great fear: for nothing he saw afore him, but that which seemed dreadful to those that should assail. But the soldiers yet seemed to be very desirous of battle, requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothing was able to resist the force of noble prows. Herewith the captains and tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forward the earnest wills which their souliders had to fight.  
Ostorius perceiving such courage and ready wills in the men of war, as well soldiers as captains, began to bestir himself, and left nothing undone that might serve to set forward their earnest desire to battle. And having advisedly considered which ways were hard and unpossible to be entered upon, and which were most easy for his people to find passage by, he led them forth, being most earnestly bend to cope with the enemy.  
Now having passed the water without any great difficulty, 
Cornelius Tacitus Annal. lib. 12.  but coming to the rampire, he lost many of his people, so long as the fight was continued with shot and casting of darts: but after that the Romans covering themselves with their targets, came once close together, and approached under the rampire, they removed away the stones which the Britain's had roughly couched together, and so came to join with them at handblowes. The Britain's being unarmed, and not able to abide the force of the armed men, withdrew to the top of the hills, but as well their enemies that were light armed, as the other with heavy armour, followed and broke in among them, so as the Britain's could not turn them any way to escape, for the light armed men with shot a far off, and the heavy armed with weapons at hand, sought to make slaughter and wrack of them on each side, so that this was a very doleful day to the Britain's.  
The wife and daughter of Caratake were taken prisoners, and his brethren also yéeled themselves. He himself escaped, and committing his person unto the assurance & trust of Cartemandua queen of the Brigants, was by her delivered into the hands of the Romans. All this happened about nine years after the wars in Britain first began.   

The name of Caratacus famous in Italy, the manner how he and his allies were led captives by the Romans in triumph, his courage and manly speech to the emperor Claudius, whereby he and his obtain mercy and pardon: the Britain's undertake a new revenge against the Romans; the cause why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula dieth, the city of Chester builded. The seventh Chapter.  
THe name of Caratacus being brought out of the Isles was already spread over the provinces adjoining, 
Cornelius Tacit. lib. 12. Carataks name renowned.  and began now to grow famous through Italy. Men therefore were desirous to see what manner of man he was that had so many years set at nought the puissant force of the empire. For in Rome the name of Caratacus was much spoken of, insomuch that the emperor whilst he went about to prefer his own honour, advanced the glory of him also that was vanquished: for the people were called forth as unto some great notable sight or spectacle. The praetorian bands stood in order of battle armed in the field that lay before their lodgings, through which field Caratake should come. Then passed by the train of his friends and servants; and such armour, riches, jewels, and other things as had been gotten in those wars, were borne forward, and openly showed, that all men might behold the same.  
After these followed his brethren, wife, and daughters: and last of all came Caratacus himself, whose countenance was nothing like to theirs that went afore him. For whereas they fearing punishment for their rebellion with wailful▪ countenance craved mercy, he neither by countenance nor words showed any token of a discouraged mind, but being pre●sented before the emperor Claudius sitting in his tribunal seat, he uttered this speech as followeth.  
If there had been in me so much moderation in time of prosperity, as there was nobility of birth and puissance, I had come to this city rather as a friend than as a captain: neither should I have thought scorn, being borne of most noble parents, and ruling over many people, to have accepted peace by way of joining with you in league. My present estate as it is to me reproachful, so to you it is honourable. I had at commandment, horses, men, armour, and great riches; what marvel is it if I were loath to forego the same? For if you shall look to govern all men, it must needs follow that all men must be your slaves. If I had at the first yielded myself, neither my power nor your glory had been set forth to the world, & upon mine execution I should strait have been forgotten. But if you now grant me life, I shall be a witness for ever of your merciful clemency.  
The emperor with these words being pacified, granted life both to Caratake, and also to his wife and brethren, who being loosed from their bands, went also to the place where the empress Agrippina sat (not far off) in a chair of estate, whom they reverenced with the like praise and thanks as they had done before to the emperor. After this the senate was called together, who discoursed of many things touching this honourable victory achieved by the taking of Caratake, 
Syphax. L. Paulus.  esteeming the same no less glorious, than when P. Scipio showed in triumph Siphar king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Macedonian king Perses, or other Roman captains any such king whom they had vanquished.  
Hereupon it was determined, that Ostorius should enter the city of Rome with triumph like a conqueror, for such prosperous success as hither to had followed him: but afterwards his proceedings were not to lucky, either for that after Caratake was removed out of the way, or because the Romans (as though the war had been finished) looked negligently to themselves, either else for that the Britians taking compassion of the miserable state of Caratake, being so worthy a prince, through fortunes froward aspect cast into misery, were more earnestly set to revenge his quarrel. Hereupon they encompassed the master of the camp, and those legionary bands of soldiers which were left amongst the Silures to fortify a place there for the army to lodge in: and if succour had not come out of the next towns and castles, the Romans had been destroyed by siege. The head captain yet, and eight centurions, and every one else of the companies being most forward, were slain. Shortly after they set upon the Roman foragers, and put them to flight, and also such companies of horsemen as were appointed to guard them. Hereupon Ostorius set forth certain bands of light horsemen, but neither could he stay the flight by that means, till finally the legions entered the battle, by whose force they were stayed, and at length the Romans obtained the better: but the Britain's escaped by flight without great loss, by reason the day was spent.  
After this, many bickerings chanced betwixt the Britain's and Romans, & oftentimes they wrought their feats more like the trade of them that use to rob by the high ways, than of those that make open war, taking their enemies at some advantage in woods and bogs, as hap or force ministered occasion upon malice conceived, or in hope of prey, sometimes by commandment, and sometimes without either commandment or knowledge of captain or officer.  
At one time the Britain's surprised two bands of footmen that were with the Romans in aid, and sent forth to forreie abroad unadvisedly, through covetousness of the captains. This feat was achieved by the Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoil upon other of their neighbours, procured them likewise to rebel against the Romans, and to take part with them. The Silures were the more earnestly set against the Romans, by occasion words which the emperor Claudius had uttered in their dissavour, as thus: that even as the Sicambres were destroyed and removed into Gallia, so likewise must the Silures be dealt with, and the whole nation of them extinguished. These words being blown abroad, and known over all, caused the Silures to conceive a wonderful hatred against the Romans, so that they were fully bend, either to retain their liberty, or to die in defence thereof upon the enemies sword.  
In the mean time Ostorius Scapula departed this life, a right noble warrior, and one who by little & little ensuing the steps of Aulus Plautius his predecessor, did what he could to bring the isle into the form of a province, which in part he accomplished.  
There be some led by conjecture grounded upon good advised considerations, 
W. H. in his chronology.  that suppose this Ostorius Scapula began to build the city of Chester after the overthrow of Caratacus: for in those parties he fortified sundry holds, and placed a number of old soldiers either there in that self place, or in some other near thereunto by way of a colony. And forsomuch (say they) as we read of none other of any name thereabouts, it is to be thought that he planted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwards use to harbour their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest from journeys which they have to make against their common enemies.  
In deed it is a common opinion among the people there unto this day, that the Romans built those vaults or taverns (which in that city are under the ground) with some part of the castle. And verily as Ranulfe Higden saith, 
Ran. Hig. alias Cestrensis.  a man that shall view and well consider those buildings, may think the same to be the work of Romans rather than of any other people. That the Roman legions did make their abode there, no man seen in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the ancient name Caer leon ardour devy, that is, The city of legions upon the water of Dée, proveth it sufficiently enough.  
But to return unto Ostroius Scapula, 
Corn. Tacit.  we find in Corn. Tacitus, 
Cogidune a king in Britain.  that during his time of being lieutenant in this isle, there were certain cities given unto one Cogidune a king of the Britain's, who continued faithful to the Romans unto the days of the remembrance of men living in the time of the said Cornelius Tacitus, who lived and wrote in the emperor Domitianus time. This was done after an old received custom of the people of Rome, to have both subjects and kings under their rule and dominion, as who so shall note the acts and deeds of the Roman emperors from C. julius Cesar (who chased Pompeie out of Italy, and was the first that obtained the Roman empire to himself; of whom also the princes and emperors succeeding him were called Caesar's) to Octavian, Tiberius, Caligula, &c: may easily mark and observe. For they were a people of singular magnanimity, of an ambitious spirit, greedy of honour and renown, and not unaptly termed Romani rerurn domini, etc.   

A. Didius is sent to supply Ostorius his room in Britain, the treachery and lechery of queen Cartimanda, Venutius keepeth the kingdom in spite of the Romans, by what means their confines in this isle were enlarged; the error of Hector Boetius and others touching the Silvers, Brigants, and Novants notified, the Britain's give the Romans a shameful overthrow. The eight Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Ostorius Scapula, 
A. Didius lieutenant.  one A. Didius was sent to supply his room, but yer he could come, things were brought out of order, and the Britain's had vanquished the legion the whereof Manlius Ualens had the conduct: this victory was set forth by the Britain's to the uttermost, that with the bruit thereof they might strike a fear into the lieutenant's hart, now upon his first coming over. And he himself reported it by letters to the emperor after the largest manner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might win the more praise; or if he were put to the worst, and should not prevail, that then his excuse might seem the more reasonable and worthy of pardon. The Silvers were they that had achieved this victory, and kept a fowl stur over all the countries about them, till by the coming of Didius against them, they were driven back and repelled.  
But héerewith began trouble to be raised in another part: for after that Caratac was taken, the chiefest and most skilful captain which the Britain's had, 
Uenutius ruler of the jugants.  was one Uenutius, a ruler of the people named jugants, a man that remained a long time faithful to the Romans, and by their power was defended from his enemies, 
Cartimanda.  who had married with Cartimanda queen of the Brigants or Yorkshire men. This Cartimanda (as ye have heard) had delivered Caratac into the Romans hands, thereby ministering matter for the emperor Claudius to triumph, by which pleasure showed to the Romans, she increased through their friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to satisfy her wanton appetite, so as she falling at square with her husband, married Uellocatus, one of his esquires, 
Uellocatus.  to whom she gave her kingdom, and so dishonoured herself. Here upon ensued cruel war, in so much that in the end Uenutius became enemy also to the Romans. But first they tugged together betwixt themselves, & the queen by a crafty policy found means to catch the brother and coosens of Uenutius, but her enemies nothing therewith discouraged, but kindled the more in wrath against her, ceased not to go forward with their purpose.  
Many of the Brigants disdaining to be subject unto a woman's rule that had so rejected her husband, revolted unto Uenutius: but yet the queens sensual lust mixed which cruelty, maintained the adulterer. Uenutius therefore calling to him such aid as he could get, and strengthened now by the revolting of the Brigants, brought Cartimanda to such a narrow point, that she was in great danger to fall into the hands of her enemies: which the Romans forséeing, upon suit made, sent certain bands of horsemen and footmen to help her. They had diverse encounters with the enemies at the first, 
Uenutius keepeth the kingdom in despite of the Romans.  with doubtful success: but at length they prevailed, and so delivered the queen out of peril, but the kingdom remained to Uenutius: against whom the Romans were constrained still to maintain war.  
About the same time, the legion also which Cesius Nasicaled, got the upper hand of those Britain's against whom he was sent. For Didius being aged, and by victories past enough renowned, thought it sufficient for him to make war by his captains, so to stay and keep off the enemy. Certain castles and holds in deed he caused to be built and fortified, further within the country than had been afore attempted by any of his predecessors, and so thereby were the confines of the Romans in this isle somewhat enlarged. Thus have ye heard with what success the Britain's maintained war in defence of their liberty against the Romans, whilst Claudius ruled the empire (according to the report of the Roman writers.)  
¶ But here you must note, 
The error of Hector Boetius.  that Hector Boetius, following the authority of one Veremond a Spaniard, of Cornelius Hibernicus, & also of Campbell, removeth the Silures, Brigants, and Novants, so far northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of those countries which the Scots have now in possession, and were even then inhabited (as he affirmeth) partly by the Scots, and partly by the Picts (as in the Scotish history ye may see more at large) so that what notable feat soever was achieved by the old Britain's against the Romans, the same by him is ascribed to the Scots and Picts throughout his whole history, whereas (in very truth) for somuch as may be gathered by conjecture and presumption of that which is left in writing by ancient authors, the Brigants inhabited Yorkshire, the Silures Wales and the Marches, and the Novants the country of Cumberland.  
But forsomuch as he hath diligently gathered in what manner the wars were maintained by those people against the Romans, and what valiant exploits were taken in hand and finished through their stoutness and valiancy, ye may there read the same, 
A note to be considered in the reading of Hect. Boetius  and judge at your pleasure what people they were whom he so much praiseth: advertising you hereof by the way, that as we have before expressed, none of the Roman writers mentioneth any thing of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the Roman empire began to decay, about the time of the emperor Constantius, father of Constantine the great: so that if they had been in this isle then so famous both in peace and war, as they are reported by the same Boetius; marvel might it seem, that the Roman writers would so pass them over with silence.  
After the death of Claudius the emperor of Rome, 
Cor. Tac. lib. annal. 15.  Claudius Domitianus Nero succeeded him in government of the empire. In the seventh year of whose reign, which was after the incarnation 53, the Romans received a great overthrow in Britain, where neither the lieutenant A. Didius Gallus (whom in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus) could during the time of his rule do no more but hold that which was already gotten, beside the building of certain castles (as before ye have heard) neither his successor Uerannius, beating and forreieng the woods, could atthive any further enterprise, for he was by death prevented, so as he could not proceed forward with his purpose touching the wars which he had meant to have followed, whose last words (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition: for adding many things by way of flattery to content Nero's mind, he wished to have lived but two years longer, in which space he might have subdued provinces unto his dominion, meaning thereby the whole isle of Britain. But this was a Romans brag, savouring rather of ambition than of truth or likelihood.   

The government of P. Suetonius in this Island, he invadeth Angle say, and winneth it, a strange kind of women, of the Druids, the Britain's lament their misery and servitude, and take advise by weapon to redress it against the Romans their enemies. The ninth Chapter.  
BUt now when this great 
P. Suetonius lieutenant.  loss chanced to the Romans Paulinus Suetonius did govern here as lieutenant, a man most plentifully furnished with all gifts of fortune and virtue, and therewith a right skilful warrior. This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Britain's as kept out, 
Anglesey invaded.  prepared to assail the isle of Anglesey, a country full of inhabitants, and a place of refuge for all outlaws and rebels. He builded certain brigantins with flat kéeles to serve for the ebbs and shallow shelves here and there, lying uncertanly in the straits which he had to pass. The footmen ferried over in those vessels, the horsemen following by the fords, and swimming when they came into the deep, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battle an huge number of armed men close together, ready to beat back the Romans, and to stay them from coming to land. Amongst the men, 
A strange manner of women.  a number of women were also running up and down as they had been out of their wits, in garments like to wild rogues, with their hair hanging down about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their hands. There was also a company of their priests or philosophers called Druids, 
The Druids.  who with stretched forth hands towards heaven, thundered out cursings against the Romans in most bitter wise.  
The soldiers were so amazed with the strangeness of this sight, that (as men benumbed of their limbs and senses) they suffered themselves to be wounded and slain like senseless creatures, till by the calling upon of their general, and each one encouraging other in no wise to fear a sort of mad & distract women, they pressed forward under their ensigns, bearing down such as stood in their way, and with their own fire smooldered and burnt them to ashes.  
To conclude, 
Anglesey soon by the Romans.  the Roman lieutenant got possession of the whole isle, wherein he placed garrisons of men of war to keep the people there in subjection. He also caused their woods to be cut down, 
Woods cut down.  that were consecrated to their gods, within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they took prisoners, and by the view of their entrails, in dismembering them, to learn of their gods some oracles and such other things as should come to pass.  
But now in the mean time, whilst Paulinus was abroad about this enterprise, the Britain's began to confer together of their great and importable miseries, of their grievous state of servitude, of their injuries and wrongs, which they daily sustained: how that by sufferance they profited nothing, but still were oppressed with more heavy burdens. Each country in times past had only one king to rule them: now had they two, 
Lieutenant & procurator.  the lieutenent by his captains and soldiers spilling their blood, and the procurator or receiver (as we may call him) be reaving them of their goods and substance. The concord or discord betwixt those that were appointed to rule over them, was all alike hurtful unto the subjects, the lieutenant oppressing them by his captains and men of war, and the procurator or receiver by force and reproachful demeanours, polling them by insufferable exactions.  
There was nothing free from the covetous extortion and filthy concupiscence of these unsatiable persons, for in these days (say they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, and most commonly our houses are rob and ransacked by a sort of cowardly rascals that have no knowledge of any warlike feats at all. Our children are taken from us, we are forced to go to the musters, and are set forth to serve in foreign parties, as those that are ignorant which way to spend our lives in the quarrel of our own country. What a number of soldiers have been transported over from hence to serve in other lands, in a just account were taken thereof? The Germans by manhood have cast (said they) from their shoulders the heavy yoke of bondage, and are not defended as we are with the main Ocean sea, but only with a river. Where the Britain's have their country, their wives and parents, as just causes of war to fight for: the Romans have none at all, but a covetous desire to gain by rapine, and to satisfy their excessive lusts.  
They might easily be compelled to departed the country, as julius Cesar was, if the Britain's would show some proof of the noble prowess that was evidently found in their worthy ancestors, and not shrink or quail in courage for the misadventure that should happily chance by fight one battle or two. Greatest force and constancy always remaineth with those that seek to deliver themselves from misery. Now appeared it that the gods had taken some pity of the poor Britain's, who by their divine power did withhold the chief captain of the Romans with his army, as it were banished in an other Island. Let us then (said they) take the opportunity of time and good occasion offered, and forthwith proceed in our business: 
Occasion not to be neglected.  for less danger it is manfully to adventure, and to go forward with our purpose, than to bewrayed and taken in these our consultations. Thus having taken advise together, and wholly misliking their present state, they determined to take weapon in hand, and so by force to seek for reformation.   

A catalogue of causes or grievances inciting the Britain's to rebel against the Romans, wherein is showed what injuries they sustained: of divers strange wonders and apparitions; the chief cause of the Britain's insurging against the Romans, they admitted as well women as men to public government. A description of queen Voadicia, her parsonage and manner of attire. The tenth Chapter.  
THe Britain's indeed were occasioned to do as they purposed, through many evil parts practised by the Romans greatly to their griefs and displeasures. 
Cor. Tac. lib. 14.  For whereas Prasutagus (who is supposed by Hector Boetius to be arviragus, 
Prasutagus.  king of the people called Iceni) had made the emperor and two of his own daughters his heirs, 
The Oxfordshire and Glocestershire men.  supposing by that mean to have his kingdom and family preserved from all injury: it happened quite contrary to that his expectation. For his kingdom was spoiled by the Roman captains, his wife named Uoadicia beaten by the soldiers, his daughters ravished, 
Uoadicia alias Bunduica.  the peers of the realm bearest of their goods, and the king's friends made and reputed as bondslaves.  
There was also an other great cause that stirred the Britain's to this rebellion, 
Dion Cassius  which was the confiscating of their goods: for whereas Claudius himself had pardoned the chiefest persons of the forfeitures, Decianus Catus the procurator of that I'll maintained that the same aught to be renewed again. To this an other grief was added, 
Usury.  that where Seneca had lent to the nobility of the isle, four hundred sesterces, each hundred being 500000 pounds' starling, or thereabout, upon great interest, he required the whole sum together by great rigour and violence, although he forced them at the first to take this money to usury.  
Also such old soldiers as were placed by way of a colony, to inhabit the town of Camelodunum, expelled many of the Britain's out of their houses, drove them out of their possessions and lands, and accounted the Britain's as slaves, and as though they had been captive prisoners or bondmen. Besides this, the temple there that was built in honour of Claudius, as an altar of eternal rule and government, was served with priests, the which under colour of religion did spoil, consume and devour the goods of all men.  
Moreover, such strange sights and wonders as chanced about the same time, pricked the Britians the rather forward. For the image of the goddess Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum, slipping down, 
Dion Cassius.  turned her back (as who should say she gave place as vanquished) to the enemies. Also in the hall where the courts of justice were kept, there was a marvelous great noise heard, with much laughing, and a stir in the theatre, 
Strange wonders.  with great weeping and lamentable howling, at such time as it was certainly known that there was no creature there to make any noise. The sea at a spring tide appeared of a bloody colour, 
Dion Cassius  and when the tide was gone back, there were seen on the sands the shapes & figures of men's bodies. Women also as ravished of their wits, and being as it were in a fury, prophesied that destruction was at hand, so that the Britain's were put greatly in hope, and the Romans in fear.  
But those things, 
Poly dot.  whether they chanced by the craft of man, or illusion of the devil; or whether they proceeded of some natural cause, which the common people oftentimes taketh superstitiously, in place of strange wonders signifying things to follow, we would let pass, lest we might be thought to offend religion; the which teaching all things to be done by the providence of God, despiseth the vain predictions of haps to come, if the order of an history (saith Polydore Virgil) would so permit, the which requireth all things to be written in manner as they fall out and come to pass.  
But the Britain's were chiefly moved to rebellion by the just complaint of Uoadicia, 
Cor. Tac. li. 15. Uoadicia by Dion Cassius is called Bunuica.  declaring how unseemly she had been used and entreated at the hands of the Romans: and because she was most earnestly bend to seek revenge of their injuries, and hated the name of the Romans most of all other, they chose her to be captain (for they in rule and government made no difference then of sex, whether they committed the same to man or woman) and so by a general conspiracy, 
The ancient Britain's admitted as well women as men to public government.  the more part of the people having also alured the Essex men unto rebellion, rose and assembled themselves together to make war against the Romans. There were of them a hundred and twenty thousand got together in one army under the leading of the said Uoadicia, or Bunduica (as some name her.)  
She therefore to encourage her people against the enemies, mounted up into an high place raised up of turfs & sods made for the nonce, out of the which she made a long & very pithy oration. Her mighty tall parsonage, comely shape, severe countenance, and sharp voice, with her long and yellow tresses of hear reaching down to her thighs, her brave and gorgeous apparel also caused the people to have her in great reverence. She ware a chain of gold, great and very massy, and was clad in a loose kirtle of sundry colours, and aloft thereupon she had a thick Irish mantel: hereto in her hand (as her custom was) she bore a spear, to show herself the more dreadful.   

The oration of queen Voadicia full of prudence and spirit to the Britain's, for their encouragement against the Romans, wherein she rippeth up the vile servitude and shameful wrongs which their enemies inflicted upon them, with other matters very motive, both concerning themselves and their enemies, her supplication and prayer for victory. The eleventh Chapter.  
NOw Uoadicia being prepared (as you hear) set forth with such majesty, that she greatly encouraged the Britain's; unto whom for their better animating and emboldening, she uttered this gallant oration in manner and form following.  
I do suppose (my lovers and friends) that there is no man here but doth well understand how much 
The oration of Uoadicia.  liberty and freedom is to be preferred before thraldom and bondage. But if there have been any of you so deceived with the Roman persuasions, that ye did not for a time see a difference between them, and judged whether of both is most to be desired: now I hope that having tried what it is to be under both, ye will with me reform your judgement, and by the harms already taken, acknowledge your oversight, and forsake your former error. Again, in that a number of you have rashly preferred an external sovereignty before the customs and laws of your own country, you do at this time (I doubt not) perfectly understand how much free poverty is to be preferred before great riches, whereunto servitude is annexed; and much wealth in respect of captivity under foreign magistrates, whereupon slavery attendeth. For what thing (I beseech you) can there be so vile & grievous unto the nature of man, that hath not happened unto us, sithence the time that the Romans have been acquainted with this Island?  
Are we not all in manner bereaved of our riches & possessions? Do not we (beside other things that we give, and the land that we till for their only profit) pay them all kinds of tributes, ye ● for our own carcases? How much better is it to be once alost and fortunate in deed, than under the forged and false title of liberty, continually to pay for our redemption a freedom? How much is it more commendable to lose our lives in defence of our country, than to carry about not so much as our heads toll free, but daily oppressed & laden with innumerable exactions? But to what end do I remember and speak of these things, since they will not suffer by death to become free? For what and how much we pay for them that are dead, there is not one here but he doth well understand. Among other nations such as are brought into servitude, are always by death discharged of their bondage: only to the Romans the dead do still live, and all to increase their commodity and gain.  
If any of us be without money (as I know not well how and which way we should come by any) then are we left naked, & spoiled of that which remaineth in our houses, & we ourselves as men left desolate & dead. How shall we look for better dealing at their hands hereafter, that in the beginning deal so uncourteousie with us: since there is no man that taketh so much as a wild beast, but at the first he will cherish it, and with some gentleness win it to familiarity? But we ourselves (to say the truth) are authors of our own mischief, which suffered them at the first to set foot within our Island, and did not by and by drive them back as we did Cesar, or slew them with our swords when they were yet far off, and that the adventuring hither was dangerous: as we did sometime to Augustus and Caligula.  
We therefore that inhabit this Island, which for the quantity thereof may well be called a main, although it be environed about with the Ocean sea, dividing us from other nations, so that we seem to live upon an other earth, & under a several heaven: we, even we (I say) whose name hath been long kept hid from the wisest of them all, are now contemned and trodden under foot, of them who study nothings else but how to become lords & have rule of other men. Wherefore my well-beloved citizens, friends, and kinsfolks (for I think we are all of kin, since we were borne and dwell in this isle, and have one name common to us all) let us now, even now (I say, because we have not done it heretofore, and whilst the remembrance of our ancient liberty remaineth) stick together, and perform that thing which doth pertain to valiant and hardy courages, to the end we may enjoy, not only the name of liberty, but also freedom itself, and thereby leave our force and valiant acts for an example to our posterity: for if we which have been liberally and in honest manner brought up, should utterly forget our pristinate felicity: what may we hope for in those that shall sucéed us, and are like to be brought up in misery and thraldom?  
I do not make rehearsal of these things unto you, to the end I would provoke you to mislike of this present estate of things (for well I know you abhor it sufficiently already) neither to put you in fear of those things that are likely to fall hereafter (because you do fear and see them very well before hand) but to the end I may give you hearty thanks and worthy commendations, for that of your own accord and means you determine so well to provide for things necessary (thereby to help both me and yourselves with willing minds) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Roman puissance.  
If you consider the number of your enemies, it is not greater than yours: if you regard their strength, they are no stronger than you: and all this doth easily appear by the bassinets, habergeons, & grieves wherewith you be armed; and also by the walls, ditches and trenches that you have made for your own defence, to keep off their excursions, who had rather fight with us a far off, than cope & deal with us at hand strokes, as our custom of the wars and martial discipline doth require. Wherefore we do so far exceed them in force, that in mine opinion, our army is more strong than stone walls, and one of our targets worth all the armour that they do bear upon them: by means whereof, if the victory be ours, we shall soon make them captives: or if we lose the field, we shall easily escape the danger.  
Furthermore, if after the flight we shall endeavour to meet any where, we have the marshes here beneath to hide us in, and the hills round about to keep them off, so that by no means they shall have their purpose of us, whereas they being overcharged with heavy armour, shall neither be able to follow, if we flee; nor escape out of our danger, if they be put to flight: if they happen to break out at any time as desirous to make a road, they return by and by to their appointed places, where we may take them as birds already in cage. In all which things, as they are far inferior to us, so most of all in this, that they can not endure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and sunshine, as we can do.  
In their houses also and tents, they make much account of their baked meats, wine, oil, and abroad of the shadow, that if any of these do fail them, they either die forthwith, or else in time they languish and consume: whereas to us every herb and root is meat, every juice an oil, all water pleasant wine, and every tree an house. Beside this, there is no place of the land unknown to us, neither yet unfriendly to secure us at need; whereas to the Romans they are for the most part unknown and altogether dangerous, if they should stand in need: we can with ease swim over every river both naked and clad, which they with their great ships are scarce able to perform. Wherefore with hope and good luck let us set upon them courageously, and teach them to understand, that since they are no better than hares and foxes, they attempt a wrong match, when they endeavour to subdue the grehounds and the wolves. With which words the queen let an hare go out of her lap, as it were thereby to give prognostication of her success, which coming well to pass, all the company shouted, and cried out upon such as not long before had done such violence to so noble a parsonage. Presently upon this action, Uoadicia calling them together again, proceeded forward with her prayer, which she made before them all, holding up her hands after this manner:  
I give thee thanks O Adraste, and call upon she thou woman of women, which reignest not over the burthen-bearing Egyptians, as Nitocris; neither over their merchants, as doth Semiramis, for these trifles we have learned lately of the Romans: neither over the people of Rome, as a little heretofore Messalina, than Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man, but is in deed a very woman, as doth appear by his voice, his harp, and his woman's attire: but I call upon thee as a goddess which governest the Britain's, that have learned not to till the field, nor to be handicrafts men, but to lead their lives in the wars after the best manner: who also as they have all other things, so have they likewise their wives and children common, whereby the women have the like audacity with the men, and no less boldness in the wars than they.  
Therefore sithence I have obtained a kingdom among such a mighty people, I beseech thee to grant them victory, health, and liberty, against these contentious, wicked, and unsatiable men (if they may be called men, which use warm bathings, delicate fare, hot wines, sweet oils, soft beds, fine music, and so unkindly lusts) who are altogether given to covetousness and cruelty, as their doings do declare. Let not I beseech thee, the Neronian or Domitian tyranny any more prevail upon me, or (to say truth) upon thee, but let them rather serve thee, whose heavy oppression thou hast borne withal a long season, and that thou wilt still be our helper only, our defender, our favourer, and our furtherer, O noble lady, I heartily beseech thee.   

Queen Voadicia marcheth against the Romans, to whom she giveth a shameful and bloody overthrow without any motion of mercy, dreadful examples of the Britain's cruelty indifferently executed without exception of age or sex. The twelve Chapter.  
WHen Uoadicia had made an end of her prayer, she set forward against her enemies, who at that time were destitute in deed of their lieutenant Paulinus Suetonius, being as then in Anglesey (as before ye have heard.) Wherefore the Romans that were in Camelodunum sent for aid unto Catus Decianus the procurator, 
Corn. Tacit. Catus Decianus procurator.  that is, the emperors agent, treasurer, or receiver, for in that city (although it were inhabited by Romans) there was no great garrison of able men. Whereupon the procurator sent them such aid as he thought he might well spare, which was not passed two hundred men, and those not sufficiently furnished either with weapon or armour.  
The city was not compassed with any rampire or ditch for defence, such as happily were privy to the conspiracy, having put into the heads of the Romans that no fortification needed: neither were the aged men nor women sent away, whereby the young able personages might without trouble of them the better attend to the defence of the city: but even as they had been in all surety of peace, and free from suspicion of any war, they were suddenly beset with the huge army of the Britain's, and so all went to spoil and fire that could be found without the enclosure of the temple, into the which the Roman soldiers (stricken with sudden fear by this sudden coming of the enemies) had thronged themselves. Where being assieged by the Britain's, within the space of two days the place was won, and they that were found within it, slain every mother's son.  
After this, the Britain's encouraged with this victory, went to meet with Petus Cerealis lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and boldly incountering with the same legion, gave the Romans the overthrow and slew all the footmen, so that Cerealis with much ado escaped with his horsemen, and got him back to the camp, and saved himself within the trenches. Catus the procurator being put in fear with this overthrow, and perceiving what hatred the Britain's bare towards him, having with his covetousness thus brought the war upon the head of the Romans, got him over into Gallia.  
But Suetonius advertised of these doings, came back out of Anglesey, and with marvelous constancy marched through the midst of his enemies to London, being as than not greatly peopled with Romans, though there was a colony of them, but full of merchants, and well provided of victuals: he was in great doubt at his coming thither, whether he might best stay there as in a place most convenient, or rather seek some other more easy to be defended. At length considering the small number of his men of war, and remembering how Cerealis had sped by his too much rashness, he thought better with the losing of one town of save the whole, than to put all in danger of irrecoverable loss. And therewith nothing moved at the prayer & tears of them which besought him of aid and succour, he departed, and those that would go with him he received into his army, those that tarried behind were oppressed by the enemies: and the like destruction happened to them of Uerolanium, a town in those days of great fame, situate near to the place where the town of Saint Albon now standeth.  
The Britain's leaving the castles and fortresses unassaulted, followed their gain in spoiling of those places which were easy to get, and where great plenty of riches was to be found, using their victory with such cruelty, that they slew (as the report went) to the number of 70 thousand Romans, 
80000. saith Dion.  and such as took their part in the said places by the Britain's thus won and conquered. For there was nothing with the Britain's but slaughter, fire, gallows, and such like, so earnestly were they set on revenge. They spared neither age nor sex: women of great nobility and worthy fame they took and hanged up naked, and cutting off their paps, sowed them to their mouths, that they might seem as if they sucked and fed on them, and some of their bodies they stretched out in length, and thrust them on sharp stakes. All these things they did in great despite whilst they sacrificed in their temples, and made feasts, namely in the wood consecrated to the honour of Andates, for so they called the goddess of victory whom they worshipped most reverently.   

P. Suetonius the Roman with a fresh power assalteth the Britain's, whose army consisted as well of women as men: queen Voadicia encourageth her soldiers, so doth Suetonius his warriors, both armies have a sharp conflict, the Britain's are discomfited and miserably slain, the queen dieth, Penius Posthumus killeth himself, the Britain's are persecuted with fire, sword, and famine, the grudge between Cassicianus and Suetonius, whom Polycletus is sent to reconcile, of his train, and how the Britain's repined at him. The xiii. Chapter.  
IN this mean time there came over to the aid of Suetonius, the legion surnamed the 14, and other bands of soldiers and men of war, to the number of ten thousand in the whole, whereupon (chiefly because victuals began to fail him) he prepared to give battle to his enemies, and chose out a plot of ground very strong within straits, and backed with a wood, so that the enemies could not assault his camp but on the front: yet by reason of their great multitude and hope of victory conceived by their late prosperous success, the Britain's under the conduct of queen Uoadicia adventured to give battle, 
The Britain's were at that time 230000. men, (as Dion writeth.)  having their women there to be witnesses of the victory, whom they placed in charet at the uttermost side of their field.  
Uoadicia, or Boudicia (for so we find her written by some copies, 
Corn. Tacit. li. 15.  and Bonuica also by Dion) having her daughters afore her, 
Dion Cassius.  being mounted into a charet, as she passed by the soldiers of each sundry country, told them it was a thing accustomed among the Britain's to go to the wars under the leading of women; but she was not now come forth as one borne of such noble ancestors as she was descended from, to fight for her kingdom and riches; but as one of the meaner sort, rather to defend her lost liberty, and to revenge herself of the enemy, for their cruelty showed in scourging her like a vagabond, and shameful deflowering of her daughters: for the licentious lust of the Romans was so far spread and increased, that they spared neither the bodies of old nor young, but were ready most shame fully to abuse them, having whipped her naked being an aged woman, and forced her daughters to satisfy their filthy concupiscence: but (saith she) the gods are at hand ready to take just revenge.  
The legion that presumed to encounter with us is slain and beaten down. The residue keep them close within their holds, or else seek ways how to flee out of the country: they shall not be once able so much as to abide the noise and clamour of so many thousands as we are here assembled, much less the force of our great puissance and dreadful hands. If ye therefore (said she) would weigh and consider with yourselves your huge numbers of men of war, and the causes why ye have moved this war, ye would surely determine either in this battle to die with honour, or else to vanquish the enemy by plain force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fully resolved, as for you men ye may (if ye list) live and be brought into bondage.  
Neither did Suetonius cease to exhort his people: for though he trusted in their manhood, yet as he had divided his army into three battles, so did he make unto each of them a several oration, willing them not to fear the shrill and vain menacing threats of the Britain's, sith there was among them more women that men, they having no skill in warlike discipline, and hereto being naked without furniture of armour, would forthwith give place when they should feel the sharp points of the Romans weapons, and the force of them by whom they had so often been put to flight. In many legions (saith he) the number is small of them that win the battle. Their glory therefore should be the more, for that they being a small number should win the fame due to the whole army, if they would (thronging together) bestow their weapons freely, and with their swords and targets press forward upon their enemies, continuing the slaughter without regard to the spoil, they might assure themselves when the victory was once achieved to have all at their pleasures.  
Such forwardness in the soldiers followed upon this exhortation of the courageous general, that every one prepared himself so readily to do his duty, and that with such a show of skill and experience, that Suetonius having conceived an assured hope of good luck to follow, caused the trumpets to sound to the battle. The onset was given in the straits, greatly to the advantage of the Romans, being but a handful in comparison to their enemies. The fight in the beginning was very sharp and cruel, but in the end the Britain's being a let one to another (by reason of the narrowness of the place) were not able to sustain the violent force of the Romans their enemies, so that they were constreind to give back, and so being disordered were put to flight, and utterly discomfited.  
There were slain of the Britain's that day few less than 80000 thousand, 
80000. Britain's slain.  as Tacitus writeth. For the straits being stopped with the charet, stayed the flight of the Britain's, so as they could not easily escape: and the Romans were so set on revenge, that they spared neither man nor woman, so that many were slain in the battle, many amongst the charet, and a great number at the woods side, which way they made their flight, and many were taken prisoners. Those that escaped, would have fought a new battle, but in the mean time Uoadicia, or Bonuica deceased of a natural infirmity, as Dion Cassius writeth, but other say that she poisoned herself, and so died, because she would not come into the hands of her bloodthirsty enemies. There died of the Romans part in this most notable battle 400, and about the like number were grievously hurt and most pitifully wounded.  
Penius Posthumus master of the camp of the second legion, 
Penius Posthumus sleteth himself.  understanding the prosperous success of the other Roman captains, because he had defrauded his legion of the like glory, and had refused to obey the commandments of the general, contrary to the use of war, slew himself.  
After this all the Roman army was brought into the field to make an end of the residue of the war. And the emperor caused a supply to be sent out of Germany being 2000 legionary soldiers, and 8 bands of aids, with 1000 horsemen, by whose coming the bands of the ninth legion were supplied with legionary soldiers, and those bands and wings of horsemen were appointed to places where they might winter, and such people of the Britain's as were either enemies, or else stood in doubt whether to be friends or enemies in deed, were persecuted with fire and sword.  
But nothing more afflicted them than famine, for whilst every man gave himself to the war, and purposed to have lived upon the provision of the Romans and other their enemies, they applied not themselves to tillage, nor to any husbanding of the ground, 
julius Cassictanus procurator.  and long it was yer they (being a fierce kind of people) fell to embrace peace, by reason that julius Cassicianus, who was sent into Britain as successor to Catus, fell at square with Suetonius, and by his private grudge hindered the prosperous success of public affairs. He sticked not to write to Rome, that except an other were sent to succeed in the room that Suetonius did bear, there would be no end of the wars. Hereupon one Polycletus, which sometime had been a bondman, was sent into Britain, as a commissioner, to survey the state of the country, to reconcile the legate and procurator, & also to pacify all troubles within the isle.  
The port which Polycletus bore was great, for he was furnished with no small train that attended upon him, so that his presence seemed very dreadful to the Romans. But the Britain's that were not yet pacified, thought great scorn to see such honourable captains and men of war as the Romans were to, submit themselves to the order of such a one as had been a bondslave.   

In what state the Island stood whiles arviragus reigned; the dissolute and lose government of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus, and Victius Volanus, three lieutenants in Britain for the Roman emperors, of julius Frontinus who vanquished the Silures. The xiv. Chapter.  
IN place of Suetonius, 
Petronius Turpilianus lieutenant.  was Petronius Turpilianus (who had lately been consul) appointed to have the governance of the army in Britain, the which neither troubling the enemy, nor being of the enemy in any wise troubled or provoked, did colour slothful rest with the honest name of peace and quietness, and so sat still without exploiting any notable enterprise.  
AFter Turpilianus, 
Trebellius Maximus lieutenant.  Trebellius Maximus was made lieutenant of Britain, who likewise with courteous demeanous sought to keep the Britain's in rest rather than by force to compel them. And now began the people of the isle to bear with pleasant faults and flattering vices, so that the civil wars that chanced in those days after the death of the emperor Nero at home, might easily excuse the slothfulness of the Roman lieutenants.  
Moreover, there rose dissension amongst their men of war, which being used to lie abroad in the field, could not agree with the idle life; so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide himself from the sight of the soldiers being in an uproar against him, till at length humbling himself unto them further than became his estate, he governed by way of entreaty, or rather at their courtesy. And so was the commotion stayed without bloodshed, the army as it were having by covenant obtained to live licentiously, and the captain surety to live without danger to be murdered.  
NEither Uictius Uolanus that succeeded Maximus whilst the time of the civil wars as yet endured, 
Victius Volanus lieutenant.  did trouble the Britain's, using the same slackness and sloth that the other lieutenants had used before him, and permitted the like licence to the presumptuous soldiers: but yet was Uolanus innocent as touching himself, and not hated for any notable crime or vice: so that he purchased favour, although authority wanted.  
But after that the emperor Uespasianus had subdued his adversaries, and attained the imperial government, as well over Britain as over other parts of the world, 
Cor. Tacitus.  there were sent hither right noble captains, with divers notable bands of soldiers, and Petilius Cerialis being appointed lieutenant, put the Britain's in great fear, by invading the Brigants the mightiest nation of all the whole Island: and fight many battles, and some right bloody with those people, he subdued a great part of the country at the last.  
AFter him succeeded as lieutenant of Britain, one julius Frontinus, 
julius Frontinus lieutenant.  who vanquished and brought to the Roman subjection by force of arms the people called Silures, striving not only against the stout resistance of the men, but also with the hardness & cumbersome troubles of the places.  
¶ Thus may you perceive in what state this isle stood in the time that arviragus reigned in the same, as is supposed by the best histories of the old Britain's: so that it may be thought that he governed rather a part of this land, than the whole, and bore the name of a king, the Romans not having so reduced the country into the form of a province, but that the Britain's bare rule in diverse parts thereof, and that by the permission of the Romans, which nevertheless had their lieutenants and procurators here, that bore the greatest rule under the aforesaid emperors.   

The state of this Island under Marius the son of arviragus, the coming in of the Picts with Roderike their king, his death in the field, the Picts and Scots enter into mutual alliance, the monument of Marius, his victory over the Picts, his death and interrement. The xv. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of arviragus, 
Marius.  his son Marius succeeded him in the estate, 
Hector Bo●tius saith that this Marius was a Roman. 73.  and began his reign in the year of our Lord 73. In the old English chronicle he is fondly called Westmer, & was a very wise man, governing the Britain's in great prosperity, honour and wealth.  
In the time of this man's reign, the people called Picts invaded this land, 
Of these you may read more in pag. 9  who are judged to be descended of the nation of the Scythians, near knismen to the Goths, both by country and manners, a cruel kind of men and much given to the wars. This people with their ringleader Roderike, 
Matth. West.  or (as some name him) Londorike, entering the Ocean sea after the manner of rovers, arrived on the coasts of Ireland, where they required of the Scots new seats to inhabit in: for the Scots which (as some think) were also descended of the Scythians, did as then inhabit in Ireland: but doubting that it should not be for their profit to receive so warlike a nation into that I'll, feigning as it were a friendship, and excusing the matter by the narrowness of the country, declared to the Picts, that the isle of Britain was not far from thence, being a large country and a plentiful, and not greatly inhabited: wherefore they counseled them to go thither, promising unto them all the aid that might be.  
The Picts more desirous of spoil than of rule or government, without delay returned to the sea, and sailed towards Britain, where being arrived, they first invaded the north parts thereof, and finding there but few inhabiters, they began to waste and forrey the country: whereof when king Marius was advertised, with all speed he assembled his people, and made towards his enemies, and giving them battle, obtained the victory, 
Roderike king of Picts slain.  so that Roderike was there slain in the field, and his people vanquished.  
Unto those that escaped with life, Marius granted licence that they might inhabit in the north part of Scotland called Catnesse, being as then a country in manner desolate without habitation: whereupon they withdrew thither, and settled themselves in those parties. And because the Britain's disdained to grant unto them their daughters in marriage, they sent unto the Scots into Ireland, requiring to have wives of their nation. The Scots agreed to their request, with this condition, that where there wanted lawful issue of the king's lineage to succeed in the kingdom of the Picts, then should they name one of the woman's side to be their king: which ordinance was received and observed ever after amongst the Picts, so long as their kingdom endured.  
Thus the Picts next after the Romans were the first of any strangers that came into this land to inhabit as most writers affirm, although the Scotish chronicles avouch the Picts to be inhabiters here before the incarnation of our saviour. 
Polydor. Matth. West.  But the victory which Marius obtained against their king Roderike, chanced in the year after the incarnation 87. In remembrance of which victory, Marius caused a stone to be erected in the same place where the battle was fought, in which stone was graven these words, Marij victoria. The English chronicle saith that this stone was set up on Stanesmoore, and that the whole country thereabout taking name of this Marius, was Westmaria, now called Westmoreland.  
King Marius having thus subdued his enemies, and escaped the danger of their dreadful invasion, gave his mind to the good government of his people, and the advancement of the common wealth of the realm, continuing the residue of his life in great tranquility, and finally departed this life, after he had reigned (as most writers say) 52, or 53 years. Howbeit there be that writ, 
Matt. West. Thus find we in the British and English histories touching this Marius.  that he died in the year of our Lord 78, and so reigned not passed five or six years at the most. He was buried at caerleil, leaving a son behind him called coil.  
Humphrey Lhoyd seemeth to take this man and his father arviragus to be all one person, whether moved thereto by some catalogue of kings which he saw, or otherwise, I cannot affirm: but speaking of the time when the Picts and Scots should first come to settle themselves in this land, he hath these words; Neither was there any writers of name, that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Uespasianus time, about the year of the incarnation 72: at what time Meurig or Maw, or arviragus reigned in Britain, in which time our annals do report, that a certain kind of people living by piracy and roving on the sea, came forth of Sueden, or Norway, under the guiding of one Rhithercus, who landed in Albania, wasting all the country with robbing and spoiling so far as caerleil, where he was vanquished in battle, and slain by Muragus, with a great part of his people; the residue that escaped by flight, fled to their ships, and so conveyed themselves into the Isles of Orkney and Scotland, where they abode quietly a great while after.  
Thus far have I thought good to show of the foresaid Lhoyds book, for that it seemeth to carry a great likelihood of truth with it, for the history of the Picts, which undoubtedly I think were not as yet inhabiting in Britain, but rather first placing themselves in the Isles of Orkney, made invasion into the main I'll of Britain afterwards, as occasion was offered. In the British tongue they are called Pightiaid, that is Pightians, and so likewise were they called in the Scotish, and in their own tongue. Now will we show what chanced in this isle, during the time of the foresaid Marius his supposed reign, as is found in the Roman histories.   

julius Agricola is deputed by Vespasian to govern Britain, he invadeth the isle of Anglesey, the inhabitants yield up themselves, the commendable government of Agricola, his worthy practices to train the Britain's to civility, his exploits fortunately achieved against diverse people, as the Irish, etc. The 16. Chapter.  
AFter julius Frontinus, 
julius Agricola lieutenant  the emperor Uespasian sent julius Agricola to succeed in the government of Britain, who coming over about the midst of summer, 
Cor. Tacit in vit. Agr. The first year of Agricola his government.  found the men of war through want of a lieutenant negligent enough, as those that looking for no trouble, thought themselves out of all danger, where the enemies nevertheless watched upon the next occasion to work some displeasure, and were ready on each hand to move rebellion. For the people called Ordonices, that inhabited in the country of cheshire. Lancashire and part of Shropshire, had lately before overthrown, and in manner utterly destroyed a wing of such horsemen as sojourned in their parties, by reason whereof all the province was brought almost into an assured hope to recover liberty.  
Agricola upon his coming over, though summer was now half passed, and that the soldiers lodging here & there abroad in the country, were more disposed to take rest, than to set forward into the field against the enemies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and therewith assembling the men of war of the Romans, and such other aids as he might make, he invaded their country that had done this foresaid displeasure, and slew the most part of all the inhabitants thereof. Not thus contented (for that he thought good to follow the steps of favourable fortune, and knowing that as the beginning proved, so would the whole sequel of his affairs by likelihood come to pass) he purposed to make a full conquest of the isle of Anglesey, 
The I'll of Anglesey.  from the conquest whereof the Roman lieutenant Paulinus was called back by the rebellion of other of the Britain's, as before ye have heard.  
But whereas he wanted ships for the furnishing of his enterprise, his wit and policy found a shift to supply that defect: for choosing out a piked number of such Britain's as he had there with him in aid, which knew the fords and shallow places of the streams there, and withal were very skilful in swimming (as the manner of the country than was) he appointed them to pass over on the sudden into the isle, only with their horses, armour, and weapon: which enterprise they so speedily, and with so good success achieved, that the inhabitants much amazed with that doing (which looked for a navy of ships to have transported over their enemies by sea, and therefore watched on the coast) began to think that nothing was able to be defended against such kind of warriors that got over into the isle after such sort and manner.  
And therefore making suit for peace, 
Anglesey yielded to Agricola.  they delivered the isle into the hands of Agricola, whose fame by these victories daily much increased, as of one that took pleasure in travel, and attempting to achieve dangerous enterprises, in stead whereof his predecessors had delighted, to show the majesties of their office by vain brags, stately ports, and ambitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the prosperous success of his proceedings into vanity, but rather with neglecting his fame, increased it to the uttermost, among them that judged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be achieved, which with silence kept secret these his so worthy doings.  
Moreover, perceiving the nature of the people in this isle of Britain, and sufficiently taught by other men's example, that armour should little avail where injuries followed to the disquieting of the people, 
Agricola his good government.  he thought best to take away and remove all occasions of war. And first beginning with himself and his soldiers, took order for a reformation to be had in his own household, yielding nothing to favour, but altogether in respect of virtue, accounting them most faithful which therein most excelled. He sought to know all things, but not to do otherwise than reason moved, pardoning small faults, and sharply punishing great and heinous offences, neither yet delighting always in punishment, but oftentimes in repentance of the offendor. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualifying the same by reasonable equity. And thus in reforming the state of things, he won him great praise in time of peace, the which either by negligence or sufferance of the former lieutenants, was ever feared, and accounted worse than open war. This was his practice in the winter time of his first year.  
But when summer was come, he assembled his army, 
His diligence.  and leading forth the same, trained his soldiers in all honest warlike discipline, commending the good, and reforming the bad and unruly. He himself to give example, took upon him all dangers that came to hand, and suffered not the enemies to live in rest, but wasted their countries with sudden invasious. And when he had sufficiently chastised them, and put them in fear by such manner of dealing, he spared them, that they might again conceive some hope of peace. By which means many countries which unto those days had kept themselves out of bondage, laid rancour aside, and delivered pledges, and further were contented to suffer castles to be builded within them, and to be kept with garrisons, so that no part of Britain was free from the Roman power, but stood still in danger to be brought under more and more.  
In the winter following, 
The second year of Agricola his government.  Agricola took pains to reduce the Britain's from their rude manners and customs, unto a more civil sort and trade of living, that changing their natural fierceness and apt disposition to war, they might through tasting pleasures be so enured therewith, that they should desire to live in rest and quietness: 
The worthy practices of Agricola to train the Britain's to civilttie.  and therefore he exhorted them privily, and holp them publicly to build temples, common halls where plées of law might be kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such doings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessity they were driven to strive who should prevent each other in civility. He also procured that noble men's sons should learn the liberal sciences, and praised the nature of the Britain's more than the people of Gallia, because they studied to attain to the knowledge of the Roman eloquence. By which means the Britain's in short time were brought to the use of good and commendable manners, and sorted themselves to go in comely apparel after the Roman fashion, and by little and little fell to accustom themselves to fine fare and delicate pleasures, the ready provoke us of vices, as to walk in galleries, to wash themselves in baths, to use banqueting, and such like, which amongst the unskilful was called humanity or courtesy, but in very deed it might be accounted a part of thraldom and servitude, namely being too excessively used.  
In the third year of Agricola his government in Britain, 
The third year.  he invaded the north parts thereof (unknown till those days of the Romans) being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the country unto the water of Tay, 
The water of Tay.  in such wise putting the inhabitants in fear, that they durst not once set upon his army, though it were so that the same was very sore disquieted and vexed by tempest and rage of weather. Whereupon finding no great let or hindrance by the enemies, he builded certain castles and fortresses, which he placed in such convenient stéeds, that they greatly annoyed his adversaries, and were so able to be defended, that there was none of those castles which he builded, either won by force out of the Romans hands, or given over by composition, for fear to be taken: so that the same being furnished with competent numbers of men of war, were safely kept from the enemies, the which were daily vexed by the often issues made forth by the soldiers that lay thus in garrison within them: so that where in times past the said enemies would recover their losses sustained in summer by the winter's advantage, now they were put to the worse, and kept back as well in the winter as in the summer.  
In the fourth summer, 
The fourth year of Agricola his government.  after that Agricola was appointed unto the rule of this land, 
Clota. Bodotria.  he went about to bring under subjection those people, the which before time he had by incursions and forreys sore vexed and disquieted: and thereupon coming to the waters of Clide and Loughleven, he built certain fortresses to defend the passages and entries there, driving the enemies beyond the same waters, as it had been into a new Island.  
In the fift summer, 
The fift year.  Agricola causing his ships to be brought about, and appointing them to arrive on the north coasts of Scotland, he passed with his army over the river of Clide; and subdued such people as inhabited those further parts of Scotland, which till those days had not been discovered by the Romans. And because he thought it should serve well to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland, if that part of Scotland which bordereth on the Irish seas might be kept in due obedience, he placed garrisons of soldiers in those parties, in hope verily upon occasion to pass over into Ireland, and for the more easy advancement of his purpose therein, he entertained with honourable provision one of the kings of Ireland, 
An Irish king expelled out of his country.  which by civil discord was expelled and driven out of his country. In deed Agricola perceived, that with one legion of soldiers, and a small aid of other men of war, it should be an easy matter to conquer Ireland, and to bring it under the dominion of the Romans: which enterprise he judged very necessary to be exploited, for better keeping of the Britain's in obedience, if they should see the jurisdiction of the Romans every where extended, and the liberty of their neighbours suppressed.  
In the sixth summer of Agricola his government, 
The sixth year of Agricola his government.  he proceeded in subduing the furthermost parts of Scotland northwards, causing his navy to keep course against him by the coast as he marched forth by land, so that the Britain's perceiving how the secret havens and créekes of their countries were now discovered, and that all hope of refuge was in manner cut off from them, were in marvelous fear. On the other part the Romans were sore troubled with the rough mounteins and craggy rocks, by the which they were constrained to pass beside the dangerous rivers, lakes, woods, streicts, and other cumbersome ways and passages.  
The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea was not small, by reason of winds and tempests, and high spring tides, which tossed and turmoiled their vessels very cruelly: but by the painful diligence of them that had been brought up and enured with continual travel and hardness, all those discommodities were overcome to their great rejoicing, when they met and fell in talk of their passed perils. For oftentimes the army by land encamped so by the shore, that those which kept the sea came on land to make merry in the camp, and then each one would recount to others the adventures that had happened, as the manner is in semblable cases.   

The Britain's of Calenderwood assault the Romans upon advantage, bloody battles fought betwixt them, great numbers slain on both sides, the villainous dealing of certain Dutch soldiers against their captains and fellows in arms, the misery that they were driven unto by famine to eat one another, a sharp conflict between the Romans and Britain's, with the loss of many a man's life, and effusion of much blood. The xvij. Chapter.  
THe Britain's that inhabited in those days about the parts of Calenderwood, 
Calenderwood.  perceiving in what danger they were to be utterly subdued, assembled themselves together, in purpose to try the fortune of battle: whereof Agricola being advertised, marched forth with his army divided in three battles, so that the enemies doubting to try the matter in open field, espied their time in the night, and with all their whole puissance set upon one of the Roman legions, which they knew to be most feeble and weak, trusting by a camisado to distress the same: and first slaying the watch, they entered the camp, where the said legion lay, and finding the soldiers in great disorder, betwixt sleep and fear, began the fight even within the camp.  
Agricola had knowledge of their purposed intent, and therefore with all speed hasted forth to come to the succours of his people, sending first his light horsemen, and certain light armed footmen to assail the enemies on their backs, and shortly after approached with his whole puissance, so that the Roman standards beginning to appear in sight by the light of the day that then began to spring, the Britain's were sore discouraged, and the Romans renewing their force, fiercely pressed upon them, so that even in the entry of the camp, there was a sore conflict, till at length the Britain's were put to flight and chased, so that if the mareshes and woods had not saved them from the pursuit of the Romans, there had been an end made of the whole war even by that one days work. But the Britain's escaping as well as they might, and reputing the victory to have chanced not by the valiancy of the Roman soldiers, but by occasion, and the prudent policy of their captain, were nothing abashed with that their present loss, but prepared to put their youth again into armour: and thereupon they removed their wives and children into safe places, and then assembling the chiefest governors together, concluded a league amongst themselves, each to aid other, confirming their articles with doing of sacrifice (as the manner in those days was.)  
The same summer, 
The seventh year.  a band of such Dutch or German soldiers as had been levied in Germany & sent over into Britain to the aid of the Romans, attempted a great and wonderful act, in slaying their captain, and such other of the Roman soldiers which were appointed to have the training and leading of them, as officers and instructors to them in the feats of war: and when they had committed that murder, they got into three pinesses, and became rovers on the coasts of Britain, and encountering with diverse of the Britain's that were ready to defend their country from spoil, oftentimes they got the upper hand of them, and now and then they were chased away, insomuch that in the end they were brought to such extremity for want of victuals, that they did eat such amongst them as were the weakest, and after, such as the lot touched, being indifferently cast amongst them: and so being carried about the coasts of Britain, & losing their vessels through want of skill to govern them, they were reputed for robbers, and thereupon were apprehended, first by the Suabeners, and shortly after by the Frizers, the which sold diverse of them to the Romans and other, whereby the true understanding of their adventures came certainly to light.  
In summer next following, 
The eight year of Agricola his government.  Agricola with his army came to the mountain of Granziben, where he understood that his enemies were encamped, to the number of 30 thousand and above, and daily there came to them more company of the British youth, and such aged persons also as were lusty and in strength, able to wield weapon and bear armour. Amongst the captains the chiefest was one Galgagus whom the Scotish chronicles name Galled. 
Galgagus whom the Scots name Galled and will needs have him a Scotish man.  This man as chiefteine and head captain of all the Britain's there assembled, made to them a pithy oration, to encourage them to fight manfully, and likewise did Agricola to his people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order of battle. Agricola placed 8 thousand footmen of strangers which he had there in aid with him in the most, appointing three thousand horsemen to stand on the sides of them as wings. The Roman legions stood at their 〈◊〉 in steed of a bulwark. The Britain's were imbattelled in such order, that their fore ward stood in the plain ground, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen on height one rank above another. The midst of the field was covered with their charet and horsemen. Agricola doubting by the huge multitude of enemies, 
Corn. Tacit.  lest his people should be assailed not only affront, but also upon every side the battles, he caused the ranks so to place themselves, as their battles might stretch far further in breadth than otherwise the order of war required: but he took this to be a good remedy against such inconvenience as might have followed, if the enemy by the narrowness of the fronts of his battles should have bemmed them in on each side.  
This done, and having conceived good hope of victory, he alighted on foot, and putting his horse from him, he stood before the standards as one not caring for any danger that might happen. At the first they bestowed their shot and darts freely on both sides. The Britain's aswell with constant manhood, as skilful practice, with broad swords and little round bucklers avoided and beat from them the arrows and darts that came from their enemies, and therewithal paid them home again with their shot and darts, so that the Romans were near hand oppressed therewith, because they came so thick in their faces, till at length Agricola caused three cohorts of Hollanders, & two of Lukeners to press forward, 
〈◊〉.  & join with them at hand-strokes, 
Congri.  so as the matter might come to be tried with the edge of the sword, which thing as to them (being enured with that kind of fight) it stood greatly with their advantage, so to the Britain's it was very dangerous, that were to defend themselves with their mighty huge swords and small bucklers. Also by reason their swords were broad at the ends, and pointless, they availed little to hurt the armed enemy. Whereupon when the Hollanders came to join with them, they made fowl work in slaying and wounding them in most horrible wise.  
The horsemen also that made resistance they pulled from their horses, and began to climb the hill upon the Britain's. The other bands desirous to match their fellows in helping to achieve the victory, followed the Hollanders, 
Hollanders.  and beat down the Britain's where they might approach to them: many were overrun and left half dead, and some not once touched with any weapon, were likewise overpressed, such haste the Romans made to follow upon the Britain's. Whilst the British horsemen fled, their charets joined themselves with their footmen, and restoring the battle, put the Romans in such fear, that they were at a sudden stay: but the charets being troubled with press of enemies, & unéevennesse of the ground, they could not work their feat to any purpose, neither had that fight any resemblance of a battle of horsemen, when each one so encumbered other, that they had no room to stir themselves. The charets oftentimes wanting their guiders were carried away with the horses, that being put in fear with the noise and stir, ran hither and thither, bearing down one another, and whomsoever else they met withal.  
Now the Britain's that kept the top of the hills, and had not yet fought at all, despising the small number of the Romans, began to come downwards and to cast about, that they might set upon the backs of their enemies, in hope so to make an end of the battle, and to win the victory: but Agricola doubting no less, but that some such thing would come to pass, had aforehand foreseen the danger, and having reserved four wings of horsemen for such sudden chances, sent them forth against those Britain's, the which horsemen with full random charging upon them as they rashly came forwards, quickly disordered them and put them all to flight, and so that purposed devise and policy of the Britain's turned to their own hindrance. For their horsemen by their captains appointment traversing overthwart by the fronts of them that fought, set upon that battle of the Britain's which they found before them. Then in those open and plain places a grievous & heavy sight it was to behold, how they pursued, wounded, and took their enemies: and as they were advised of other to slay those that they had before taken, to the end they might overtake the other, there was nothing but fleeing, taking, and chase, slaughter, spilling of blood, scattering of weapons, grunting and groaning of men and horses that lay on the ground, gasping for breath, & ready to die.  
The Britain's now and then as they saw their advantage, namely when they approached near to the woods, gathered themselves together, and set upon the Romans as they followed unadvisedly, and further (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their surety, insomuch that if Agricola had not provided remedy, and sent forth mighty bands of light armed men both on foot and horseback to close in the enemies, and also to beat the wood, some greater loss would have followed through too much boldness of them that too rashly pursued upon the Britain's: who when they beheld the Romans thus to follow them in whole troops and good order of battle, they slipped away and took them to flight, each one seeking to save himself, and kept not together in plumps as before they had done. The night made an end of the chase which the Romans had followed till they were throughly wearied. 
Ten thousand Britain's slain.  There were slain of the Britain's that day 10000, and of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atticus a captain of one of the cohorts or bands of footmen was one, 
Aulus Atticus slain.  who being mounted on horseback (through his own too much youthful courage, and fierce unruliness of his horse) was carried into the middle throng of his enemies, and there slain.   

The lamentable distress and pitiful perplexity of the Britain's after their overthrow, Domitian envieth Agricola the glory of his victories, he is subtly deprived of his deputiship, and Cneus Trebellius surrogated in his room. The xviij. Chapter.  
THe night ensuing the foresaid overthrow of the Britain's was spent of the Romans in great joy & gladness for the victory achieved. But among the Britain's there 
Britain's 〈◊〉 Scots, neither yet Picts.  was nothing else heard but mourning and lamentation, both of men and women that were mingled together, some busy to bear away the wounded, to bind and dress their hurts; other calling for their sons, kinsfolks and friends that were wanting. Many of them forsook their houses, and in their desperate mood set them on fire, and choosing forth places for their better refuge and safeguard, forthwith misliking of the same, left them and sought others: herewith diverse of them took counsel together what they were best to do, one while they were in hope, an other while they fainted, as people cast into utter despair: the beholding of their wives and children oftentimes moved them to attempt some new enterprise for the preservation of their country and liberties. And certain it is that some of them slew their wives and children, as moved thereto with a certain fond regard of pity to rid them out of further misery and danger of thraldom.  
The next day the certainty of the victory more plainly was disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noise heard any where: the houses appeared burning on each side, and such as were sent forth to discover the country into every part thereof, saw not a creature stirring, for all the people were avoided and withdrawn a far off.  
When Agricola had thus overthrown his enemies in a pitched field at the mountain of Granziben, and that the country was quite rid of all appearance of enemies: because the summer of this eight year of his government was now almost spent, he brought his army into the confines of the Horrestians, 
Hector Bo●t.  which inhabited the countries now called Angus & Merne, and there intended to winter, 
Cot. Tacitus.  and took hostages of the people for assurance of their loyalty and subjection. This done, he appointed the admiral of the navy to sail about the isle, which accordingly to his commission in that point received, 
An haven called Trutulens●s, peradventure Rutupensis.  luckily accomplished his enterprise, and brought the navy about again into an haven called Trutulensts.  
In this mean time, whiles julius Agricola was thus occupied in Britain, both the emperor Uespasianus, and also his brother Titus that succeeded him, departed this life, and Domitianus was elected emperor, who hearing of such prosperous success as Agricola had against the Britain's, did not so much rejoice for the thing well done, as he envied to consider what glory and renown should redound to Agricola thereby, which he perceived should much darken the glass of his same, having a private person under him, who in worthiness of noble exploits achieved, far excelled his doings.  
To find remedy therefore herein, he thought not good to utter his malice as yet, whilst Agricola remained in Britain with an army, which so much favoured him, and that with so good cause, sith by his policy and noble conduct the same had obtained so many victories, so much honour, and such plenty of spoils and booties. Whereupon to dissemble his intent, he appointed to revoke him forth of Britain, as it were to honour him, not only with deserved triumphs, but also with the lieutenantship of Syria, which as then was void by the death of Atilius Rufus. Thus Agricola being countermanded home to Rome, 
Cneus Trebellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some think.  delivered his province unto his successor Cneus Trebellius, appointed thereto by the emperor Domitianus, in good quiet and safeguard.  
¶ Thus may you see in what state Britain stood in the days of king Marius, of whom Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some have written, that the city of Chester was builded by this Marius, though other (as before I have said) think rather that it was the work of Ostorius Scapula their 
Fabian.  legate. Touching other the doings of Agricola, in the Scotish chronicle you may find more at large set forth: for that which I have written here, is but to show what in effect Cornelius Tacitus writeth of that which Agricola did here in Britain, without making mention either of Scots or Picts, only naming them Britain's, Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited in those days a part of this Isle which now we call Scotland, the original of which country, and the inhabitants of the same, is greatly controversed among writers; diverse diversly descanting thereupon, some fetching their reason from the etymon of the word which is Greek, some from the opening of their ancestors as they find the same remaining in records; other some from comparing antiquities together, and aptly collecting the truth as near as they can. But to omit them, and return to the continuation of our own history.   

Of coilus the son of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he reigned: of Lucius his son and successor, what time he assumed the government of this land, he was an open professor of christian religion, he and his family are baptized, Britain receiveth the faith, 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time in this Island, westminster church and S. Peter's in Cornhill builded, divers opinions touching the time of Lucius his reign, of his death, and when the christian faith was received in this Island. The 19 Chapter.  
coilus the son of Marius 
coilus.  was after his father's decease made king of Britain, in the year of our Lord 125. 
125  This coilus or coil was brought up in his youth amongst the Romans at Rome, where he spent his time not unprofitably, but applied himself to learning & service in the wars, by reason whereof he was much honoured of the Romans, and he likewise honoured and loved them, so that he paid his tribute truly all the time of his reign, and therefore lived in peace and good quiet. He was also a prince of much bounty, and very liberal, whereby he obtained great love both of his nobles and commons. Some say, that he made the town of Colchester in Essex, 
Colchester built.  but others writ, that coil which reigned next after Asclepiodotus was the first founder of that town, but by other it should seem to be built long before, being called Camelodunum. Finally when this coil had reigned the space of 54 years, he departed this life at York, leaving after him a son named Lucius, which succeeded in the kingdom.  
Lucius' the son of coilus, 
Lucius.  whose surname (as saith William Harison) is not extant, began his reign over the Britain's about the year of our Lord 180, as Fabian following the authority of Peter Pictaviensis saith, although other writers seem to disagree in that account, as by the same Fabian in the table before his book partly appeareth, whereunto Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis affirmeth, that this Lucius was borne in the year of our Lord 115, and was crowned king in the year 124, as successor to his father coilus, which died the same year, being of great age yet the said Lucius was borne. It is noted by antiquaries, that his entrance was in the 4132 of the world, 916 after the building of Rome, 220 after the coming of Cesar into Britain, and 165 after Christ, 
165  whose accounts I follow in this treatise.  
This Lucius is highly renowned of the writers, for that he was the first king of the Britain's that received the faith of jesus Christ: for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth, even from the beginning of his reign, he somewhat leaned to the favouring of Christian religion, being moved with the manifest miracles which the Christians daily wrought in witness and proof of their sound and perfect doctrine. For even from the days of joseph of Arimathia and his fellows, or what other godly men first taught the Britain's the gospel of our Saviour, there remained amongst the same Britain's some christians which ceased not to teach and preach the word of God most sincerely unto them: but yet no king amongst them openly professed that religion, till at length this Lucius perceiving not only some of the Roman lieutenants in Britain as Trebellius and Pertinax, with others, to have submitted themselves to that profession, but also the emperor himself to begin to be favourable to them that professed it, he took occasion by their good example to give ear more attentively unto the gospel, and at length sent unto Eleutherius bishop of Rome two learned men of the British nation, Eluane and Meduine, requiring him to send some such ministers as might instruct him and his people in the true faith more plentifully, and to baptise them according to the rules of christian religion.  
¶ The reverend father john jewel, sometime bishop of Salisbury, writeth in his 
* Fol. 119.  reply unto Hardings answer, that the said Eleutherius, for general order to be taken in the realm and churches here, wrote his advice to Lucius in manner and form following. You have received in the kingdom of Britain, by God's mercy, both the law and faith of Christ; ye have both the new and the old testament, out of the same through God's grace, by the advise of your realm make a law, and by the same through God's sufferance rule you your kingdom of Britain, for in that kingdom you are God's vicar.  
Hereupon were sent from the said Eleutherius two godly learned men, the one named Fugatius, and the other Damianus, the which baptized the king with all his family and people, 
Britain receiveth the faith.  and therewith removed the worshipping of idols and false gods, and taught the right mean and way how to worship the true and immortal God. There were in those days within the bounds of Britain 28 Flamines, & three Archflamines, which were as bishops and archbishops, or superintendents of the pagan or heathen religion, in whose place (they being removed) were instituted 28 bishops & three archbishops of the christian religion. One of the which archbishops held his see at London, another at York, and the third at Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorganshire. Unto the archbishop of London was subject Cornwall, 
Matth. West.  and all the middle part of England, even unto Humber. To the archbishop of York all the north parts of Britain from the river of Humber unto the furthest parts of Scotland. And to the archbishop of Caerleon was subject all Wales, within which country as then were seven bishops, where now there are but four. The river of Severn in those days divided Wales (then called Cambria) from the other parts of Britain. 
josephus of Arimathia.  Thus Britain partly by the means of joseph of Arimathia (of whom ye have heard before) & partly by the wholesome instructions & doctrines of Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all other regions that openly received the gospel, and continued most steadfast in that profession, till the cruel fury of Dioclesian persecuted the same, in such sort, that as well in Britain as in all other places of the world, the christian religion was in manner extinguished, and utterly destroyed.  
There be that affirm, how this Lucius should build the church of saint Peter at Westminster, 
Polydor. Westminster Church built.  though many attribute that act unto Sibert king of the east Saxons, and write how the place was then overgrown with thorns and bushes, and thereof took the name, and was called Thorney. They add moreover that Thomas archbishop of London preached, read, and ministered the sacraments there to such as made resort unto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the revestry of saint Paul's at London, and also a table sometime hanging in saint Peter's church in Cornhill, it should seem that the said church of saitn Peter in Cornhill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein (saith Harison anno mundi 4174) doth lie a scruple. Sure cornel might soon be mistaken for Thorney, specially in such old records, as time, age, & evil handling have oftentimes defaced.  
But howsoever the case standeth, truth it is, that Lucius rejoicing much, in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and understanding of the true God, that they needed not to be deceived any longer with the crafty temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spirits, he abolished all profane worshippings of false gods, and converted all such temples as had been dedicated to their service, unto the use of christian religion: and thus studying only how to advance the glory of the immortal God, and the knowledge of his word, without seeking the vain glory of worldly triumph, which is got with slaughter and bloodshed of many a guiltless person, he left his kingdom; though not enlarged with brother dominion than he received it, yet greatly augmented and enriched with quiet rest, good ordinances, and (that which is more to be esteemed than all the rest) adorned with Christ's religion, and perfectly instructed with his most holy word and doctrine. He reigned (as some writ) 21 years, though other affirm but twelve years. 
Polydor. Fabian. john Hard.  Again, some testify that he reigned 77, others 54, and 43.  
Moreover here is to be noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ to be planted within this realm in the time of Eleutherius the Roman bishop, the same chanced in the days of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antonius; and about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was joined and made partaker of the empire with his father, which was seven year after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Uerus, and in the 177 after the birth of our Saviour jesus Christ, as by some chronologies is easy to be collected. For Eleutherius began to govern the see of Rome in the year 169, according to the opinion of the most diligent chronographers of our time, and governed fifteen years and thirteen days. And yet there are that affirm, how Lucius died at Gloucester in the year of our Lord 156. 
Gal. Mon. Matth. West.  Other say that he died in the year 201, and other 208. So that the truth of this history is brought into doubt by the discord of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances, although they all agree that in this king's days the christian faith was first by public consent openly received and professed in this land, which as some affirm, 
Polydor.  should chance in the twelve year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord 177. Other judge that it came to pass in the eight year of his regiment, and in the year of our Lord 188, where other (as before is said) allege that it was in the year of the Lord 179. Nauclerus saith, that this happened about the year of our Lord 156. 
Nauclerus. Hen. Herf.  And Henricus de Herfordea supposeth, that it was in the year of our Lord 169, and in the nintéenth year of the emperor Marcus Anfonius Uerus: and after other, about the sixth year of the emperor Commodus.  
But to conclude, king Lucius died without issue, by reason whereof after his decease the Britain's fell at variance, which continued about the space of fifteen years (as Fabian thinketh) 
Fabian.  howbeit the old English chronicle affirmeth, that the contention betwixt them remained fifty years, 
Caxton. john Hard.  though Harding affirmeth but four years. And thus much of the Britain's, and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now it resteth to speak somewhat of the Romans which governed here in the mean while. After that Agricola was called back to Rome, the Britain's (and namely those that inhabited beyond Tweed) partly being weakened of their former strength, and partly in consideration of their pledges, which they had delivered to the Romans, remained in peace certain years.   

The Britain's after the decease of Lucius (who died without issue) rebel against the Romans, the emperor Adrian coming in his own person into Britain appeaseth the broil, they go about to recover their liberty against the Romans, but are suppressed by Lollius the Roman lieutenant; the vigilantnesse or wakefulnesie of Marcellus, and his policy to keep the soldiers waking, the Britain's being ruled by certain mean gentlemen of Perhennis appointing do falsely accuse him to the emperor Commodus, he is mangled and murdered of his soldiers. The xx. Chapter.  
IN the mean time the Roman lieutenant Cneus Trebellius that succeeded julius Agricola, 
Cneus Trebellius lieutenant.  could no, foresee all things so precisely but that the soldiers waxing unruly by reason of long rest, fell at variance among themselves, and would not in the end obey the lieutenant, but disquieted the Britain's beyond measure. Wherefore the Britain's perceiving themselves sore oppressed with intolerable bondage, and that daily the same increased, they conspired together, upon hope to recover liberty, and to defend their country by all means possible, and herewith they took weapon in hand against the Romans, and boldly assailed them: but this they did yet warily, and so, that they might fly unto the woods and bogs for refuge upon necessity, according to the manner of their country. Hereupon divers slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the country was now ready to rebel: whereof when the emperor Adrian was advertised from Trebellius the lieutenant, with all convenient speed he passed over into Britain, and quieted all the isle, using great humanity towards the inhabitants; and making small account of that part where the Scots now inhabit, either because of the barrenness thereof, or for that by reason of the nature of the country he thought it would be hard to be kept under subjection, he devised to divide it from the residue of Britain, 
The wall of Adrian built. Spartianus.  and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of Tine unto the water of Eske, which wall contained in length 30 miles.  
After this, the Britain's bearing a malicious hatred towards the Roman soldiers, and repining to be kept under the bond of servitude, eftsoons went about to recover liberty again. Whereof advertisement being given, 
Lollius Urbicus lieutenant.  the emperor Pius Antoninus sent over Lollius Urbicus as lieutenant into Britain, who by sundry battles stricken, constrained the Britain's to remain in quiet, and causing those that inhabited in the north parts to remove further off from the confines of the Roman province, 
julius Capitol. Another wall built.  caised another wall beyond that which the emperor Adrian had made, as is to be supposed, for the more surety of the Roman subjects against the invasion of the enemies. But yet Lollius did not so make, an end of the wars, but that the Britain's shortly after attempted afresh, 
Calphurnius Agricola.  either to reduce their state into liberty, or to bring the same into further danger.  
Whereupon Marcus Antonius that succeeded Pius, 
Of the doings of this Calphurnius in Britain ye may read more in the Scotish chronicle.  sent Calphurnius Agricola to succeed Lollius in the government of Britain, the which easily overcame and subdued all his enemies. After this there chanced some trouble in the days of the emperor Commodus the son of Marcus Antonius and his successor in the empire: for the Britan's that dwelled northwards, beyond adrian's wall, broke through the same, and spoiled a great part of the country, against whom the Roman lieutenant for that time being come forth, 
Dion Cassius.  gave them battle: but both he and the Roman soldiers that were with him, were beaten down and slain.  
With which news Commodus being sore amazed, sent against the Britain's one Ulpius Marcellus, 
Ulpius Marcellus lieutenant.  a man of great diligence and temperance, but therewith rough and nothing gentle. He used the same kind of diet that the common soldiers did use. He was a captain much watchful, as one contented with very little sleep, and desirous to have his soldiers also vigilant and careful to keep sure watch in the night season. Every evening he would write twelve tables, such as they used to make on the lined tree, and delivering them to one of his servants, appointed him to bear them at several hours of the night to sundry soldiers, whereby supposing that their general was still watching and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sleep.  
And although of nature he could well abstain from sleep, yet to be the better able to forbear it, he used a marvelous spare kind of diet: for to the end that he would not fill himself too much with bread, he would eat none but such as was brought to him from Rome, so that more than necessity compelled him he could not eat, by reason that the staleness took away the pleasant taste thereof, and less provoked his appetite. He was a marvelous contemner of money, so that bribes might not move him to do otherwise than duty required. This Marcellus being of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britain's, and put them oftentimes to great losses: through fame whereof, Commodus envying his renown was after in mind to make him away, but yet spared him for a further purpose, and suffered him to departed.  
After he was removed from the government of Britain, 
Perhennis captain of the emperors guard.  one Perhennis captain of the emperor's guard (or praetorian soldiers as they were then called) bearing all the rule under the emperor Commodus, appointed certain gentlemen of mean calling to govern the army in Britain. Which fond substituting of such petty officers to oversee and overrule the people, was to them an occasion of hartgrudge, and to him a means of final mischief: both which it is likely he might have avoided, had he been provident in his deputation. For the soldiers in the same army grudging and repining to be governed by men of base degree, 
Aelius L●●●pridius.  in respect of those that had borne rule over them before, being honourable personages, as senators, and of the consular dignity, they fell at square among themselves, and about fifteen hundred of them departed towards Rome to exhibit their complaint against Perhennis: for what soever was amiss, the blame was still laid to him. They passed forth without impeachment at all, and coming in to Rome, the emperor himself came forth to understand what they meant by this their coming in such sort from the place where they were appointed to serve. Their answer was, that they were come to inform him of the treason which Perhennis had devised to his destruction, that he might make his son emperor. To the which accusation when Commodus too lightly gave ear, & believed it to be true, namely, through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Perhennis, for that he bridled him from doing diverse unlawful acts, which he went about upon a wilful mind (without all reason and modesty) to practise; the matter was so handled in the end, that Perhennis was delivered to the soldiers, who cruelly mangled him, and presently put him to a pitiful death.   

Pertinax is sent as lieutenant into Britain, he is in danger to be slain of the soldiers, he riddeth himself of that perilous office: Albinus with an army of Britain's fighteth against Severus and his power near to Lions, Severus is slain in a conflict against the Picts, Geta and Bassianus two brethren make mutual war for the regiment of the land, the one is slain, the other ruleth. The xxj. Chapter.  
NOw will we say somewhat of the tumults in Britain. 
Pertinax lieutenant of Britain.  It was thought needful to send some sufficient captain of authority thither; and therefore was one Pertinax that had been consul and ruler over four several consular provinces, appointed by Commodus to go as lieutenant into that I'll, both for that he was thought a man most meet for such a charge, and also to satisfy his credit, for that he had been discharged by Perhennis of bearing any rule, and sent home into Liguria where he was borne, and there appointed to remain. This Pertinax coming into Britain, pacified the army, but not without danger to have been slain by a mutinic raised by one of the legions: for he was stricken down, 
The lieutenant in danger.  and left for dead among the stain carcases. But he worthily revenged himself of this injury. At length, having chastised the rebels, and brought the isle into méetelie good quiet, he sued and obtained to be discharged of that room, because as he alleged, the soldiers could not brook him, for that he kept them in dutiful obedience, by correcting such as offended the laws of arms.  
THen was Clodius Albinus appointed to have the rule of the Roman army in Britain: 
Clodius Albinus lieutenant.  whose destruction when Severus the emperor sought, Albinus perceived it quickly: and therefore choosing forth a great power of Britain's, passed with the same over into France to encounter with Severus, who was come thither towards him, so that near to the city of Lions they joined in battle and fought right sore, in so much that Severus was at point to have received the overthrow by the high prowess and manhood of the Britain's: but yet in the end Albinus lost the field, and was slain. Then Heraclitus as lieutenant began to govern Britain (as writeth Spartianus) being sent thither by Severus for that purpose before. And such was the state of this isle about the year of our Lord 195. In which season, because that king Lucius was dead, and had left no issue to succeed him, the Britain's (as before ye have heard) were at variance amongst themselves, and so continued till the coming of Severus, whom the British chronographers affirm to reign as king in this isle, & that by right of succession in blood, as descended of Androgeus the Britain, which went to Rome with julius Cesar, as before ye have heard.  
THis Severus as then emperor of Rome, 
Severus.  began to rule this Isle (as authors affirm) in the year of our Lord 207, and governed the same 4 years and odd months. At length hearing that one Fulgentius as then a leader of the Picts was entered into the borders of his country on this side Durham, he raised an host of Britain's and Romans, with the which he marched towards his enemies: and meeting with the said Fulgentius in a place near unto York, in the end after sore fight Severus was slain, when he had ruled this land for the space almost of five years, as before is said, and was after buried at York, leaving behind him two sons, the one named Geta, and the other Bassianus. This Bassianus being borne of a British woman, succeeded his father in the government of Britain, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord 211. The Romans would have had Geta created king of Britain, bearing more favour to him because he had a Roman lady to his mother: but the Britain's moved with the like respect, held with Bassianus. And thereupon war was raised betwixt the two brethren, who coming to try their quarrel by battle, Geta was slain, and Bassianus with aid of the Britain's remained victor, and so continued king, till at length he was slain by one Carausius a Britain, borne but of low birth, howbeit right valiant in arms, and therefore well esteemed. In somuch that obtaining of the senate of Rome the keeping of the coasts of Britain, that he might defend the same from the malice of strangers, as Picts and others, he drew to him a great number of soldiers and specially of Britain's, to whom he promised that if they would make him king, he would clearly deliver them from the oppression of the Roman servitude. Whereupon the Britain's rebelling against Bassianus, joined themselves to Carausius, who by their support vanquished and slew the said Bassianus, after he had reigned 6 or (as some affirm) 30 years.  
¶ Thus far out of the English and British writers, the which how far they vary from likelihood of truth, you shall hear in the next chapter what the approved historiographers, 
Herodianus.  Greeks and Latins, writing of these matters, have recorded.   

The ambitious mind of the old emperor Severus, he arriveth in Britain with a mighty power to suppress the rebellious Britain's, the emperors politic provision for his soldiers in the fens and bogs: the agility of the Britain's, their nimbleness, the painting of their bodies with diverse colours, their furniture, their great sufferance of hunger, cold, &c: diverse conflicts between the Romans and the Britain's, their subtle trains to deceive their enemies, the Romans pitifully distressed, Severus constraineth the Caledonians to conclude a league with him; he falleth sick, his own son practiseth to make him away: the Britain's begin a new rebellion, the cruel commandment of Severus to kill and slay all that came to hand without exception, his age, his death, and sepulchte: Bassianus ambitiously usurpeth the whole regiment, he killeth his brother Geta, and is slain himself by one of his own soldiers. The xxij. Chapter.  
THe emperor Severus receiving advertisement from the lieutenant of Britain, that the people there moved rebellion, & wasted the country with roads and forrays, so that it was needful to have the prince himself to come thither within great power to resist the enemies, he of an ambition's mind re●oised not a little for those news, because he saw occasion offered to advance his renow●e and fame with increase of new victories now in the west, after so many triumphs purchased and got by him in the east and north parts of the world: Hereupon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he had still to win honour, caused him to take in hand to make a journey into this land, and so being furnished of all things necessary, he set forwards, being carried for the more part in a litter for his more ease: for that beside his feebleness of age, he was also troubled with the gout. He took with him his two sons, 
Antoninus and Geta.  Antoninus Bassianus and Geta, upon purpose as was thought, to avoid occasions of such inconvenience as he perceived might grow by discord moved betwixt them through flatterers and malicious sycophants, which sought to set them at variance: which to bring to pass, he perceived there should want no mean whilst they continued in Rome, amidst such pleasures & idle pastimes as were daily there frequented: and therefore he caused them to attend him in this journey into Britain, that they might learn to live soberly, and after the manner of men of war.  
Severus being thus on his journey towards Britain, stayed not by the way, 
The emperor Severus arriveth in Britain.  but with all diligence sped him forth, and passing the sea very swiftly, entered this Isle, and assembled a mighty power together, meaning to assail his enemies, and to pursue the war against them to the uttermost. The Britain's greatly amazed with this sudden arrival of the emperor, and hearing that such preparation was made against them, sent ambassadors to him to entreat of peace, and to excuse their rebellious doings. But Severus delaying time for answer, as he that was desirous to achieve some high enterprise against the Britain's, for the which he might deserve the surname of Britannicus, which he greatly coveted, still was busy to prepare all things necessary for the war; and namely, caused a great number of bridges to be made to lay over the bogs and mareshes, so that his soldiers might have place to stand upon, and not to be encumbered for lack of firm ground when they should cope with their enemies: for the more part of Britain in those days (as Herodianus 
Herodianus.  writeth) was full of fens & maresh ground, by reason of the often flowings and washings of the sea tides: by the which maresh grounds the enemies being thereto accustomed, would run and swim in the waters, 
He meaneth of the north Britain's or savage Britain's as we may call them.  and wade up to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more part naked, so that they passed not on the mud and mires, for they knew not the use of wearing clothes, but aware hoops of iron about their middles and necks, esteeming the same as an ornament and token of riches, as other barbarous people did gold.  
Moreover they marked, or (as it were) painted their bodies in diverse sorts and with sundry shapes and figures of beasts and fowls, and therefore they used not to wear any garments, that such painting of their bodies might the more apparently be seen, which they esteemed a great bravery.  
They were as the same Herodianus writeth, a people given much to war, and delighted in slaughter and bloodshed, using none other weapons or armour but a slender buckler, 
The furniture of the savage Britain's.  a javelin, and a sword tied to their naked bodies: as for headpiece or habergeon, they esteemed not, because they thought the same should be an hindrance to them when they should pass over any maresh, or be driven to swim any waters, or flee to the bogs.  
Moreover, to suffer hunger, cold, and travel, they were so used and enured therewith, that they would not pass to lie in the bogs and mires covered up to the chin, without caring for meat for the space of diverse days together: and in the woods they would live upon roots and barks of trees. Also they used to prepare for themselves a certain kind of meat, of the which if they received but so much as amounted to the quantity of a bea●e, they would think themselves satisfied, and feel neither hunger nor thirst. The one half of the isle or little less was subject unto the Romans, the other was governed of themselves, the people for the most part having the rule in their hands.  
Severus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and understanding their nature, and the manner of their making war, provided himself of all things expedient for the annoyance of them and help of his own soldiers, and appointing his son Geta to remain in that part of the Isle which was subject to the Romans, he took with him his other son Antoninus, and with his army marched forth, and entered into the confines of the enemies, and there began to waste and forrey the country, whereby there ensued diverse conflicts and skirmishes betwixt the Romans and the inhabitants, the victory still remaining on the Romans side: but the enemies easily escaped without any great loss unto the woods, mountains, bogs, and such other places of refuge as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romans durst not follow, nor once approach, for fear to be entrapped and enclosed by the Britain's that were ready to return and assail their enemies upon every occasion of advantage that might be offered.  
This manner of dealing sore troubled the Romans, and so hindered them in their proceedings, that no speedy end could be made of that war. 
Dion Cassius.  The Britain's would oftentimes of purpose lay their cattle, as oxen, kine, sheep, and such like, in places convenient, to be as a stolen to the Romans; and when the Romans should make to them to fetch the same away, being distant from the residue of the army a good space, they would fall upon them and distress them. Beside this, the Romans were much annoyed with the unwholesomeness of the waters which they were forced to drink, and if they chanced to stray abroad, they were snapped up by ambushes which the Caledonians laid for them, and when they were so feeble that they could not through want of strength keep pace with their fellows as they marched in order of battle, they were slain by their own fellows, lest they should be left behind for a prey to the enemies. Hereby there died in this journey of the Roman army, at the point of fifty thousand men: but yet would not Severus return, till he had gone through the whole isle, and so came to the uttermost parts of all the country now called Scotland, and at last back again to the other part of the isle subject to the Romans, the inhabitants whereof are named (by Dion Cassius) Meatae. But first he forced the other, whom the same Dion nameth Caledontj, to conclude a league with him, upon such conditions, as they were compelled to departed with no small portion of the country, and to deliver unto him their armour and weapons.  
In the mean time, the emperor Severus being worn with age fell sick, so that he was constrained to abide at home within that part of the Isle which obeyed the Romans, and to appoint his son Antoninus to take charge of the army abroad. But Antoninus not regarding the enemies, attempted little or nothing against them, but sought ways how to win the favour of the soldiers and men of war, that after his father's death (for which he daily looked) he might have their aid and assistance to be admitted emperor in his place. Now when he saw that his father bore out his sickness longer time than he would have wished, he practised with physicians and other of his father's servants to dispatch him by one mean or other.  
Whilst Antoninus thus negligently looked to his charge, the Britain's began a new rebellion, not only those that were lately joined in league with the emperor, but the other also which were subjects to the Roman empire. Severus took such displeasure, that he called together the soldiers, and commanded them to invade the country, and to kill all such as they might meet within any place without respect, and that his cruel commandment he expressed in these verses taken out of Homer: 
Nemo manus fugiat vestras, 
Iliados. 3.  caedémque cruentam,  
Non foetus gravida matter quem gessit in aluo  
Horrendam effugiat caedem.   
But while he was thus disquieted with the rebellion of the Britain's, and the disloyal practices of his son Antoninus, which to him were not unknown, (for the wicked son had by divers attempts discovered his traitorous and unnatural, meanings) at length, rather through sorrow and grief, than by force of sickness, 
Herodianus. Dion Cassius. Eutropius. Dion Cassius.  he wasted away, and departed this life at York, the third day before the nonce of February, after he had governed the empire by the space of 17 years, 8 months, & 33 days. He lived 65 years, 9 months, & 13 days: he was borne the third ideses of April. By that which before is recited out of Herodian and Dion Cassius, of the manners & usages of those people, against whom Severus held war here in Britain, it may be conjectured, that they were the Picts, the which possessed in those days a great part of Scotland, and with continual incursions and roads wasted and destroyed to the borders of those countries which were subject to the Romans. To keep them back therefore and to repress their invasions, 
Eurropius. Orosius.  Severus (as some writ) either restored the former wall made by Adrian, or else newly built an other overthwart the isle, 
Dion Cassius.  from the east sea to the west, containing in length 232 miles. This wall was not made of stone, but of turf and earth supported with stakes and piles of wood, 
Beda.  and defended on the back with a deep trench or ditch, and also fortified with diverse towers and turrets built & erected upon the same wall or rampire so near together, 
Hector Boe●ius.  that the sound of trumpets being placed in the same, might be heard betwixt, and so warning given from one to another upon the first descrieng of the enemies.  
Severus being departed out of this life in the year of our Lord 211, 
Polydorus. Herodianus. 211  his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, would feign have usurped the whole government into his own hands, attempting with bribes and large promises to corrupt the minds of the soldiers: but when he perceived that his purpose would not forward as he wished in that behalf, he concluded a league with the enemies, and making peace with them, returned back towards York, and came to his mother and brother Geta, with whom he took order for the burial of his father. And first his body being burnt (as the manner was) the ashes were put into a vessel of gold, and so conveyed to Rome by the two brethren and the empress julia, who was mother to Geta the younger brother, and mother in law to the elder, Antoninus Bassianus, & by all means possible sought to maintain love and concord betwixt the brethren, which now at the first took upon them to rule the empire equally together. But the ambition of Bassianus was such, that finally upon desire to have the whole rule himself, he found means to dispatch his brother Geta, breaking one day into his chamber, and slaying him even in his mother's lap, and so possessed the government alone, till at length he was slain at Edessa a city in Mesopotamia by one of his own soldiers, as he was about to untruffe his points to do the office of nature, 
Sextus Aurelius.  after he had reigned the space of 6 years, as is aforesaid. Where we are to note God's judgement, providing that he which had shed man's blood, should also die by the sword.   

Of Carausius an obscure Britain, what countries he gave the Picts, and whereupon, his death by Alectus his successor, the Romans foiled by Asclepiodotus duke of Cornwall, whereof Walbrooke and the name, the covetous practice of Carausius the usurper. The xxxiij. Chapter.  
CArausius a Britan of unknown birth, 
Carausius.  as witnesseth the British histories, after he had vanquished & slain Bassianus (as the same histories make mention) was of the Britain's made king and ruler over them, in the year of our Lord 218, 
218 Galfrid.  as Galfridus saith: but W. H. noteth it to be in the year 286. This Carausius either to have the aid & support of the Picts, as in the British history is contained, either else to be at quietness with them, being not otherwise able to resist them, 
Polychron. Fabian.  gave to them the countries in the south parts of Scotland, which join to England on the east marshes, as Mers, Lothian, and others.  
¶ But here is to be noted, 
Galfridus.  that the British writers affirm, that these Picts which were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at this time, were brought over out of Scythia by Fulgentius, to aid him against Severus, and that after the death of Severus and Fulgentius, which bother died of hurts received in the battle fought betwixt them at York: the Picts took part with Bassianus, and at length betrayed him in the battle which he fought against Carausius: for he corrupting them by such subtle practices as he used, they turned to his side, to the overthrow and utter destruction of Bassianus: for the which traitorous part they had those south countries of Scotland given unto them for their habitation. But by the Scotish writers it should appear, that those Picts which aided Fulgentius and also Carausius, were the same that long before had inhabited the north parts of Britain, now called Scotland. But whatsoever they were, truth it is (as the British histories record) that at length one Alectus was sent from Rome by the senate with 3 legions of soldiers to subdue Carausius, which he did, and slew him in the field, as the same histories make mention, after he had reigned the space of 7, or 8, years: and in the year of our salvation two hundred, ninety, three.  
A Lectus in hang vanquished and slain Carausius took upon him the rule and government of Britain, 
Alectus. Of whom our British histories do write after their manner. 293.  in the year of our Lord 293. This Alectus, when he had restored the land to the subjection of the Romans, did use great cruelty against such Britain's as had maintained the part of Carausius, by reason whereof he purchased much evil will of the Britain's, the which at length conspired against him, and purposing to chase the Romans altogether out of their country, they procured one Asclepiodotus (whom the British chronicles name duke of Cornwall) to take upon him as chief captain that enterprise. Whereupon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great army, made such sharp wars on the Romans, that they being chased from place to place, at length withdrew to the of London, and there held them till Asclepiodotus came thither, and provoked Alectus and his Romans so much, that in the end they issued forth of the city, and gave battle to the Britan's, in the which much people on both parts were slain, but the greatest number died on the Romans side: and amongst others, Alectus himself was slain. the residue of the Romans that were left alive, retired back into the city with a captain of theirs named. Livius Gallus, and defended themselves within the walls for a time right valiantly. Thus was Alectus slain of the Britain's, after he had reigned (as some suppose) about the term of six years, 
Fabian. Matth. West.  or (as some other writ) three years.  
ASclepiodotus, 
Asclepiodotus.  duke of Cornwall, began his reigen over the Britain's in the year of our Lord 232. 
Gal. Mon. Matt. West.  after he had vanquished the Romans in battle, as before is recited, he laid his siege about the city of London, and finally by knightly force entered the same, and slew the forenamed Livius Gallus near unto a brook which in those days ran through the city, & threw him into the same brook: by reason whereof long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brook. And at this present the street where the same brook did run, 
Walbrooke.  is called Walbrooke.  
Then after Asclepiodotus had overcome all his enemies, he held this land a certain space in good rest and quiet, and ministered justice uprightly, in rewarding the good, and punishing the evil. Till at length, through slanderous tongues of malicious persons, discord was raised betwixt the king and one coil or Coilus, that was governor of Colchester: the occasion whereof appeareth not by writers. But whatsoever the matter was, there ensued such hatred betwixt them, 
Asclepiodotus slain. Matt. West. hath x. years.  that on both parts great armies were raised, and meeting in the field, they fought a sore and mighty battle, in the which Asclepiodotus was slain, after he had reigned 30 years. 
Eutropius.  Thus have Geffrey of Monmouth and our common chroniclers written of Carausius, Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, which governed here in Britain.  
But Eutropius the famous writers of the Roman histories, in the acts of Dioclesian hath in effect these words. About the same time Carausius, the which being borne of most base offspring, attained to high honour and dignity by order of renowned chivalry & service in the wars, received charge at Bolein, to keep the seas quiet alongst the coasts of Britain, France, and Flanders, and other countries thereabouts, because the Frenchmen, which yet inhabited within the bounds of Germany, and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Carausius taking oftentimes many of the enemies, neither restored the goods to them of the country from whom the enemies had bereft the same, 
The covetous practising of Carausius.  nor yet sent any part thereof to the emperors, but kept the whole to his own use. Whereupon when suspicion arose, that he should of purpose suffer the enemies to pass by him, till they had taken some prizes, that in their return with the same he might encounter with them, and take that from them which they had gotten (by which subtle practice he was thought greatly to have enriched himself) Maximianus that was fellow in government of the empire with Dioclesianus, remaining then in Gallia, and advertised of these doings, 
Maximianus purposeth to slay Carausius.  commanded that Carausius should be slain, but he having warning thereof rebelled, and usurping the imperial ornaments and title, got possession of Britain, against whom (being a man of great experience in all warlike knowledge) when wars had been attempted and followed in vain, 
Polydor.  at length a peace was concluded with him, and so he enjoyed the possession of Britain by the space of seven years, 
Eutropius.  & then was slain by his companion Alectus, the which after him ruled Britain for the space of three years, and was in the end oppressed by the guile of Asclepiodotus governor of the pretory, or (as I may call him) lord lieutenant of some precinct and jurisdiction pertaining to the Roman empire. Also so was Britain recovered by the foresaid Asclepiodotus about ten years after that Carausius had first usurped the government there, and about the year of our Lord 300, 
300.  as Polydore judgeth, wherein he varieth much from Fabian and others.  
¶ But to show what we find further written of the subduing of Alectus, I think it not amiss to set down what Mamertinus in his oration written in praise of Maximianus doth report of this matter, 
Mamertinus.  which shall be performed in the chapter following.   

The substance of that which is written touching Britain in a panegyrics oration ascribed to Mamertinus, which he set forth in praise of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is entitled only to Maximian, whereas nevertheless both the emperors are praised; and likewise (as ye may perceive) Constantius who was father to Constantine the great is here spoken of, being chosen by the two foresaid emperors, to assist them by the name of Caesar in rule of the empire: of whom hereafter more shall be said. The xxiv. Chapter.  
ALl the compass of the earth (most victorious emperor) being now recovered through your noble prowess, not only so far as the limits of the Roman empire had before extended, but also the enemies borders being subdued, when Almain had been so often vanquished, and Sarmatia so often restrained & brought under, the people called Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi so often put to flight, 
Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and people of Germany and Polome.  the Goth submitting himself, the king of Persia by offering gifts suing for peace: one despiteful reproach of so mighty an empire and government over the whole grieved us to the heart, as now at length we will not stick to confess, and to us it seemed the more intolerable, because it only remained to the accomplishing of your perfect renown and glory. And verily as there is but one name of Britain, so was the loss to be esteemed small to the common wealth of a land so plentiful of corn, so abundant with store of pastures, so flowing with veins of metal, so gainful with revenues rising of customs and tributes, so environed with havens, so huge in circuit, the which when Cesar, the founder of this your honourable title, being the first that entered into it, writ that he had found an other world, supposing it to be so big, that it was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblance the great Ocean was compassed with it. Now at that time Britain was nothing furnished with ships of war; so that the Romans, soon after the wars of Carthage and Asia, had lately been exercised by sea against pirates, and afterwards by reason of the wars against Mithridates, were practised as well to fight by sea as land: besides this, 
Picts and Irishmen.  the British nation then alone was accustomed but only to the Picts and Irishmen, enemies half naked as yet & not used to wear armour, so that the Britain's for lack of skill, easily gave place to the Roman puissance, insomuch that Cesar might by that voyage only glory in this, that he had sailed and passed over the Ocean sea.  
But in this wicked rebellious robbery, first the navy that in times pat defended the coasts of Gallia, was led away by the pirate when he fled his ways: and beside this, a great number of other ships were built after the mould of ours, the legion of Roman soldiers was won, and brought to take part with the enemy, and divers bands of strangers that were also soldiers were shut up in the ships to serve also against us. The merchants of the parties of Gallia were assembled and brought together to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous nations procured to come in aid of the rebels, trusting to enrich themselves by the spoil of the provinces: and all these were trained in the wars by sea, through the instruction of the first attemptors of this mischievous practice.  
And although our armies were invincible in force and manhood, yet were they raw and not accustomed to the seas, so that the fame of a grievous and great trouble by war that was toward by this shameful rebellious robbery was blown and sounded in each man's ear, although we hoped well of the end. Unto the enemies forces was added a long sufferance of their wicked practices without punishment, 
Long sufferance of evil increaseth boldness in the authors.  which had puffed up the presumptuous boldness of desperate people, that they bragged of our stay, as it had been for fear of them, whereas the disadvantage which we had by sea, seemed as it were by a fatal necessity to defer our victory: neither did they believe that the war was put off for a time by advise and counsel, but rather to be omitted through despair of doing any good against them, insomuch that now the fear of common punishment being laid aside, 
Caransius slain  one of the mates slew the archpirat or captain rover as I may call him, hoping in reward of so great an exploit, to obtain the whole government into his hands.  
This war then being both so necessary, so hard to enter upon, so grown in time to be stubborn stiffness, and so well provided for of the enemies part, you noble emperor did so take it in hand, that so soon as you bent the thundering force of your imperial majesty against that enemy, each man made account that the enterprise was already achieved. For first of all, to the end that your divine power being absent, the barbarous nations should not attempt any new trouble (a thing chiefly to be foreseen) it was provided for aforehand by intercession made unto your majesty: for you yourself, you (I say) mighty lord Maximian eternal emperor, vouchsafe to advance the coming of your divine excellency by the nearest way that might be, which to you was not unknown. You therefore suddenly came to the Rhine, and not with any army of horsemen or footmen, but with the terror of your presence did preserve and defend all that frontier: for Maximian once being there upon the rivage, countervailed any the greatest armies that were to be found. For you (most invincible emperor) furnishing and arming divers navies, made the enemy to uncertain of his own doing and void of counsel, that then at length he might perceive that he was not defended, but rather enclosed with the Ocean sea.  
Here cometh to mind how pleasant and easeful the good luck of those princes in governing the commong wealth with praise was, which sitting still in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such nations as their captains did vanquish. Fronto therefore, not the second, but match with the first honour of the Roman eloquence, 
Fronto counted Cicero's match.  when he yielded unto the emperor Antoninus the renown of the war brought to end in Britain, although he sitting at home in his palace within the city, had committed the conduct and success of that war over unto the same Fronto, it was confessed by him, that the emperor sittings as it were at the helm of the ship, deserved the praise, by giving of perfect order to the full accomplishing of the enterprise. But you (most invincible emperor) have been not only the appointer forth how all this voyage by sea, and prosecuting the war by land should be demeaned, as appertained to you by virtue of your imperial rule and dignity, but also you have been an exhorter and setter forward in the things themselves, and through example of your assured constancy, the victory was achieved. For you taking the sea at Sluice, did put an irrevocable desire into their hearts that were ready to take ship at the same time in the mouth of the river of Saine, insomuch that when the captains of that army did linger out the time, by reason the seas and air was troubled, they cried to have the sails hoist up, and sign given to launch forth, that they might pass forward on their journey, despising certain tokens which threatened their wreck, and so set forward on a rainy and tempestuous day, sailing with a cross wind, for no forewind might serve their turn.  
But what was he that durst not commit himself unto the sea, were the same never so unquiet, when you were once under sail, and set forward? One voice and exhortation was among them all (as report hath gone thereof) when they heard that you were once got forth upon the water, What do we doubt? what mean we to stay? He is now loosed from land, he is forward on his way, and peradventure is already got over: Let us put all things in proof, let us venture through any dangers of sea whatsoever. What is there that we may stand in fear of? we follow the emperor. Neither did the opinion of your good hap deceive them: for as by report of themselves we do understand, at that self time there fell such a mist and thick fog upon the seas, that the enemies navy laid at the isle of wight watching for their adversaries, and lurking as it were in await, these your ships passed by, and were not once perceived, neither did the enemy then stay although he could not resist.  
But now as concerning that the same unvanquishable army fight under your ensigns and name, streightwaies after it came to land, set fire on their ships; what moved them so to do, except the admonitions of yoru divine motion? Or what other reason persuaded them to reserve no furtherance for their flight, if need were, nor to fear the doubtful chances of war, nor (as the proverb saith) to think the hazard of martial dealings to be common, but that by contemplation of your prosperous hap, it was very certain that there needed no doubt to be cast for victory to be obtained? There were no sufficient forces at that present among them, no mighty or puissant strength of the Romans, but they had only consideration of your unspeakable fortunate success coming from the heavens above. For whatsoever battle doth chance to be offered, to make full account of victory, resteth not so much in the assurance of the soldiers, 
The good luck in a captain.  as in the good luck and felicity of the captain general.  
That same ringleader of the ungracious faction, what meant he to departed from that shore which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his navy and the haven? But that (most invincible emperor) he stood in fear of your coming, whose sails he beheld ready to approach towards him, how soever the matter should fall out, he chose rather to try his fortune with your captains, than to abide the present force of your highness. Ah mad man! that understood not, that whither soever he fled, the power of your divine majesty to be present in all places where your countenance & banners are had in reverence. But he fleeing from your presence, fell into the hands of your people, of you was he overcome, of your armies was he oppressed.  
To be short, he was brought into such fear, and as it were still looking behind him, for doubt of your coming after him, that as one out of his wits and amazed, he witted not what to do, he hasted forward to his death, so that he neither set his men in order of battle, nor marshaled such power as he had about him, but only with the old authors of that conspiracy, and the hired bands of the barbarous nations, as one forgetful of so great preparation which he had made, ran headlong forwards to his destruction, insomuch (noble emperor) your felicity yieldeth this good hap to the common wealth, that the victory being achieved in the behalf of the Roman empire, there almost died not one Roman: for as I hear, all those fields and hills lay covered with none but only with the bodies of most wicked enemies, the same being of he barbarous nations, or at the leastwise appareled in the counterfeit shapes of barbarous garments, glistering with their long yellow hairs, but now with gashes of wounds and blood all deformed, and lying in sundry manners, as the pangs of death occasioned by their wounds had caused them to stretch forth or draw in their maimed limbs and mangled parts of their dying bodies. And among these, 
Aiectus found dead.  the chief ringleader of the thieves was found, who had put off those robes which in his life time he had usurped and dishonoured, so as scarce was he covered with one piece of apparel whereby he might be known, 
He had despoiled himself of the imperial robes, because he would not be known if he chanced to be slain.  so near were his words true, uttered at the hour of his death, which he saw at hand, that he would not have it understood how he was slain.  
Thus verily (most invincible emperor) so great a victory was appointed to you by consent of the immortal gods over all the enemies whom you assailed, but namely the slaughter of the Frankeners and those your soldiers also, 
Francones sive Franci.  which (as before I have said) through missing their course by reason of the mist that lay on the seas, were now come to the city of London, 
London in danger to be spoiled.  where they slew down right in each part of the same city, what multitude soever remained of those hired barbarous people, which escaping from the battle, meant (after they had spoiled the city) to have got away by flight. But now being thus slain by your soldiers, the subjects of your province were both preserved from further danger, and took pleasure to behold the slaughter of such cruel enemies. O what a manifold victory was this, worthy undoubtedly of innumerable triumphs! by which victory Britain is restored to the empire, by which victory the nation of the Frankeners is utterly destroyed, & by which many other nations found accessaries in the conspiracy of that wicked practice, are compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and brought to perpetual quietness.  
Glory you therefore, invincible emperor, for that you have as it were got an other world, & in restoring to the Roman puissance the glory of conquest by sea, have added to the Roman empire an element greater than all the compass of the earth, that is, the mighty main ocean. You have made an end of the war (invincible emperor) that seemed as present to threaten all provinces, and might have spread abroad and burst out in a flame, even so largely as the ocean seas stretch, and the mediterrane gulfs do reach. Neither are we ignorant, although through fear of you that infection did fester within the bowels of Britain only, and proceeded no further, with what fury it would have advanced itself else where, if it might have been assured of means to have ranged abroad so far as it wished. For it was bounded in with no border of mounteine, nor river, which garrisons appointed were guarded and defended but even so as the ships, although we had your martial prows and prosperous fortune ready to relieve us, & was still at our elbows to put us in fear, so far as either sea reacheth or wind bloweth.  
For that incredible boldness and unworthy good hap of a few silly captives of the Frankeners in time of the emperor Probus came to our remembrance, 
The piracy of the Frankeners called Franci or Francones.  which Frankeners in that season, conveying away certain vessels from the coasts of Pontus, wasted both Grecia and Asia, and not without great hurt and damage, arriving upon divers parts of the shore of Libya, at length took the city of Saragose in Sicily (an haven town in times passed highly renowned for victories gotten by sea:) & after this passing through the streicts of Giberalterra, came into the Ocean, and so with the fortunate success of their rash presumptuous attempt, showed how nothing is shut up in safety from the desperate boldness of pirates, where ships may come and have access. And so therefore by this your victory, not Britain alone is delivered from bondage, but unto all nations is safety restored, which might by the use of the seas come to as great perils in time of war, as to gain of commodities in time of peace.  
Now Spain (to let pass the coasts of Gallia) with her shores almost in sight is in surety: now Italy, now Africa, now all nations even unto the fens of Meotis are void of perpetual cares. Neither are they less joyful, the fear of danger being taken away, which to feel as yet the necessity had not brought them: but they rejoice to so much the more for this, that both in the guiding of your providence, and also furtherance of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by seamen is calmed, upon the entering into their borders, and Britain itself which had given harbour to so long a mischief, is evidently known to have tasted of your victory, with her only restitution to quietness. 
Britain's restored to quietness.  Not without good cause therefore immediately, when you her long wished revenger and deliverer were once arrived, your majesty was met with great triumph, & the Britain's replenished with all inward gladness, 
The Britain's receive Maximian with great joy and humbleness.  came forth and offered themselves to your presence, with their wives and children, reverencing not only yourself (on whom they set their eyes, as on one descended down to them from heaven) but also even the sails and tackling of that ship which had brought your divine presence unto their coasts: and when you should set foot on land, they were ready to lie down at your feet, that you might (as it were) march over them, so desirous were they of you.  
Neither was it any marvel if they showed themselves so joyful, sith after their miserable captivity so many years contiwed, after so long abusing of their wives, and filthy bondage of their children, at length yet were they now restored to liberty, at length made Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the imperial rule and government: for beside the fame of your clemency and pity, which was set forth by the report of all nations, in your countenance (Cesar) they perceived the tokens of all virtues, in your face gravity, in your eyes mildness, in your ruddy cheeks bashfulness, in your words justice: all which things as by regard they acknowledged, so with voices of gladness they signified on high. To you they bound themselves by vow, to you they bound their children: yea and to your children they vowed all the posterity of their race and offspring.  
We truly (O perpetual parents and 
Dioclesian and Maximian.  lords of mankind) require this of the immortal gods with most earnest supplication and hearty prayer, that our children and their children, and such other as shall come of them for ever hereafter, may be dedicated unto you, and to those whom you now bring up, or shall bring up hereafter. For what better hap can we wish to them that shall succeed us, than to be enjoyers of that felicity which now we ourselves enjoy? The Roman common wealth doth now comprehend in one conjunction of peace, all whatsoever at sundry times have belonged to the Romans, and that huge power which with too great a burden was shrunk down, and riven in sunder, is now brought to join again in the assured joints of the imperial government. For there is no part of the earth nor region under heaven, but that either it remaineth quiet through fear, or subdued by force of armies, or at the lestwise bound by clemency. And is there any other thing else on other parts, which if will and reason should move men thereto, that might be obtained? Beyond the Ocean, what is there more than Britain, which is so recovered by you, that those nations which are near adjoinign to the bounds of that I'll, 
Nations near to Britain obey the emperors.  are obedient to your commandments? There is no occasion that may move you to pass further, except the ends of the Ocean sea, which nature forbiddeth should be sought for. All is yours (most invincible princes) which are accounted worthy of you, and thereof cometh it, that you may equally provide for every one, sith you have the whole in our majesties hands. And therefore as heretofore (most excellent emperor Dioclesian) by your commandment Asia did supply the desert places of Thracia with inhabitants transported thither, as afterward (most excellent emperor Maximian) by your appointment, the Frankeners at length brought to a pleasant subjection, and admitted to live under laws, hath peopled and manured the vacant fields of the Neruians, 
The printed book hath 〈◊〉, but I take the H, to be thrust in for N.  and those about the city of Trier. And so now by your victories (invincible Constantius Cesar) whatsoever did lie vacant about Amiens, Beavois. Trois, and Langres, beginneth to flourish with inhabitants of sundry nations: yea and more over that your most obedient city of Autun, for whose sake I have a peculiar cause to rejoice, by means of this triumphant victory in Britain, it hath received many & diverse artificers, of whom those provinces were full, and now by their workmanship the same city riseth up by repairing of ancient houses, 
Artificers forth of Britain.  and restoring of public buildings and temples, so that now it accounteth that the old name of brotherly incorporation to Rome, is again to her restored, when she hath you eftsoons for her founder. I have said (invincible emperor) almost more than I have been able, & not so much as I ought, that I may have most just cause by your clemencies' licence, both now to end, & often hereafter to speak: and thus I cease.   

What is to be observed and noted out of the panegyrics oration of Mamertinus afore remembered, with necessary collections out of other Antiquaries. The xxv. Chapter.  
NOw let us consider what is to be noted out of this part of the foresaid oration. It should seem that when the emperor Maximian was sent into Gallia by appointment taken betwixt him and Dioclesian, after he had quieted things there, he set his mind forthwith to reduce Britain under the obedience of the empire, which was at that present kept under subiectionof such princes as maintained their state, by the mighty forces of such number of ships as they had got together, furnished with all things necessary, & namely of able seamen, as well Britain's as strangers, among whom the Frankeners were chief, 
Franci, or Frankeners, people of Germany.  a nation of Germany, as then highly renowned for their puissance by sea, near to the which they inhabited, so that there were no rovers comparable to them.  
But because none durst stir on these our seas for fear of the British fleet that passed to and fro at pleasure, to the great annoyance of the Roman subjects inhabiting alongst the coasts of Gallia, Maximian both to recover again so wealthy and profitable a land unto the obeisance of the empire, as Britain then was, and also to deliver the people of Gallia subject to the Romans, from danger of being daily spoiled by those rovers that were maintained here in Britain, he provided with all diligence such numbers of ships as were thought requisite for so great an enterprise, and rigging them in sundry places, took order for their setting forward to his most advantage for the easy achieving of his enterprise. He appointed to pass himself from the coasts of Flanders, at what time other of captains with their fleets from other parts should likewise make sail towards Britain. By this means Alectus that had usurped the title & dignity of king or rather emperor over the Britain's, knew not where to take heed, but yet understanding of the navy that was made ready in the mouth of Saine, he meant by that which may be conjectured, to intercept that fleet, as it should come forth and make sail forwards: and so for that purpose he lay with a great number of ships about the isle of Wight.  
But whether Asclepiodotus came over with that navy which was rigged on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to affirm either to or for, because in deed Mamertinus maketh no express mention either of Alectus or Asclepiodotus: but notwithstanding it is evident by that which is contained in his oration, that not Maximian, but some other of his captains governed the army, which slew Alectus, so that we may suppose that Asclepiodotus was chiefteine over some number of ships directed by Maximians appointment to pass over into this isle against the same Alectus: and so may this, which Mamertinus writeth, agree with the truth of that which we do find in Eutropius. 
Eutropius.   
Here is to be remembered, that after Maximians had thus recovered Britain out of their hands that usurped the rule thereof from the Romans, it should seem that not only great numbers of artificers & other people were conveyed over into Gallia, there to inhabit and furnish such cities as were run into decay, but also a power of warlike youths was transported thither to defend the country from the invasion of barbarous nations. For we find that in the days of this Maximian, the Britain's expelling the Neruians out of the city of Mons in Henaud, held a castle there, which was called Bretaimons after them, whereupon the city was afterward called Mons, retaining the last syllable only, as in such cases it hath often happened.  
Moreover this is not to be forgotten, that as Humphrey Lhoyd hath very well noted in his book entitled Fragmenta historiae Britannicae, Mamertinus in this parcel of his panegyrics oration doth make first mention of the nation of Picts, of all other the ancient Roman writers: so that not one before his time once nameth Picts or Scots. But now to return where we left.   

The state of this Island under bloody Dioclesian the persecuting tyrant, of Alban the first that suffered martyrdom in Britain, what miracles were wrought at his death, whereof Lichfield took the name; of Coilus earl of Colchester, whose daughter Helen was married to Constantius the emperor, as some authors suppose. The xxuj. Chapter.  
AFter that Britain was thus recovered by the Romans, Dioclesian and Maximian ruling the empire, the Island tasted of the cruelty that Dioclesian exercised against the christians, in presecuting them with all extremities, continually for the space of ten years. Amongst other, one Alban a citizen of Werlamchester, a town now bearing his name, was the first that suffered here in Britain in this persecution, being converted to the faith by the zealous christian Amphibalus, 
Beda and Gyldas.  whom he received into his house: insomuch that when there came sergeants to seek for the same Amphibalus, the foresaid Alban to preserve Amphibalus out of danger, presented himself in the apparel of the said Amphibalus, & so being apprehended in his stead, was brought before the judge and examined: and for that he refused to do sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on the top of an hill over against the town of Werlamchester aforesaid where afterwards was builded a church and monastery in remembrance of his martyrdom, insomuch that the town there restored, after that Werlamchester was destroyed, took name of him, and so is unto this day called saint Albon.  
It is reported by writers, that divers miracles were wrought at the time of his death, insomuch that one which was appointed to do the execution, was converted, and refusing to do that office, suffered also with him: but he that took upon him to do it, 
Beda. See the book of acts and monuments set forth by master Fox.  rejoiced nothing thereat, for his eyes fell out of his head down to the ground, together with the head of that holy man which he had then cut off. There were also martyred about the same time two constant witnesses of Christ his religion, Aaron and julius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske. 
john Rossus. Warwicens. in lib. de Wigorniens. epis. Lichfield whereof it took name.  Moreover, a great number of Christians which were assembled together to hear the word of life, preached by that virtuous man Amphibalus, were slain by the wicked pagans at Lichfield, whereof that town took name, as you would say, The field of dead corpses.  
To be brief, this persecution was so great and grievous, and thereto so universal, that in manner the Christian religion was thereby destroyed. 
Gyldas.  The faithful people were slain, their books burnt, and churches overthrown. 
Ran. Cestren. Matth. West. Constantius.  It is recorded that in one months space in divers places of the world there were 17000 godly men and women put to death, for professing the christian faith in the days of that tyrant Dioclesian and his fellow Maximian.  
Coelus' earl of Colchester began his dominion over the Britain's in the year of our Lord 262. This Coelus or coel ruled the land for a certain time, 
Coelus.  so as the Britain's were well content with his government, 
262 Fabian.  and lived the longer in rest from invasion of the Romans, because they were occupied in other places: but finally they finding time for their purpose, appointed one Constantius to pass over into this isle with an army, the which Constantius put Coelus in such dread, that immediately upon his arrival Coelus sent to him an embassage, and concluded a peace with him, covenanting to pay the accustomed tribute, & gave to Constantius his daughter in marriage called Helen, a noble lady and a learned. Shortly after king coel died, 
Gal. Mon. Fabian. Caxtoa.  when he had reigned (as some writ) 27 years, or (as other have) but 13 years.  
¶ But by the way touching this Coelus, I will not deny, but assuredly such a prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named Helen, whom he married unto Constantius the Roman lieutenant that was after emperor, I leave that to be decided of the learned. For if the whole course of the lives, as well of the father and the son Constantius and Constantine, as likewise of the mother Helen, be considerately marked from time to time, and year to year, as out of authors both Greek and Latin the same may be gathered, I fear lest such doubt may rise in this matter, that it will be harder to prove Helen a Britain, than Constantine to be borne in Bythinia (as Nicephorus avoucheth.) 
Lib. 7. cap. 18.  But forsomuch as I mean not to step from the course of our country writers in such points, where the received opinion may seem to warrant the credit of the history, I will with other admit both the mother and son to be Britain's in the whole discourse of the history following, as though I had forgot what in this place I have said.   

A further discourse of the forenamed Constantius and Helen, his regiment over this Island, his behaviour and talk to his son and councillors as he lay on his deathbed, a devise that he put in practice to understand what true Christians he had in his court, his commendable virtues, that the Britain's in his time embraced the christian faith is proved. The xxvij. Chapter.  
COnstantius a senator of Rome began to reign over the Britain's, 
Constantius.  in the year of our Lord 289, as our histories report. 
Matth. West. saith 302. 289  This Constantius (as before ye have heard) had to wife Helen the daughter of the foresaid king Coel, of whom he begat a son named Constantinus, which after was emperor, and for his worthy doings surnamed Constantine the great. S. Ambrose following the common report, 
Orofius. Beda.  writeth that this Helen was a maid in an inn: and some again write, that she was concubine to Constantius, and not his wife. But whatsoever she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Roman histories, that Constantius being the daughter's son of one Crispus, that was brother to the emperor Claudius, 
Cuspin●an.  came into Britain, and quieted the troubles that were raised by the Britain's, 
Fabian.  and there (as some writ) married the foresaid Helen, being a woman of an excellent beauty, whom yet [after] he was constrained to forsake, and to marry The odora the daughter in law of Herculeus Maximianus, by whom he had six sons, and finally was created emperor, together with the said Galerius Maximianus, at what time Dioclesianus and his fellow Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed the same unto them. The empire was then divided betwixt them, so that to Constantius the regions of Italy, Africa, France, Spain and Britain were assigned; & to Galerius, Illyricum, Grecia, and all the east parts. But Constantine being a man void of ambition, was contented to leave Italy and Africa, supposing his charge to be great enough to have the government in his hands of France, Spain, and Britain (as Eutropius saith.)  
But as touching his reign over the Britain's, we have not to say further than as we find in our own writers recorded: as for his government in the empire, it is to be considered, that first he was admitted to rule as an assistant to Maximian under the title of Cesar: and so from that time if you shall account his reign, it may comprehend 11, 12, or 13 years, yea more or less, according to the diversity found in writers. Howbeit, if we shall reckon his reign from the time only that Dioclesian and Maximian resigned their title unto the empire, we shall find that he reigned not fully three years. For whereas between the slaughter of Alectus, and the coming of Constantius, are accounted 8 years and odd months, not only those eight years, but also some space of time before may be ascribed unto Constantius: for although before his coming over into Britain now this last time (for he had been here afore, as it well appeareth) Asclepiodotus governing as legate, albeit under Constantius, who had a great portion of the west parts of the empire under his regiment, by the title, as I have said, of Cesar, yet he was not said to reign absolutely, till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned. But now to conclude with the doings of Constantius, at length he fell sick at York, and there died, about the year of our Lord 306. 
306.   
This is not to be forgotten, that whilst he lay on his deathbed, somewhat before he departed this life, hearing that his son Constantine was come, and escaped from the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge (as after shall be partly touched) he received him with all joy, and raising himself up in his bed, in presence of his other sons & counsellors, with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, he set the crown upon his sons head, and adorned him with other imperial robes and garments, 
Niceph.  executing as it were himself the office of an herald, and withal spoke these words unto his said son, and to his counsellors there about him: Now is my death to me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; 
Tripartit. histo.  I have here a large epitaph and monument of burial, to wit, mine own son, and one whom in earth I leave to be emperor in my place, which by God's good help shall wipe away the tears of the Christians, and revenge the cruelty exercised by tyrants. This I reckon to chance unto me in steed of most felicity.  
After this, turning himself to the multitude, he commanded them all to be of good comfort, meaning those that had not forsaken true virtue and godliness in Christ, which Christ he undertook should continue with his son Constantine in all enterprises, which in wars or otherwise he should take in hand. That devise also is worthy to be had in memory, which he put in practice in his life time, to understand what true and sincere Christians were remaining in his court. For whereas he had been first a persecuter, and after was converted, it was a matter easy to persuade the world, that he was no earnest Christian: and so the policy which he thought to work, was the sooner brought to pass, which was this.  
He called together all his officers and servants, feigning himself to choose out such as would do sacrifice to devils, and that those only should remain with him and keep their office, and the rest that refused so to do, should be thrust out, and banished the court. hereupon all the courtiers divided themselves into companies: and when some offered willingly to do sacrifice, and other some boldly refused: the emperor marking their dealings, sharply rebuked those which were so ready to dishonour the living God, accounting them as traitors of his divine majesty, and not worthy to remain within the court gates: but those that constantly stood in the profession of the christian faith, he greatly commended, as men worthy to be about a prince: and withal declared, that from thenceforth they should be as chief counsellors and defenders both of his person and kingdom, esteeming more of them than of all the treasure he had in his coffers.  
To conclude, he was a grave prince, sober, upright, courteous and liberal, as he which kept his mind ever free from covetous desire of great riches: insomuch that when he should make any great feast to his friends, he was not ashamed to borrow plate and silver vessel to serve his turn, 
Pomponius Laetus.  and to furnish his cupboard for the time, being contented for himself to be served in cruses & earthen vessels. He was wont to have this saying in his mouth, that better it was that the subjects should have store of money and riches, than the prince to keep if close in his treasury, where it served to no use. By such courteous dealing the provinces which were in his charge flourished in great wealth and quietness. He was a very wise and politic prince in the ordering of all weighty matters, and very skilful in the practice of wars, 
He died in the year 306. as Matt. West. hath noted, and reigned over the Britain's but 11. years as Galf. saith.  so that he stood the Roman empire in great steed, and was therefore highly beloved of the soldiers, insomuch that immediately after his decease, they proclaimed his some Constantine emperor.  
That The christian faith was embraced of the Britain's in this season, it may appear, in that Hilarius bishop of Poitiers writeth to his brethren in Britain, and Constantine in an epistle (as Theodoretus saith in his first book and tenth chapter) maketh mtention of the churches in Britain: which also Sozomenus doth affirm. For the Britain's after they had received the faith, defended the same even with the shedding of their blood, as Amphibalus, who in this Constantius days being apprehended, suffered at Redburne near to Werlamchester, 
291. john Bale.  about 15 years after the martyrdom of his host S. Alban.   

Constantine created emperor in Britain, he is solicited to take upon him the regiment of those countries that his father governed, he is requested to subdue Maxentius the usurping tyrant, Maximianus his father seeketh to depose him, Constantine's death is purposed by the said Maximianus the father & his son Maxentius, Fausta the daughter of Maximianus & wife to Constantine detecteth her father's treachery to her husand, Maximianus is strangled at Constantine's commandment, league and alliance between him and Licinius, he is slain, the empress Helen commended, the cross of Christ found with the inscription of the same, what miracles were wrought thereby, of the nails wherewith Christ was crucified, Constantine commended, the state of Britain in his time. The xxviij Chapter.  
COnstantine being the son of the forenamed Constantius, 
Constantine. 306  begot of his first wife Helen, the daughter (as some affirm) of coel late king of the Britain's, began to reign in the year of our Lord 306. This worthy prince begotten of a British woman, & borne of her in Britain (as our writers do affirm) and created certainly emperor in Britain, did doubtless make his native country partaker of his high glory and renown, which by his great prows, politic wisdom, worthy government, and other his princely qualities most abundantly planted in his noble person, he purchased and got through the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the high enterprises and noble acts by him happily brought to pass and achieved, he was surnamed (as before is said) the great Constantine. Whilst this Constantine remained at Rome in manner as he had been a pledge with Galerius in his father's life time, he being then but yoond, fled from thence, and with all post hast returned to his father into Britain, killing or howghing by the way all such horses as were appointed to stand at inns ready for such as should ride in post, least being pursued, 
Eutropius. Sextus Aurelius Victor.  he should have been overtaken, and brought back again by such as might be sent to pursue him.  
At his coming into Britain, he found his father sore vexed with sickness, whereof shortly after he died, and then was he by help of such as were about him, encouraged, to take upon him as emperor: 
Erocus king of the Almains.  and namclie one Erocus king of the Almains, which had accompanied his father thither, assisted him thereto, so that being prclaimed emperor, he took upon him the rule of those countries which his father had in government, 
Maxentius the tyrant.  that is to say, France, Spain, the Alps, and Britain, with other provinces here in the west: and ruling the same with great equity and wisdom, he greatly won the favour of the people, insomuch that the fame of his politic government and courteous dealing being spread abroad, when Maxentius the tyrant that occupied the rule of the empire at Rome, and in Italy by wrongful usurping & abusing the same was grown into the hatred of the Romans and other Italians, Constantine was earnestly by them requested to come into Italy, and to help to subdue Maxentius, that he might reform the state of things there.  
This Maxentius was son to Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had married Fausta the daughter of the said Maximianus. Now so it was, that Maximianus, immediately after that his son Maxentius had taken the rule upon him, sought means to have deposed him, and to have resumed and taken eftsoons into his own hands the government of the empire. But soliciting Dioclesian to do the like, he was much reproved of him for his unreasonable and ambitious purpose: so that when he perceived that neither Dioclesian would be thereto agreeable, nor induce the soldiers to admit him, they having already established his son, began to devise ways how to assure the state more strongly to his said son. And hearing that his son in law Constantine was minded to come into Italy against him, he purposed to practise Constantine's destruction, insomuch that it was judged by this which followed, 
Dissimulation.  that Herculeus Maximianus did but for a colour seem to mislike that which his said son Maxentius had done, to the end he might the sooner accomplish his intent for the dispatching of Constantine out of the way.  
Hereupon (as it were) fleeing out of Italy, he came to Constantine, 
Ranulphus Cestrensis.  who as then having appointed lieutenants under him in Britain, remained in France, and with all joy and honour that might be, received his father in law: the which being earnestly bend to compass his purpose, made his daughter Fausta privy thereto: 
Fausta the daughter of Maximianus and wife to Constantine.  which lady (either for fear least the concealing thereof might turn her to displeasure, either else for the entire love which she bore to her husband) revealed her father's wicked purpose. Whereupon whilst Constantine went about to be revenged of such a traitorous practice, Herculeus fled to Marsiles, 
Marsiles.  purposing there to take the sea, and so to retire to his son Maxentius into Italy. But yer he could get away from thence, he was strangled by commandment of his son in law Constantine, 
Maximianus slain. Ann. Chri. 322.  and so ended his life, which he had spotted with many cruel acts, as well in persecuting the professors of the christian name, as others.  
In this mean time had Maximianus adopted one Licinius to assist him in governance of the empire, 
Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire.  proclaiming him Cesar. So that now at one self time Constantine governed France and the west parts of the empire, Maxentius held Italy, Africa, and Egypt: and Maximianus which likewise had been elected Cesar, ruled the east parts, and Licinius Illyrium and Grecia. But shortly after, the emperor Constantine joined in league with Licinius, and gave to him his sister in marriage, named Constantia, for more surety of faithful friendship to endure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maximianus, who governing in the cast part of the empire, purposed the destruction of Constantine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius at Tarsus, he shortly after died, being eaten with louse. Constantine after this was called into Italy, to deliver the Romans and Italians from the tyranny of Maxentius, which occasion so offered, Constantine gladly accepting, passed into Italy, and after certain victories got against Maxentius, at length slew him.  
After this, when Maximianus was dead, who prepared to make war against Licinius, that had married Constantia the sister of Constantine, he finally made war against his brother in law the said Licinius, by reason of such quarrels as fell out betwixt them. In the which war Licinius was put to the worse, and at length coming into the hands of Constantine, was put to death, so that Constantine by this means got the whole empire under his rule and subjection. He was a great favourer of the Christian religion, insomuch that to advance the same, he took order for the converting of the temples dedicated to the honour of idols, unto the service of the true and almighty God. He commanded also, that none should be admitted to serve as a soldier in the wars, 
Christians honoured and cherished.  except he were a christian, nor yet to have rule of any country or army. He also ordained, the week before Easter, and that which followed to be keptas holy, and no person to do any bodily works during the same.  
He was much counseled by that noble and most virtuous lady his mother, 
Polydor.  the empress Helen, 
The praise of the empress Helen.  who being a godly and devout woman, did what in her lay, to move him to the setting forth of God's honour and increase of the christian faith, wherein as yet he was not fully instructed. ¶ Some writers allege, 
328  that she being at jerusalem, made diligent search to find out the place of the sepulchre of our Lord, and at length found it, though with much ado: for the infidels had stopped it up, and covered it with a heap of filthy earth, and builded aloft upon the place, a chapel dedicated to Venus, where young women used to sing songs in honour of that unchaste goddess. Helen caused the same to be overthrown, the earth to be removed, and the place cleansed, so that at length the sepulchre appeared, and fast by were found there buried in the earth three crosses and the nails. But the cross whereupon our Saviour was crucified, was known by the title written upon it, though almost worn out, in letters of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin: the inscription was this, jesus Nazarenus rex judaeorum. It was also perceived which was that cross by a miracle (as it is reported, but how truly I can not tell) that should be wrought thereby: for being laid to a sick woman, only with the touching thereof she was healed. It was also said, that a dead man was raised from death to life, his body only being touched therewith. Whereupon Constantine moved with these things, forbade that from thenceforth any should be put to death on the cross, to the end that the thing which afore time was accounted infamous and reproachful, might now be had in honour and reverence.  
The empress Helen having thus found the cross, builded a temple there, & taking with her the nails, returned with the same to her son Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of his helmet, an other in the bridle of his horse, 
Polydor.  and the third he cast into the sea, to assuage and pacify the furious tempests and rage thereof. She also brought with her a parcel of that holy cross, 
Polydor.  and gave it to her son the said Constantine, the which he caused to be closed within an image that represented his person, standing upon a pillar in the market place of Constantine, or (as some late writers have) he caused it to be enclosed in a coffer of gold, adorned with rich stones and pearls, placing it in a church called Sessortana, the which church he endued with many great gifts and precious ornaments. Many works of great ●eale and virtue are remembered by writers to have been done by this Constantine and his mother Helen, to the setting forth of God's glory, and the advancing of the faith of Christ. 
The commendation of Constantine.  But to be brief, he was a man in whom many excellent virtues and good qualities both of mind and body manifestly appeared, chiefly he was a prince of great knowledge and experience in war, and therewith very fortunate, an earnest lover of justice, and to conclude, borne to all honour.  
But now to speak somewhat of the state of Britain in his time, ye shall understand, that as before is recorded, at his going over into France, after that he was proclaimed emperor, he left behind him in Britain certain governors to rule the land, and almongst other one Maximinus a right valiant captain. He took with him a great part of the youth of Britain, and diverse of the chief men amongst the nobility, in whose approved manhood, loyalty, and constancy, he conceived a great hope to go through with all his enterprises, as with the which being accompanied and compassed about, he passed over into Gallia, entered into Italy, and in every place overcame his enemies.  
Some writ that Constantine thus conveying over sea with him a great army of Britain's, 
Gulielmus Malmes. Britain's serving in the wars under Constantine.  and by their industry obtaining victory as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of wages, and licensed to give over the war, in a part of Gallia towards the west sea coast, where their posterity remain unto this day, marvelously increased afterwards, and somewhat differing from our Britain's, the Welshmen, in manners and language. Amongst those noble men which he took with him when he departed out of this land (as our writers do testify) were three uncles of his mother Helen, 
Galfridus. Matt. West.  that is to say, Hoelmus, Traherinus, and Marius, whom he made senators of Rome.   

Of Octavius a British lord, his reign over the Britain's, he incountereth with Traherne first near Winchester, and afterwards in Westmoreland: Octavius being discomfited fleeth into Norway, Traherne is slain, Octavius sendeth for Maximianus, on whom he bestoweth his daughter and the kingdom of Britain: the death of Octavius, Helena builded the walls of Colchester and London, she dieth and is buried, Constantine departeth this life, Britain reckoned among the provinces that retained the christian faith, Paulus a Spaniard is sent into Britain, he dealeth roughly with the people, Martinus the lieutenant excuseth them as innocent, his unlucky end, Paulus returneth into Italy. The xxix. Chapter.  
NOw in the mean time that Constantine had obeteined and ruled the whole empire, Britain as it were having recovered liberty, in that one of her children being her king, had got the government of the whole earth, remained in better quiet tan afore time she had done. But yet in the mean season, 
Octavius. Caxton. Gewisses inhabited the country which the west Saxons after held. The name of Gewisses came in with the Saxons of Gwy. etc.  if we shall credit the British chronicle and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpreter thereof; there was a British lord, named Octavius or Octavian, as the old English chronicle nameth him, that was duke of the Gewisses, and appointed by Constantine to be ruler of the land in his absence the which Octavius (after that Constantine had recovered Rome and Italy, and was so busied in the affairs of the empire in those parts, that as was thought, he could not return back into Britain) seized into his hands the whole dominion of Britain, and held himself for king.  
THis Octavius then beginning his reign over the Britain's in the year of our Lord 329, 
Octavius.  provoked Constantine to send against him one of his mother's uncles, the foresaid Trahernes. 
Galfridus. 329 Fabian.  This Trahernus, or as some name him Traherne, entered this land with three legions of soldiers, & in a field near unto Winchester, was encountered by Octavius and his Britain's, 
Galfridus. This agreeth not altogether with that which Hector Boetius writeth, as in the Scotish chronicle appeareth.  by whom after a sore battle there stricken betwixt them, in the end Traherne was put to flight an●●chased, insomuch that he was constrained to forsake that part of the land, and to draw towards Scotland. octavius having knowledge of his passage, followed him, & in the country of Westmoreland eftsoons gave him battle, but in that battle Octavius was put to the worse, and constrained to forsake the land, fled into Norway, there to purchase aid: and being ready with such power as he there gathered, what of Britain's and Norwegians, to return into Britain. Before his landing, he was advertised that an earl of Britain which bore him hearty good will, had by treason slain Traherne. 
Traherne slain. See in the Scotish chronicles more of these matters. Matth. West. saith 316.  Octavius then coming to land, eftsoons got possession of Britain, which should be (as Fabian gathereth) about the year of our Lord 329, in the 20 year of the reign of the emperor Constantine, and about two years after that the said Octavius first took upon him to rule as king.  
After this (as the British chronicle affirmeth) Octavius governed the land right nobly, and greatly to the contentation of the Britain's. At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one daughter, he was counseled to send unto Rome for one Maximianus, 
Maximianus is sent for.  a noble young man, coosine to the emperor Constantine, on the part of his mother Helena, to come into Britain, and to take to his wife the said daughter of Octavius, and so with her to have the kingdom. 
Conan Meridoc duke of Cornwall.  Octavius at the first meant to have given her in marriage unto one Conan Meridoc duke of Cornwall, which was his nephew: but when the lords would not thereto agree, 
This agreeth not with that which is found in the Scotish chronicles.  at the length he appointed one Maurice son to the said C●●an to go to Rome to fetch the forenamed Maximianus.  
Maurice according to his commission and instruction in that behalf received, came to roam, and declared his message in such effectual sort, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britain, and so taking with him a convenient number, set forward, 
Maximianus cometh into Britain's.  and did so much by his journeys, that finally he landed here in Britain. And notwithstanding that Conan Meridoc passed not so much to have been doing with him, for malice that he conceived towards him, because he saw that by his means he should be put beside the crown, yet at length was Maximianus safely brought to the king's presence, and of him honourably received, and finally the marriage was knit up, and solemnised in all princely manner. Shortly after, 
Octavius departeth this life.  Octavius departed out of this life, after he had reigned the term of fifty and four years, as Fabian gathereth by that which divers authors do write, how he reigned till the days that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the Roman empire which began to govern in the year of our Lord (as he saith) 382, which is to be understood of Gratian his reign after the decease his uncle Ualens, for otherwise a doubt may rise, 
382.  because Valentine the father of Gratian admitted the said Gratian to the title of Augustus in the year of our Lord 351.  
But to leave the credit of the long reign of Octavius, with all his and others government and rule over the Britain's since the time of Constantius, unto our British and Scotish writers, let us make an end with the government of that noble emperor Constantine, an assured branch of the Britain's race, as borne of that worthy lady the empress Helen, daughter to coel earl of Colchester, and after king of Britain (as our histories do witness.) Unto the which empress Constantine bore such dutiful reverence, that he did not only honour her with the name of empress, but also made her as it were partaker with him of all his wealth, and in many things was led and ruled by her virtuous and godly admonitions, to the advancement of God's honour, and maintenance of those that professed the true christian religion. For the love that she bore unto Colchester and London, she walled them about, and caused great brick and huge tiles to be made for the performance of the same, whereof there is great store to be seen eyven yet to this present, both in the walls of the town and castle of Colchester, as a testimony of the workmanship of those days. She lived 79 years, and then departed this life about the 21 year of her sons reign. 
Nicephorus. The empress Helen departeth this life.  First she was buried at Rome without the walls of the city with all funeral pomp, as to her estate appertained: but after his corpse was removed and brought to Constantinople, where it was eftsoons interred. Her son the emperor Constantine lived till about the year of Christ 340, 
340 The decease of the emperor Constantine.  and then deceased at Nicomedia in Asia, after he had ruled the empire 32 years and odd months.  
We find not in the Roman writers of any great stur here in Britain during his reign more than the British and Scotish writers have recorded: so that after Traherne had reduced this land to quietness, it may be supposed, that the Britain's lived in rest under his government, and likewise after under his sons that succeeded him in the empire, till about the year 360, 
360. 〈…〉  at what time the Picts and Scots invaded the south parts of the land.  
But now to end with Octavius, that the christian faith remained still in Britain, during the supposed time of this pretended kings reign, it may appear, in that amongst the 36 provinces, out of the which there were assembled above 300 bishops in the city of Sardica in Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians, 
Synodus anno. 351.  Britain is numbered by Athanasius in his second apology to be one. And again, the said Athanasius in an epistle which he writeth to the emperor iovinianus reciteth, that the churches in Britain did consent with the churches of other nations in the confession of faith articuled in the Nicene council. Also mention is made by writers of certain godly & learned men, which lived in offices in the church in those days, as Restitutus bishop of London, which went over to the synod held at Arles in France, and also one Kibius Corinnius son to Solomon duke of Cornwall, and bishop of Anglesey, who instructed the people that inhabited the parts now called North-wales, and them of Anglesey aforesaid very diligently.  
But now to speak somewhat of things chancing in Britain about this season (as we find recorded by the Roman writers) some trouble was likely to have grown unto the Britain's by receiving certain men of war that fled out of Italy into Britain, whom the emperor Constantius would have punished, 
Marcellinus. lib. 14. Paulus a notary.  because they had taken part with Maxentius his adversary. Paulus a Spaniard and notary was sent over by him, with commission to make inquiry of them, and to see them brought to light to answer their transgressions: which Paulus began to deal roughly in the matter, whereof he was called Catera, and to rage against the Britain's and partakers with the fugitives, in that they had received and maintained them, 
Martinus lieutenant.  as he alleged: but in the ●nd being certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their innocency, and fearing lest his extreme rigour might alienate the hearts of the inhabitants altogether, and cause them to withdraw their obedience from the Roman empire, he turned the execution of his fury from them unto the Romans, and made havoc of those that he suspected, till the said Martinus fell at square with him, & thinking on a time to kill him, he drew his sword and smote at him. But such was his age and weakness, that he was not able to kill him or give him any deadly wound: wherefore he turned the point of his sword against himself, and so ended his life, being contented rather to die than see his countrymen and subjects of the empire so to be abused. After this the said Paulus returned back again into Italy from whence he came, after whose departure, it was not long yer he also was slain, and then all the Scots and Picts sore disquieted the Roman subjects, for the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent over out of Gallia by julianus, as shall be declared out of Amianus Marcellinus, after we have first showed what we find written in our own writers concerning the Scots and Picts, who now began to rob and spoil the British inhabitants within the Roman provinces here in this isle, and that even in most outrageous manner.   

Maximianus or Maximus governeth this isle, why writers speak ill of him, strife betwixt him and Conan duke of Cornwall, Maximus is proclaimed emperor in Britain, he transporteth the British youth serviceable for wars into France, little Britain in France why so called, eleven thousand maids sent thither to match with Conans people, whereof some were drowned, and other some murdered in the way by Guanius king of Huns and Melga king of Picts, they fly into Ireland, murder requited with murder, the words of Gyldas concerning Maximus. The thirty. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Octavius or Octavian (as the old English chronicle nameth 
Maximianus or Maximus  him) Maximianus or Maximus (as the Roman writers call him) began to rule the Britain's in the year of our Lord 383, 
383  he was the son of one Leonine, and cousin german to Constantine the great, a valiant parsonage, & hardy of stomach: but yet because he was cruel of nature, and (as Fabian saith) somewhat persecuted the christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chief cause why he was evil reported, was for that he slew his sovereign lord the emperor Gratianus, as after shall appear, for otherwise he is supposed worthy to have had the rule of the empire committed to his hands in each respect. Betwixt him and the abovenamed Conan Meridoc duke of Cornwall, chanced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into Scotland, and there purchasing aid, returned, and coming over Humber, wasted the country on each side. Maximianus thereof having advertisement, raised his power and went against him, and so fight with him divers battles, sometime departed away with victory, and sometime with loss. At length through mediation of friends, a peace was made betwixt them. Finally this Maximianus, or (as the Roman histories say) Maximus, was by the soldiers chosen and proclaimed emperor here in Britain: although some writ that this was done in Spain.  
After he had taken upon him the imperial dignity, upon desire to have enlarged his dominion, 
Gal. Mon. Fabian. Caxton. Matth. West The British youth led forth of the realm by Maximianus.  he assembled together all the chosen youth of this land meet to do service in the wars, with the which he passed over into France, 
Britain in France.  & there (as our writers record) he first subdued the country anciently called Armorica, and slew in battle the king thereof called Imball. This done he gave the country unto Conan Meridoc, which was there with him, to hold the same of him, and of the kings of great Britain for ever. He also commanded that the said country from thenceforth should be called little Britain, and so was the name changed. What people soever inhabited there before, the ancient name argueth that they were rather Britain's than any other: for Armorica in the British tongue signifieth as much as a country lying upon the sea.  
Conan then placing himself and his Britain's in that quarter of Gallia, avoided all the old inhabitants, peopling that country only with Britain's, which abhorring to join themselves with women borne in Gallia, Conan was counseled to send into Britain for maids to be coupled with his people in marriage. Hereupon a messenger was dispatched unto Dionethus at that time duke of Cornwall, 
Dionethus duke of Cornwall.  and governor of Britain under Maximianus, 
Maids sent forth.  requiring him to send over into little Britain 11000 maids, that is to say, 8000 to be bestowed upon the meaner fort of Conans people, and 3000 to be joined in marriage with the nobles and gentlemen. Dionethus at Conans request, assembled the appointed number of maids, and amongst them he also appointed his daugther Ursula, a lady of excellent beauty, to go over and to be given in marriage to the foresaid Conan Meridoc, as he had earnestly requested.  
These number of maids were shipped in Thames, and passing forward toward Britain, 
Ursula the daughter of Dionethus.  were by force of weather and rage of wind scattered abroad, and part or them drowned, and the residue (among whom was the foresaid Ursula) were slain by Guanius king of the Huns, and Melga king of the Picts, into whose hands they fell, the which Guanius and Melga were sent by the emperor Gracian to the sea coasts of Germany, to oppress and subdue all such as were friends and maintainers of the part of Maximianus. We find in some books, that there were sent over at that time 51000 maids, that is to say, 11000 gentlewomen, and 40000 other.  
After that Guanius and Melga had murdered the foresaid virgins, 
Guanius and Melga.  they entered into the north parts of Britain, where the Scots now inhabit, and began to make sore war on the Britain's, whereof when Maximus was advertised, he sent into Britain one Gratianus with three legions of soldiers, who bore himself so manfully against the enemies, that he constrained the said Guanius and Melga to fly out of the land, and to withdraw into Ireland. In this mean while, Maximus having slain the emperor Gratian at Lions in France, and after entering into Italy, was slain himself at Aquilia (after he had governed the Britain's eight years) by the emperor Theodosius, who came in aid of Valentinian, brother to the said emperor Gratian, as ye may find in the abridgement of the histories of Italy.  
¶ But here yet before we make an end with this maximus or Maximianus, I have thought good to set down the words which we find in Gyldas, where the writeth of the same Maximus, undoubtedly a Britain borne, nephew to the empress Helen, 
Consobrinus Helene imperatricis.  and begotten by a Roman. At length (saith Gyldas) the spring of tyrants budding up, and now increasing into an huge wood, the Isle being called after the name of Rome, but holding neither manners nor laws according to that name, but rather casting the same from it, sendeth forth a branch of her most bitter planting, to wit Maximus, accompanied with a great number of warriors to guard him, and appareled in the imperial robes which he never ware as became him, nor put them on in lawful wise, but (after the custom of tyrants) was put into them by the mutining soldiers: which Maximus at the first by crafty policy rather than by true manhood winding in (as nets of his perjury and false suggestion) unto his wicked government the countries & provinces next adjoining, against the imperial state of Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spain, and the other into Italy, placed the throne of his most unjust empire at Trier, and showed such rage in his wood dealing against his sovereign lords, that the one of the lawful emperors he expelled out of Rome, and the other he bereft of his most religious and godly life. Now without long tarriance, compassed about with such a furious and bold guard as he had got together, at the city of Aquilia he loseth his wicked head, which had cast down the most honourable heads of all the world from their kingdom and empire.  
From thenceforth Britain being deprived of all her warlike soldiers and armies, of her governors also (though cruel) and of an huge number of her youth (the which following the steps of the foresaid tyrant, never returned home again) such as remained being utterly unskilful in feats of war, were trodden down by two nations of beyond the seas, the Scots from the west, and the Picts from the north, and as men thus quite dismayed, 
Scotorum à circio, Pictorum ab aquilone.  lament their miserable case, not knowing what else to do for the space of many years together. By reason of whose grievous invasion and cruel oppression wherewith she was miserably disquieted, she sendeth her ambassadors unto Rome, making lamentable suit even with tears to have some power of men of war sent to defend her against the enemies, promising to be true subjects with all faithfulness of mind, if the enemy might be kept off and removed. ¶ Thus far Gyldas, and more, as in place hereafter you shall find recited.   

What Gratianus it was that was sent over from Rome into Britain by Maximus, in what estimation the British soldiers have been, the privy treason of Andragatius whereby Gratian came to his end: Maximus and his son Victor do succeed him in the empire, they are both slain, Marcus the Roman lieutenant succeeding them is murdered, Gratianus also his successor hath the same end, the election of Constantine a Britain borne, his praise and dispraise reported by writers, he goeth into France, maketh his son Constance partaker with him of the empire, a sharp encounter betwixt his power and two brethren's that had the keeping of the Pyrennie hills, the issue of the battle. The xxxj. Chapter.  
BUt now where the British histories, and such of our English writers as follow them, make mention of one Gratianus a Roman, sent over with three legions of soldiers by Maximus, as before ye have heard: we may suppose that it was Gratianus the Britain, that afterwards usurped the imperial dignity here in Britain, in the days of the emperor Honorius. For it standeth neither with the concurrence of time nor yet with reason of the history, 
Sextus Aurelius.  that it should be Gratianus, surnamed Funarius, father to Valentinian, and grandfather to the emperor Gratianus, against whom Maximus rebelled. And yet I remember not that any of the Roman writers maketh mention of any other Gratianus, being a stranger, that should be sent hither as lieutenant to govern the Roman army, except of the foresaid Gratianus Funarius, 
Lib. 30.  who (as appeareth by Amian. Marcellinus) was general of the Roman army here in this isle, and at length being discharged, returned home into Hungary (where he was borne) with honour, and there remaining in rest, was at length spoiled of his goods by the emperor Constantius as confiscate, for that in time of the civil wars he had received Maxentius, as he passed through his country.  
But let us grant, that either Gratianus the Britain, or some other of that name, was sent over into Britain (as before is said) by Maximus, lest otherwise some error may be doubted in the writers of the British histories, as having happily mistaken the time and matter, bringing Gratianus Funarius to serve under Maximus, where peradventure that which they have read or heard of him, chanced long before that time by them supposed: and so through mistaking the thing, have made a wrong report, where nevertheless it standeth with great likelihood of truth, that some notable service of chivalry was achieved by the same Gratianus Funarius whilst he remained here in this isle, if the truth might be known of that which hath been written by authors, and happily by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirteen books might once come to light and be extant.  
But now to end with Maximus. William of Malmesburie (as ye have heard) writeth, that not Maximus, but rather Constantine the great first peopled Armorica: but yet he agreeth, that both Maximus, and also Constantinus the usurper, of whom after ye shall hear, led with them a great number of the Britain's out of this land, the which Maximus or Maximianus and Constantinus afterwards being slain, the one by Theodosius, and the other by Honorius, the Britain's that followeth them to the wars, part of them were killed, and the residue escaping by flight, withdrew unto the other Britain's which Constantine the great had first placed in Armorica. And so when the tyrants had left none in the country but rude people, nor any in the towns but such as were given to sloth and gluttony, Britain being void of all aid of her valiant youth, became a prey to her next neighbours the Scots and Picts.  
Here is yet to be considered, in what price the soldiers of the British nation were had in those days, with whose only puissance Maximus durst take upon him to go against all other the forces of the whole Roman empire: and how he prospered in that dangerous adventure, it is expressed sufficiently in the Roman histories, by whose report it appeareth, that he did not only conquer all the hither parts of France and Germany, namely on this side the Rhine, but also found means to entrap the emperor Gratian by this kind of policy. 
W. H. out of Paulus Diaco. lib. 12. & alijs.  He had a faithful friend called Andragatius, who was admiral of the seas pertaining to the empire. It was therefore agreed betwixt them, that this Andragatius (with a chosen company of the army) should be carried in secret wise in a coach toward Lions, as if it had been Constantia Posthumia the empress, 
Tripart. hist. lib. 9 cap. 21.  wife to the emperor Gratian, bruting abroad therewithal, that the said empress was coming forwards on her way to Lions, there to meet with her husband, for that upon occasion she was very desirous to commune with him about certain earnest business.  
When Gratian heard hereof, as one mistrusting no such dissimulation, he made haste to meet his wife, and coming at length without any great guard about him, as one not in doubt of any treason, approached the coach, where supposing to find his wife, he found those that streightwaies murdered him: & so was he there dispatched quite of life by the said Andragatius, who leapt forth of the coach to work that feat when he had him once within his danger.  
Thus did the emperor Gratian finish his life in the 29 year of his age, on the 25 of August, in the year of Christ 383, and then died. Maximus succeeded him (making his son Flavius Victor Nobilissimus his assistant in the empire) 
383 This Flavius Victor he begat of his wife Helen the daughter of Eudes. H. Lhoyd.  reigning five years and two days. In the beginning of his reign Valentinian the younger made great suit to him to have his father's body, but it would not be granted. Afterwards also Maximus was earnestly requested to come to an interview with the same Valentinian, who promised him not only a safe conduct, but also many other beneficial good turns beside. Howbeit Maximus durst not put himself in any such hazard, but rather meant to pursue Valentinian as an usurper, and so at length chased him into Slavonie, where he was driven to such a straight, that if Theodosius had not come to relieve him, Maximus had driven him thence also, 
Valentinian put in danger by Maximus.  or else by slaughter rid him out of the way.  
But when Maximus thought himself most assured, and so established in the empire, as he doubted no perils, he lived careless of his own safeguard, and therefore dismissed his British soldiers, who retiring into the northwest parts of Gallia, placed themselves there among their countrymen, which were brought over by the emperor Constantius, whilst Maximus passing the residue of his time in delights and pleasures, was surprised in the end and slain by Theodosius near unto Aquilia, the 27 of August, in the year of Grace 388, 
Eutropius. 388  and in the beginning of the sixth year of his reign, or rather usurpation, as more rightly it may be termed. His son Flavius Victor surnamed Nobilissimus was also dispatched and brought to his end, not far from the place where his father was slain, by the practice of one Arbogastes a Goth, 
Arbogastes.  which Flavius Victor was by the said Maximus made regent of the Frankeners, and partaker (as before is said) with him in the empire.  
After this, the isle of Britain remained in meetly good quiet by the space of twenty years, till one Marcus (that was then legate, or as we may call him lord lieutenant or deputy of Britain for the Romans) was by the soldiers here proclaimed emperor against Honorius, which Marcus was soon after killed in a tumult raised among the people within few days after his usurpation began. Then one Gratianus a Britain borne succeeded in his place, 
Gratianus a Britain. He reigned four years of we shall believe the British history.  who was also slain in the fourth month, after he had taken upon him the imperial ornaments. The soldiers not yet herewith pacified, proceeded to the election of an other emperor, or rather usurper, and so pronounced a noble gentleman called Constantine, borne also in Britain, to be emperor, who took that honour upon him in the 409 year after the birth of our Saviour, 
409  continuing his reign by the space of two years and odd months, as the Roman histories make mention. Some report this Constantine to be of no great towardly disposition worthy to govern an empire, and that the soldiers chose him rather for the name sake, because they would have another Constantine, more than for any virtues or sufficient qualities found in his person. But other commend him both for manhood and wisdom, wherein to speak a truth, he deserved singular commendation, if this one note of usurpation of the imperial dignity had not stained his other noble qualities. But herein he did no more than many other would have done, neither yet after his investure did somuch as was looked for at his hands.  
Constantine being placed in the imperial throne, gathered an army with all possible endeavour, purposing out of hand to go over therewith into France, and so did, thinking thereby to win the possession of that country out of the hands of Honorius, or at the least to work so, as he should not have the soldiers and people there to be against him, if he miss to join in league with the Suabeiners, Alanes, and Uandales, which he sought to perform. But in the end, when neither of those his devices could take place, he sent over for his son Constans (whom in his absence his adversaries had shorn a monk) & making him partaker with him in the empire, caused him to bring over with him another army, which under the conduct of the same Constans he sent into Spain to bring that country under his obeisance.  
This Constans therefore coming under the passages that lead over the Pyrenine mountains, Dindimus and Uerianianus two brethren, unto whom the keeping of those passages was committed to defend the same against the Uandals, and all other enemies of the empire, 
His soldiers were Picts, and placed among other men of war that served under the ensigns of the empire, and named after Honorius, Honoriciani. Blondus.  were ready to resist him with their servants and countrymen that inhabited thereabouts, giving him a very sharp encounter, and at the first putting him in great danger of an overthrow, but yet at length by the valiant prows of his British soldiers, Constans put his adversaries to flight, and killed the two captains, with divers other men of name that were partakers with him in the necessary defence of that country against the enemies. When Constans had thus repelled those that resisted him, the custody of the passages in the Pyrenine mounteins was committed unto such bands of Picts and other, as were appointed to go with him about the achieving of this enterprise, who having the possession of those streicts or passages in their hands, gave entry unto other barbarous nations to invade Spain, who being once entered, pursued the former inhabitants with fire and sword, settled themselves in that country, and drove out the Romans.   

Honorius sendeth earl Constantius to expel Constantine out of Gallia, the end of Constantinus the father and Constans the son, the valour and prowess of the British soldiers, the British writers reproved of necligences for that thiy have inserted fables into their works, whereas they might have deposed matters of truth. The xxxij. Chapter.  
THe emperor Honorius, perceiving the réeling state of the empire, determined forthwith to recover it, before it fell altogether into ruin: and therefore sent one Constantius an earl to drive Constantine out of Gallia, which he accordingly performed: for after certain bickerings, he slew the said Constantine at Arles, although not without great bloodshed. He pursued also the residue of the Britain's, driving them to the very sea coasts, where they shrouded themselves among the other Britain's, that before were settled in the country there, anciently called (as before we said) Armorica, that is, a region lying on the sea coast: for Are in the British tongue signifieth upon; and Moure, pertaining to the sea. And as this Constantine the father was slain by Constantius, so was Constans the son killed at Uienna by one of his own captains named Ger●ntius. Whereby it came to pass, that Honorius shortly after, having thus obtained the victory of both these usurpers, recovered the Isle, but yet not till the year next following, and that by the high industry and great diligence of that valiant gentleman earl Constantius. The slaughter of Constantine & his son happened in the 1 year of the 297 Olympiad, 465 after the coming of Cesar, 1162 after the building of Rome, the dominical letter being A, and the golden number 13, so that the recovering of the Island fell in the year of our Lord 411. 
411  Here also is eftsoons to be considered the valour of the British soldiers, who following this last remembered Constantine the usurper, did put the Roman state in great danger, and by force broke through into Spain, vanquishing those that kept the streicts of the mounteins betwixt Spain and Gallia, now called France, an exploit of no small consequence, sith thereby the number of barbarous nations got free passage to enter into Spain, whereof ensued many battles, sacking of cities and towns, and wasting of the countries, accordingly as the furious rage of those fierce people was moved to put their cruelty in practice.  
¶ If therefore the Britain writers had considered and marked the valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the British aids, armies and legions achieved in service of the Roman emperors (by whom whilst they had the government over this isle, there were at sundry times notable numbers conveyed forth into the parties of beyond the seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his son Constantine the great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them usurpers) if (I say) the British writers had taken good note of the numbers of the British youth thus conveyed over from hence, & what notable exploits they boldly attempted, & no less manfully achieved, they needed not to have given ear unto the fabulous reports forged by their Bards, of Arthur and other their princes, worthy in deed of very high commendation.  
And pity it is, that their fame should be brought by such means out of credit, by the incredible and fond fables which have been devised of their acts so unlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the gests written by Ariost the Italian in his book entitled Orlando furioso, sith the same writers had otherwise true matter enough to write of concerning the worthy feats by their countrymen in those days in foreign parts boldly enterprised, and no less valiantly accomplished, as also the wars which now and then they maintained against the Romans here at home, in times when they felt themselves oppressed by their tyrannical government, as by that which is written before of Caratacus, Uoadicia, Cartimandua, Uenusius, Galgagus, or Galdus (as some name him) and divers other, who for their noble valiancies deserve as much praise, as by tongue or pen is able to be expressed. But now to return unto the British history: we will proceed in order with their kings as we find them in the same mentioned, and therefore we have thought good to speak somewhat further of Gratian, from whom we have digressed.   

Gratian'S rough regiment procureth his own destruction, the coming of his two brethren Guanius and Melga with their armies, the Scots and Picts plague the Britain's, they send for aid to Rome, Valentinian sendeth Gallio Ravenna to relieve them, the Romans refuse any longer to secure the Britain's, whom they taught how to make armour and weapons, the Scots and Picts enter afresh into Britain and prevail, the Britain's are brought to extreme misery, civil wars among them, and what mischief doth follow thereupon, their lamentable letter to Actius for secure against their enemies, their suit is denied, at what time the Britain's ceased to be tributaries to the Romans, they send ambassadors to the K. of Britain in France, and obtain their suit. The xxxiij. Chapter.  
GRatianus then, 
Gratianus.  whom Maximus or Maximinus had sent into Britain (as before ye have heard) hearing that his master was slain, took upon him the rule of this our Britain, and made himself king thereof, in the year 390. He was a Britain borne, as Polydore writeth, conjecturing so, 
390.  by that he is named of authors to be Municeps, that is to say, a free man of the country or city where he inhabited. For his sternehesse and rough government, he was of the Britain's (as the histories allege) 
Of the Roman soldiers as Blondus saith.  slain and dispatched out of the way, after he had reigned the space of four years, or rather four months, as should seem by that which is found in authentic writers. Then the forenamed kings Guanius and Melga, which (as some writ) were brethren, 
Galfrid. Caxton.  returned into this land with their armies increased with new supplies of men of war, as Scots, Danes, the Norwegians, and destroyed the country from side to side. For the Britain's in this season were sore enfeebled, and were not able to make any great numbers of soldiers, by reason that Maximus had led forth of the land the flower and chiefest choice of all the British youth into Gallia, 
Galfrid. Matth. West. Caxton.  as before ye have heard.  
Gyldas maketh no mention of these two kings Guanius and Melga of the Huns, 
Gyldas.  but rehearsing this great destruction of the land, declareth (as before ye have heard) that the Scots and Picts were the same that did all the mischief, whom he calleth two nations of beyond the seas, the Scots coming out of the northwest, and the Picts out of the north-east, by whom (as he saith) the land was overrun, and brought under foot many years after. Therefore the Britain's being thus vexed, spoiled, and cruelly persecuted by the Scots and Picts (if we shall so take them) sent messengers with all speed unto Rome to make suit for some aid of men of war to be sent into Britain. Whereupon immediately a legion of soldiers was sent thither in the year 414, 
414.  which easily repelled the enemies, and chased them back with great slaughter, to the great comfort of the Britain's, the which by this means were delivered from danger of utter destruction, as they thought.  
But the Romans being occasioned to departed again out of the land, appointed the Britain's to make a wall (as had been aforetime by the emperors Adrian, Antoninus and Severus overthwart the country from sea to sea, 
Beda and Polychron.  stretching from Penuelton unto the city of Aclud, whereby the enemies might be stayed from entering the land: but this wall being made of turfs and sods, rather than with stones, after the departure of the Romans was easily overthrown by the Scots and Picts, which eutsoones returned to invade the confines of the Britain's, and so entering the country, wasted and destroyed the places before them, according to their former custom. Hereupon were messengers with most lamentable letters again dispatched towards 
Gyldas. Polychron. Beda. Matth West.  Rome for new aid against those cruel enemies, with promise, that if the Romans would now in this great necessity help to deliver the land, they should be assured to find the Britain's evermore obedient subjects, and ready at their commandment. Ualentinianus (pitying the case of the poor Britain's) 
Blondus.  appointed another legion of soldiers (of the which one Gallio of Ravenna had the leading) 
Gallio Ravenna sent into Britain.  to go to their succours, the which arriving in Britain set on the enemies, and giving them the overthrow, slew a great number of them, and chased the residue out of the country.  
The Romans thus having obtained the victory, declared to the Britain's, that from thenceforth they would not take upon them for every light occasion so painful a journey, alleging how there was no reason why the Roman ensigns, with such a number of men of war, should be put to travel so far by sea and land, for the repelling and beating back of a sort of scattering rovers and pilfering thieves. Wherefore they advised the Britain's to look to their duties, and like men to endeavour themselves to defend their country by their own force from the enemies invasions. And because they judged it might be an help to the Britain's, they set in hand to build a wall yet once again overthward the isle, in the same place where the emperor Severus 
A wall built overthwart the Island Beda.  caused his trench and rampire to be cast. This wall which the Romans now built with help of the Britain's, was 8 foot in breadth and 12 in length, traversing the land from east to west, & was made of stone.  
After that this wall was finished, 
Gyldas and Beda.  the Romans exhorted the Britain's to play the men, and showed them the way how to make armour & weapons. Besides this, on the coast of the east sea where their ships lay at road, & where it was doubted that the enemies would land, they caused towers to be erected, with spaces betwixt, out of the which the seas might be discovered. These things ordered, the Romans bade the Britain's farewell, not minding to return thither again. 
Gyldas.  The Romans then being gone out of the land, the Scots and Picts knowing thereof, by & by came again by sea, & being more emboldened than before, because of the denial made by the Romans to come any more to the succour of the Britain's, they took into possession all the north and uttermost bounds of the isle, even unto the foresaid wall, therein to remain as inhabitans. 
This chanced in the year 43. as M. W. saith  And whereas the Britain's got them to their wall to defend the same, that the enemies should not pass further into the country, they were in the end beaten from it, and divers of them slain, so that the Scots and Picts entered upon them and pursued them in more cruel manner than before, so that the Britain's being chased out of their cities, towns, and dwelling houses, were constrained to fly into desert places, and there to remain and live after the manner of savage people, and in the end began to rob and spoil one another, so to avoid the danger of starving for lack of food: and thus at the last the country was so destroyed and wasted, that there was no other shift for them that was left alive to live by, except only by hunting and taking of wild beasts and fowls. And to augment their misery, the commons imputing the fault to rest in the lords and 
Hector Boet. Rebellion.  governors, arose against them in arms, but were vanquished and easily put to fight at two several times, being beaten down and slain (through lack of skill) in such numbers, especially the latter time, that the residue which escaped, withdrew into the craggy mounteins, where within the bushes and caves they kept themselves close, sometimes coming down and fetching away from the herds of beasts and flocks of sheep which belonged to the nobles and gentlemen of the country, great booties to relieve them withal. But at length oppressed with extreme famine, when neither part could long remain in this state, as néeding one another's help, necessity made peace betwixt the lords and commons of the land, all injuries being pardoned and clearly forgiven. This civil war decayed for force of the Britain's, 
Civil war decayed the force of the Britain's. What mischief follow of civil wars.  little less than the tyrannical practices of Maximus, for by the avoiding of the commons thus out of their houses, the ground lay untilled, whereof ensued such famine for the space of three years together, that a wonderful number of people died for want of sustenance.  
Thus the Britain's being brought generally into such extreme misery, they thought good to try if they might purchase some aid of that noble man Actius, 
Actius.  which at that time remained in France as yet called Gallia, governing the same as lieutenant under the emperor Honorius: and hereupon taking counsel together, they wrote a letter to him, the tenor whereof ensueth.  

To Actius thrice consul.  
THe lamentable request of us the Britain's, beseeching you of aid to be ministered unto the province of the Roman empire, unto our country, unto our wives and children at this present, which stand in most extreme peril. For the barbarous people drive us to the sea, and the sea driveth us back unto them again. Hereof rise two kinds of death, for either we are slain, or drowned, and against such evils have we no remedy nor help at all. Therefore in respct of your clemency, succour your own we most instantly require you, etc.  
Notwithstanding the Britain's thus sought for aid at Actius hands as then the emperors lieutenant, 
The Britain's could get no aid from the Romans.  yet could they get none; either for that Actius would not, as he that passed little how things went, because he bare displeasure in his mind against Valentinian as then emperor; or else for that he could not, being otherwise constrained to employ all his forces in other places against such barbarous nations as then invaded the Roman empire. And so by that means was Britain lost, and the tribute which the Britain's were accustomed to pay to the Romans ceased, just five hundred years after that julius Cesar first entered the Isle.  
The Britain's being thus put to their shifts, many of them as hunger-starved were constrained to yield themselves into the griping hands of their enemies, whereas other yet keeping within the mounteins, woods and caves, broke out as occasion served upon their adversaries, and then first (saith Gyldas) did the Britain's not putting their trust in man but in God (according to the saying of Philo, Where man's help faileth, it is needful that Gods help be present) make slaughter of their enemies that had been accustomed many years to rob and spoil them in manner as before is recited, and so the bold attempts of the enemies ceased for a time, 
Punishment ceaseth, but sin increaseth.  but the wickedness of the British people ceased not at all. The enemies departed out of the land, but the inhabitants departed not from their naughty doings, being not so ready to put back the common enemies, as to exercise civil war and discord among themselves. The wicked Irish people departed home, to make return again within a while after. But the Picts settled themselves first at that season in the uttermost bounds of the isle, and there continued, making insurrections oftentimes upon their neighbours, and spoiling them of their goods.  
This with more also hath Gyldas, and likewise Beda written of this great desolation of the British 
Galfridus. Gyldas' his words are to be considered.  people: wherein if the words of Gyldas be well weighed and considered, it may lead us to think, that the Scots had no habitations here in Britain, but only in Ireland, till after this season, and that at this present time the Picts, which before inhabited within the Isles of Orkenie, now placed themselves in the north parts of Scotland, and after by process of time came and nestled themselves in Lothian, in the Mers, and other countries more near to our borders. But to proceed.  
The British histories affirm, that whilst the Britain's were thus persecuted by these two most cruel and fierce nations the Scots and Picts, the noble and chiefest men amongst them consulted together, & concluded to send an honourable embassage unto Aldroenus as then king of little Britain in Gallia, 
An embassage sent from the Britain's unto Aldroenus king of Britain in France.  which Aldroenus was the fourth from Cnoan Meridoc the first king there of the British nation. Of this embassage the archbishop of London named Guetheline or Gosseline was appointed the chief and principal, who passing over into little Britain, and coming before the presence of Aldroenus, so declared the effect of his message, that his suit was granted. For Aldroenus agreed to send his brother Constantine over into great Britain with a convenient power, 
Constantine the brother of Aldroenus.  upon condition, that the victory being obtained against the enemies, the Britain's should make him king of great Britain.  
¶ Thus it is apparent, that this land of Britain was without any certain governor (after that Gratian the usurper was dispatched) a number of years together, but how many, writers in their account do vary. 
Fabian.  Fabian deposeth by divers coniecturs that the space betwixt the death of Gratian, and the beginning of the reign of the said Constantine, brother; to Aldroenus, continued nine and thirty years, during which time the Britain's were sore and miserably afflicted by the invasions of the Scots and Picts, as before ye have heard by testimonies taken out of Beda, Gyldas, Geffrey of Monmouth, and other writers both British and English.    

What the Roman historiographer Marcellinus reporteth of the Scots, Picts, and Britain's under the emperor julianus, Valentinianus and Valens, they send their vicegerents into Britain, the disquietness of that time, London called Augusta, the worthy exploits of Theodosius in this Island against the enemy, Valentinus a banished malefactor deviseth his destruction, he is taken and executed, he reformeth many disorders and inconveniences, the first entering of the Saxons into Britain, they are dawn●ed at the very sight of the Roman ensigns, the Saxons lying in wait for their enemies are slain every mother's son. The xxxiiij. Chapter.  
BUt now sith no mention is made of the Scots in our 
Maximus.  histories, till the days of Maximus the usurper or tyrant, as some call him, who began his reign here in Britain about the year of our Lord 383, 
383  and that till after he had bereft the land of the chiefest forces thereof, in taking the most part of the youth over with him: we find not in the same histories of any troubles wrought to the Britain's by that nation. Therefore we have thought good here to come back to the former times, that we may show what is found mentioned in the Roman histories, both before that time and after, as well concerning the Scots and Picts, as also the Saxons, 
Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 20.  and especially in Ammianus Marcellinus, where in the beginning of his twentieth book entreating of the doings of the emperor julianus, 
The emperor julianus.  he saith as followeth.  
In this state stood things in Illyricum or Slavonia, in and the east parts, at what time Constantius bore the office of consul the tenth time, and julianus the third time, that is to say, in the year of our Lord 360, 
360.  when in Britain quietness being disturbed by roads made by the Scots and Picts, which are wild and savage people, 
Scots and Picts trouble the state of this isle.  the frontiers of the country were wasted, and fear oppressed the provinces wearied with the heap of passed losses. The emperor [he meaneth julianus] as then remaining at Paris, and having his mind troubled with many cares, doubted to go to the aid of them beyond the sea, as we have showed that Constantius did, lest he should leave them in Gallia without a ruler, the Almains being even then provoked and stirred up to cruelty and war.  
He thought good therefore to send Lupicinus unto these places to bring things into frame and order, 
Lupicinus sent into Britain.  which Lupicinus was at that time master of the armory, a warlike person and skilful in all points of chivalry, but proud and highminded beyond measure, and such one as it was doubted long whether he was more covetous or cruel. Hereupon the said Lupicinus setting forward the light armed men of the Heruli and Batavi, 
〈…〉  with divers companies also of the people of Mesia now called Bulgarie; when winter was well entered and come on, he came himself to Bulloyne, and there providing ships, and embarking his men, when the wind served his purpose, he transported over unto Sandwich, 
Rutupis.  and so marched forth unto London, from thence purposing to set forward, as upon advise taken according to the quality of his business he should think meet and expedient.  
In the mean time, whilst Lupicinus was busy here in Britain to repress the enemies, 
Of the displacing of ●hese men the learned may see more in Am. Mar.  the emperor Constantius displaced certain officers, and among other he deprived the same Lupicinus of the office of the master of the armory, appointing one Gumobarius to succeed him in that room, before any such thing was known in these parties. And where it was doubted lest that Lupicinus (if he had understood so much whilst he was yet in Britain) would have attempted some new trouble, as he was a man of a stout and lofty mind, he was called back from thence, and withal there was sent a notary unto Bulloyne, to watch that none should pass the seas over into Britain till Lupicinus were returned: and so returning over from thence yer he had any knowledge what was done by the emperor, he could make no stir, having no such assistants in Gallia, as it was thought he might have had in Britain, if he should have moved rebellion there.  
The same Marcellinus speaking of the doings about the time that Ualentinianus, 
Lib. 26.  being elected emperor, had admitted his brother Ualens as fellow with him in government, 
Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 26.  hath these words. In this season as though trumpets had blown the sound to battle through out the whole Roman empire, most cruel nations being stirred up, invaded the borders next adjoining, 
The Almans. The Sarmatians.  the Almans wasted and destroyed the parts of Gallia and Rhetia, as the Sarmatians and Quadi did Pannonia, 
The Quadi. Picts and Saxons.  the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacots vexed the Britain's with continual troubles, and grievous damages; the Austorians and the people of the moors overran the country of Africa more sharply than in time passed 
Austorians. The Goths.  they had done; the pilfering troops of the Goths spoiled Thracia; the king of Persia set in hand to subdue the Armenians, and sought to bring them under his obeisance, hasting with all speed toward Numonia, pretending (though unjustly) that now after the decease of jovinius, with whom he had contracted a league and bond of peace, there was no cause of let what he ought not to recover those things, which (as he alleged) did belong to his ancestors: and so forth.  
Moreover, the same Marcellinus in another place writeth in this wise, 
Lib. 27.  where he speaketh of the said Ualentinianus. Departing therefore from Amiens, and hasting to Trier, he was troubled with grievous news that were brought him, giving him to understand, that Britain by a conspiracy of the barbarous nations was brought to utter poverty, that Nectaridus one of the emperors house earl of the sea coast, 
Comes maritimi tractus.  having charge of the parties towards the sea, was slain, and that the general Bulchobaudes was circumvented by trains of the enemies. These things with great horror being known, he sent Severus as then earl, or (as I may call him lord steward of his household) to reform things that were amiss, 
Comes domesticorum.  if hap would so permit, who being shortly called back, jovinius going thither, and with speed hasting forward, sent for more aid and a great power of men, as the instant necessity then required. At length, for many causes, and the same greatly to be feared, the which were reported and advertised out of that I'll, Theodosius was elected and appointed to go thither, 
Theodosius sent into Britain.  a man of approved skill in warlike affairs, and calling together an hardy youthful number of the legions and cohorts of men of war, he went forth, no small hope being conceived of his good speed; the fame whereof spread and went afore him.  
A little after, Marcellinus adding what people they were that troubled the Britain's in this wise, saith thus. This shall suffice to be said, 
Picts divided into two nations. Attacotti.  that in this season the Picts divided into two nations Dicalidones, and Victuriones, and in like manner the Attacotti a right warlike nation, and the Scots wandering here and there, made fowl work in places where they came. The confines of France were disquieted by the Frankeners and Saxons borderers unto them, every one as they could breaking forth, & doing great harm by cruel spoil, fire, and taking of prisoners. To withstand those doings if good fortune would give him leave, 
Theodosius passeth over into Britain.  that most able captain going unto the uttermost bounds of the earth, when he came to the coast of Bullen which is severed from the contrary coast on the other side by the sea, with a narrow straight, where sometime the water goeth very high and rough, & shortly after becometh calm & pleasant, without hurt to those that pass the same, transporting over at leisure, he arrived at Sandwich (or rather Richburrow) where there is a quiet road for vessels to lie at anchor. 
Batavi Hollanders.  Whereupon the Batavi and Heruli, with the soldiers of the legions called jovij, and Victores, being companies that trusted well to their own strength, marched forth & drew towards London, an ancient city, which now of late hath been called Augusta. 
London called Augusta.  Herewith dividing his army into sundry parts, he set upon the troops of his enemies as they were abroad to forrey the country, pestered with burdens of their spoils and pillage, and speedily putting them to flight, as they were leading away those prisoners which they had taken, with their booties of cattle, he bereft them of their prey, the which the poor Britain's that were tributaries had lost. To be brief, restoring the whole, except a small portion bestowed amongst the weary soldiers, he entered the city which before was oppressed with troubles, but now suddenly refreshed, because there was hope of relief and assured preservation.  
After this, when Theodosius was comforted with prosperous success to attempt things of greater importance, and searching ways how with good advise to work surly: whilst he remained doubtful what would ensue, he learned as well by the confession of prisoners taken, as also by the information of such as were fled from the enemies, that the scattered people of sundry nations which with practice of great cruelty were become fierce and undaunted, could not be subdued but by policy secretly practised, and sudden invasions. At length therefore setting forth his proclamations, and promising pardon to those that were gone away from their captains or charge, he called them back again to serve: and also those that by licence were departed and lay scattered here and there in places abroad. By this means, when many were returned, he being on the one side earnestly provoked, and on the other holden back with thoughtful cares, required to have one Civilis by name sent to him to have the rule of the provinces in Britain in steed of the other governors, 
Theodosius requireth to have Civilis scent to him.  a man of sharp wit, and an earnest maintainer of justice. He likewise required that one Dulcitius a captain renowned in knowledge of warlike affairs might be sent over to him for his better assistance. 
Dulcitius.  These things were done in Britain.  
Again, in his eight and twentieth book, the same Marcellinus reciting further what the same Theodosius achieved in Britain, hath in effect these words: Thedosius verily a captain of worthy fame, taking a valiant courage to him, and departing from Augusta, 
London called Augusta.  which men of old time called London, with soldiers assembled by great diligence, did succour and relieve greatly the decayed and troubled state of the Britain's, preventing every convenient place where the barbarous people might lie in wait to do mischief: and nothing he commanded the mean soldiers to do, but that whereof he with a cheerful mind would first take in hand to show them in example. By this means accomplishing the room of a valiant soldier, and fulfilling the charge of a noble captain, he discomfited and put to flight sundry nations, whom presumption (nourished by security) emboldened to invade the Roman provinces: and so the cities and castles that had been sore endamaged by manifold losses and displeasures, were restored to their former state of wealth, the foundation of rest and quietness being laid for a long season after to ensue.  
But as these things were a doing, one wicked practice was in hand & like to have burst forth, to the grievous danger of setting things in broil, if it had not been stayed even in the beginning of the first attempt. For there was one Ualentinus, borne in the parties of Ualeria adjoining to Pannonia, 
Ualentinus. Ualeria now Stiermarke.  now called Stiermarke, a man of a proud and lofty stomach, brother to the wife of Maximinus, which Ualentinus for some notable offence had been banished into Britain, where the naughty man that could not rest in quiet, devised how by some commotion he might destroy Theodosius, who as he saw was only able to resist his wicked purposes. And going about many things both privily and apertly, the force of his unmeasurable desire to mischief still increasing, he sought to procure aswell other that were in semblable wise banished men, & inclined to mischief like himself, as also divers of the soldiers, alluring them (as the time served) with large promises of great wealth, if they would join with him in that enterprise. But even now in the very nick, when they should have gone in hand with their ungracious exploit, Theodosius warned of their intent, boldly advanced himself to see due punishment executed on the offenders that were forthwith taken and known to be guilty in that conspiracy.  
Theodosius committed Valentine with a few other of his trusty complices unto the captain Dulcitius, 
Dulcitius is appointed to put Ualentinus to death.  commanding him to see them put to death: but conjecturing by his warlike skill (wherein he passed all other in those days) what might follow, he would not in any wise have any further inquiry made of the other conspirators, lest through fear that might be spread abroad in many, the troubles of the provinces now well quieted, should be again revived. After this, Theodosius disposing himself to redress many things as need required, all danger was quite removed: so that it was most apparent, that fortune favoured him in such wise, that she left him not destitute of her furtherance in any one of all his attempts. He therefore restored the cities & castles that were appointed to be kept with garrisons, and the borders he caused to be defended and guarded with sufficient numbers to keep watch and ward in places necessary. And having recovered the province which the enemies had gotten into their possession, he so restored it to the former state, that upon his motion to have it so, 
A part of Britain called Valentia.  a lawful governor was assigned to rule it, and the name was changed, so as from thenceforth it should be called Valentia for the prince's pleasure.  
The Areani, a kind of men ordained in times passed by our elders (of whom somewhat we have spoken in the acts of the emperor Constance) being now by little and little fallen into vices, he removed from their places of abiding, being openly convicted, that alured with bribes and fair promises, they had oftentimes bewrayed unto the barbarous nations what was done among the Romans▪ for this was their charge, to run up and down by long journeys, and to give warning to our captains, what stir the people of the next confines were about to make.  
Theodosius therefore having ordered these & other like things, 
The praise of Theodosius.  most worthily & to his high fame, was called home to the emperors court, who leaving the provinces in most triumphant state, was highly renowned for his often and most profitable victories, as if he had been an other Camillus or Cursor Papirius, and with the favour and love of all men was conveyed unto the sea side; and passing over with a gentle wind, came to the court, where he was received with great gladness and commendation, being immediately appointed to succeed in the room of Ualence jovinus that was master of the horses. Finally, he was called by the emperor Gratianus, to be associated with him in the imperial estate, after the death of Ualence, in the year after the incarnation of our Saviour 379, 
379 Wil Har.  and reigned emperor, surnamed Thodosius the great, about 16 years and 2 days.  
Hereto also may that be applied which the foresaid Marcellinus writeth in the same book, touching the invasion of the Saxons, 
Wolf. Lazi.  the which (as Wolf. Lazius taketh it) entered then first into great Britain, but were repelled of the emperor Ualentinianus the first, 
Severus.  by the conduct and guiding of Severus. The same year (saith he) that the emperors were the third time consuls, there broke forth a multitude of Saxons, & passing the seas, entered strongly into the Roman confines: a nation fed oftentimes with the slaughter of our people, the brunt of whose first invasion earl Nonneus sustained, 
Nonneus Co●●es.  one which was appointed to defend those parties, an approved captain, & with continual travel in wars very expert. But then encountering with desperate and forlorn people, when he perceived some of his soldiers to be overthrown and beaten down, and himself wounded, not able to abide the often assaults of his enemies, he obtained this by informing the emperor what was necessary and aught to be done, 
Severus colonel of the footmen.  insomuch that Severus, master or (as I may call him) colonel of the footmen, was sent to help and relieve things that stood in danger: the which bringing a sufficient power with him for the state of that business, when he came to those places, he dividing his army into parts, put the Saxons in such fear and trouble before they fought, that they did not so much as take weapon in hand to make resistance, but being amazed with the sight of the glittering ensigns, & the eagles figured in the Roman standards, they straight made suit for peace, and at length after the matter was debated in sundry wise (because it was judged that it should be profitable for the Roman commonwealth) truce was granted unto them, and many young men (able for service in the wars) delivered to the Romans according to the covenants concluded.  
After this the Saxons were permitted to departed without impeachment, & so to return from whence they came, who being now out of all fear, and preparing to go their ways, divers bands of footmen were sent to lie privily in a certain hid valley so ambushed, as they might easily break forth upon the enemies as they passed by them. But it chanced far otherwise than they supposed, for certain of those footmen stirred with the noise of them as they were coming, broke forth out of time, and being suddenly discovered whilst they hasted to unite and knit themselves together, by the hideous cry and shout of the Saxons they were put to flight. Yet by and by closing together again, they stayed, and the extremity of the chance ministering to them force (though not sufficient) they were driven to fight it out, and being beaten down with great slaughter, had died every mother's son, if a troup of horsemen armed at all points (being in like manner placed in an other side at the entering of the way to assail the enemies as they should pass) advertised by the doleful noise of them that fought, had not speedily come to the succour of their fellows.  
Then ran they together more cruelly than before, and the Romans bending themselves towards their enemies, compassed them in on each side, and with drawn swords slew them down right, so that there was not one of them left to return home to their native country to bring news how they had sped, nor one suffered to live after another's death, either to revenge their ruin, or to lement their loss. Thus were the limits of the Roman empire preserved at that time in Britain, which should seem to be about the year of our Lord 399. 
399   
¶ Thus were the Romans, as commonly in all their martial affairs, so in this encounter very fortunate, the happy issue of the conflict falling out on their side. And strange it is to consider and mark, how these people by a celestial kind of influence were begotten and borne as it were to prowess and renown; the course of their dealings in the field most aptly answering to their name. For (as some suppose) the Romans were called of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Solinus. Adr. jun.  signifying power and mightiness: and in old time they were called Ualentians, A valendo, of prevailing: so that it was no marvel though they were victorious subduers of foreign people, sithence they were by nature created and appointed to be conquerors, and thereof had their denomination.   

What the poet Claudianus saith of the state of Britain in the decay of the Roman empire, of the Scots and Picts cruelly vexing the Britain's, they are afflicted by invasion of barbarous nations, the practice of the Saxons, of the Scots first coming into this Island, and from whence, the Scotish chronographers noted for curiosity and vanity. The xxxv. Chapter.  
AFter this, 
Honorius 〈◊〉 emperor.  in the time of the emperor Honorius, the Scots, Picts, and Saxons, did eftsoons invade the frontiers of the Roman province in Britain, as appeareth by that which the poet Claudianus writeth, in attributing the honour of preserving the same frontiers unto the said emperor, in his book entitled Panegerycus tertij consulatus (which fell in the year 396) as thus: 
Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos  
Edomuit, Scotúmque vago mucrone secutus, 
396. Claudia●●●.   
Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas,  
Et geminis fulgens utróque sub axe trophies,  
Tethyos alternae refluas calcavit arenas.  
The nimble Mores and Picts by right so called, he hath subdued,  
And with his wandering sword likewise the Scots he hath pursued:  
He broke with bold courageous oar the Hyperborean wave,  
And shining under both the poles with double trophies brave,  
He marched upon the bubbling sands of either swelling seas.  The same Caladianus upon the fourth consulship of Honorius, saith in a tetrastichon as followeth: 
Quid rigor aeternus caeli? quid frigora prosunt?  
Ignotúmque fretum? maduerunt Saxons fuso  
Orcades, incaluit Pictonum sanguine Thule,  
Sootorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hyberne.  
What lasting cold? what did to them the frostlie climates gain?  
And sea unknown? be moisted all with blood of Saxons slain  
The Orknies were: with blood of Picts hath Thule waxed warm, 
Thule some take take to be Iseland, some Scotland.   
And icy Ireland hath bewailed the heaps of Scotish harm.   
The same praise giveth he to Stilico the son in law of Honorius, and maketh mention of a legion of soldiers sent for out of Britain in the periphrasis or circumlocution of the Goatish bloody wars: 
Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis,  
Quae Scoto dat fraena truci, ferróque notatas  
Perleget exanimes Picto moriente figuras.  
A legion eke there came from out the farthest Britain's bent,  
Which bridled hath the Scots so stern: and marks with iron brent  
Upon their lifeless limbs doth read, whiles Picts their lives relent.   
He rehearseth the like in his second Panegerycus of Stilico, in most ample and pithy manner ensuing: 
Ind Calidonio velata Britannia monstro,  
Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit  
Caerulus, Oceaníque aestum mentitur amictus,  
Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus inquit,  
Munivit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernam  
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis,  
Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem  
Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto  
Prospicerem dubijs venturum Saxona ventis.  
Then Britain whom the monsters did of Calidone surround,  
Whose cheeks were pierced with scorching steel, whose garments swept the ground,  
Resembling much the marble hue of ocean seas that boil,  
Said, She whom neighbour nations did conspire to bring to spoil,  
Hath Stilico munited strong, when raised by Scots entice  
All Ireland was, and enemies oars the salt sea foam did slice,  
His care hath caused, that I all fear of Scotish broils have barred,  
Ne do I dread the Picts, ne look my country coasts to guard  
'Gainst Saxon troops, whom changing winds sent sailing hitherward.   
Thus may it appear, that in the time when the Roman empire began to decay, 
Britain af●luted bp invasion of barbarous nations.  in like manner as other parts of the same empire were invaded by barbarous nations, so was that part of Britain which was subject to the Roman emperors grievously assailed by the Scots and Picts, and also by the Saxons, the which in those days inhabiting all alongst the sea coasts of low Germany, even from the Elbe unto the Rhine, did not only trouble the sea by continual roving, but also used to come on land into diverse parts of Britain and Gallia, invading the countries, and robbing the same with great rage and cruelty.  
To the which Sidonius Apollinaris thus alludeth, 
Sidon. Apol. li. 8. Epist.  writing to Namatius. The messenger did assuredly affirm, that lately ye blew the trumpet to war in your nation, and betwixt the office one while of a mariner, and another while of a soldier, wasted about the crooked shores of the ocean sea against the fleet of the Saxons, 
The piracy of the Saxons.  of whom as many rovers as ye behold, so many archpirats ye suppose to see: so do they altogether with one accord command, obey, teach, and learn to play the parts of rovers, that even now there is good occasion to warn you to beware. This enemy is more cruel than all other enemies. He assaileth at unwares, he escapeth by foreseeing the danger afore hand, he despiseth those that stand against him, he throweth down the unwary: if he be followed he snappeth them up that pursue him, if he flee he escapeth.  
Of like effect for proof h●ereof be those verses which he wrote unto Maiorianus his panegyrics oration, following in Latin and in English verse. 
Tot maria intra●●● duce te, longéque remotas  
Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Caesar  
Signa Calidonios' transuexit ad usque Britannos.  
Fuderi● & quanquam Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum,  
Hostesquaesivit quem iam natura vetabat,  
Qu●erere plus homines, etc.  
So many seas Lontred have, and nations far by west,  
By thy conduct, and Caesar hath his banners borne full priest  
Unto the furthest British coast, where Calidonians dwell,  
The Scot and Pict with Saxons eke, 〈◊〉 though he subdued fell,  
Yet would he enemies seek unknown whom nature had forbid, etc.   
¶ Thus much have we thought good to gather out of the Roman and other writers, that ye might perceive the state of Britain the better in that time of the decay of the Roman empire, and that ye might have occasion to mark by the way, how not only the Scots, but also the Saxons had attempted to invade the Britain's, before any mention is made of the same their attempts by the British and English writers. But whether the Scots had any habitation within the bounds of Britain, till the time supposed by the Britain writers, we leave that point to the judgement of others that be traveled in the search of such antiquities, only admonishing you, that in the Scotish chronicle you shall find the opinion which their writers have conceived of this matter, and also many things touching the acts of the Romans done against diverse of the Britain's, which they presume to be done against their nation, though shadowed under the general name of Britain's, or of other particular names, at this day to most men unknown. But whensoever the Scots came into this isle, they made the third nation that inhabited the same, coming first out of Scythia, or rather out of Spain (as some suppose) into Ireland, 
Polydot.  and from thence into Britain; next after the Picts, though their writers fetch a far more ancient beginning (as in their chronicles at large appeareth) referring them to the reading thereof, that desire to understand that matter as they set it forth.   
Thus far the dominion and tribute of the Romans over this land of Britain, which had continued (by the collection of some chronographers) the space of 483. years. And here we think it convenient to end this fourth book.   

THE FIFT BOOK of the History of England.  

Constantinus at the general suit of the Britain's undertaketh to govern this Island, he is crowned king, his three sons, he is traitorously slain of a Pict, Constantius the eldest son of Constantine having been a monk is created king, the ambitious & sly practices of duke Vortigerne to aspire to the government, he procureth certain Picts and Scots to kill the king who had retained them for the guard of his person, his crafty devices and deep dissimulation under the pretence of innocency, he winneth the people's hearts, and is chosen their king. The first Chapter.  
Having ended our former book with the end of the Roman power over this Island, wherein the state of the Island under them is at full described; it remaineth now that we proceed to declare, in what state they were after the Romans had refused to govern them any longer. Wherefore we will address ourselves to say somewhat touching the succession of the British kings, as their histories make mention.  
Constantinus the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britain, 
Constantinus.  at the suit and earnest request of the archbishop of London, 
Gal. Mon. Matt. Westm.  made in name of all the Britain's in the isle of great Britain, was sent into the same I'll by his said brother Aldroenus upon covenants ratified in manner as before is recited, and brought with him a convenient power, landing with the same at Totnesse in Devonshire. 
Caxton saith 12000. but Gal. and others say but 2000  Immediately after his coming on land, he gathered to him a great power of Britain's, which before his landing were hid in diverse places of the isle. Then went he forth with them, and gave battle to the enemies, whom he vanquished: & slew that tyrannical king Guanius there in the field (as some books have.) Howbeit, this agreeth not with the Scotish writers, 
The British history disagreeth from the Scotish.  which affirm that they got the field, but yet lost their king named Dongard (as in their history ye may read.)  
But to proceed as our writers report the matter. When the Britain's had thus overcome their enemies, they conveyed their captain the said Constantine unto Cicester, and there in fullfilling their promise and covenant made to his brother, crowned him king of great Britain, in the year of our Lord 433, 
Matth. West. saith 435.  which was about the fift year of the emperor Ualentinianus the second, and third year of Clodius king of the Frankners after called Frenchmen, which then began to settle themselves in Gallia, whereby the name of that country was afterwards changed and called France. Constantine being thus established king, ruled the land well and nobly, and defended it from all invasion of enemy during his life. He begat of his wife three sons (as the British history affirmeth) Constantius, Aurelius Ambrose, and Uter surnamed Pendragon. The eldest, because he perceived him to be but dull of wit, and not very toward, he made a monk, placing him within the abbey of Amphibalus in Winchester.  
Finally this Constantine, 
In a grove of bushes as Gal. saith. Matth. West. Beda. Orosius, Blondus.  after he had reigned ten years, was traitoroustie stain one day in his own chamber (as some writ) by a Pict, who was in such favour with him, that he might at all times have free access to him at his pleasure. Neither the Roman writers, nor Beda, make any mention of this Constantine: but of the other Constantine they writ, which immediately after the usurper Gratian was dispatched out of the way (as before ye have heard) was advanced to the rule of this land, and title of emperor, only in hope of his name, and for no other respect of towardness in him, afore time being but a mean soldier, without any degree of honour. The same Constantine (as writers record) going over into Gallia, adorned his son Constantius with the title and dignity of Cesar, the which before was a monk, and finally as well the one as the other were slain, the father are Arles by earls Constantius, that was sent against him by the emperor Honorius; and the son at Uienna (as before ye have heard) by one of his own court called Gerontius (as in the Italian history ye may see more at large.) This chanced about the year of our Lord 415. 
415   
¶ This have we thought good to repeat in this place, for that some may suppose that this Constantine is the same that our writers take to be the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britain, as the circumstance of the time and other things to be considered may give them occasion to think, for that there is not so much credit to be yielded to them that have written the British histories, but that in some part men may with just cause doubt of sundry matters contained in the same: and therefore have we in this book been the more diligent to show what the Romans and other foreign writers have registered in their books of histories touching the affairs of Britain, that the reader may be the better satisfied in the truth. But now to return to the sequel of the history as we find the same written by the British chroniclers.  
After that Constantine was murdered (as before ye have heard) one Uortigerus, 
This Uortigerne was duke of the Gevisses and Cornwall, as Rad. Cestr. reporteth. Gal. Mon.  or Uortigernus, a man of great authority amongst the Britain's, wrought so with the residue of the British nobility, that Constantius the eldest son of their king the fore-remembred Constantine, was taken out of the abbey of Winchester where he remained, and was streightwaies created king, as lawful inheritor to his father.  
Ye have heard how Constantius was made a monk in his father's life time, because he was thought to be too soft and childish in wit, to have any public rule committed to his hands: but for that cause specially did Uortigerne seek t'advance him, to the end that the king being not able to govern of himself, he might have the chiefest sway, and so rule all things as it were under him, preparing thereby a way for himself to attain at length to the kingdom as by that which followed was more apparently perceived.  
THis Constantius then the son of Constantine, 
Constantius.  by the help (as before ye have heard) of Uortigerne, was made king of Britain, in the year of our Lord 443. 
Matt. West. saith 445.  But Constantius bore but the name of king: for Uortigerne abusing his innocency and simple discretion to order things as was requisite, had all the rule of the land, and did what pleased him. Whereupon first, where there had been a league concluded betwixt the Britain's, Scots and Picts, in the days of the late king Constantine, Uortigerne cause the same league to be renewed, & waged an hundred Picts, 
Hector Boet.  and as many Scots to be attendant as a guard upon the king's person, divers of the which (corrupting them with fair promises) he procured by subtle means in the end to murder the king, 
Constantius murdered.  and immediately upon the deed done, he caused the murderers to be strangled, that they should not afterwards disclose by whose procurement they did that deed. 
The subtle 〈◊〉 of Uortigerne.  Then caused he all the residue of the Scots and Picts to be apprehended, and as it had been upon a zeal to see the death of Constantius severely punished, be framed such inditements and accusations against them, that chiefly by his means (as appeared) the guiltless persons were condemned and hanged, the multitude of the British people being wonderfully pleased therewith, and giving great commendations to Uortigerne for that deed. Thus Constantius was made away in manner as before ye have heard, after he had reigned (as most writers affirm) the space of five years.  
After his death was known, those that had the bringing up and custody of his two younger brethren, 
Aurelius Ambrose. Uter Pendragon.  Aurelius Ambrose, and Uter Pendragon, mistrusting the wicked intent of Uortigerne, whose dissimulation and mischievous meaning by some great likelihoods they suspected, with all speed got them to the sea, and fled into little Britain, there keeping them till it pleased God otherwise to provide for them. But Uortigerne could so well dissemble his crafty workings, and with such conveyance and cloaked manner could shadow and colour the matter, that most men thought and judged him very innocent and void of evil meaning: insomuch that he obtained the favour of the people so greatly, that he was reputed for the only stay and defender of the common wealth. Hereupon it came to pass, that when the council was assembled to elect a new king, for so much as the other sons of king Constantine were not of age sufficient to rule, 
Uortigerne chosen king of Britain.  Uortigerne himself was chosen, divers of the nobles (whom he had procured thereto) giving their voices to this his preferment, as to one best deserving the same in their opinion and judgement. This Uortigerne, as by indirect means and sinister proceedings he aspired to the regiment, having no title thereunto, otherwise than as blind fortune vouchsafed him the preferment: so when he was possessed, but not interessed in the same, he uncased the crooked conditions which he had covertly concealed, and in the end (as by the sequel you shall see) did pull shame and infamy upon himself.   

Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he bewrayeth his cruelty, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the late king Constantius fly into Britain Armorike, what common abuses and sins did universally concur with a plentiful year, the Scots and Picts revenge the death of their countrymen, Vortigerne is in doubt of his estate, the Britain's send for succour to the Saxons, they come under the conduct of Hengist and Horsus two brethren, where they are assigned to be seated, they vanquish the Scots, disagreement in writers touching the Saxons first coming into this Island. The second Chapter.  
VOrtigerne, 
Vortigerne.  by such devilish means and unconscionable practices (as you hear) stealing away the hearts of the people, was chosen and made king of Britain, in the year of our Lord 446, 
446  in the 3 consulship of Aetius, 1197 of Rome, 4 of the 305 Olympiad, 4112 of the world, the dominical letter going by F, the prime by 10, which fell about the 21 year of the emperor Ualentinianus, the same year that Meroneus began to reign over the Frenchmen. Before he was made king, he was earl or duke of the Gevisses, a people which held that part of Britain where afterwards the west Saxons inhabited. Now when he had with treason, fraud, 
Hector Bo●t.  and great deceit at length obtained that for the which he had long looked, he first of all furnished the tower of London with a strong garrison of men of war.  
Then studying to advance such only as he knew to be his special friends and favourers, he fought by all means how to oppress other, of whose good will he had never so little mistrust, 
415  and namely those that were affectionate towards the lineage of Constantine he hated deadly, and devised by secret means which way he might best destroy them. But these his practices being at the first perceived, caused such as had the governance of the two poong gentlemen with all speed to get them over (as ye have heard) 
Fabian.  into Britain Armorike, there to remain out of danger with their uncle the king of that land. divers of the Britain's also, that knew themselves to be in Uortigerne his displeasure, sailed over daily unto them, which thing brought Uortigerne into great doubt and fear of his estate.  
It chanced also the same time, that there was great plenty of corn, 
Gyldas.  & store of fruit, the like whereof had not been seen in many years before, and thereupon ensued riot, strife, lechery, and other vices very heinous, & yet accounted as then for small or rather none offences at all. 
Plenty of wealth accompanied with store of sins.  These abuses & great enormities reigned not only in the temporalty, but also in the spirituality and chief rulers in the same: so that every man turned the point of his spear (even as he had consented of purpose) against the true and innocent person. The commons also gave themselves to voluptuous lust, drunkenness, and idle loitering, whereof followed fight, contention, envy, and much debate. Of this plenty therefore ensued great pride, and of this abundance no less haughtiness of mind, whereupon followed great wickedness, lack of good government and sober temperancy, and in the neck of these as a just punishment, death and mortality, so that in some countries scarce the quick sufficed to bury the dead.  
And for an augmentation of more mischief, 
Scots and  the Scots and Picts hearing how their countrymen through the false suggestion of Uortigerne, 
Picts invade the Britain's.  had been wrongfully and most cruelly put to death at London, began with fire & sword to make sharp & cruel war against the Britain's, wasting their country, spoiling and burning their towns, and giving them the overthrow in a pitched field, as in the Scotish history more plainly appeareth. To be brief, the Britain's were brought into such danger and misery, that they knew not what way to take for remedy in such present peril, likely to be overrun and utterly vanquished of their enemies. In the mean time Uortigerne not only troubled with these imminent evils, but fearing also the return of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Uter Pendragon, began to consider of the state of things, and esteeming it most sure to work by advise, called together the principal lords and chief men of the realm to have their counsel and opinion, how to proceed in such a weighty business: and so debating the matter with them, measured both his own force, and also the force of his enemies, and according to the condition and state of the time, diligently considered and searched out what remedy was to be had and provided.  
At length after they had throughly pondered all things, the more part of the nobles with the king also were of this mind, that there could be no better way devised, than to send into Germany for the Saxons to come to their aid: the which Saxons in that season were highly renowned for their valiancy in arms, and manifold adventures heretofore achieved. 
Gyldas. Wil Malm. Beda. The Saxons sent for.  And so forthwith messengers were dispatched into Germany, the which with money, gifts, and promises, might procure the Saxons to come to the aid of the Britain's against the Scots and Picts. The Saxons glad of this message, as people desirous of entertainment to serve in wars, choosing forth a picked company of lusty young men under the leading of two brethren Hingist and Horsus, 
10000 hath Hector Boet. Gyldas and Beda mention only but of 3 plates or galleys, but Hector Boet. hath 30.  got them aboard into certain vessels appointed for the purpose, and so with all speed directed their course towards great Britain.  
This was in the year of our Lord 449, 
449 Wil Malm.  and in the second year of Uortigerns reign, as the most authentic writers both British and English seem to gather, although the Scotish writers, and name- Hector Boetius do vary herein, touching the just account of years, as to the perusers of the writings aswell of the one as the other may appear. But others take it to be in the 4 year of his reign: whereto Beda seemeth to agree, who noteth it in the same year that Martianus the emperor began to rule the empire, which was (as appeareth by the consulary table) in the consulship of Protogenes and Austerius, and third year of Meroneus king of France.  
These Saxons thus arriving in Britain, were courteously received, & heartily welcomed of king Uortigerne, who assigned to them places in Kent to inhabit, and forthwith led them against the Scots and Picts, which were entered into Britain, wasting & destroying the country before them. Hereupon coming to join in battle, there was a sore fight betwixt the parties for a while. But at length when the Saxons called to their remembrance that the same was the day which should either purchase to them an everlasting name of manhood by victory, or else of reproach by repulse, 
Scots vanquished by the Saxons.  began to renew the fight with such violence, that the enemies not able to abide their fierce charge, were scattered and beaten down on each side with great slaughter.  
The king having gotten this victory, highly rewarded the strangers according to their well deservings, as by whose prowess he had thus vanquished his enemies, which (as some writ) were come as far as Stamford, 
Henry Hur●  and used at that time to fight with long darts and spears, whereas the Saxons fought only with long swords and axes.  
¶ Some have written that the Saxons were not sent for, but came by chance into the isle, and the occasion to be this. 
Gal. Mon.  There was an ancient custom among the English Saxons a people in Germany, as was also at the first among other nations, that when the multitude of them was so increased, that the country was not able to sustain and find them, by commandment of their princes, they should choose out by lots a number of young and able personages fit for the wars, which should go forth to seek them new habitations: and so it chanced to those, that they came into great Britain, and promised to serve the king for wages in his wars.   

Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crown and sceptre of the kingdom by crafty and subtle practices, a great number of foreign people arrive in Britain for the augmentation of his power, of the fair lady Rowne his daughter, whereof wednesday and friday took their name, of the jutes, Saxons, and Angles, Vortigerne being inflamed with the love of Hengists' daughter forsaketh his own wife and marrieth her, Vortigerne giveth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come over by heaps to inhabit the land, the British nobility move the king to avoid them, he is deprived of his kingdom, the miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them and the Britain's. The third Chapter.  
NOw Hengistus, 
Hengist purposeth at the first to conquer the Britain's.  being a man of great wit, rare policy, and high wisdom, understanding the king's mind, who wholly trusted to the valiancy of the Saxons, & herewithal perceiving the fruitfulness of the country, presently began to consider with himself, by what wiles and craft he might by little settle here, and obtain a kingdom in the isle, and so establish the same to him and his fore ever.  
Therefore first he endeavoured with all speed possible 
Polydor.  to fence that part of the country, which was given him and his people, and to enlarge and furnish it with garrisons appointed in places most convenient. After this he did what he could to persuade the king, that a great power of men might be brought over our of Germany, that the land being fortified with such strength, the enemies might be put in fear, and his subjects holden in rest. The king not foreseeing the hap that was to come, did not despise this counsel tending to the destruction of his kingdom, and so was more aid sent for into Germany: whereupon now at this second time shear arrived here 16 vessels fraught with people, 
wil Malm. 18 Foists or plates say the Scotish writers, and 5000 men in the same.  and at the same time came the lady Rowen or Ronix (daughter to Hengist) a maid of excellent beauty and comeliness, able to delight the eyes of them that should behold her, and specially to win the heart of Uortigerne with the dart of concupiscence, 
The Saxons call these vessels C●ol●s, or Kéeles, and our old histories Cogiones.  whereunto he was of nature much inclined, and that did Hengist well perceive.  
There came over into this land at that time, and soon after, three manner of people of the German nation, as Saxons, Vitae or jutes, and Angles, over the which the said Hengist and Horse being brethren, 
The Vitae or jutae are called Ibitti. Alex. Now.  were captains & rulers, men of right noble parentage in their country, as descended of that ancient prince wooden, of whom the English Saxon kings do for the more part fetch their pedegrée, as lineally descended from him, unto whom also the English people (falsely reputing him for a god) consecrated the fourth day of the week, as they did the sixth to his wife Frea: so that the same days took name of them, the one being called Wodensdaie, and the other Freadaie, which words after in continuance of time by corruption of speech were somewhat altered, 
wednesday, and friday, whereof they came.  though not much, as from Wodensdaie, to wednesday, and from Freadaie to friday. The foresaid wooden was father to Uecta, the father of Westgistus that was father to the foresaid Hengistus and Horsus. 
Beda   
But now to rehearse further touching those three people which at this time came over into Britain out of Germany. Of the Uites or jutes (as Beda recordeth) are the Kentishmen descended, and the people of the isle of Wight, with those also that inhabit over against the same I'll. Of the Saxons came the east, the south, & the west Saxons. Moreover, of the Angles proceeded the east Angles, the middle Angles or Mercies, 
Cot. Tacitus.  and the Northern men. That these Angles were a people of Germany, it appeareth also by Cornelius Tacitus, who called them Anglij, which word is of three syllables (as Polydore saith:) but some writ it Angli, with two syllables. And that these Angli, or Anglij were of no small force and authority in Germany before their coming into this land, may appear, in that they are numbered amongst the twelve nations there, which had laws and ancient ordinances apart by themselves, according to the which the state of their common wealth was governed, they being the same and one people with the Thuringers, as in the title of the old Thuringers laws we find recorded, which is thus: Lex Angliorum & Werinorum, hoc est Thuringorum, The law of the Angles and Werinians that is to say the Thuringers, which Thuringers are a people in Saxony, as in the description of that country it may appear.  
But now to the matter. 
Polydor.  Hengist perceiving that his people were highly in Uortigernes favour, 
Rowen, or Ronowen Hengists' daughter.  began to handle him craftily, devising by what means he might bring him in love with his daughter Ronix, or Rowen, or Ronowen (as some writ) which he believed well would easily be brought to pass, because he understood that the king was much given to sensual lust, 
Will Malm.  which is the thing that often blindeth wise men's understanding, and maketh them to dote, and to lose their perfect wits: yea, and oftentimes bringeth them to destruction, though by such pleasant poison they feel no bitter taste, till they be brought to the extreme point of confusion in deed.  
A great supper therefore was prepared by Hengist, at the which it pleased the king to be present, and appointed his daughter, 
Gal. Mon.  when every man began to be somewhat merry with drink, to bring in a cup of gold full of good and pleasant wine, and to present it to the king●● saying; Wassail. Which she did in such comely and decent manner, as she that knew how to do it well enough, so as the king marveled greatly thereat, and not understanding what she meant by that salutation, demanded what it signified. To whom it was answered by Hengist, 
Wassail, what it signifieth.  that she wished him well, and the meaning of it was, that he should drink after her, joining thereto this answer, Drink hail. Whereupon the king (as he was informed) took the cup at the damsels hand, and drank.  
Finally, this young lady behaved herself with such pleasant words, comely countenance, and amiable grace, that the king beheld her so long, till he felt himself so far in love with her person, that he burned in continual desire to enjoy the same: insomuch that shortly after he forsook his own wife, by the which he had three sons, 
Polydor Fabian.  named Uortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and required of Hengist to have his daughter, the said Rowen, or Ronowen in marriage. Hengist at the first seemed strange to grant to his request, and excused the matter, 
Wil Malm.  for that his daughter was not of estate and dignity meet to be matched with his majesty. But at length as it had been half against his will he consented, and so the marriage was concluded & solemnised, all Kent being assigned unto Hengist in reward, the which country was before that time governed by one Guorongus (though not with most equal justice) which Guorongus was subject unto Uortigerne, as all other the potentates of the isle were.  
This marriage and liberality of the king towards the strangers much offended the minds of his subjects, and hastened the final destruction of the land. For the Saxons now understanding the affinity had betwixt the king and Hengist, came so fast over to inhabit here, that it was wonder to consider in how short a time such a multitude could come together: so that because of their great number and approved puissance in wars, they began to be a terror to the former inhabitants the Britain's. 
Wil Malm.  But Hengist being no less politic in counsel than valiant in arms, abusing the kings lack of discretion, to serve his own turn, persuaded him to call out of Germany his brother Occa and his son named Ebusa, 
Gal. saith he was Hengists' son▪ and Ebusa his uncles son. Occa and Ebusalcaders of Saxons.  being men of great valour, to the end that as Hengist defended the land in the south part: so might they keep back the Scots in the north.  
Hereupon by the king's consent, they came with a power out of Germany, and coasting about the land, they sailed to the Isles of Orknie, and sore vexed the people there, and likewise the Scots and Picts also, and finally arrived in the north parts of the realm, now called Northumberland, where they settled themselves at that present, and so continued there ever after: but none of them taking upon him the title of king, 
Wil Malm. de Regib.  till about 99 years after their first coming into that country, but in the mean time remaining as subjects unto the Saxon kings of Kent. After their arrival in that province, they oftentimes fought with the old inhabitants there, and overcame them, chase away such as made resistance, and appeased the residue by receiving them under allegiance.  
When the nobles of Britain saw and perceived in what danger the land stood, 
Fabian. The great numbers of strangers suspected to the Britain's.  by the daily repair of the huge number of Saxons into the same, they first consulted together, and after resorting to the king, moved him that some order might be taken for the avoiding of them, or the more part of them, lest they should with their power and great multitude utterly oppress the British nation. But all was in vain, for Uortigerne so esteemed and highly favoured the Saxons, and namely by reason of the great love which he bore to his wife, that he little regarded his own nation, no nor yet any thing esteemed his own natural kinsmen and chief friends, by reason whereof the Britain's in fine deprived him of all kingly honour, 
Uortigerne deprived.  after that he had reigned 16 years, and in his steed crowned his son Uortimer.  
Gyldas and Beda make no mention of Uortimer, 
Gyldas. Beda. H. Hunt.  but declare that after the Saxons were received into this land, there was a covenant made betwixt them and the Britain's, that the Saxons should defend the country from the invasion of enemies by their knightly force: and that in consideration thereof, the Britain's should find them provision of a victuals: wherewith they held them contented for 〈◊〉. But afterwards they began to pike quarrels, as though they were not sufficiently furnished of their due proportion of victuals, threatening that if they were not provided more largely thereof, they would surely spoil the country. So that without deferring of time, they performed their words with effect of deeds, 
The miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land.  beginning in the east part of the isle, & with fire and sword passed forth, wasting and destroying the country, till they came to the uttermost part of the west: so that from sea to sea, the land was wasted and destroyed in such cruel and outrageous manner, that neither city, town, nor church was regarded, but all committed to the fire: the priests slain and murdered even afore the altars, and the prelates with the people without any reverence of their estate or degree dispatched with fire and sword, most lamentably to behold.  
Many of the Britain's seeing the demeanour of the Saxons, fled to the mounteins, of the which divers being apprehended, were cruelly slain, and other were glad to come forth and yield themselves to eternal bondage, for to have relief of meat and drink to assuage their extremity of hunger. Some other got them out of the realm into strange lands, so to save themselves; and others abiding still in their country, kept them within the thick woods and craggy rocks, whither they were fled, living there a poor wretched life, in great fear and unquietness of mind.  
But after that the Saxons were departed and withdrawn to their houses, the Britain's began to take courage to them again, issuing forth of those places where they had lain hid, and with one consent calling for aid at God's hand, that they might be preserved from utter destruction, they began under the conduct of their leader Aurelius Ambrose, to provoke the Saxons to battle, and by the help of God they obtained victory, according to their own desires. And from thence forth, one while the Britain's, and an other while the Saxons were victors. So that in this British people, God (according to his accustomed manner) as it were present Israel, tried them from time to time, whether they loved him or no, until the year of the siege of Badon hill, where afterwards no small slaughter was made of the enemies: 
So Gyldas was borne in the year of our Lord 493.  which chanced the same year in the which Gyldas was borne (as he himself witnesseth) being about the 44 year after the coming of the Saxons into Britain.  
Thus have Gyldas & Beda (following by likelihood the authority of the same Gyldas) written of these first wars begun between the Saxons and Britain's. But now to go forth with the history, according to the order of our chronicles, as we do find recorded touching the doings of Uortimer that was elected king (as ye have heard) to govern in place of his father Uortigerne.   

Vortimer is created king in the room of his father Vortigerne, he giveth the Saxons sore and sharp battles, a combat fought between Catigerne the brother of Vortimer and Horsus the brother of Hengist, wherein they were both slain, the Britain's drive the Saxons into the isle of Tenet, Rowen the daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be poisoned, the Saxons return into Germany as some writer's report, they join with the Scots and Picts against the Britain's and discomfit them. The fourth Chapter.  
THis Uortimer being eldest son to Uortigerne, 
Vortimer. Fabian. Galf. Mon. Matth. West. saith 454.  by the common assent of the Britain's was made king of Britain, in the year of our Lord 464, 
464  which was in the fourth year of the emperor Lea the fist, and about the sixth year of Childericus king of France, as our common account runneth, which is far disagreeing from that whereof W. Harison doth speak in his chronology, who noteth Uortigerne to be deposed in the 8 after his exaltation to the crown, 454 of Christ, and 5 currant after the coming of the Saxons, which concurreth with the 4420 of the world, and 8 of Meroneus, as by his chronology doth more at large appear.  
But to proceed, Uortimer being thus advanced to the government of the realm, in all hast made sore war against the Saxons, and gave unto them a great battle upon the river of Derwent, 
The river of Derwent.  where he had of them the upper hand. And the second time he fought with them at a place called Epiford, or Aglisthrop, 
Epiford.  in the which encounter Catagrine or Catigernus the brother of Uortimer, and Horsus the brother of Hengist, after a long combat betwixt them two, either of them slew other: but the Britain's obtained the field (as saith the British history.) The third battle Uortimer fought with them near to the sea side, 
The I'll of Tenet.  where also the Britain's chased the Saxons, & drove them into the isle of Tenet. The fourth battle was stricken near to a more called Colemoore, the which was sore fought by the Saxons, and long continued with great danger to the Britain's, because the foresaid moor enclosed a part of their host so strongly, that the Britain's could not approach to them, being beaten off with the enemies shot, albeit in the end the Saxons were put to flight, & many of them drowned and swallowed up in the same more. Beside these four principal battles, 
Fabian.  Uortimer had divers other conflicts with the Saxons, 
Tetford in Norfolk. Colchester.  as in Kent and at Tetford in Norfolk, also near to Colchester in Essex: for he left not till he had bearest them of the more part of all such possessions as before time they had got, so that they were constrained to keep them within the isle of Tenet, where he oftentimes assailed them with such ships as he then had. When Ronowen the daughter of Hengist perceived the great loss that the Saxons sustained by the martial prowess of Uortimer, she found means that within a while the said Uortimer was poisoned, after he had ruled the Britain's by the space of 6 or 7 years and odd months.  
¶ By the British history it should seem, that Uortimer before his death handled the Saxons so hardly, keeping them besieged within the isle of Tenet, till at length they were constrained to sue for licence to departed home into Germany in safety: and the better to bring this to pass, they sent Uortigerne, (whom they had kept still with them in all these battles) unto his son Uortimer, to he a mean for the obtaining of their suit. But whilst this treaty was in hand, they got them into their ships, and leaving their wives and children behind them, returned into Germany. Thus far Gal Mon. But how unlikely this is to be true, I will not quake any further discourse, but only refer every man to that which in old authentic historiographers of the English nation is found recorded, 
Will. Malmel.  as in Will. Malmes. Henr. Hunt. Marianus, and others: unto whom in these matters concerning the doings betwixt the Saxons and Britain's, we may undoubtedly and safely give most credit.  
William Malmes. writing of this Uortuner, or Guortigerne, and of the wars which he had against the Saxons, varieth in a manner altogether from Geffrey of Monmouth, as by his words here following ye may perceive. Guortimer, the son of Uortimer (saith he) thinking not good long to dissemble the matter, for that he saw himself and his countrymen the Britain's prevented by the craft of the English Saxons, set his full purpose to drive them out of the realm, and kindled his father to the like attempt. He therefore being the author and procurer, seven years after their first coming into this land, the league was broken, and by the space of 20 years they fought oftentimes together in many light encounters, but four times they fought puissance against puissance in open field: 
〈◊〉 had the victory in this vatell saith Ra. Hig. Horse and Catigerne 〈◊〉.  in the first battle they departed with like fortune, whilst the one part, that is to mean, the Saxons lost their captain Horse that was brother to Hengist, and the Britain's lost Catigerne an other of Uortigerns' sons.  
In the other battles, 
458  when the Englishmen went ever away with the upper hand, at length a peace was concluded, Guortimer being taken out of this world by course of fatal death, the which much differing from the soft and mild nature of his father, right nobly would have governed the realm, if God had suffered him to have lived. But these battles which Uortimer gave to the Saxons (as before is mentioned) should appear by that which some writers have recorded, to have chanced before the supposed time of Uortimers or Guortimers attaining to the crown, about the 6 or 7 year after the first coming of the Saxons into this realm with Hengist. And hereto W. Harison giveth his consent, referring the mutual slaughter of Horsus and Catigerne to the 6 years of Martianus, & 455 of Christ. 
Polydor.  Howbeit Polydore Virgil saith, that Uortimer succeeded his father, and that after his father's decease the English Saxons, of whom there was a great number then in the isle, coming over daily like swarms of bees, and having in possession not only Kent, but also the north parts of the realm towards Scotland, together with a great part of the west country, thought it now a fit time to attempt the fortune of war: and first therefore concluding a league with the Scots and Picts, upon the sudden they turned their weapons points against the Britain's, and most cruelly pursued them, as though they had received some great injury at their hands, and no benefit at all. The Britain's were marvelously abashed herewith, perceiving that they should have to do with Hengist, a captain of so high renown, and also with their ancient enemies the Scots and Picts, thus all at one time, and that there was no remedy but either they must fight or else become slaves. Wherefore at length, dread of bondage stirred up manhood in them, so that they assembled together, and boldly began to resist their enemies on each side: but being too weak, 
The Britain's discomfited by the Scots.  they were easily discomfited and put to flight, so that all hope of defence by force of arms being utterly taken away, as men in despair to prevail against their enemies, they fled as sheep scattered abroad, some following one captain and some another, getting them into desert places, woods and maresh grounds, and moreover left such towns and fortresses as were of no notable strength, as a prey unto their enemies.  
Thus saith Polydore Virgil of the first breaking of the wars betwixt the Saxons and the Britain's, which chanced not (as should appear by that which he writeth thereof) till after the death of Uortigerne. Howbeit he denieth not that Hengist at his first coming got seats for him and his people within the county of Kent, and there began to inhabit. This ought not to be forgotten, that king Uortimer (as Sigebertus hath written) 
Sigebertus.  restored the christian religion after he had vanquished the Saxons, in such places where the same was decayed by the enemies invasion, whose drift was not only to overrun the land with violence, but also to erect their own laws and liberties with out regard of clemency.   

Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he abode during the time of his sons reign, Hengist with his Saxons re-enter the land, the Saxons and Britain's are appointed to meet on Salisbury plain, the privy treason of Hengist and his power whereby the Britain's were slain like sheep, the manhood of Edol earl of Gloucester, Vortigerne i● taken prisoner, Hengist is in possession of three provinces of this land, a description of Kent. The fift Chapter.  
AFter all these bloody broils and tempestuous tumults ended, 
Matth. West. saith 461.  Uortigerne was restored and set again into the kingdom of Britain, in the year of our Lord 471. 
471  All the time of his sons reign, he had remained in the parties now called Wales, where (as some writ) in that mean time he builded a strong castle called Generon, or Guanerens, in the west side of Wales near to the river of Guana, upon a mountain called Cloaricus, which some refer to be builded in his second return into Wales, as shall be showed hereafter. And it is so much the more likely, for that an old chronicle, which Fabian had sight of, affirmeth, that Uortigerne was kept under the rule of certain governors to him appointed in the town of Caerlegion, and behaved himself in such commendable sort towards his son, 
Caerleon Arwiske.  in aiding him with his counsel, and otherwise in the mean season whilst his son reigned, that the Britain's by reason thereof began so to favour him, that after the death of Uortimer they made him king again.  
Shortly after that Uortigerne was restored to the rule of the kingdom, 
Matth. West. saith 4000 He might easily return, for except I be deceived he was never driven out after he had once set foot within this isle.  Hengist advertised thereof, returned into the land with a mighty army of Saxons, whereof Uortigerne being admonished, assembled his Britain's, and with all speed made towards him. When Hengist had knowledge of the huge host of the Britain's that was coming against him, he required to come to a communication with Uortigerne, which request was granted, so that it was concluded, that on May day a certain number of Britain's, and as many of the Saxons should meet together upon the plain of Salisbury. Hengist having devised a new kind of treason, when the day of their appointed meeting was come, caused every one of his allowed number secretly to put into his hose a long knife (where it was ordained that no man should bring any weapon with him at all) and that at the very instant when this watchword should be uttered by him, 
Nempt your▪ sexes, what if it were messes  Nempt your sexes, than should every of them pluck out his knife, and slay the Britain that chanced to be next to him, except the same should be Uortigerne, whom he willed to be apprehended, but not slain.  
At the day assigned, the king with his appointed number or train of the Britain's, mistrusting nothing less than any such manner of unhaithfull dealing, came unto the place in order before prescribed, without armour or weapon, where he found Hengist ready with his Saxons, the which received the king with amiable countenance and in most loving sort: but after they were a little entered into communication, Hengist meaning to accomplish his devised purpose, gave the watchword, immediately whereupon the Saxons drew out their knives, 
There died of the nobles of Britain 450. as Gal. sattle  and suddenly fell on the Britain's, and slew them as sheep being fallen within the danger of wolves. For the Britain's had no weapons to defend themselves, except any of them by his strength and manhood got the knife of his enemy.  
Amongst other of the Britain's, 
Ran. Cestren. Fabian.  there was one Edol earl of Gloucester, or (as other say) Chester, which got a slake out of an hedge, or else where, and with the same so defended himself and laid about him, 
Gal. saith 70. Matth. West. Ran. Cestren.  that he slew 17 of the town of Ambrie, now called Salisbury, and so saved his own life. Uortiger was taken and kept as prisoner by Hengist, till he was constrained to deliver unto Hengist three provinces or countries of this realm, that is to say, Kent & Essex, or as some writ, that part where the south Saxons after did inhabit, as Sussex and other: the third was the country where the Estangles planted themselves, which was in Norfolk and Suffolk. Then Hengist being in possession of those three provinces, suffered Uortigerne to departed, & to be at his liberty.  
¶ William Malmesburie writeth somewhat otherwise of this taking of Uortigerne, 
Wil Malm.  during whose reign, after the decease of his son Uortimer, nothing was attempted against the Saxons, but in the mean time Hengist by colourable craft procured his son in law Uortigerne to come to a banquet at his house, with three hundred other Britain's, and when he had made them well and warm with often quaffing and emptieng of cups, and of purpose touched every of them with one bitter tawnt or other, they first fell to multiplying of malicious words, and after to blows that the Britain's were slain, every mother's son so yielding up their ghosts even amongst their pots. The king himself was taken, and to redeem himself out of prison, gave to the Saxons three provinces, and so escaped out of bondage.  
Thus by what mean soever it came to pass, truth it is (as all writers agree) that Hengist got possession of Kent, and of other countries in this realm, and began to reign there as absolute lord & governor, in the year of our Lord (as some writ) 476, about the fift year of Uortigerns last reign: but after other, which take the beginning of this kingdom of Kent to be when Hengist had first gift thereof, 
476.  the same kingdom began in the year 455, and contained the country that stretcheth from the east Ocean unto the river of Thames, having on the southeast Southerie, and upon the west London, upon the north-east the river of Thames aforesaid, 
Kingdom of Kent.  and the country of Essex.   

The heptarchy or seven kingdoms of this land, Hengist causeth Britain to be peopled with Saxons, the decay of Christian religion, the Pelagians with their heretical and fall doctrine infect the Britain's, a synod summoned in Gallia for the redress thereof, the Scots assist the Britain's against the Saxons, who renew their league with the Picts, German and Lupus two bishops of Germany procure the British army to be newly christened, the terror that the Britain's under bishop Germans fortunate conduct drove into the Saxons by the outcry of Alleluia, and got the victory, bishop German departeth out of the land, and to redress the Pelagian heresy cometh again at the clergies request, he confirmeth his doctrine by a miracle, banisheth the Pelagians out of the land, the death of German, murder requited with murder. The vj. Chapter.  
HEngist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled (as after shall appear) in seven parts of this realm, are called by writers Reguli, that is, little kings or rulers of some small dominion: so that Hengist is counted a little king, who when he had got into his hands the foresaid three provinces, he caused more Saxons to come into Britain, and bestowed them in places abroad in the country, by reason whereof the christian religion greatly decayed within the land, for the Saxons being pagans, did that they could to extinguish the faith of Christ, 
The decay of christian religion.  and to plant again in all places their heathenish religion, and worshipping of false gods: and not only hereby was the true faith of the Christians brought in danger daily to decay, but also the erroneous opinions of the Pelagians greatly prevailed here amongst the Britain's, by means of such unsound preachers as in that troublesome season did set forth false doctrine amongst the people, without all manner of reprehension.  
Certain years before the coming of the Saxons, 
R●da.  that heresy began to spread within this land urrie much, by the lewd industry of one Leporius Agricola, the son of Severus Sulpitius (as Bale saith) a bishop of that lore. But Pelagius the author of this heresy was borne in Wales, and held opinion that a man might obtain salvation by his own free will and merit, and without assistance of grace, as he that was borne without original sin, etc.  
This erroneous doctrine being taught therefore, and maintained in this troublesome time of wars with the Saxons, sore disquieted the godly minded men amongst the Britain's, 
Beda.  who not meaning to receive it, nor yet able well to confute the crafty and wicked persuasions used by the professors thereof, thought good to send over into Gallia, requiring of the bishops there, that some godly and profound learned men might be sent over from thence into this land, to defend the cause of the true doctrine against the naughty teachers of so blasphemous an error. Whereupon the bishops of Gallia sore lamenting the miserable state of the Britain's, and desirous to relieve their present need, specially in that case of religion, 
A synod called in Gallia.  called a synod, and therein taking counsel to consider who were most meet to be sent, it was decreed by all their consents in the end, 
Germanus and Lupus.  that one German the bishop of Aurerre, and Lupus bishop of Trois should pass over into Britain to confirm the Christians there in the faith of the celestial grace. And so those two virtuous learned men taking their journey, finally arrived in Britain, though not without some danger by sea, through storms & rage of winds, stirred (as hath been thought of the superstitious) by the malice of wicked spirits, who purposed to have hindered their proceedings in this their good and well purposed journey. After they were come over, they did so much good with convincing the wicked arguments of the adversaries of the truth, by the invincible power of the word of God, and holiness of life, that those which were in the wrong way, were soon brought into the right path again.  
About the same time also, 
Beda.  one Palladius 
Palladius.  was sent from Celestinus bishop of Rome, unto the Scots, to instruct them in the faith of Christ, and to purge them from the heresy of the said Pelagius. 
Constantine king of Scots.  This Palladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scots, that in no wise he should aid the Saxons being infidels against the Britain's: whose exhortation took so good effect, that the said Constantinus did not only forbear to assist the Saxons, but contrarily holp the Britain's in their wars against them, which thing did maintain the state of the Britain's for a time from falling into utter ruin and decay. In the mean time, the Saxons renewed their league with the Picts, 
H. Hunt. Beda.  so that their powers being joined together, they began afresh to make sore wars upon the Britain's, who of necessity were constrained to assemble an army, & mistrusting their own strength, required aid of the two bishops, German and Lupus, who hasting forward with all speed came into the army, bringing with them no small hope of good luck to all the Britain's there being assembled. This was done in Kent.  
Now such was the diligence of the bishops, that (the people being instructed with continual preaching) in renouncing the error of the Pelagians, earnestly came by troops to receive the grace of God offered in baptism, so that on Easter day which then ensued, the more part of the army was baptized, and so went forth against the enemies, who hearing thereof, made haste towards the Britain's, in hope to overcome them at pleasure. But their approach being known, bishop German took upon him the leading of the British host, 
The army of the Britain's newly christened.  and over against the passage through the which the enemies were appointed to come, he chose forth a fair valley enclosed with high mounteins, and within the same he placed his new washed army. And when he saw the enemies now at hand, he commanded that every man with one general voice should answer him, crying aloud the same cry that he should begin. So that even as the enemies were ready to give the charge upon the Britain's, supposing that they should have taken them at unwares, and before any warning had been given, suddenly bishop German and the priests with a loud and shrill voice called Alleluia, 
Alleluia.  thrice: and therewith all the multitudes of the Britain's with one voice cried the same cry, with such a loud shout, that the Saxons were therewith so amazed and astonished (the echo from the rocks and hills adjoining, redoubling in such wise the cry) that they thought not only the rocks and clifs had fallen upon them, but that even the sky itself had broken in pieces and come tumbling down upon their heads: herewith therefore throwing away their weapons, they took them to their feet, and glad was he that might get to be foremost in running away. Many of them for haste were drowned in a river which they had to pass. Polydor taketh that river to be Trent. The Britain's having thus vanquished their enemies, gathered the spoil at good leisure, & gave God thanks for the victory thus got without blood, for the which the holy bishops also triumphed as best became them. Now after they had settled all things in good quiet within the isle, as was thought expedient, they returned into Gallia or France, from whence they came (as is before rehearsed.)  
By one author it should appear that this battle was won against the Scots and Picts, 
Matth. West.  about the year of our Lord 448, 
448.  a little before the coming of the Saxons into this land under Hengist, in which year German first came hither to weed out the heresy of Pelagius, as by the same author more at large is affirmed. Howbeit, some chronographers allege out of Prosper & other, and note the first coming of German to have been in the 429 year of Christ, and under the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. And this should seem to agree with the truth, for that after some, the foresaid German should die at Ravenna, about the year of our Lord 450, as Vincentius noteth, which was the very year of the coming of the Saxons: notwithstanding, when or wheresoever he died, it was not long after his return into Gallia, upon his first journey made hither into this land, who no sooner obtained the victory before mentioned, but word was brought again unto him, that eftsoons the heresy of the Pelagians was spread abroad in Britain, and therefore all the priests or clergy made request to him that it might stand with his pleasure to come over again, and defend the cause of true religion which he had before confirmed.  
Hereupon bishop German granted 〈◊〉 to do, 
German returneth again into Britain.  and therefore taking with him one severn's (that was disciple unto Lupus, and ordained at that tune bishop of Triers) took the sea, and came again into Britain, where he found the multitude of the people steadfast in the same belief wherein he had left them, & perceived the fault to rest in a few: whereupon enquiring out the authors, he condemned them to exile (as it is written) and with a manifest miracle by restoring a young man that was lame (as they say) unto the right use of his limbs, he confirmed his doctrine. Then followed preaching to persuade amendment of errors, and by the general consent of all men, the authors of the wicked doctrine being banished the land, were delivered unto bishop German and to his fellow Severus, to convey them away in their company unto the parties beyond the seas, that the region might so be delivered of further danger, and they receive the benefit of due amendment.  
By this means it came to pass, that the true faith continued in Britain sound and perfect a long time after. Things being thus set in good order, those holy men returned into their countries, the forenamed bishop German went to Ravenna to sue for peace to be granted unto the people of Britain Armorike, where being received of the emperor Valentinian and his mother Placida in most reverend manner, he departed in that city out of this transitory life, 
Anno 450, as Vincentius noteth, lib. 20. ca 15.  to the eternal joys of heaven. His body was afterwards conveyed to the city of Anxerre, where he had been bishop with great opinion of holiness for his sincere doctrine and pure and innocent life. Shortly after was the emperor Valentinian slain by the friends of that noble man named Aetius, 
The emperor Ualentin●an slain.  whom he had before caused to be put to death.  
¶ By this it may appear, that bishop German came into this realm both the first and second time, whilst as well Hengist, as also Uortigerne were living: for the said Valentinian was murdered about the year of our Lord 454, 
454  where the said kings lived and reigned long after that time, as may appear both before and after in this present book.   

What part of the realm the Saxons possessed, Vortigerne buildeth a castle in Wales for his safety, Aurelius and Uter both brethren return into Britain, they assault the usurper Vortigerne, and with wild fire burn both him, his people, his fort, and all the furniture in the same, Vortigerne committeth incest with his own daughter, feigned and ridiculous wonders of S. German, a shepherd made a king. The seventh Chapter.  
NOw will we return to Uortigerne, of whom we read in the British history, that after the Saxons had constrained him to deliver into their hands a great part of the south and east parts of the realm, so that they had in possession London, York, Lincoln, & Winchester, 
Galfrid.  with other cities & towns, he not only fearing their puissance, but also the return of Aurelius Ambrose, and his brother Uter pendragon, withdrew him into Wales, where he began to build a strong castle upon a mountain called Breigh, 
Caxton.  or after other Cloaric, 
Fabian.  near to the river of Guana, 
Polychron.  which is in the west side of Wales in a place within the compass of the same hill called Generon or Guemeren. 
Mount Erir he calleth it in one place of his book.  Of the building of this castle, and of the hindrance in erecting the same, with the monstrous birth of Merlin and his knowledge in prophesying, the British histories tell a long process, the which in Caxton, and in Galf●ides books is also set forth, as there ye may see: but for that the same seemeth not of such credit as deserveth to be registered in any sound history, we have with silence passed it over.  
Whilst Uortigerne was busied in building of this castle, 
Aurelius and Uter brethren return into Britain.  the two foresaid brethren Aurelius and Uter prepared a navy of ships, and an army of men, by help of such their kinsmen and friends as they found in Britain Armorike, and so passed the sea, and landed at Totnesse: whereof when the Britain's were advertised, the which were scattered abroad and severed in divers parties and countries, they drew unto the said two brethren with all speed that might be. When Aurelius and his brother Uter perceived that they were sufficiently furnished of people, they marched forth towards Wales against Uortigerne, 
Uortigerne burnt to death.  who having knowledge of their approach, had fortified his castle very strongly with men, munition and victuals, but yet all availed him nothing, for in the end after his enemies had given divers assaults to the said castle, 
Wild fire not yet invented as some think.  they found means with wild fire to burn it down to the earth, and so consumed it by fire together with the king, and all other that were within it.  
Thus did Uortigerne end his life (as in the British history is recorded.) Much evil is reported of him by the same history, and also by other writers, and among other things it is written, that he should lie by his own daughter, and of her beget a son, in hope that kings should come of him, and therefore he was excommunicated by S. German. It is also said, 
Polychron.. A feigned tale of S. German.  that when the same S. German came into Britain (as before ye have heard) this Uortigerne on a time should deny the same S. German harbour: but one that kept the king's herds of cattle received him into his house, 
A calvish narration.  and lodged him, and slew a calf for his supper, which calf after supper was ended, S. German restored again to life: and on the morrow by the ordinance of God, he caused Uortigerne to be deposed from his kingly estate, and took the herdman and made him king. But Ranulfe Hig. in his Polychronicon, alleging Gyldas for his author, saith that this chand to a ceking that ruled in Powsey, whose name was Bulie, and not to Uortigerne: so that the successors of that Bulie reigning in that side of Wales, came of the lineage of the same herdman.  
Moreover it hath been said (as one writer recordeth) 
H. Hunt.  that when Uortigerne refused to hear the preaching of saint German, and fled from him as he would have instructed him, one night there fell fire from heaven upon the castle wherein the king was lodged, and so the king being destroyed with the fall of the house and the fire together, was never after seen. ¶ But these are fables, and therefore I pass them over, hoping that it shall suffice to show here with what stuff our old historiographers have farced up their huge volumes, not so much regarding the credit of an history, as satisfying the vanity of their own fond fantasies, studying with a pretended skilfulness to cast glorious colours upon lies, that the readers (whom they presupposed either ignorant or credulous) would be led away with a flowing stream of words void of reason and common sense. Which kind of men knew not (belike) that the nature of an history) defined to be Rei verè gestae memoria) will not bear the burden or load of a lie, sith the same is too heavy: otherwise they would have deposed matters conspiring with the truth.   

Aurelius Ambrose the brother to Constantius created king of Britain, he incountereth with the Saxons, Hengist their general is beheaded, Occa his son submitteth himself to Aurelius, he putteth all the Saxons out of the land, repaireth places decayed, and restoreth religion, the memorable monument of the stones that are so much spoken of on Salisbury plain, the exploits of Pascentius Vortigerns youngest son, Aurelius lieth sick, Uter goeth against Pascentius and giveth him the overthrow, Aurelius is poisoned of a counterfeit monk, the place of his burial, Polydore Virgil's report of the acts and deeds of Aurelius against the Saxons, Hengist is slain, Osca and Occa his two sons make a fowl spoil of the west part of the land, Vortimer dieth, the disagreement of writers touching matters interchangeably passed between the Britain's and Saxons. The eight Chapter.  
Aurelius' Ambrose, 
Aurelius Ambrose.  the second son of king Constantine, brother to Constantius, and murdered by the treason of Uortigerne (as before ye have heard) was made king of Britain in the year of our Lord 481, which was about the third year of the reign of the emperor Zen●, 
Matt. West. saith 466.  and the 23 of Childericus king of France, Odocer king of the Herulians then usurping the government of Italy. When this Aurelius Ambrose had dispatched Uortigerne, and was now established king of the Britain's, 
Gal. Mon.  he made towards York, and passing the river of Humber, encountered with the Saxons at a place called Maesbell, and overthrew them in a strong battle, from the which as Hengist was fleeing to have saved himself, 
Hengist taken and beheaded.  he was taken by Edoll earl of Gloucester, or (as some say) Chester, and by him led to Conningsborrow, where he was beheaded by the counsel of Eldad then bishop of Colchester.  
Howbeit there be some that writ, 
Matth. We●●.  how that Hengist was taken at another battle fought upon the river of Dune, in the year of our Lord 489, and not in the chase of the battle which was fought at Maesbell in the year 487, as the same authors do allege. Occa the son of Hengist by flight escaped to York, and being there besieged, 
Occa.  at length was constrained to yield himself to Aurelius: who dealing favourably with him, assigned unto him and other of the Saxons a country bordering near to the Scots, which (as some affirm) was Galloway, where the said Occa and the Saxons began to inhabit. Then did Aurelius Ambrose put the Saxons out of all other parts of the land, & repaired such cities, towns and also churches, as by them had been destroyed or defaced, and placed again priests, and such other as should attend on the ministery and service of God in the same churches.  
Also for a perpetual memory of those Britain's that were slain on the plain of Salisbury by the treason of Hengist, he caused stones to be fetched out of Ireland, and to be set up in the same place where that slaughter was committed, and called the place Stoneheng, 
stonehenge.  which name continueth unto this day. Fifteen thousand men (as Galfrid ● saith) were sent for those stones, 
Gal. Mon.  under the leading of Uter Pendragon the king's brother, who giving battle unto Gillomanus king of Ireland that went about to resist the Britain's, and would not permit them to fetch away the same stones out of his country, discomfited him and his people, and so (maugre his hart) brought the stones away with him.  
Shortly after, Pascentius that was Uortigerns' youngest son, and had escaped into Ireland (when Aurelius Ambrose came into Britain) returned with a great power of strange nations, and took the city of Menevia in Wales, afterwards called saint David's, and did much hurt in the country with fire and sword. At which time the same Aurelius Ambrose lay sick at Winchester, and being not able to go forth himself, desired his brother Uter Pendragon to assemble an army of Britain's, and to go against Pascentius and his adherents. Uter, according to his brother's request, gathering his people, went forth, and incountering with the enemies gave them the overthrow, slew Pascentius and Gillomare or Gilloman king of Ireland, that was come over with him in aid against the Britain's.  
In the mean while, 
〈◊〉  a Saxon or some other stranger, whose name was Eopa or Copa, not long before procured thereto by Pascentius, feigned himself to be a Britain, and for a colour counterfeiting himself a monk, and to have great knowledge in physic, was admitted to minister as it were medicines to Aurelius: but in stead of that which should have brought him health, he gave him poison, whereof he died shortly after at Winchester aforesaid, 
〈◊〉  when he had reigned after most accord of writers nintéene years: his body was conveyed to Stoneheng and there buried. ¶ Thus find we in the British and common English histories of the doings of Aurelius Ambrose, who (as ye have hard) makes him a Britain borne, and descended of the blood of the ancient Britain's. But Gyldas and Beda report him to be a Roman by descent, as before is mentioned.  
Polydor Virgil writeth in this sort of the victorious acts achieved by the foresaid Aurelius Ambrose. 
Polydor.  Then (saith he) the Saxons having already gotten the whole rule of the isle, practised their outrageous cruelties specially against the princes of the Britain's, to the end that the said princes being overcome and destroyed, they might with more ease obtain possession of the whole isle, which thing they on-like sought. But the favour of almighty God was not wanting to the miserable Britain's in that great necessity. For behold, Aurelius Ambrose was at hand, who had no sooner caused the trumpet to sound to armour, but every man for himself prepared and repaired unto him, praying & beseeching him to help to defend them, and that it might stand with his pleasure to go forth with them against the enemies in all speed.  
Thus an army being assembled, Aurelius Ambrose went against them, and valiantly assailed them, so that within the space of a few days they fought three battles with great fierceness on both sides, in trial of their high displeasures and uttermost forces, in which at length the Britain's put the Saxons to flight, Horsus the brother of Hengist being slain with a great number of his people. But yet notwithstanding the enemies rage was little abated hereby, for within a few days after receiving out of Germany a new supply of men, they broke forth upon the Britain's with great confidence of victory. Aurelius Ambrose was no sooner advertised thereof, but that without delay he set forward towards York, from whence the enemies should come, and hearing by the way that Hengist was encamped about seven & twenty miles distant from that city, near to the bank of a river at this day called Dune, in the place where Doncaster now standeth, he returned out of his way, and marched towards that place, and the next day set on the enemy and vanquished him, 
Hengist is slain.  Hengist at the first meeting of the battle being slain, with a 〈◊〉 number of the Germans. The fame of this 〈◊〉 (saith Polydore) is had in memory with the inhabitants of those parties even unto this day, which victory did sore diminish the power of the Saxons, insomuch that they began now to think it should be more for their profit to sit in rest with that dishonour, than to make any new wars to their great disadvantage and likelihood of present loss.  
Hengist left behind him two sons, Osca and and Occa, which as men most sorrowful for the overthrow of fate received, assembled such power as they could together, and removed therewith towards the west part of the isle, supposing it to be better for them to draw that way forth, than to return into Kent, where they thought was already a sufficient number of their people to resist the Britain's on that side. Now therefore when they came into the west parts of the land, they wasted the country, burnt villages, and abstained from no manner of cruelty that might be showed. These things being reported unto Aurelius Ambrose, he straightways hasted thither to resist those enemies, and so giving them battle, eftsoons discomfited them: 
Aurelius dieth of a wound  but he himself receiving a wound, died thereof within a few days after. The English Saxons having thus sustained so many losses within a few months together, were contented to be quiet now that the Britain's stirred nothing against them, by reason they were brought into some trouble by the death of such a noble captain as they had now lost. 
Uortimer departeth this life.  In the mean time Uortimer died, whom Uier surnamed Pendragon succeeded.  
Thus hath Polydore written of the foresaid Aurelius Ambrose, not naming him to be king of Britain, and differing in deed in sundry points in this behalf from diverse ancient writers of the English histories: for where he attributeth the victory to the Britain's in the battle fought, wherein Horsus the brother of Hengist was slain, by the report of Polychronicon, and others, the Saxons had the victory in that reincounter: and William of Malmesburie saith, 
Wil Malm.  that they departed from that battle with equal fortune, the Saxons losing their captain Horsus, and the Britain's their captain Katigerne (as before ye have heard.) 
Katigerne.  But there is such contrariety in writers touching the doings betwixt the Britain's and Saxons in those days, as well in account of years, as in report of things done, that setting affection aside, hard it is to judge to which part a man should give credit.  
For Fabian and other authors write, that Aurelius. Ambrose began his reign over the Britain's about the year of our Lord 481, and Horsus was slain about the year 458, 
458  during the reign of Uortimer, as above is mentioned, so that it cannot stand with the truth of the British histories (the which Fabian followeth) that Horsus was slain by Aurelius Ambrose, if according to the same histories he returned not into Britain, till the time there supposed. But diverse such manner oh contrarieties shall ye find, in perusing of those writers that have written the chronicles of the Britain's and Saxons, the which in every point to recite▪ would be too tedious and cumbersome a matter, and therefore we are forced to pass the same over, not knowing how to bring them to any lust accord for the satisfying of all men's minds, specially the curious, which may with diligent search satisfy themselves happily much better, than any other shall be able to do in uttering his opinion never so much at large, and agreeable to a truth. This therefore have we thought good as it were by the way to touch what diverse authors do write, leaving it so to every man's judgement to construe thereof, as his affection leadeth him. We find in the writings of those that have registered the doings of these times, 
Sigebertus.  that Aurelius having vanquished the Saxons, restored churches to the furtherance of the christian religion, 
Matth. West. saith 488.  which by the invasion of the Saxons was greatly decayed in diverse parts of Britain, and this chanced in the days of the emperor Theodosius the younger.   

The beginning of the kingdom of the Southsaxons commonly called Sussex, the Britain's with their rulers give battle to Ella the Saxon & his three sons, disagreement between the English and British chronographers about the battles fought by Hengist and his death, the beginning of the Kentish kingdom, a battle fought between the Britain's and Saxons, the first are conquered, the last are conquerors. The ninth Chapter.  
IN the time of the foresaid Aurelius Ambrose, 
Ella entered this land as Matt. West. saith ann. 477  one Ella a Saxon with his 3 sons Cymen, Plettinger and Cissa, came out of Germany with three ships, and landed in the south parts of Britain, and being encountered with a power of Britain's at a place called Cuneueshore, discomfited them, and chased them unto a wood then called Andredescester, and so took that country, and inhabited there with his people the Saxons which he brought with him, and made himself king and lord thereof, in somuch that afterwards the same country was named the kingdom of the Southsaxons, 
The kingdom of the Southsaxons doth begin.  which had for limits on the east side Kent, on the south the sea and I'll of Wight, on the west Hamshire, and on the north part Southerie. This kingdom (after some) began under the foresaid Ella, about the 32 year after the first coming of the Saxons into this land, which by following that account, should be about the second year of the reign of Aurelius Ambrose, 
482  and about the year of our Lord 482. But other writ, that it did begin about the 30 year after the first coming of Hengist, which should be two years sooner.  
William Harison differing from all other, noteth it to begin in the fourth year after the death of Hengist, 4458 of the world, 2 of the 317 Olympiad, 1243 of Rome, 492 of Christ, and 43 after the coming of the Saxons: his words are these. Ella erected the kingdom of the Southsaxons, in the 15 after his arrival, and reigned 32 years, the chief city of his kingdom also was Chichester, and after he had enjoyed the same his kingdom a while, he overthrew the city called Andredescester, which as then was taken for one of the most famous in all the south side of England. ¶ For my part I think my duty discharged, if I show the opinions of the writers: for if I should thereto a● mine own, I should but increase conjectures, whereof already we haeu superfluous store. To proceed thereforr as I find.  
About the ninth year after the coming of Ella, the Britain's perceiving that he with his Saxons still enlarged the bounds of his lordship by entering further into the land, assembled themselves together under their kings and rulers, and gave battle to Ella and his sons at Mecredesbourne, where they departed with doubtful victory, the armies on both sides being sore diminished, and so returned to their homes. Ella after this battle sent into his country for more aid.  
But now touching Hengist, who as ye have heard, reigned as king in the province of Kent, the writers of the Wnglish kings vary somewhat from the British histories, both in report of the battles by him fought against the Britain's, and also for the manner of his death: as thus. After that Uortimer was dead, who departed this life (as some writ) in the first year of the emperor Leo, 
Polychord  surnamed the great, and first of that name that governed the empire, who began to rule in the year of our Lord 457, we find that Hengist and his son Occa or Osca gathered their people together that were before sparkled, 
457 Henry 〈◊〉 Wil Ma●t.  and having also received new aid out of Germany, fought with the Britan's at a place called Crekenford, where were slain of the Britain's four dukes or captains, and four thousand of other men, the residue were chased by Hengist out of Kent unto London, 
Britains● 〈◊〉  so that they never returned afterwards again into Kent: thus the kingdom of Kent began under Hengist the twelve year after the coming of the Saxons into Britain, and Hengist reigned in Kent after this (as the same writers agree) four and twenty years.  
It is remembered that those Germans which lately were come over to the aid of Hengist, 
Polychro●  being chosen men, mighty and strong of body, with their axes and swords made great slaughter of the Britain's in that battle at Crekenford or Creiford, which Britain's were ranged in four battles under their aforesaid four dukes or captains, 
Hen. Hu●.  and were (as before is mentioned) slain in the same battle. About the sixth year of the said emperor Leo, which was in the 17 year after the coming of the Saxons, Hengist and his son Occa or Osca fought at Wipets' field in Kent, 
Wipets' field. Matth. West. This battle was fought anno 473. as the same Mat West. noteth. Wipet. H Hunt.  near to a place called Tongue with the Britain's, and slew of them twelve dukes or captains, & on the part of the Saxons was slain beside common soldiers but only one captain called Wipet, of whom the place after that day took name.  
This victory was nothing pleasant to the Saxons, by reason of the great loss which they sustained, as well by the death of the said Wipet, as of a great number of others: and so of a long time neither did the Saxons enter into the confines of the Britain's, nor the Britain's presumed to come into Kent. But whilst outward wars ceased among the Britain's, they exercised civil battle, falling together by the ears among themselves, one striving against another. Finally, Hengist departed this life by course of nature, in the 39 year after his first coming into Britain, 
Forty years saith H. Hun●.  having proceeded in his business no less with craft and guile than with force and strength, following therewith his native cruelty, so that he rather did all things with rigour than with gentleness. After him succeeded a son whom he left behind him, 
By this it is evident that he was not driven out of the land after he had once set foot 〈◊〉 it. Matt. West. H. Hunt. The city of Andredescester.  who being attentive rather to defend than to enlarge his kingdom, never set foot out of his father's bounds, during the space of 24 years, in the which he reigned.  
About three years after the decease of Hengist, a new supply of men of war came out of Germany unto the aid of Ella king of Sussex, who having his power increased, besieged the city of Andredescester, which was very strong and well furnished with men and all things necessary. The Britain's also assembling together in companies, greatly annoyed the Saxons as they lay there at ●●ege, laying ambushes to destroy such as went abroad, and ceasing not to give alarms to the camp in the night season: and the Saxons could no sooner prepare themselves to give the assault, but the Britain's were ready to assail them on the backs, till at length the Saxons dividing themselves into two companies, appointed the one to give the assault, and the other to encounter with the army of the Britain's without, and so finally by that means prevailed, took the city, and destroyed man, woman and child. Neither so contented, they did also utterly raze the said city, so as it was never after that day builded or readified again.   

The east Angel's kingdom beginneth, the arrival of Cerdic and Kenric with five ships of war in this land, he putteth the Britain's to flight, the west Saxons kingdom beginneth, Uter Pendragon made king of Britain, the etymon of his name, he taketh Occa and Osca the two sons of Hengist prisoners, how Hector Boetius varieth from other chronographers in the relation of things concerning Pendragon, he falleth in love with the duke of Cornewalls wife, killeth him, and marrieth her. Occa and Osca escape out of prison, they freshly assault the Britain's, they are both slain in a fought field, the Saxons send and look for aid out of Germany, Pendragon is poisoned. The tenth Chapter.  
Moreover, 
The kingdom of the east Angles began not till Aurclius Co●●naus reigned. 561  in the days of the aforenamed Aurelius Ambrose, about the year of our Lord 561, the kingdom of the east Angles began under a Saxon named Uffa. This same kingdom contained Norfolk and Suffolk, having on the east and north parts the sea, on the northwest Cambridgeshire, and on the west saint Edmund's ditch with a part of Hertfordshire, and on the southside lieth Essex. At the first it was called Uffines dominion, and the kings that reigned, or the people the inhabited there, ware at the first named Uffines, but at length they were called east Angles.  
FUrthermore, 
Cerdic. Wil Malm. 495 Fabian. Polychron.  about the year of our Lord 495, and in the eight year after that Hengist was dead, one Cerdicus and his son Kenricus came out of Gerrmanie with five ships, and landed at a place called Cerdicshore, which as some think is called Yermouth in Norfolk. 
〈◊〉 Malm.  He was at the first received with battle by the Britain's, but being an old skilful warrior, he easily beat back and repelled the inconstant multitude of his enemies, and caused them to flee: by which good success he procured both undoubted assurance to himself for the time to come, and to the inhabitants good and perfect quietness. For they thinking good never after to provoke him more by resistance, submitted themselves to his pleasure: but yet did not he then give himself to slothful rest, but rather extending his often achieved victories on each side, in the 24 year after his coming into this land, he obtained the rule of the west parts thereof, and governed there as king, so that the kingdom of the west Saxons began under the said Cerdicus in the 519 of Christ, as after shall be showed.  
¶ Thus ye may see, 
529  that Aurelius Ambrose did succeed Uortigerne, and reigned in the time supposed by the British histories, as before is alleged, the land even in his days was full of trouble, and the old inhabitants the Britain's sore vexed by the Saxons that entered the same, so that the Britain's were daily hampered, and brought under subjection to the valiant Saxons, or else driven to remove further off, and to give place to the victors. But now to proceed with the succession of the British kings, as in their histories we find them registered, which I deliver such as I find, but not such as I do wish, being written with no such colour of credit as we may safely put forth same for an undoubted truth.  
After that Aurelius Ambrose was dead, his brother Uter Pendragon (whom some call Aurelius Uterius Ambrosianus) 
Matth. West. noteth. 500  was made king in the year of our Lord 500, in the seventh year of the emperor Anastasius, and in the sixtéenth year of Clodoveus king of the Frenchmen. The cause why he was surnamed Pendragon, was, for that Merline the great prophet likened him to a dragon's head, that at the time of his nativity marvelously appeared in the firmament at the corner of a blazing star, as is reported. But others supposed he was so called of his wisdom and serpentine subiltie, or for that he gave the dragon's head in his banner. This Uter, hearing that the Saxons with their captains Occa or Otta the son of Hengist, and his brother Osca had besieged the city of York, hasted thither, and giving them battle, discomfited their power, and took the said Occa and Osca prisoners.  
From this varieth Hector Boetius in his chronicle of Scotland, 
Hector Boe●.  writing of these doing in Britain: for he affirmeth, that the counterfeit monk, which poisoned Aurelius Ambrose, was suborned and sent to work that feat by Occa, and not by his brother Pascentius: and further, that about the selfsame time of Aurelius his death, his brother Uter Pendragon lay in Wales, not as yet fully recovered of a sore sickness, wherewith of late he had been much vexed. Yet the lords of Britain after the burial of Aurelius Ambrose, came unto him and crowned him king: and though he was not able to go against the Saxons (which as then by reason of Aurelius Ambrose his death were very busy, and more earnest in pursuing the war than before) yet an army was prepared and sent forth with all convenient speed under the leading of one Nathaliod, a man neither of any great ancient house, nor yet of skill in warlike affairs.  
The noble men were nothing pleased herewith, as misliking altogether the lack of discretion in their new king, & doubted sore, least in time to come he would have more delight to advance the men of base degree, than such as were descended of noble parentage. Yet because they would not put the state of the common wealth in danger through any mutiny, they agreed to go forth with him in that journey. Occa had advertisement given him by certain letters sent to him from some close friends amongst the Britain's of the whole matter: and therefore in hope of the better speed, he hasted forth to encounter the Britain's, and so the whole army coming within sight of the other, they prepared to the battle, and shortly after buckling together, the Britain's were soon discomfited, by reason that one of their chiefest captains called Gothlois disdaining to be at the appointment of Nathaliod, got him up to the next hill with the next battle which he led, leaving the other Britain's in all the danger: which they seeing began by & by to flee. There died no great number of the Britain's, except those that were killed in the fight: for Occa mistrusting what Gothlois meant by his withdrawing aside, would not suffer the Saxons to follow the chase, but in the night following Gothlois got him away, and rested not till he was out of danger. Occa then perceiving himslefe to have the upper hand, sent an herald unto king Uter with a certain message, threatening destruction to him and to his people, if he refused to do that which he should appoint.  
Uter perceiving what disloyalty rested in the hearts of his own subjects, agreed that the matter might be committed to eight grave and wise courrestors, four Britain's and four Saxons, which might have full power to make an end of all controversies and variances depending betwixt the two nations. Occa was likewise contented therewith, whereupon were named on either part four persons, of such wisdom, knowledge and experience, as were thought meetest for the ordering of such a weighty matter. So that by the arbitrement, award and doom of those eight persons authorised thereto, a league was concluded upon certain articles of agreement, amongst the which the chiefest was, that the Saxons from thenceforth should quietly enjoy all that part of Britain which lieth fore against the Almain seas, the same to be called ever after Engistlaund, and all the residue should remain to the Britain's as their own rightful and ancient inheritance. Thus far Hector Boetius.  
But now to return unto Uter according to that we find in the British histories, and to proceed after our own historians; we find, that when he had vanquished the Saxons and taken their two chiefeteins prisoners, in process of time he fell in love with a very beautiful lady called Igwarne or Igerna, 
Gorolus duke of Cornwall.  wife to one Gorolus or Gorlois duke of Cornwall, the which duke he slew at length near to his own castle called Diwlioc in Cornewell, to the end that he might enjoy the said lady, whom he afterwards married, and begot on her that noble knight Arthur, and a daughter named Amie or Anna. Occa and Osca escaping also out of prison assembled eftsoons a poer of Saxons, and made war against the Britain's, whereof Uter having advertisement prepared to resist them, and finally went himself in person against them, and at saint Albans (as some writ) gave them battle, 
Harding.  and slew them both in the field.  
By that which Polydore Virgil writeth, it should seem that German the bishop of Auxerre came into Britain in the days of this Uter, by whose presence the Britain's had victory against the Saxons (as before ye have heard) after which victory both rested from troubling either other for a time. The Saxons as it were astonished with that present miracle, & the Britain's not following their good success, shortly after fell at discord amongst themselves, which finally brought them to utter decay, as after shall appear. But the Saxons desirous to spoil the Britain's of the whole possession of that part of the Isle which they held, whereas they accounted the cities and towns of small strength to be defended, they got them to an high mounteine called Badon hill, which Polydore supposeth to be Blackamoor that lieth near to the water of These, 
Badon hill.  which divideth the bishopric of Durham from Yorkshire, having at the mouth thereof an haven meet to receive such ships as come out of Germany, from whence the Saxons looked for aid, having already sent thither for the same.  
The Britain's being thereof advertised, made haste towards the place, and besieged it on every side. They also lay the sea coasts full of soldiers, to keep such of the enemies from landing as should come out of Germany. The Saxons kept themselves for a certain space aloft upon the high ground, but in the end constrained through want of victuals, they came down with their army in order of battle to the next plains, and offering to fight, the battle was anon begun, which continued from the morning till far in the day, with such slaughter, that the earth on every side flowed with blood: but the Saxons sustained the greater loss, their captains Occa and Osca being both slain, so that the Britain's might seem quite delivered of all danger of those enemies: but the fatal destiny could not be avoided, as hereafter may appear. And thus was the slaughter made of the Saxons at Badon hill, whereof Gyldas maketh mention, and chanced the same year that he was borne, 
Gyldas.  which was in the 44 year after the first coming of the Saxons into this land, the year of Grace 492, 
492 The decease of Uter Pendragon.  & 15 indiction.  
About the same time Uter departed out of this life (saith Polydore) so that this account agreeth nothing with the common account of those authors, whom Fabian and other have followed. For either we must presuppose, that Uter reigned before the time appointed to him by the said authors, either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he began to reign, as it should seem in deed by that which Wil Malmesburie writeth thereof, as hereafter shall be also showed. Finally (according to the agreement of the English writers) Uter Pendragon died by poison, when he had governed this land by the full term of 16 years, & was after buried by his brother Aurelius at stonehenge, otherwise called Chorea Gigantum, 
Stoneheng, Chorea Gigantum.  leaving his son Arthur to succeed him. ¶ Here ye must note that the Scotish chronicles declare, that in all the wars for the more part wherein the Britain's obtained victory against the Saxons, the Scots aided them in the same wars, and so likewise did the Picts, but the same chronicles do not only vary from the British writers in account of years, but also in the order of things done, as in the same chronicles more plainly may appear, & namely in the discourse of the accidents which chanced during the reign of this Uter. For whereas the British histories, as ye have heard, attribute great praise unto the same Uter for his victories achieved against the Saxons and their king Occa, whom he slew in battle, and obtained a great victory, the Scotish writers make other report, affirming in deed that by the presence of bishop German he obtained victory in one battle against them: but shortly after the Britain's fought again with the Saxons, and were discomfited, although Occa in following the chase over rashly chanced to be slain: after whose decease the Saxons ordained his son named also Occa to succeed in his place, who to make himself strong against all his enemies, sent into Germany for one Colgerne, the which with a great power of Dutchmen came over into this our Britain, and conquered by Occas appointment the country of Northumberland, situate between Tine and Tweed, as in the Scotish chronicles may further appear.  
Also this is to be remembered, that the victory which was got against the Saxons by the Britain's, at what time German bishop of Auxerre was present: Hector Boetius affirmeth (by authority of V●remond that wrote the Scotish chronicles) to have chanced the second time of his coming over into this land, where Beda avoucheth it to be at his first being here. Again the same Boetius writeth, that the same victory chanced in the days of Uter Pendragon. Which can not be, if it be true that Beda writeth, touching the time of the death of the said German: for where he departed this life before the year of our Lord 459, as above is said, Uter Pendragon began not his reign till the year of our Lord 500 or as the same Hector Boetius saith 503, so that bishop German was dead long before that Uter began to reign.  
In deed some writers have noted, that the third battle which Uortimer fought against the Saxons, was the same wherein S German was present, and procured the victory with the cry of Alleluia, as before ye have heard. Which seemeth to be more agreeable to truth, and to stand also with that which holy Beda hath written, touching the time of the being here of the said German, that the opinion of other, which affirm that it was in the time of the reign of Uter. The like is to be found in the residue of Hector Boetius his book, touching the time specially of the reigns of the British kings that governed Britain about that season. For as he affirmeth, Aurelius Ambrose began his reign in the year of our Lord 498, and ruled but seven years, and then succeeded Uter, which reigned 18 years, and departed this life in the year of our Lord 521.  
¶ Notwithstanding the premises, here is to be remembered, that whatsoever the British writers have recorded touching the victories of this Uter had against the Saxons, and how that Osca the son of Hengist should be slain in battle by him and his power: in those old writers which have registered the acts of the English Saxon kings we find no such matter, but rather that after the decease of Hengist, his son Osca or Occa reigned in Kent 24 years, 
Osca. 34 saith. Hen Hunt. in corrupted copres.  defending his kingdom only, and not seeking to enlarge it (as before is touched.) After whose death his son oath, and Irmenrike son to the same Oath succeeded, more resembling their father than their grandfather or great grandfather. To their reigns are assigned fifty and three years by the chronicles: but whether they reigned jointly together, or severally & apart either after other, it is not certainly perceived.   

Porth the Saxon arriveth at Portesmouth, war between Nazaleod king of the Britain's and the Saxons, the Britain's are ovethrowen and slain, the kingdom of the west Saxons beginneth, the compass or continent thereof, the means whereby it was enlarged. The eleventh Chapter.  
NOw will we briefly discourse upon the incidents which first happened during the reign of Uter Pendragon. We find that one Porth a Saxon with his two sons Megla and Beda came on land at Portesmouth in Sussex, 
Porth entered this land about the year of our Lord 501 as Matth. West. noteth.  about the beginning of the said Uters reign, and slew a noble young man of the Britain's, and many other of the meaner sort with him. Of this Porth the town & haven of Portesmouth took the name, 
Harison supposeth the river to be called Pores, as for the word mouth, is the fall of any fresh river into the sea.  as some have thought. Moreover, about 40 years after the coming of the Saxons into this land with their leader Hengist, one Nazaleod, a mighty king amongst the Britain's, assembled all the power he could make to fight with Certicus king of the West saxons, who understanding of the great power of his enemies, required aid of Osca king of Kent, also of Elle king of Sussex, and of Porth and his sons which were lately before arrived as ye have heard. Certicus being then furnished with a convenient army, divided the same into two battles, reserving the one to himself, and the other he appointed to his son Kenrike. King Nazaleod perceiving that the wing which Certicus led, was of more strength than the other which Kenrike governed, he set first upon Certicus, thinking that if he might distress that part of the enemies army, he should easily overcome the other. Hereupon he gave such a fierce charge upon that wing, that by very force he opened the same, and so overthrew the Saxons on that side, making great slaughter of them as they were scattered. Which manner of dealing when Kenrike saw, he made forward with all speed to secure his father, and rushing in amongst the Britain's on their backs, 
The Britain's overthrown.  he broke their army in pieces, and slew their king Nazaleod, and withal put his people to flight. There died of the Britain's that day 5000 men, 
Matth. West. Henr. Hunt. Stuff and Wightgar. Matth. West. noteth the year of their arrival to be 514.  and the residue escaped by fleeing as well as they might. In the sixth year after this battle, Stuff and Wightgar that were nephews to Certicus, came with three ships, and landed at Certicesford, and overthrew a number of Britain's that came against them in order of battle, and so by the coming of those his nephews being valiant and hardy captains, the part of Certicus became much stronger. About the same time Elle king of the Southsaxons departed this life, after whom succeeded his son Cissa, of whom we find little left in writing to be made account of.  
About the year of our Lord 519, 
Henr. Hunt. Britain's overthrown by the Saxons.  and in the year after the coming of the Saxons 71, which was in the 26 year of the emperor Anastasius, the Britain's fought with Certicus and his son Kenrike at Certicesford, where the captains of the Britain's stood to it manfully: but in the end they were discomfited, and great slaughter was made there of them by the Saxons, and greater had been, if the night coming on had not parted them, and so many were saved.  
From that day forward Certicus was reputed & taken for king of Westsaxons, 
The kingdom of Westsaxons  & so began the same kingdom at that time, which was (as W. Harison noteth) in the year of Christ 519, after the building of Rome 1270, of the world 4485, of the coming of the Saxons 70, of justinus Anicius emperor of the east, the first and third of the renowned prince Patricius Arthurus then reigning over the Britain's. The said kingdom also contained the countries of Wiltshire, Summersetshire, Berkshire, Dorsetshire, and Cornwall, having on the east Hamshire, on the north the river of Thames, and on the south and west the Ocean sea. Howbeit, at the first the kings of the Westsaxons had not so large dominions, but they daily wan ground upon the Britain's, and so in the end by enlarging their confines, they came to enjoy all the foresaid countries, and the whole at the last.  
In the ninth year of the reign of Certicus, he eftsoons sought with the Saxons at Certicesford aforesaid, 
Certicesford.  where great slaughter was made on both parts. This Certicesford was in times past called Nazaleoy of the late remembered Nazaleod king of the Britain's. About this season at sundry times divers great companies of the Saxons came over into Britain out of Germany, and got possession of the countries of Mercia and Eastangle: but as yet those of Mercia had no one king that governed them, but were under certain noble men that got possession of divers parts in that country, by means whereof great wars and many encounters ensued, with a common waste of land both arable and habitable, whiles each one being ambitiously minded, & heaping to themselves such powers as they were able to make, by sword and bloodshed chose rather to have their fortune decided, than by reason to suppress the rage of their unruly affections. For such is the nature of men in government, whether they be interessed to it by succession, or possessed of it by usurpation, or placed in it by lawful constitution, (unless they be guided by some supernatural influence of divine conceit) if they be more than one, they cannot away with equality, for regiment admitteth no companion: but every one seeketh to advance himself to a singularity of honour, wherein he will not (to die for it) participate with another, which may easily be observed in this our historical discourse.   

The beginning of the kingdom of the Eastsaxons, what it contained, of Arthur king of Britain, his twelve victories over the Saxons against whom he maintained continual war, why the Scots and Picts envied him his royalty and empire, a league betwixt Arthur and Loath king of the Picts, howel king of little Britain aideth Arthur against Cheldrike king of Germany, who taking the overthrow, is slain by the duke of Cornwall, the Picts are discomfited, the Irishmen with their king put to slight, and the Scots subdued, Arthur's sundry conquests against divers people, the vanity of the British writers noted. The twelve Chapter.  
IN those days also the kingdom of the Eastsaxons began, 
Erchenwin.  the chief city whereof was London. It contained in effect so much as at this present belongeth to the diocese of London. 
The kingdom of the Eastsaxons.  One Erchenwin a Saxon was the first king thereof, the which was son to one Offa, the sixth in lineal descent from one Saxnot, from whom the kings of that country fetched their original. Harison noteth the exact year of the erection of the kingdom of the Eastsaxons to begin with the end of the eight of Cerdicus king of the Westsaxons, that is, the 527 of Christ, and 78 after the coming of the Saxons. In the 13 year of the reign of Cerdicus, he with his son Kenrike, and other of the Saxon captains fought with the Britain's in the isle of Wight at Witgarsbridge, where they slew a great number of Britain's, and so conquered the Isle, the which about four years after was given by Cerdicus unto his nephews stuff and Witgar.  
AFter the decease of Uter Pendragon (as we do find in the British histories) his son Arthur, 
Arthur.  a young towardly gentleman, of the age of 15 years or thereabouts, began his reign over the Britain's in the year of our Lord 516, or as Matt. Westmin. 
516 Matth. West. hath noted 518  saith 517, in the 28 year of the emperor Anastasius, and in the third year of the reigns of Childebert, Clothare, Clodamire, and Theodorike, brethren that were kings of the Frenchmen. Of this Arthur many things are written beyond credit, for that there is no ancient author of authority that confirmeth the same: but surely as may be thought he was some worthy man, and by all likelihood a great enemy to the Saxons, by reason whereof the Welshmen which are the very Britain's in deed, have him in famous remembrance. He fought (as the common report goeth of him) 12 notable battles against the Saxons, & in every of them went away with the victory, but yet he could not drive them quite out of the land, but that they kept still the countries which they had in possession, as Kent, Sutherie, Norfolk, and others: howbeit some writers testify, that they held these countries as tributaries to Arthur.  
But truth it is (as divers authors agree) that he held continual war against them, and also against the Picts, the which were allied with the Saxons: for as in the Scotish histories is contained, even at the first beginning of his reign, the two kings of the Scots and Picts seemed to envy his advancement to the crown of Britain, because they had married the two sisters of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Uter Pendragon, that is to say, Loath king of Picts had married Anne their eldest sister, and Conran king of Scots had in marriage Alda their younger sister, so that because Arthur was be gotten out of wedlock, they thought it stood with more reason, that the kingdom of the Britain's should have descended unto the sister's sons, rather than to a bastard, namely Loath the Pictish king, which had issue by his wife Anna, sore repined at the matter.  
Wherefore at the first, when he saw that by suit he could not prevail, he joined in league with the Saxons, and aiding them against Arthur, lost many of his men of war being overthrown in battle, which he had sent unto the succours of Colgerne the Saxon prince that ruled as then in the north parts. But finally a league was concluded betwixt Arthur and the foresaid Loath king of Picts, upon certain conditions, as in the Scotish history is expressed, where ye may read the same, with many other things touching the acts of Arthur, somewhat in other order than our writers have recorded.  
¶ The British authors declare, that Arthur (immediately after he had received the crown of Dubright bishop of Caerleon) went with his power of Britain's against the Saxons of Northumberland, which had to their captain (as before is said) one Colgrime or Colgerne, whom Arthur discomfited and chased into the city of York, within which place Arthur besieged him, till at length the same Colgrime escaped out of the city, 
York besieged.  & leaving it in charge with his brother called Bladulfe, passed over into Germany unto Cheldrike king of that country, 
Cheldrike cometh in aid of Colgrime. Matt. Westm. saith but 700.  of whom he obtained succour, so that the said Cheldrike made provision of men and ships, and came himself over into Scotland, having in his company fifteen hundred sails one with an other.  
When Arthur was advertised thereof, he raised his siege, and withdrew to London, sending letters with all speed unto howel king of little Britain in France, that was his sister's son, requiring of him in most earnest wise his aid. howel incontinently assembled his people, 
howel king of Britain cometh 〈◊〉 in aid of Arthur.  to the number of fifteen thousand men, and taking the sea, landed with them at Southampton, where Arthur was ready to receive him with great joy and gladness. From thence they drew northwards, where both the hosts of Arthur and howel being assembled together, marched forward to Lincoln, which city Cheldrike did as then besiege. Here Arthur and howel assailed the Saxons with great force & no less manhood, and at length after great slaughter made of the enemies, 
Cheldrike overthrown in battle.  they obtained the victory, and chased Cheldrike (with the residue of the Saxons that were left alive) unto a wood, where they compassed them about within the same, in such wise, that in the end they were constrained to yield themselves, with condition that they might be suffered to departed on foot to their ships, and so avoid the land, leaving their horse, armour, and other furniture unto the Britain's.  
Hereupon the Britain's taking good hostages for assurance, permitted the Saxons to go their ways, and so Cheldrike and his people got them to their ships, in purpose to return into their country: but being on the sea, they were forced by wind to change their course, and coming on the coasts of the west parts of Britain, they arrived at Totnesse, and contrary to the covenanted articles of their last composition with Arthur, invaded the country anew, and taking such armour as they could find, marched forth in robbing and spoiling the people, till they came to Bath, which town the Britain's kept and defended against them, not suffering them by any means to enter there, whereupon the Saxons environed it with a strong siege. 
Bath besieged.  Arthur informed hereof, with all speed hasted thither, and giving the enemies battle, slew the most part of Cheldrikes men.  
There were slain both Colgrime and Bladulfe, 
The Saxons overthrow Colgrime and Bladulfe.  howbeit Cheldrike himself fled out of the field towards his ships, but being pursued by Cador earl of Cornwall (that had with him ten thousand men) by Arthur's appointment, 
Cheldrike slain by Cador duke of Cornwall.  he was overtaken and in fight slain with all his people. Arthur himself returned from this battle fought at Bath with all speed towards the marshes of Scotland, for that he had received advertisement, how the Scots had besieged howel K. 
K. howel besieged by the Scots.  of Britain there, as he lay sick. Also when Cador had accomplished his enterprise and slain Cheldrike, he returned with as much speed as was possible towards Arthur, & found him in Scotland, where he rescued howel, and afterwards pursued the Scots which fled before him by heaps.  
About the same time, 
Guillomer.  one Guillomer king of Ireland arrived in Scotland with a mighty power of Irishmen (near the place where Arthur lodged) to help the Scots against the Britain's: whereupon Arthur turning his forces towards the same Guillomer, vanquished him, and chafed him into Ireland. This done, he continued in pursuit of the Scots, till he caused them to sue for pardon, and to submit themselves wholly to him, and so receiving them to mercy, & taking homage of them, he returned to York, and shortly after took to wife one Guenhera a right beautiful lady, 
Guenhera.  that was near kinswoman to Cador earl of Cornwall.  
In the year following, which some note to be 525, 
W Harison. 525.  he went into Ireland, and discomfiting king Guillomer in battle, he constrained him to yield, and to acknowledge by doing his fealty to hold the realm of Ireland of him. It is further remembered in those British histories, 
Gothland.  that he subdued Gothland and Ileland, with all the Isles in and about those seas. Also that he overcame the Romans in the country about Paris, with their captain Lucius, and wasted the most part of all France, and slew in singular combats certain giants that were of passing force and hugeness of stature. And if he had not been revoked and called home to resist his cousin Mordred, that was son to Loath king of Pightland that rebelled in his country, he had passed to Rome, intending to make himself emperor, and afterward to vanquish the other emperor, who then ruled the empire. ¶ But for so much as there is not any approved author who doth speak of any such doings, the Britain's are thought to have registered mere fables in stead of true matters, upon a vain desire to advance more than reason would, this Arthur their noble champion, as the Frenchmen have done their Roland, and diverse others.   

Arthur is resisted by Mordred the usurper from arriving in his own land, they join battle, Gawaine is slain and his death lamented by Arthur, Mordred taketh flight, he is slain, and Arthur mortally wounded, his death, the place of his burial, his body digged up, his bigness coniecturable by his bones, a cross found in his tomb with an inscription thereupon, his wife Guenhera buried with him, a rare report of her hair, john Lelands' epitaph in memory of prince Arthur. The xiii. Chapter.  
KIng Arthur at his return into Britain, found that Mordred had caused himself to be made king, & having allied himself with Cheldrike a Saxon (not him whom Galfride, as ye have heard, 
Rather Cerdicke as Leland thinketh.  supposeth to have been wounded & slain before) was ready to resist his landing, so that before he could come on land, he lost many of his men: but yet at length he repelled the enemies, and so took land at Sandwich, where he first arrived, and joining in battle with his enemies, he discomfited them, but not without great loss of his people: specially he sore lamented the death of Gawaine the brother of Mordred, which like a faithful gentleman, regarding more his honour and loyal truth than nearness of blood and cozenage, chose rather to fight in the quarrel of his liege king and loving master, than to take part with his natural brother in an unjust cause, and so there in the battle was slain, together also with Angussell, to whom Arthur afore time had committed the government of Scotland. Mordred fled from this battle, and getting ships sailed westward, and finally landed in Cornwall King Arthur caused the corpse of Gawaine to be buried at Dover 
Gawaine buried at Dover  (as some hold opinion:) but William Malmesburie supposeth, he was buried in Wales, as after shall be showed. The dead body of Angussell was conveyed into Scotland, and was there buried. When that Arthur had put his enemies to flight, and had knowledge into what parts Mordred was withdrawn, with all speed he reinforced his army with new supplies of soldiers called out of diverse parties, and with his whole puissance hasted forward, not resting till he came near to the place where Mordred was encamped, with such an army as he could assemble together out of all parties where he had any friends. ¶ Here (as it appeareth by john Leland, in his book entitled, The assertion of Arthur) it may be doubted in what place Mordred was encamped: but Geffrey of Monmouth showeth, that after Arthur had discomfited Mordred in Kent at the first landing, it chanced so that Mordred escaped and fled to Winchester, whither Arthur followed him, and there giving him battle the second time, did also put him to flight. And following him from thence, fought eftsoons with him act a place called Camblane, or Kemelene in Cornwall, or (as some authors have) near unto Glastenburie.  
This battle was fought to such proof, that finally Mordred was slain, 
Richard Turner.  with the more part of his whole army, and Arthur receiving divers mortal wounds died of the same shortly after, when he had reigned over the Britain's by the term of 26 years. His corpse was buried at Glastenburie aforesaid, in the churchyard, betwixt two pillars: where it was found in the days of king Henry the second, about the year of our Lord 1191, which was in the last year of the reign of the same Henry, more than six hundred years after the burial thereof. He was laid 16 foot deep under ground, for doubt that his enemies the Saxons should have found him. But those that digged the ground there to find his body, after they had entered about seven foot deep into the earth, they found a mighty broad stone with a leaden cross fastened to that part which laid downwards toward the corpse, containing this inscription: Hîc jacet sepultus inclytus rex Arthurius in insula Aualoniae.  
This inscription was graven on that side of the cross which was next to the stone: so that till the cross was taken from the stone, it was unseen. His body was found, not enclosed within a tomb of marble or other stone curiously wrought, but within a great tree made hollow for the nonce like a trunk, the which being found and digged up, was opened, and therein were found the king's bones, of such marvelous bigness, that the shinbone of his leg being set on the ground, reached up to the middle thigh of a very tall man: as a monk of that abbeie hath written, which did live in those days, and saw it. ¶ But Gyraldus Cambrensis (who also lived in those days, and spoke with the abbot of the place, by whom the bones of this Arthur were then found) affirmeth, that by report of the same abbot, he learned, that the shinbone of the said Arthur being set up by the leg of a very tall man (the which the abbot showed to the same Gyraldus) came about the knee of the same man the length of three fingers breadth, which is a great deal more likely than the other. Furthermore the skull of his head was of a wonderful largeness, so that the space of his forehead betwixt his two eyes was a span broad. There appeared in his head the signs and prints of ten wounds or more: all the which were grown into one wem, except only that whereof it should seem he died, which being greater than the residue, appeared very plain. Also in opening the tomb of his wife queen Guenever, that was buried with him, they found the tresses of her hair whole and perfect, and finely plaited, of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched, immediately fell to dust. The abbot, which then was governor of the house, was named Stephan, or Henry de Blois, otherwise de Sully, 
Henricus Blecensis seu Soliacenfis. Io. Leland.  nephew to king Henry the second (by whose commandment he had searched for the grave of Arthur) translated the bones as well of him as of queen Guenever, being so found, into the great church, and there buried them in a fair double tomb of marble, laying the body of the king at the head of the tomb, and the body of the queen at his feet towards the west part. ¶ The writer of the history of Cambria now called Wales saith, 
David Pow. pag. 238, 239.  that the bones of the said Arthur, and Guenever his wife were found in the isle of Aualon (that is, the isle of Alps) without the abbeie of Glastenbury, fifteen feet within the ground, & that his grave was found by the means of a Bardh, whom the king heard at Penbroke singing the acts of prince Arthur, and the place of his burial.  

john Leland in his book entitled Assertio Arthuri, hath for the worthy memory of so noble a prince, honoured him with a learned epitaph, as here followeth.  
SAxonicas toties qui fudit mart cruento  
Who vanquished Saxon troops so oft, with battles bloody broils,  
Turmas, & peperit spolijs sibi nomen opimis,  
And purchased to himself a name with warlike wealthy spoils,  
Fulmineo toties Pictos qui contudit ense,  
Who hath with shivering shining sword, the Picts so oft dismayed,  
Imposuítque jugum Scoti ceruicibus ingens:  
And eke unwieldy servile yoke on neck of Scots hath laid:  
Qui tumidos Gallos', Germanos quíque feroces  
Who Frenchmen puffed with pride, and who the Germans fierce in fight  
Perculit, & Dacoes bello confregit aperto:  
Discomfited, and daunted Danes with main and martial might:  
Denique Mordredum è medio qui sustulit illud  
Who of that murdering Mordred did the vital breath expel,  
Monstrum, horrendum, ingens, dirum, saeuúm que tyrannum,  
That monster grisly, loathsome, huge, that diresome tyrant fell,  
Hoc jacet extinctus monumento Arthurius alto,  
Hear lifeless Arthur lies intoomd, within this stately hearse,  
Militiae clarum decus, & virtutis alumnus:  
Of chivairie the bright renown, and virtues nursling fierce,  
Gloria nunc cuius terram circumuolat omnem,  
Whose glory great now over all the world doth compass fly,  
Aetherijque petit sublimia tecta Tonantis.  
And of the airy thunder scales the lofty building high.  
Vos igitur gentis proles generosa Britannae,  
Therefore you noble progeny of Britain line and race,  
Induperatoriter magno assurgite vestro,  
Arise unto your emperor great, of thrice renowned grace,  
Et tumulo sacro roseas inferte corollas,  
And cast upon his sacred tomb the roseal garlands gay,  
Officij testes redolentia munera vestri.  
That fragrant smell may witness well, your duties you display.  
¶ These verses I have the more willingly inserted, for that I had the same delivered to me turned into English by master Nicholas Roscarocke, both right aptly yielding the sense, and also properly answering the Latin, verse for verse.    

Upon what occasion the grave of king Arthur was sought for, the folly of such discovered as believed that he should return and reign again as king in Britain, whether it be a fiction or a verity that there was such an Arthur or no; discordance among writers about the place of Gawains burial and Arthur's death; of queen Guenever the wife of king Arthur, her beauty and dishonest life, great disagreement among writers touching Arthur and his wives to the impeachment of the history, of his life and death. The xiv. Chapter.  
THe occasion that moved king Henry the second to cause his nephew the foresaid abbot to search for the grave of king Arthur, was, for that he understood by a Welsh minstrel or Bardh (as they call him) that could sing many histories in the Welsh language of the acts of the ancient Britain's, that in the foresaid churchyard at Glastenburie, betwixt the said two pillars the body of Arthur was to be found sixteen foot deep under the ground. Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth, that the tree in the which Arthur's body was found so enclosed, was an oak, but other suppose that it was an alder tree, because that in the same place a great number of that kind of trees do grow, and also for that it is not unknown, that an alder lying under ground where moisture is, will long continue without rotting.  
¶ By the finding thus of the body of Arthur buried (as before ye have heard) such as hitherto believed that he was not dead, but conveyed away by the fairies into some pleasant place, 
As for example in a cave near a water called pond perilous at Salisbury, where he and his knights should sleep armed, till an other knight should be borne that should come and awake them.  where he should remain for a time, and then to return again, and reign in as great authority as ever he did before, might well perceive themselves deceived in crediting so vain a fable. But yet (where it might otherwise be doubted, whether any such Arthur was at all, as the British histories mention, because neither Gyldas nor Beda in their works speak any thing of him) it may appear, the circumstances considered, that surely such one there was of that name, hardy and valiant in arms, though not in diverse points so famous as some writers paint him out. William Malmesburie a writer of good credit and authority amongst the learned, hath these words in his first book entitled De regibus Anglorum, 
Will. Malme. lib. 1. de regibus Ang.  saying: But he being dead [meaning Uortimer] the force of the Britain's waxed feeble, their decayed hope went backward apace: and even then surly had they gone to destruction, if Ambrose (who alone of the Romans remained yet alive, and was king after Uortigerne) had not kept under and stayed the lofty barbarous people, that is to say the Saxons, by the notable aid and assistance of the valiant Arthur.  
This is the same Arthur, of whom the trifling tales of the Britain's even to this day fantasticallie do descant and report wonders: but worthy was he doubtless, of whom feigned fables should not have so dreamt, but rather that true histories might have set forth his worthy praises, as he that did for a long season sustain and hold up his country that was ready to go to utter ruin and decay, encouraging the bold hearts of the Britain's unto the war, and finally in the siege of Badon hill, he set upon nine hundred of the enemies, and with incredible slaughter did put them all to flight. On the contrary part, the English Saxons, although they were tossed with sundry hops of fortune, yet still they renewed their bands with new supplies of their countrymen that came out of Germany, and so with bolder courage assailed their enemies, and by little and little causing them to give place, spread themselves over the whole isle. For although there were many battles, in the which sometime the Saxons and sometime the Britain's got the better, yet the greater number of Saxons that were slain, the greater number of them still came over to the succour of their countrymen, being called in and sent for out of every quarter about them.  
Here is also to be noted, that where the British history declareth, that Gawaine or Gallowine being slain in the battle fought betwixt Arthur and Mordred in Kent, 
Gawaine where he is buried.  was buried at Dover, so that his bones remained there to be showed a long time after: yet by that which the foresaid William Malmesburie writeth in the third book of his volume entitled De regibus Anglorum, 
Wil Malm. lib. 3. de regib.  the contrary may seem true: his words are these. Then (saith he) in the province of Wales, which is called Rosse, the sepulture of Gallowine was found, who was nephew to Arthur by his sister, not going out of kind from so worthy an uncle. He reigned in that part of Britain which unto this day is called Walwichia, a knight for his high prowess most highly renowned, but expelled out of his kingdom by the brother and nephew of Hengist, of whom in the first book we have made mention, first requiting his banishment with great detriment and loss to those his enemies, wherein he was partaker by just desert to his uncles worthy praise, for that he stayed (for a great many years) the destruction of his country, which was now running headlong into utter ruin and decay. But Arthur's grave no where appeareth: yet the others tomb (as I have said) was found in the days of William the conqueror, king of England, upon the sea side, and contained in length fourteen foot, where he was (as some say) wounded by his enemies, and cast up by shipwreck. But other writ, that he was slain at a public feast or banquet by his own countrymen. Thus saith William Malmesburie.  
¶ But here you must consider, that the said Malmesburie departed this life about the beginning of the reign of king Henry the second, certain years before the bones of Arthur were found (as ye have heard.) But omitting this point as needles to be controverssed, & letting all dissonant opinions of writers pass, as a matter of no such moment that we should need to stick therein as in a glewpot; we will proceed in the residue of such collections as we find necessarily pertinent to the continuation of this history; and now we will say somewhat of queen Guenhera or Guenover, the wife of the foresaid king Arthur.  
Some judge that she took her name of her excellent beauty, because Guinne or Guenne in the Welsh tongue signifieth fair, so that she was named Guennere or rather Guenlhean, even (as you would say) the fair or beautiful Elinor or Helen. She was brought up in the house of one Cador earl of Cornwall before Arthur married her: and as it appeareth by writers, she was evil reported of, as noted of incontinency & breach of faith to her husband, in manner as for the more part women of excellent beauty hardly escape the venomous blast of evil tongues, and the sharp assaults of the followers of Venus. The British history affirmeth, that she did not only abuse herself by unlawful company with Mordred, but that also in Arthur's absence she consented to take him to husband. It is likewise found recorded by an old writer, that Arthur besieged on a time the marshes near to Glastenburie, for displeasure that he bore to a certain lord called Melua, who had ravished Guenever, and led her into those marshes, and there did keep her. Her corpse notwithstanding (as before is recited) was interred together with Arthur's, so that it is thought she lived not long after his decease.  
Arthur had two wives (as Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth) of which the latter (saith he) was buried with him, and her bones found with his in one sepulchre, but yet so divided, that two parts of the tomb towards the head were appointed to receive the bones of the man, and the third part towards the feet contained the woman's bones, apart by themselves. Here is to be remembered, that Hector Boetius writeth otherwise of the death of Arthur than before in this book is mentioned, & also that Guenever being taking prisoner by the Picts, was conveyed into Scotland, where finally she died, and was there buried in Angus, as in the Scotish chronicles further appeareth. And this may be true, if he had three sundry wives, each of them bearing the name of Guenever, as sir john Price doth avouch that he had. Now because of contrariety in writers touching the great acts achieved by this Arthur, and also for that some difference there is amongst them, about the time in which he should reign, many have doubted of the whole history which of him is written (as before ye have heard.) ¶ But others there be of a constant belief, who hold it for a grounded truth, that such a prince there was; and among all other a late writer, 
David Pow. pag. 238, 239.  who falling into necessary mention of prince Arthur, frameth a speech apologetical in his and their behalf that were princes of the British blood, discharging a short but yet a sharp invective against William parvus, Polydore Virgil, and their complices, whom he accuseth of lying tongues, envious detraction, malicious slander, reproachful and venomous language, wilful ignorance, dogged envy, and cankered minds; for that they speak unreverently and contrary to the known truth concerning those thrisenoble princes. Which defensitive he would not have deposed, but that he takes the monuments of their memories for undoubted verities.  
The British histories and also the Scotish chronicles do agree, that he lived in the days of the emperor justinian, about the fifteenth year of whose reign he died, which was in the year of our Lord 542, 
542  as diverse do affirm. Howbeit some writ farther from all likelihood, that he was about the time of the emperor Zeno, who began his reign about the year of our Lord 474. The writer of the book entitled Aurea historia affirmeth, 
Aurea historia. I. Leland.  that in the tenth year of Cerdicus king of Westsaxons, Arthur the warrior rose against the Britain's. Also Diovionensis writeth, that Cerdicus fight oftentimes with Arthur, if he were overcome in one month, he arose in an other month more fierce and strong to give battle than before. At length Arthur wearied with irksomeness, after the twelfth year of the coming of Cerdicus, gave unto him upon his homage done and fealty received, the shires of Southampton and Somerset, the which countries Cerdicius named Westsaxon. 
Westsaxon.  This Cerdicius or Cerdicus came into Britain about the year of your Lord 495. In the 24 year after his coming hither, that is to say, about the year of our Lord 519, he began his reign over the Westsaxons, and governed them as king by the space of 15 years, as before ye have heard. But to follow the course of our chronicles accordingly as we have began, we must allow of their accounts herein as in other places, and so proceed.   

The decay of christian religion and receiving of the Pelagian heresy in Britain by what means they were procured and by whom redressed: Constantine succeed Arthur in the kingdom, civil war about succession to the crown, the challengers are pursued and slain, Constantine is unkindly killed of his kinsman, a bitter and reproachful invective of Gyldas against the British rulers of his time, and namely against Constantine, Conan that slew Constantine reigneth in Britain, his virtues and vices, his two years regiment, the severe reprehensions of Gyldas uttered against Conan, discovering the course of his life, and a secret prophesy of his death. The xv. Chapter.  
IN this mean while that the realm was disquieted with sore & continual wars betwixt the Britain's and Saxons (as before ye have heard) the christian religion was not only abolished in places where the Saxons got habitations, but also among the Britain's the right faith was brought into danger, by the remnant of the Pelagian heresy, 
The heresy of the Pelagians revived, Hist. Mag. Dubritius & David learned bishops.  which began again to be broached by divers naughty persons. But Dubritius that was first bishop of Landaffe, and after archbishop of Caerleon Arwiske, and his successor David, with other learned men earnestly both by preaching and writing defended the contrary cause, to the confuting of those errors, and restablishing of the truth.  
AFter the death of Arthur, 
Constantine.  his coosine Constantine the son of Cador, duke or earl of Cornwall began his reign over the Britain's, in the year of our Lord 542, 
542  which was about the 15 year of the emperor justinianus almost ended, the 29 of Childebert king of France, and the first year well near complete of the reign of Totilas king of the Goths in Italy. 
Galfrid. Matth. West.  Arthur when he perceived that he should die, ordained this Constantine to succeed him, and so by the consent of the more part of the Britain's he was crowned king: but the sons of Mordred sore repined thereat, as they that claimed the rule of the land by just title and claim of inheritance to them from their father descended. Hereupon followed civil war, 
Civil war.  so that divers battles were stricken between them, and in the end the two brethren were constrained to withdraw for refuge, the one to London, and the other to Winchester: but Constantine pursuing them, first came to Winchester, and by force entered the city, and slew the one brother that was fled thither within the church of saint Amphibalus: and after coming to London, entered that city also, and finding the other brother within a church there, slew him in like manner as he had done the other. And so having dispatched his adversaries, he thought to have purchased to himself safety: but shortly after, his own kinsman, one Aurelius Conanus arreared war against him, 
Aurelius Conanus. Constantine slain.  who joining with him in battle slew him in the field, after he had reigned four years. His body was conveyed to Stonheng, and there buried beside his ancestor Uter Pendragon.  
Of this Constantine that seemeth to be meant, which Gyldas writeth in his book entitled De excidio Britanniae, 
Gyldas.  where inveieng against the rulers of the Britain's in his time, he writeth thus: Britain hath kings, but the same be tyrants; judges it hath, but they be wicked, oftentines péeling and harming the innocent people, revenging and defending, but whom? such as be guilty persons and robbers; having many wives, but yet breaking wedlock; oftentimes swearing, and yet for swearing themselves; vowing, and for the more part lying; warring, but maintaining civil & unjust wars; pursuing indeed thieves that are abroad in the country, and yet not only cherishing those that sit even at table with them, but also highly rewarding them: giving alms largely, but on the other part heaping up a mighty mount of sins; sitting in the seat of sentence, but seldom seeking the rule of righteous judgement; despising the innocent and humble persons, and exalting so far as in them lieth, even up to the heavens, most bloody and proud murderers, thieves and adulterers, yea the very professed enemies of God; if he would so permit: keeping many in prison, whom they oppress, in loading them with irons, through craft rather to serve their own purpose, than for any gilt of the persons so imprisoned: taking solemn oaths before the altars, and shortly after, despising the same altars as vile and filthy stones.  
Of this heinous and wicked offence Constantine the tyrannical whelp of the lioness of Devonshire is not ignorant, who this year, after the receiving of his dreadful oath, whereby he bond himself that in no wise he should hurt his subjects (God first, and then his oath, with the company of saints, and his mother being there present) did notwithstanding in the reverent laps of the two mothers, as the church, and their carnal mother, under the cowl of the holy abbot, devour with sword and spear in stead of teeth, the tender sides, yea and the entrails of two children of noble and kingly race, and likewise of their two governors, yea and that (as I said) amongst the sacred altars: the arms of which persons so slain, not stretched forth to defend themselves with weapons (the which few in those days handled more valiantly than they) but stretched forth (I say) to God and to his altar in the day of judgement, shall set up the reverent ensigns of their patience and faith at the gates of the city of Christ, which so have covered the seat of the celestial sacrifice, as it were with the red mantle of their cluttered blood.  
These things he did not after any good deeds done by him deserving praise: for many years before, overcome with the often and changeable filths of adultery, & forsaking his lawful wife contrary to the laws of God, &c: he now brought forth this crime of quelling his own kinsmen, and violating the church, but neither being loosed from the snares of his former evils, he increaseth the new with the old. ¶ Thus in effect hath Gyldas written of this Constantine, with more: for turning his tale to him, he reproveth him of his faults, and counseleth him to repent.  
AFter that Aurelius Conanus had slain the foresad Constantine, 
Conanus.  as in the British histories is mentioned, the same Conan was made king of Britain in the year of our Lord 546, 
546.  in the 20 year of justinianus, and in the 33 of the reign of Childebert king of the Frenchmen. This Aurelius Conanus (as is recorded by some writers) was of a noble heart, free and liberal, but given much to the maintenance of strife and discord amongst his people, light of credit, and namely had an open ear to receive and hear the reports of such as accused other. Moreover he was noted of cruelty, as he that took his uncle, 
Matth. West. writeth that he reigned 30. years.  who of right should have been king, and kept him in prison, and not so satisfied slew in tyrannous manner the two sons of his said uncle. But God would not suffer him long to enjoy the rule of the land in such unjust dealing, for he died after he had reigned the space of two years, and left a son behind him called Uortiporus, which succeeded him in the kingdom, as authors do record. Of this Aurelius Conanus Gyldas writeth, calling unto him after he had made an end with his predecessor Constantine, saying in this wise: And thou lions whelp, as saith the prophet, Aurelius Conanus what dost thou? Art thou not swallowed up in the filthy mire of murdering thy kinsmen, of committing fornications and adulteries like to the other before mentioned, if not more deadly, as it were with the waves and surges of the drenching seas overwhelming thee with her unmerciful rage? doest thou not in hating the peace of thy country as a deadly serpent, and thirsting after civil wars and spoils (oftentimes unjustly gotten) shut up against thy soul the gates of celestial peace and refreshment? Thou being left alone as a withering tree in the middle of a field, call to remembrance (I pray thee) the vain youthful fantasy and over-timelie death of thy fathers and thy brethren. Shalt thou being set apart, and chosen forth of all thy lineage for thy godly deserts, be reserved to live an hundred years, or remain on earth till thou be as old as Methusalem? No no. And after these reprehensions, with further threatenings of God's vengeance, he exhorted him to amendment of life, and so proceedeth to talk with Uortiporus, whom he nameth the king, or rather the tyrant of Southwales, as after shall be rehearsed.   

The beginning of the kingdom of Brenitia, of whom the king of Kent, Mertia, and west Saxons descended, Ida the Saxon commended, the original of the kingdom of Deira, the circuit and bounds thereof, of Ella the governor of the same, when the partition of the kingdom of Northumberland chanced; Vortiporus reigneth over the Britain's, he vanquisheth the Saxons; Gyldas sharply reproveth Vortiporus for many grievous offences, and exhorteth him to amendment. The xuj. Chapter.  
IN the year of the Lord 547, 
Ida.  which was about the first year of the reign of Aurelius Conanus, 
547  the kingdom of Brenitia bagan under a Saxon ruler there called Ida, 
H. Hunt. The kingdom of Brenitia. began.  & descended of wooden, For where the said wooden had three sons, Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldecius; of the first, the kings of Kent were lineally extracted: of the second, the kings of Mertia: and of the third son came the kings of Westsaxon, and also of him was this Ida descended, being the ninth in lineal succession from the said Beldecius and the tenth from wooden. The same Ida was undoubtedly a right noble parsonage, and changed first that dukedom into a kingdom, where before that time the Saxons that ruled there, were subjects unto the kings of Kent. Whether he took upon him of his own accord to usurp the kingly title and royal authority, or whether that the same was given to him by consent of other, the certainty appeareth not. But sure it is, that he being a worthy prince, did not degenerate from his noble ancestors invincible in war abroad and at home, qualifying his kingly severity with a natural kind of courteous humanity. The bounds of his kingdom called (as is said) Brenitia, began in the south at the river of Tine, and ended in the north at the Forth in Scotland, in the British tongue called Werd.  
About the same time, 
Ella.  or rather about 14 years after, one Ella a Saron also reigned as king in Diera, 
561. The beginning of the kingdom of Deira.  which kingdom began at the said river of Tine in the north, & ended at the river of Humber toward the south. These two kingdoms were sometime governed by two several kings, and afterwards at other times they were joined in one, and governed by one only king, and named the kingdom of Northumberland, which in process of time was much enlarged, so that it included the shires of York, Nottingham, Derby, Lancaster, the bishopric of Durham, Copland, and other countries betwixt the east and the west seas, even unto the river of Mersie. 
The river of Mersie.  The foresaid Ella was son to Iffus, being descended from wooden, as the 12 in succession from him, though not by right line as William Malmesburie hath noted. Ida (as the same Malmesburie doth testify) reigned 14 years.  
Now Ella who was successor to Ida (as he saith) reigned thirty years, and very valiantly enlarged his kingdom. 
Matth. West.  But one author writeth how Ida reigned but 12 years, and that he builded the castle of Bamburge, first fensing it with pales, and after with a wall of stone. The same Ida had by his wife six sons, begotten in lawful bed, 
Hen. Hunt.  Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric, Osmer, and Theofred. 
Matt. West.  Moreover he begat of certain concubines (which he kept) six bastard sons, Oga, Aleric, Ettha, Osbale, Segor, and Segother. These came altogether into this land, and arrived at Flemesburke with forty ships, as Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis hath recorded. The partition of the kingdom of Northumberland chanced after the decease of Ida, as the same author signifieth: for Ada the son of the foresaid Ida succeeded his father in the kingdom of Brenitia, reigning therein seven years: and Ella the son of Histria, a most valiant duke, began to govern Deira, as both the said Matth. Westm. and other do affirm.  
VOtiporus the son of Aurelius Conanus succeeded his father, 
Vortiporus.  and began to reign over the Britain's, in the year of our Lord 576, in the 11, year of the emperor Flavius Anicius justinus, in the fourth year of the reign of Childeric king of France, 
Matth. West. noteth 578.  and in the fourth year of Clephis the Gothish king in Italy. This Uortiporus vanquished the Saxons in battle, as the British histories make mention, and valiantly defended his land and subjects the Britain's, from the danger of them and other their allies. In the time of this king's reign, the foresaid Ella began to rule in the south part of the kingdom of Northumberland called Deira, as before is mentioned, according to the account of some authors, who also take this Uortiporus to begin his reign in the year 548. After that Uortiporus had ruled the Britan's the space of 4 years, 
Matth. West. noteth 3 years  he departed this life, and left no issue behind him to succeed him in the kingdom.  
Against this Uortiporus Gyldas also whetting his tongue, beginneth with him thus: And why standest thou as one stark amazed? Thou (I say) Uortiporus the tyrant of Southwales, like to the panther in manner and wickedness diversly spotted as it were with many colours, with thy hoary head in thy throne, full of deceits, crafts and wiles, and defiled even from the lowest part of thy body to the crown of thy head, with divers & sundry murders committed on thine own kin, and filthy adulteries, thus proving a naughty son of a good king, as Manasses was to Ezechias. How chanceth it that the violent streams of sins which thou swallowest up like pleasant wine, or rather art devoured of them, (the end of thy life by little and little now drawing near) can not yet satisfy the? What meanest thou that with fornication of all evils, as it were the full heap, thine own wife being put away, thou by her honest death doest oppress thy soul with a certain burden that can not be avoided, of thine unshamefast daughter? Consume not (I pray thee) the residue of thy days to the offence of God, etc. These and the like words uttered he, exhorting him to repentance, with admonitions taken out of the scriptures both for his comfort and warning.  
¶ If the circumstance of this that Gyldas writeth of Uortiporus be marked, it may be perceived, that Geffrey of Monmouth, and also Matthew of Westminster, the author of the flowers of histories, are deceived, in that they take him to be the son of Aurelius Conanus: and rather it may be gathered, that not only the same Aurelius Conanus and Uortiporus, but also Constantinus, yea & Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus, of the which he also entreateth (as partly shall be hereafter touched) lived and reigned all at one time in several parts of this isle, and not as monarches of the whole British nation, but as rulers each of them in his quarter, after the manner as the state of Ireland hath been in times passed before the country came under the English subjection, if my conjecture herein do not deceive me.   

Malgo reigneth over the Britain's, the noble qualities wherewith he was beautified by his filthy sins are blemished, Gyldas reproveth Cuneglasus for making war against God and man, and this Malgo for his manifold offences, the vile iniquities whereunto the British rulers were inclined, the valiantness of Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, his victories against divers people his enemies, succession in the government of the Westsaxons, Northumberland, and Kentish Saxons; the first battle that was fought betwixt the Saxons in this Island, Cheuling with his Westsaxons encounter with the Britain's and get the upper hand, three kings of the Britain's slain, and their people spoiled of their lands, goods and lives. The xvij. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Uortiporus, 
Malgo.  Malgo the nephew of Aurelius Conanus (as some writ) 
Matth. West. hath noted 581  was made king of Britain, & began his reign over the Britain's, in the year of our Lord 580, 
580  in the fifteenth year of the emperor justinian, and in the 37 year of the reign of Childerike king of the Frenchmen. This Malgo is reported to have been the comeliest gentleman in beauty and shape of parsonage that was to be found in those days amongst all the Britain's, and therewith of a bold and hardy courage. 
Gal. Mon.  He manfully defended the country which he had in governance from the malice of the Saxons, and subdued the out Isles, as Orkenie and others. But notwithstanding the noble qualities with the which his person was adorned, yet he spotted them all with the filthy sin of Sodomy, so that he fell into the ha●red of almighty God, and being pursued of the Saxons, received many overthrows at their hands, as by the report o● the English writers is gathered more at large. Finally, when he had reigned five years and odd months, he departed this life.  
It seemeth that this Malgo is named by Gyldas, Maglocunus, 
Matt. Westm. counteth not cast five years to his reign though other affirm that he reigned 35 years.  the which Gyldas (before he speaketh of him) inveigheth against one Cimeglasus, whom he reproveth, for that he warred both against God and man: against God, with grievous sins, as namely adultery, in forsaking the company of his lawful wife, and keeping to concubine a sister of hers, that had professed chastilie: & against man with material armour and weapons, which he used to the destruction of his own countrymen, with whom he kept wars, and not against the enemies of the common wealth.  
From Cuneglasus he cometh to the foresaid Magl●cunus, whom he nameth the dragon of the Isles, and the expeller of many tyrants, not only out of their kingdoms, but also out of life, the last of whom he treateth (as he himself saith) but the first in all mischief & evil, greater than many in power, and likewise in malice: very liberal in giving, but more plentiful in sin, strong and valiant in arms, but stronger in destruction of his own soul. And so proceeding, chargeth him with the sin of the Sodomites, & sore blameth him, for that where it had pleased God to make him higher than all other dukes of Britain in kingdom and degree, he did not show himself better, but contrarily far worse than they both in manners and conditions. He declareth also a little after, that this Maglocune in his young years slew in battle his uncle being king, with the most valiant soldiers in manner that he had. Also that where the said Maglocune took upon him the profession of a monk, he after renounced the same, and became a woorsse liver than ever he was before, abandoning his wife, and keeping his brother's sons wife, while her husband yet lived.  
Thus by that which Gyldas writeth of the kings and rulers of the Britain's, which lived in his days, ye may perceive that they were given to all manner of wickedness, and namely to civil dissension, rapine, adultery, and fornication: so that it may be thought, that GOD stirred up the Saxons to be a scourge to them, and to work his just vengeance upon them for their wickednesses and abominable offences daily committed against his divine majesty, so that we find recorded by writers, how that the Saxons in divers conflicts against the Britain's had the better, and also took from them divers towns, as already partly hath been and also hereafter shall be showed.  
It is furthermore to be remembered, that about the 14 year of the Britain king Conanus his reign, which was about the end of the year of Christ 559, 
559  Kenrike king of the Westsaxons departed this life, after he had reigned xxv. years complete. This Kenrike was a victorious prince, 
Hen. Hunt.  and fought divers battles against the Britain's. In the 18 year of his reign, which was the 551 of Christ, we find that he fought against them, being come at that time unto Salisbury, and after great slaughter made on both parts, at length the victory remained with the Saxons, and the Britain's were chased. Again in the two and twentieth year of his reign, and 555 year of Christ, the fame Kenrike and his son Cheuling fought with a great power of Britain's at Branburie.  
The Britain's were divided into nine companies, three in the fore ward, three in the battle, and three in the rear ward, with their horsemen and archers, after the manner of the Romans. The Saxons being ranged in one entire battle, valiantly assailed them, and notwithstanding the shot of the Britain's, yet they brought the matter to the trial of handblowes, till at length by the coming on of the night, the victory remained doubtful: and no marvel is to be made thereof (saith Henry archdeacon of Huntingdon) sith the Saxons were men of huge stature, great force, & valiant courage. The same year that Kenrike deceased, Ida the king of Northumberland also died: he was (as ye have heard) a right valiant prince, & enlarged the dominion of the Saxons greatly, he overcame Loath king of the Picts in battle, and Gorran king of Scots.  
Also about the year of Christ 560, 
560  Conanus (as yet governing the Britain's) Irmen●ike king of Kent departed this life, of whom ye have heard before, & Ethelbert his son succeeded him 52 years. Then after that the foresaid three princes were dead (as before ye have heard) 
Hen. Hunt.  they had that succeeded them in their estates as here followeth. After Kenrike, his son Ceaulinus or Cheuling succeeded in government of the Westsaxons: and after Ida, one Ella or Alla reigned in Northumberland: after Irmenrike followed his son Ethelbert in rule over the Kentish Saxons.  
This Ethelbert in process of time grew to be a mighty prince, but yet in the beginning of his reign he had but sorry success against some of his enemies: for having to do with the foresaid Cheuling king of Westsaxons, 
Hen. Hunt. A●●d. Wiphandune.  he was of him overcome in battle at Wilbasdowne, where he lost two of his dukes or chief captains, beside other people. This was the first battle that was fought betwixt the Saxons, one against another within this land, after their first coming into the same. And this chanced in the year of our Lord 567, being the second year of the emperor justinus.  
ABout the year 570, 
570. Cutha.  Cutha the brother of king Cheuling fought with the Britain's at Bedford, vanquished them, 
●ilsburie. 581  & took from them 4 towns, Liganbrough, Eglesbrough or Ailsburie, Besington, and Euesham. Also about the year of our Lord 581, the foresaid king Cheuling encountered with the Britain's at a place called Diorth, and obtaining the upper hand, took from them the cities of Bath, Gloucester, and Cirencester. At this battle fought at Diorth, were present three kings of the Britain's, whose names were these: Coinmagill, Candidan, and Farimnagill, which were slain there through the permission of almighty God as then refusing his people, the which through their heinous sins and great wickednesses, had most grievously offended his high and divine majesty, as by Gyldas it may evidently appear. For they had declined from the laws of the Lord, and were become abominable in his sight, even from the prince to the poor man, from the priest to the Levit, so that not one estate among them walked uprightly, but contrary to duty was gone astray, by reason whereof the righteous God had given them over as a prey to their enemies.  
Also in the latter end of Malgos days or about the first beginning of the reign of his successor Careticus, 
His brother as Matt. West. saith.  Cheuling and his son Cutwine fought with the Britain's at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or (as some books have) Frithenlie, where Cutwine was slain, 
H. Hunt.  & the Englishmen chased: but yet Cheuling repairing his army, won the victory, and chase the Britain's, took from them many countries, and wan great riches by the spoil. But Matth. West. saith, 
Matt. West.  that the victory abode with the Britain's, and that the Saxons were chased quite out of the field. The Scotish writers record, that their king Aidan (who is noted to have been the 49 successively possessing the regiment of that land, partly with grief of hart for the death of Columba a grave and wise gentleman, whom he tenderly loved, and partly with age [for he was grown horieheaded, and had reigned 34 years] ended his life) was there in aid of the Britain's, and Brudeus king of the Picts (betwixt whom and the said Aidan a sore battle was fought) in aid of the Saxons: but the same writers name the place Deglaston, where this battle was made, and the forces of both sides by a sharp encounter tried.   

The beginning of the kingdom of Mercia, the bounds of the same, the heptarchy or seven regiments of the Saxons, how they grew to that perfection, and by whom they were reduced and drawn into a monarchy; Careticus is created king of Britain, the Saxons take occasion by the civil dissensions of the Britain's to make a full conquest of the land▪ they procure foreign power to further them in their enterprise, Gurmundus king of the Africans arriveth in Britain, the British king is driven to his hard shifts, the politic practice of Gurmundus in taking Chichester & setting the town on fire, he delivereth the whole land in possession to the Saxons, the English and Saxon kings put Careticus to flight, the Britain's have only three provinces left of all their country which before they inhabited, their religion, church, and commonwealth is in decay, they are governed by three kings, Cheulings death is conspired of his own subjects. The xviij. Chapter.  
ABout the same time also, 
Crida. H. Hunt. This kingdom began in the year 585, as Matt. Westm. saith. Ran Cest.  and 585 of Christ, the kingdom of Mercia began under one Crida, who was descended from wooden, and the tenth from him by lineal extraction. The bounds of this kingdom were of great distance, having on the east the sea unto Humber, and so on the north the said river of Humber, and after the river of Mercia, which falleth into the west sea at the corner of Wirhall, and so coming about to the river of Dee that passeth by Chester, the same river bounded it on the west from Wales, and likewise Severne up to Bristol: on the south it had the river of Thames, till it came almost to London. And in this sort it contained Lincolnshire, Notingam-shire, Derbishire, cheshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Glocestershire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertefordshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, and Warwikeshire.  
¶ Thus have ye heard how the Saxons in process of time removing the Britain's out of their ●eats, daily wan ground of them, till at length they got possession of the best part of this isle, and erected within the same seven kingdoms, which were governed by seven several kings, who continued until the kings of Westsaxon brought them all at length into one monarchy, as after shall appear. Matth. Westmin. reckoneth eight kingdoms as thus; The kingdom of Kent, the kingdom of Sussex, the kingdom of Essex, the kingdom of Eastangle, the kingdom of Mercia, the kingdom of Westsex, and the kingdom of Northumberland, which was divided into two kingdoms, that is to say, into Deira and into Bernicia: whereunto W. Harison addeth the ninth in the first part of his chronology, and calleth it Wales.  
AFter that Malgo or Maglocune was departed this life, 
Careticus 586  one Careticus, or (as some writ him) Caretius, was made king of the Britain's, and began his reign in the year of our Lord, 586, which was in the third year of the emperor Mauricius, and thirteenth of Chilperike king of France. This Careticus was a nourisher of civil war and dissension amongst his own people the Britain's, so that he was hated both of God and man, as writers testify. The Saxons understanding that the Britain's were not of one mind, but divided in partakings, so as one was ready to devour an other, thought it good time for them to advance their conquests, and ceased not to pursue the Britain's by force and continual war, till they had constrained them for refuge to withdraw into Wales. 
Gal. Mon. See more of this Gurmundus in Ireland. Ranulf. Cest.  And as some have written, the Saxons meaning to make a full conquest of the land, sent over into Ireland, requiring one Gurmundus a king of the Africans to come over into Britain to help them against the Britain's.  
This Gurmundus appointing his brother Turgesius to pursue the conquest of Ireland, came and arrived here in Britain, making such cruel war in aid of the Saxons against the Britain's, that Careticus was constrained to keep him within the city of Chicester or Cirencester, and was there besieged, and at length by continual assaults and skirmishes, when he had lost many of his men, he was glad to forsake that city, and fled into Wales. This Gurmundus took Cirencester or Chichester, and destroyed it in most cruel manner. Some writ, that he took this city by a policy of war, in binding to the feet of sparrows which his people had caught, certain clewes of thread or matches, finely wrought & tempered with matter ready to take fix, so that the sparrows being suffered to go out of hand, slew into the town to lodge themselves within their nests which they had made in stacks of corn, and eves of houses, so that the town was thereby set on fire, and then the Britain's issuing forth, fought with their enemies, and were overcome and discomfited.  
But whilst the battle continued, Careticus stale away, and got him into Wales. After this, the foresaid Gurmundus destroyed this land throughout in pitiful wise, and then delivered it in possession to the Saxons, the which thankfully received it: and because they were descended of those that first came over with Hengist, they changed the name of the land, and called it Hengistland, accordingly as the same Hengist had in times past ordained: the which name after for shortness of speech was somewhat altered, and so lastly called England, and the people Englishmen. But rather it may be thought, that sith a great part of those people which came over into this land out of Germany with the said Hengist, and other captains, were of those Englishmen which inhabited Germany, about the parts of Thoringhen, they called this land England, after their name, when they had first got habitation within it: 
Matt. West.  and so both the land and people took name of them, being called Angli, a long time before they entered into this Isle (as before is showed out of Cornelius Tacitus and others.) But now to return where we left.  
Of this Gurmundus the old English writers make no mention, nor also any ancient authors of foreign parties: and yet saith the British book, that after he had conquered this land, and given it to the Saxons, he passed over into France, and there destroyed much of that land, as an enemy to the faith of Christ. For which consideration he was the more ready to come to the aid of the Saxons, who as yet had not received the christian faith, but warred against the Britain's, as well to destroy the faith of Christ within this land, as to establish to themselves continual habitations in the same. 
It should seem that this history of Gurmundus is but some feigned tale except it may be that he was some Dane, Norwegian or German.  There be, that omitting to make mention of Gurmundus, writ thus of the expelling of the Britain's out of this land at that time, when with their king Careticus they got them into Wales.  
In the year of Grace 586, 
586 Matt. West.  Careticus a lover of civil war succeeded Malgo an enemy to God and to the Britain's, whose inconstancy when the English and Saxon kings perceived, with one consent they rose against him, and after many battles chased him from city to city, till at length incountering with him in a pight field, they drove him beyond Severne into Wales. Hereupon clerks and priests were driven out of their places with bright swords brandishing in all parts, and fire crackling in churches, wherewith the same were consumed. The remnant of the Britain's therefore withdrew into the west parts of the land, that is to say, into Cornwall, and into Wales, out of which countries they oftentimes broke out, and made insurrections upon the Saxons, the which in manner aforesaid got possession of the chiefest parts of the land, leaving to the Britain's only three provinces, that is to say, Cornwall, Southwales, and North-wales, which countries were not easy to be won, by reason of the thick woods environed with deep mareshes and waters, and full of high craggy rocks and mounteins.  
The English and Saxon kings having thus removed the Britain's, enlarged the bounds of their dominions. There reigned in that season within this land, beside the Britain kings, eight kings of the English and Saxon nations, as Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex, Ceauline in Westsex, Creda or Crida in Mercia, Erkenwine in Essex, Titila in Estangle, Elle in Deira, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this sort the Britain's lost the possession of the more part of their ancient seats, and the faith of Christ thereby was greatly decayed: for the churches were destroyed; and the archbishops of Caerleon Arwiske, London and York withdrew together with their clergy into the mounteins and woods within Wales, taking with them the relics of saints, doubting the same should be destroyed by the enemies, and themselves put to death if they should abide in their old habitations. Many also fled into Britain Armorike with a great fleet of ships, so that the whole church or congregation (as ye may call it) of the two provinces, Loegria and Northumberland, was left desolate in that season, to the great hindrance and decay of the christian religion. Careticus was driven into Wales (as before is rehearsed) about the second or third year of his reign, and there continued with his Britain's, the which ceased not to endamage the Saxons from time to time as occasion still served.  
But here is to be noted, that the Britain's being thus removed into Wales and Cornwall, were governed afterwards by three kings, or rather tyrants, the which ceased not with civil war to seek others destruction, 
Wil Mol●●.  till finally (as saith the British book) they became all subject unto Cadwallo, whom Beda nameth Cedwallo. In the mean time, Ceaulinus or Cheuling king of the Westsaxons, through his own misgovernance and tyranny, which towards his latter days he practised, did procure not only the Britain's, but also his own subjects to conspire his death, so that joining in battle with his adversaries at Wodensdic, in the 33 year of his reign, his army was discomfited, and he himself constrained to departed into exile, and shortly after ended his life before he could find means to be restored.  
¶ So that we have here a mirror or lively view of a tyrant and a king, wherein there is no less odds in the manner of their government, than there is repugnance in their names, or difference in their states. For he seethe but little into the knowledge of tongues, that understandeth not what the office of a king should be, by the composition of his name, the same sounding in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which being resolved is in effect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the foundation or stay of the people; from which quality when he resulteth, he maketh shipwreck of that goodly title, and degenerateth into a tyrant, than the which violent and enforced government as there is none more perilous, so is it of all other the least in continuance: this is proved by historical observation through the course of this history.   

Ceolric reigneth over the Westsaxons, the Saxons and Britain's encounter, Ethelbert king of kent subdueth the Englishsaxons, he is married to the French kings daughter upon cautions of religion, the king embraceth the gospel, Augustine the monk and others were sent into this Isle to preach the christian faith, the occasion that moved Gregory the great to send him, buying and selling of boys, the Englishmen called Angli commended, Ethelbert causeth Augustine and his fellows to come before him, they preach to the king and his train, he granteth them a convenient seat and competent relief in Canturburie, the manner of their going thither and their behaviour there, the king and his people receive the christian faith, and are baptized. The nineteen. Chapter.  
NOw after Cheuling, 
Celric.  his nephew Celricus or Ceolric that was son unto Cutwine, the son of the foresaid Cheuling, reigned as king over the Westsaxons five years & five months. In like manner the same year died Ella or Alla king of Northumberland, after whom succeeded Ethelricus the son of Ida, and reigned but five years, being a man well grown in years before he came to be king. About three years after this, the Saxons & Britain's fought a battle at Wodenesbourne, where the Britan's being ranged in good order, the Saxons set upon them boldly indeed, but disorderedly, so that the victory remained with the Britain's. The Saxons the more valiant they had showed themselves in battle, before that time, so much the more slow and untowardly did they show themselves now in running away to save themselves, so that an huge number of them were slain. Also about the same time died Crida king of Mercia 594, 
594  after whom his son Wibbas or Wipha succeeded. And after the decease of Ethelric, one Edelbertor Edelfride surnamed the wild, succeeded in government of the Northumber's. But to return to our purpose.  
Ethelbert king of Kent, not discouraged with the evil chance which happened in the beginning, but rather occasioned thereby to learn more experience in feats of war, 
Beda. Will. Malmes.  proved so perfect a master therein, that in process of time he subdued by force of arms all those English Saxons which lay betwixt the bounds of his country, and the river of Humber. Also to have friendship in foreign parts, he procured a wife for himself of the French nation, named the lady Bertha, being king Cheriberts' daughter of France; but with condition, that he should permit her to continue and use the rites and laws of christian faith and religion, and to have a bishop whose name was Luidhard, appointed to come and remain with her here in this land for her better instruction in the laws of the Lord. So that they two with other of the French nation that came over with them remaining in the court, and using to serve God in prayers and otherwise, according to the custom of the christian religion, began undoubtedly to give light to the king's mind as yet darkened with the clouds of paganism, so as the bright beams of the celestial clearness of understanding removed the thick mists of his unbelief in tract of time, and prepared his heart to the receiving of the gospel, which after by heavenly providence was preached to him, by occasion, and in manner as followeth.  
In the year of our Lord 596, which was about the 14 year of the reign of the emperor Mauricius, and after the coming of the English Saxons into this land, 
Beda. Matth. West. saith 596.  about an 47 years almost complete, the bishop of Rome, Gregory the first of that name, and surnamed Magnus, 
47 saith the same author.  sent Augustinus a monk, with certain other learned men into this Isle to preach the christian faith unto the English Saxons, which nation as yet had not received the gospel. And here we hold it necessary to show how it is recorded by divers writers, that the first occasion whereby Gregory was moved thus to send Augustine into this land, rose by this means.  
It chanced (whilst the same Gregory was as yet but archdeacon of the see of Rome) 
Beda. Will. Malmes.  certain young boys were brought thither to be sold out of Northumberland, according to the accustomable use of that country, in somuch that as we have in our time seen (saith W. Mal.) the people of that province have not yet doubted to sell away their near kinsfolk for a small price. When those children which at that time were brought from thence to Rome, had by reason of their excellent beauties and comely shape of limbs and body, turned the eyes in manner of all the citizens to the beholding of them, it fortuned that Gregory also came amongst other to behold them, and when he considered and well viewed their fair skins, 
Vita Gregorii. magni.  their sweet visages, and beautiful bushes of their bright and yellow hears, he demanded out of what region or land they came, unto whom answer was made, that they were brought out of Britain, the inhabitants of which country were of the like beautiful aspect. Then he asked whether the men of that country were christians, or as yet entangled with blind heathenish errors? Whereunto it was answered, that they were not christened, but followed the religion of the Gentiles. Whereat Gregory fetching a deep sigh, said: Ah, alas that the author of darkness doth as yet possess men of so brightsome countenances, and that with the grace of such fair shining visages, they bear about minds void of inward grace.  
Moreover he demanded by what name the people were called, whereto answer was made, that they were called Angli, that is to say Englishmen. Right worthily (saith he) for they have angels faces, and such as ought to be made fellow heirs with angels in heaven. Then asked he the name of the province from whence they were brought, and it was told him they were of Deira. It is well (said he) they are to be delivered De ira dei, that is to say, from the ire and wrath of God, and called to the mercy of Christ our Lord? What name (said he) hath the king of that province, Whereunto answer was made that he was called Alla, whereupon alluding to that name, he said, Alleluia ought to be song in those parts to the praise and honour of God the creator.  
Hereupon coming to Benedict the first of that name (as then bishop of Rome) 
Pelagius the second Will. Malmes.  he required him that some learned men might be sent into England to preach the gospel unto the Englishmen, offering himself to be one of the number. But though Benedict was contented to grant his request, yet the Romans had him in such estimation, 
Pelagius.  that they would not consent that he should departed 〈◊〉 far from the city, so that by them he was at that time stayed of that his godly purpose. Howbeit when he came to be bishop, he thought to person 〈◊〉 if though not by himself, yet by other: and so Augustine and his fellows were sent by him about it (as before is said.) By the way, as they were passing in their iour●●●, such a sudden fear entered into their hearts, 
M. Fox.  that (as some writ) they returned all. Others writ, that Augustine was sent back to Gregory, to sue that they might be released of that voyage so dangerous and uncertain amongst such a barbarous people, whose language they neither knew, nor whose rudeness they were able to resist. Then Gregory with pithy persuasions confirming and comforting him, sent him again with letters unto the bishop of Arles, willing him to help and aid the said Austin and his company in all what so ever his need required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austin unto his fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenor of the said epistle here following may appear.  

Gregory the servant of God's servants, to the servants of our Lord.  
FOr as much as it is better not to take good things in hand, than after they be begun, to think to revolt back from the same again, therefore now you may not nor cannot (dear children) but with all fervent study and labour must needs go forward in that good business, which through the help of God you have well begun. Neither let the wearisomeness of your journey, nor the slanderous tongues of men appall you, but that with all instance and fervency ye proceed and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand, knowing that your great travel shall be recompensed with reward of greater glory hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austin to you again, whom also we have ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for your souls what soever at his admonition ye shall do. Almighty God with his grace defend you, and grant me to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labours, though here I cannot labour in the same fellowship with you together. The Lord God keep you safe most dear and well-beloved children. Dated the tenth before the kalends of August, in the reign of our sovereign lord Mauricius most virtuous emperor, the fourteenth of his empire.  
Thus emboldened and comforted through the good words and wholesome exhortation of Gregory, they set forward again, and speeding forth their journey, first arrived at the isle of Thanet in Kent in the month of julie, being in number about forty persons, of the which diverse were interpreters, whom they brought with them out of France. These they sent unto king Ethelbert, signifying the occasion of their coming, who hearing the messengers within a few days after, went into that I'll, and there abroad out of any house sat down, and caused Augustine and his fellows to come before him, for he would not come under any roof with them, sore doubting to be bewitched by them, being persuaded that they were practised in necromancy. But they coming to him, not by the power of the devil (as they said) but by the might and power of almighty God, bearing in steed of a banner a cross of silver, and an image of our Lord and Saviour painted in a table, 
The sevenfold litanies of S. Gregory were not yet devised.  and thereto singing the litanies, made intercession unto the Lord for the everlasting preservation of themselves, and of all them for whom and to whom they came.  
Now when they being set down by commandment of the king, had preached the word of life to him, and to all those that came thither with him, he made them this answer, that their words and promises were good: but for as much as the same were new & uncertain to him that had been brought up in the contrary doctrine, he could not rashly assent to their admonitions, & leave that belief which he and the English nation had so long a time observed and kept: but (said he) because ye have traveled far, to the intent to make us partakers of those things which ye believe to be most true and perfect, we will thus much grant unto you, that ye shall be received into this country, and have harbour, with all things sufficient found unto you for your maintenance and sustentation: neither will we hinder you, but that ye may by preaching associate and join as many of our subjects as you can unto your law and belief. They had therefore assigned unto them a place to lodge in within the city of Canturburie, which was the head city of all his dominion. It is said that as they approached the city according to their manner, they had a cross borne before them, with an image of our Lord jesus Christ, and they followed, singing this litany, Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, ut auferatur furor tuus & ira tua à civitate ista & de domo sancta tua, quoniam peccavimus: Alleluia. That is to say, We beseech thee ò Lord in all thy mercy that thy fury and wrath may be taken from this city, and from thy holy house, for we have sinned. Praise be to thee o Lord. After they were received into Canturburie, 
Beda. Matth. West.  they began to follow the trade of life which the apostles used in the primitive church, that is to say, exercising themselves in continual prayer, watching, and preaching to as many as they could, despising all worldly things, as not belonging to them, receiving only of them (whom they taught) things necessary for the sustenance of their life, & living in all points according to the doctrine which they set forth, having their minds ready to suffer in patience all adversities what so ever, yea and death itself, for the confirming of that which they now preached. 
The christian faith received of the English men.  Hereupon, many of the English people believed and were baptized, having in great reverence the simplicity of those men, and the sweetness of their heavenly doctrine. There was a church néeree to the city on the east part thereof dedicated to the honour of saint Martin, and builded of old time whilst the Romans as yet inhabited Britain, in the which the queen, being (as we have said) a christian, used to make her prayers. To this church Austin and his fellows at their first coming accustomed to resort, and there to sing, to pray, to say mass, to preach and to baptise, till at length the king being converted, granted them licence to preach in every place, and to build and restore churches where they thought good. After that the king being persuaded by their doctrine, good examples giving, and divers miracles showed, was once baptized, the people in great numbers began to give ear unto the preaching of the gospel, and renouncing their heathenish belief, became christians, 
Lib. 7. cap. 26.  in so much that as Gregory remembreth, there were baptized ten thousand persons in one day, being the feast of the nativity of our Saviour 597, and the first indiction.  
¶ Some write how this should chance toward the latter end of Augustine's days, 
Polychron.  after he was admitted to preach the gospel amongst them that inhabited about York (as some writ) which affirm, that the said number of ten thousand was baptized in the river of Suale, which (as W. Harison saith) cannot be verified, because of the indiction and death of Gregory. But to proceed.    

Religion is not to be enforced but persuaded and preached, Augustine is made archbishop of England, Gregory informeth Augustine of certain ordinances to be made and observed in the new English church, as the revenues of the church to be divided into four parts, of liturgy, of marriage, of ecclesiastical discipline and ordaining of bishops: trifling questions objected by Augustine to Gregory, fellow helpers are sent over to assist Augustine in his ministery, he receiveth his pall, reformation must be done by little and little, not to glory in miracles, the effect of Gregory's letters to K. Ethelbert after his conversion to christianity. The xx. Chapter.  
KIng Ethelbert rejoiced at the conversion of his people, 
Beda. lib. 1. cap. 26. and 27.  howbeit he would not force any man to be baptized, but only showed by his behaviour, that he favoured those that believed more than other, as fellow citizens with him of the heavenly kingdom: for he learned of them that had instructed him in the faith, that the obedience due to Christ ought not to be enforced, but to come of good will. Moreover he provided for Augustine and his fellows a convenient place for their habitation within the city of Canturburie, and further gave them necessary revenues in possession for their maintenance. 
Augustine ordained archbishop of the English nation.  After that the faith of Christ was thus received of the English men, Augustine went into France, and there of the archbishop of Arles named Etherius was ordained archbishop of the English nation, according to the order prescribed by Gregory before the departure of the said Augustine from Rome.  
After his return into Britain, he sent Laurence a priest, 
Laurence a priest.  and peter a monk unto Rome, to give knowledge unto Gregory the bishop, how the Englishmen had received the faith, and that he was ordained archbishop of the land, according to that he had commanded, if the work prospered under his hand as it had done. He also required to have Gregory's advice touching certain ordinances to be made and observed in the new church of England. Whereupon Gregory, sending back the messengers, wrote an answer unto all his demands. And first touching the conversation of archbishops with the clergy, and in what sort the church goods ought to be employed, 
The revenues of the church to be divided into 4. parts.  he declared that the ancient custom of the apostolic see was to give commandment unto bishops ordained, that the profits and revenues of their benefices ought to be divided into four parts, whereof the first should be appointed to the bishop and his family for the maintenance of hospitality: the second should be assigned to the clergy: the third given to the poor: and the fourth employed upon repairing of temples.  
And whereas in the church of Rome one custom in saying mass or the liturgy was observed, 
Liturgy.  and another custom in France; concerning such church service, 
Church service.  Gregory advised Austin that if he found any thing either in the church of Rome, either in the church of France, or in any other church which might most please the almighty God, he should diligently choose it out, and instruct the church of England (now being new) according to that form which he should gather forth of the said churches: for the things are not loved for the places sake, but the places for the things sake. 
Such as did steal.  Also for punishing of such as had stolen things out of churches, so near as might be, the offendor should be chastised in charity, so as he might know his fault, and (if it were possible) restore the thing taken away.  
And touching degrees in marriage, Englishmen might take to their wives, 
Marriages.  women that touched them in the third and fourth degree without reprehension, and if any unlawful marriages were found amongst the Englishmen, as if the son had married the father's wife, or the brother the brother's wife, they ought to be warned in any wise to abstain, and understand it to be a grievous sin: yet should they not for that thing be deprived of the communion of the body and blood of our Lord, lest those things might seem to be punished in them wherein they had offended (before their conversion to the christian faith) by ignorance: 
Discipline of the church.  for at this season the church (saith he) correcteth some things of a fervent earnestness, suffereth some things of a gentle mildness, and dissembleth some things of a prudent consideration, and so beareth and winketh at the same, that oftentimes the evil which she abhorreth by such bearing and dissembling, is restrained and reform.  
Moreover touching the ordaining of bishops, 
Ordaining of bishops.  he would they should be so placed, that the distance of place might not be a let, but that when a bishop should be consecrated, there might be three or four present. Also touching the bishops of France, he willed Augustine in no wise to intermeddle with them, otherwise than by exhortation and good admonition to be given, but not to presume any thing by authority, sith the archbishop of Arles had received the pall in times past, whose authority he might not diminish, lest he should seem to put his sickle into another man's harvest. But as for the bishops of Britain, he committed them unto him, that the unlearned might be taught, the weak with wholesome persuasions strengthened, and the froward by authority reform. Moreover, that a woman with child might be baptized, 
Women with child.  and she that was delivered after 33 days of a manchild, and after 46 days of a womanchild, should be purified, but yet might she enter the church before, if she would.  
The residue of Augustine's demands consisted in these points, 
Matters in question about trifles.  to wit:  
1 Within what space a child should be christened after it was borne, for doubt to be prevented by death?  
2 Within what time a man might company with his wife after she was brought to bed?  
3 Whether a woman, having her flowers, might enter the church, or receive the communion?  
4 Whether a man having had company with his wife, might enter the church, or receive the communion before he was washed with water?  
5 Whether after pollusion by night in dreams, a man might receive the communion: or if he were a priest, whether he might say mass?  
To these questions Gregory maketh answer at full in the book and place before cited, which for bréefenesse we pass over. He sent also at that time with the messengers aforesaid, at their return into England, divers learned men to help Augustine in the harvest of the Lord. The names of the chiefest were these, 
Assistance to Augustine. The pall.  Melitus, justus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus. He sent also the pall, which is the ornament of an archbishop, with vessels and apparel which should be used in churches by the archbishop and other ministers. He sent also with the pall other letters to Augustine, to let him understand what number of bishops he would have him to ordain within this land. Also after that Melitus, and the other before mentioned persons were departed from Rome, he sent a letter unto the same Melitus, being yet on his way toward Britain, touching further matter concerning the churches of England, wherein he confesseth that many things are permitted to be used of the people lately brought from the errors of gentility, 
Bearing with them that had newly received the faith, whereof superstition grew and increased.  in keeping feasts on the dedication days, which have resemblance with the old superstitious rites of the Pagan religion. For to hard and obstinate minds (saith he) it is not possible to cut away all things at once, for he that coveteth to the highest place, goeth up by steps and not by leaps.  
At the same time Gregory did send letters unto Augustine touching the miracles, 
Miracles.  which by report he understood were showed by the fame Augustine, counseling him in no wise to glory in the same, but rather in rejoicing to fear, and consider that God gave him the gift to work such signs for the wealth of them to whom he was sent to preach the gospel: he advised him therefore to beware of vainglory and presumption, for the disciples of the truth (faith he) have no joy, but only that which is common with all men, of which there is no end, for not every one that is elect worketh miracles, but every of the elect have their names written in heaven. These letters, with the other which Gregory sent at this time unto Augustine, were dated the tenth day of the kalends of julie, 
602  in the year of our Lord 602, which was the 19 year of the emperor Mauricius. Moreover he sent most courteous letters by these messengers to king Ethelbert, in the which he greatly commended him, in that he had received the christian faith, and exhorted him to continue in that most holy state of life, whereby he might worthily look for reward at the hands of almighty God.   

What reparations and foundations Augustine finished for clergimen to the supportation of the church, the building of Paul's in London and saint peter's in Westminster uncertain, a provincial council called by Augustine, he restoreth a blind man to his sight, the Britain's are hardly weaned from their old custom of belief, an heremits opinion of Augustine, he requireth three things to be observed of the Britain's, he ordaineth bishops at London and Rochester; Sabert reigneth over the Eastsaxons, Augustine dieth and is buried. The xxj. Chapter.  
THus far we have waded in the form and manner of converting the English nation to christianity, by the labours of Augustine and his coadjutors: now therefore (that we may orderly proceed) it remaineth that we say somewhat of the acts and deeds of the said Augustine: of whom we read, 
Beda.  that after he was established archbishop, and had his see appointed him at Canturburie, he restored another church in that city which had been erected there in times passed by certain of the Romans that were christians, and did dedicate the same now to the honour of Christ our Saviour. He also began the foundation of a monastery without that city, standing toward the east, in the which by his exhortation, king Ethelbert built a church even from the ground, which was dedicated unto the holy apostles Peter and Paul, in the which the body of the said Augustine was buried, and likewise the bodies of all the archbishops of Canturburie and kings of Kent a long time after. This abbey was called saint Augustine's after his name, 
One Peter was the first Abbot.  one Peter being the first abbot thereof. The church there was not consecrated by Augustine, but by his successor Laurence, after he was dead.  
Moreover, king Ethelbert at the motion of Augustine built a church in the city of London (which he lately had conquered) and dedicated it unto saint Paul; but whether he builded or restored this church of saint Paul it may be doubted, for there be divers opinions of the building thereof. 
Ran. Higd.  Some have written that it was first builded by king Lud (as before is mentioned.) Other again write, that it was builded afterward by Sigebert king of the Eastsaxons. Also king Ethelbert builded the church of saint Andrews in Rochester. 
Beda.  It is likewise remembered by writers, that the same king Ethelbert procured a citizens of London to build a church to S. Peter without the city of London toward the west, in a place then called Thorney, that is to say, the isle of thorns, and now called Westminster: 
Ran. Higd. Westminster church burden.  though others have written that it was built by Lucius king of Britain, or rather by Sibert king of the Eastsaxons. This church was either newly built, or greatly enlarged by king Edward surnamed the Confessor, and after that, the third Henry king of England did make there a beautiful monastery, and very richly endowed the same with great possessions and sumptuous jewels. The place was overgrown with underwoods', as thorns and brambles, before that the church was begun to be builded there in this king Ethelberts days. ¶ Thus the faith of Christ being once begun to be received of the English men, took wonderful increase within a short time.  
In the mean season by the help of king Ethelbert, 
Ran. Cest. Beda. Sigebertus. ann. 19 Mau●●●● imperatoris. A synod. Austin's okt. Galfrid. lib. 8. cap. 4.  Augustine caused a council to be called at a place in the confines of the Westsaxons, which place long after was called Austin's oak, where he procured the bishops or doctors of the provinces of the Britain's to come before him. Among the Britain's or the Welshmen, christianity as yet remained in force, which from the apostles time had never failed in that nation. When Augustine came into this land, he found in their provinces seven bishops see, and an archbishops see, wherein sat very godly & right religious prelates, and many abbots, in the which the Lords flock kept their right order: but because they differed in observing the feast of Easter, and other rites from the use of the Roman church, 
Beda lib. 2. ca 2.  Augustine thought it necessary to move them to agree with him in unity of the same, but after long disputation and reasoning of those matters, they could not be induced to give their assent in that behalf. Augustine to prove his opinion good, wrought a miracle in restoring sight to one of the Saxon nation that was blind.  
The Britain's that were present, moved with this miracle, confessed that it was the right way of justice and righteousness which Augustine taught; but yet they said that they might not forsake their ancient customs without consent and licence of their nation. Whereupon they required another synod to be holden, 
Another synod.  whereat a greater number of them might be present. This being granted, there came (as it is reported) seven bishops of the Britain's, and a great number of learned men, specially of the famous monastery of Bangor, 
The monastery of Bangor. Abbot Dionoth.  whereof in those days one Dionoth was abbot, who as they went towards that council, came first to a certain wise man, which lived amongst them an heremits life, and asked his advise, whether they ought to forsake their traditions at the preaching of Augustine or not: who made this answer; If he be the man of God, follow him. Then said they; 
The answer of a godly man touching Austin the Englishmen'S apostle.  How shall we prove whether he be so or not? Then said he: The Lord saith, take up my yoke and learn of me, for I am meek & humble in hart: if Augustine be humble and meek in hart, it is to be believed that he also beareth the yoke of Christ, and offereth it to you to bear; but if he be not meek but proud, it is certain that he is not of GOD, nor his word to be regarded. And how shall we see and perceive that (said they?) Find means (said he) that he may first come to the place of the synod with those of his side, and if he arise to receive you at your coming, then know that he is the servant of God, and obey him; but if he despise you, and arise not towards you, whereas you be more in number, let him be despised of you.  
They did as he commanded, and it chanced, that when they came, they found Augustine sitting in his chair: whom when they beheld, straightways they conceived indignation, and noting him of pride, laboured to reprove all his saiengs. He told them that they used many things contrary to the custom of the universal church, and yet if in three things they would obey him, 
Three things required by Augustine of the Britain's to be observed.  that is to say, in keeping the feast of Easter in due time, in ministering baptism according to the custom of the Roman church, & in preaching to the Englishmen the word of life with him & his fellows, than would he be contented to suffer all other things patiently which they did, though the same were contrary to the manners and customs of the Roman jurisdiction. But they flatly denied to do any of those things, and gave a plain answer that they would not receive him for their archbishop: for laying their heads together, thus they thought, If he refuse now to arise unto us, how much the more will he contemn us if we should become subject to him? 
Augustine threateneth.  Unto whom (as it is said) Augustine in threatening wise told them afore hand, that if they would not receive peace with their brethren, they should receive war of the enemies; & if they would not preach to the Englishmen the way of life, they should suffer punishment by death at the hands of them: which thing in deed after came to pass, as in place convenient shall be expressed. After this in the year of our Lord 604, the archbishop Augustine ordained two bishops, 
604 Bishops ordained at London and Rochester.  that is to say, Melitus at London, that he might preach the word of God to the Eastsaxons, which were divided from them of Kent by the river of Thames, and justus in the city of Rochester within the limits of Kent.  
AT that time Sabert reigned over the Eastsaxons, 
Sabert.  but he was subject unto Ethelbert king of Kent, whose nephew he was also by his sister Ricula that was married unto king Sledda that succeeded after Erchenwine the first king of the Eastsaxons, and begat on her this Sabert that received the faith. After that Augustine had ordained Melitus to be bishop of London, as before is said, king Ethelbert builded (as some writ) the church of saint Paul within the same city, where the same Melitus and his successors might keep their see. And also for the like purpose he builded the church of saint Andrew the apostle at Rochester, that justus and his successors might have their see in that place, according to Augustine's institution: he bestowed great gifts upon both those churches, endowing them with lands and possessions very bountifully, to the use of them that should be attendant in the same with the bishops.  
Finally, 
Ran. Cestren.  Augustine after he had governed as archbishop the church of Canturburie by the space of 12 years currant, departed this life the five and twentieth of May, and was buried first without the eitie near to the church of the apostles Peter and Paul (whereof mention is made before) because the same church as yet was not finished nor dedicated; but after it was dedicated, his body was brought into the church, and reverently buried in the north I'll there. He ordained in his life time Laurence to be his successor in the see of Canturburie, of whom ye shall hear hereafter. ¶ Thus have ye heard in what manner the Englishmen were first brought from the worshipping of false gods, and baptized in the name of the living God by the foresaid Augustine (as we find in Beda and other writers.) Now we will return to other doings chancing in the mean time amongst the people of this isle.   

Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph governeth the Westsaxons, Ceorlus king of Mercia, Edelfride king of the Northumber's, and Edan king of the Scots join in battle, Edan is discomfited, Edelfride subdueth the citizens of Chester, the devout monks of Bangorpraie for safety from the sword of the enemy, twelve hundred of them are slain, Edelfride entereth the city of Chester, the Britain's assembling their power under three captains encounter with Edelfride, slay many of his soldiers, and put him to flight, wars between Edelfride and Redwald king of the Eastangles about Edwine the son of king Elle, Edelfride is slain, Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons dieth. The xxij. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Chelricus king of the Westsaxons, 
Matth. West. saith 34.  we find that Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph succeeded in government of that kingdom, and reigned twelve years. He began his reign (as should appear by some writers) about the year of our Lord 597, 
Matth. West. saith 607.  and spent his time for the more part in wars, not giving place to idleness, but seeking either to defend or enlarge the confines of his dominion. He was the son of Cutha, which was the son of Kenrike, which was the son of Certike. After Wibba or Wipha king of Mercia (who, nothing inferior to his father, did not only defend his kingdom, but also enlarge it, by subduing the Britain's on each side) one Ceorlus succeeded in that kingdom, being not his son but his kinsman. This Ceorlus began his reign about the year of our Lord 594, 
Ceorlus king of Mercia. 594  as Matth. West. recordeth.  
Ye have heard that Edelferd, which otherwise is called also by writers Edelfride, 
Beda Edelferd.  surnamed the wild, governed still the Northumber's, which Edelferd did more damage to the Britain's then any one other king of the English nation. None of them destroyed their countries more than he did: neither did any prince make more of the Britain's tributaries, or inhabited more of their countries with English people than he. Hereupon Edan king of those Scots which inhabited Britain, being therewith moved to see Edelfride prosper thus in his conquests, came against him with a mighty army: but joining in battle with Edelfride and his power, at a place called Degsastane, or Degsastone, or Deglaston, he lost the most part of his people, and with the residue that were left alive, he escaped by flight. This was a sore fought battle, with much bloodshed on both parties. For notwithstanding that the victory remained with the Northumber's, Theobaldus the brother of Edelferd was slain, with all that part of the English host which he governed: and it was fought in the year of our Lord 603, 
603 Henr. Hunt. Beda lib. 1. cap. 34.  in the 19 year of the reign of the foresaid Edelferd, and in the sixth year of Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, and in the first year of the emperor Phocas, or rather in the last year of his predecessor Mauricius. From that day, till the days of Beda, not one of the Scotish kings burst presume to enter into Britain again to give battle against the English nation, as Beda himself writeth. 
Wil Malm. See in Scotland.  But the Scotish writers make other report of this matter, as in the history of Scotland ye may find recorded.  
The Britain's that dwelled about Chester, through their stoutness provoked the aforesaid Edelferd king of the Northumber's unto war: whereupon to tame their lofty stomaches, he assembled an army & came forward to besiege the city of Chester, 
Chester as yet in possession of the Britain's.  then called of the Britain's Carleon ardour deué. The citizens coveting rather to suffer all things than a siege, and having a trust in their great multitude of people, came forth to give battle abroad in the fields, whom he compassing about with ambushes, 
I. Leland. Wil Malm.  got within his danger, and easily discomfited.  
It chanced that he had espied before the battle joined (as Beda saith) 
Beda.  where a great number of the British priests were got aside into a place somewhat out of danger, that they might there make their intercession to God for the good speed of their people, being then ready to give battle to the Northumber's. Many of them were of that famous monastery of Bangor, 
The number of monks in the monastery of Bangor.  in the which it is said, that there was such a number of monks, that where they were divided into seven several parts, with their several governors appointed to have rule over them, every of those parts contained at the least three hundred persons, the which lived altogether by the labour of their hands. Many therefore of those monks having kept a solemn fast for three days together, were come to the army with other to make prayer, having for their defender one Brocmale or Broemael, 
Brocmale.  earl (or consul as some call him) of Chester, which should preserve them (being given to prayer) from the edge of the enemies sword.  
King Edelferd having (as is said) espied these men, asked what they were, and what their intent was; and being informed of the whole circumstance and cause of their being there, he said; Then if they call to their God for his assistance against us, surly though they bear no armour, yet do they fight against us, being busied in prayer for our destruction. Whereupon he commanded the first onset to be given them, 
The Britain's discomfited & slain.  and after slew down the residue of the British army, not without great loss of his own people. Of those monks and priests which came to pray (as before is mentioned) there died at that battle about the number of 12 hundred, so that fifty of them only escaped by flight. Brocmale, or Broemael at the first approach of the enemies, turning his back with his company, left them (whom he should have defended) to be murdered through the enemies sword. Thus was the prophesy of Augustine fulfilled, though he was long before departed this life (as Beda saith.)  
¶ Here is to be noted, 
Henr. Hunt.  if this battle was fought in the seventh year of Ceowlfe king of Westsaxon (as some have written) and that Augustine lived 12 years after his entrance into the government of the see of Canturburie (as some writ) it is evident that he lived four years after this slaughter made of the British priests and monks by Edelferd (as before is recited.) For Ceowlfe began his reign (as before is mentioned) about the year of our Lord 596, and in the seventh year of his reign the battle was fought at Degsastane betwixt the English & the Scots, which chanced in the year of our Lord 604, as Beda himself recordeth. A late chronographer running upon this matter, 
W. Harison.  and precisely setting down his collection, saith that Athelbright, or Edelfride, K. of the Northumber's, & Ethelbert K. of Kent, having Augustine in their company, in the eight year after his arrival, made war upon such Britain's as refused to observe the canons of the late council mentioned 603, and killed 1200 monks of the monastery of Bangor, which laboured earnestly, and in the sweat of their brows, thereby to get their livings, etc. Uerclie Galf. Mon. writeth, that Ethelbert king of Kent (after he saw the Britain's to disdain and deny their subjection unto Augustine, by whom he was converted to the christian faith) stirred up Edelferd king of the Northumber's to war against the Britain's. 
Acts and 〈◊〉 n●●nents. pag. 160.  But hereof Master Fox doubteth, and therefore saith, that of uncertain things he hath nothing certainly to say, much less to judge. But now to the matter where we left.  
After that king Edelferd had made slaughter of the Britain's (as before is rehearsed) he entered the city of Chester, and from thence marched towards Bangor. 
Blederike duke of Cornwall, Margadud king of Southwales, Cadwane k. of North-wales.  The Britain's in the mean time had assembled their power under three captains, that is to say, Blederike duke of Cornwall, Margadud king of Southwales, and Cadwane king of North-wales. These joining in battle with Edelferd, slew 10066 of his soldiers, and constrained him to flee out of the field for safeguard of his life, after he had received many wounds. 
Galf. Mon.  On the part of the Britain's the foresaid Blederike, which was chief captain of the field in that battle, chanced to be slain. Thus saith Gal. Mon.  
But the ancient writers of the English kings (as Beda, William Malmesburie, and Henry Huntingdon, make no mention of this last battle and victory obtained by the Britain's in manner as above is expressed in Galfrids' book. But contrarily we find, that Edelferd having such good success in his business abroad as he could wish, upon purpose to avoid danger at home, 
Edwine the son of king Alla banish●●.  banished Edwine the son of Alla or Elle, a young gentleman of great towardness, lately come to the kingdom of the Northumber's by the death of his father. But this Edwine in time of his exile, being long tossed from place to place, and finding no steadfast friendship now in time of his adversity, at length came to Redwald, that was king at that time of the Eastangles, the third from Uffa, and successor to titulus, which titulus did succeed next after the said Uffa, 
592  the first king of Eastangles (as before is mentioned.) This Redwald did very honourably entertain Edwine, 
Edelferd.  insomuch that Edelferd being informed thereof, was highly displeased, and sent ambassadors unto Redwald, to require him either to deliver Edwine into his hands, or else if he refused so to do, to declare and denounce unto him open wars.  
Redwald encouraged by his wife (that counseled him in no wise to betray his friend, to whom he had given his faith, for the menaces of his enemy) assembled forthwith an army, and at the sudden coming upon Edelferd, 
542  assaulted him yet he could have time to assemble his people together. But yet the said Edelferd, 
H. Hunt.  though he was beset and brought in danger at unwares, died not unrevenged: for putting himself in defence with such power as he could then get together, he boldly encountered the enemies, and giving battle, 
Ethelferd slain.  slew Remerius the son of Redwald, and after was slain himself, having reigned over the Northumber's about 22 years. This battle was fought near to the water of Idle.  
The said Edelferd had issue by his wife Acca, the daughter of Alla, and sister to Edwine, two sons, Oswald being about two years of age, and Oswin about four years, the which (their father being thus slain) were by help of their governors conveyed away into Scotland with all speed that might be made. 
Hen. Hunt. Matt. West. saith 34.  Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, after he had reigned the space of 12 years, departed this life, who in his time had maintained great war against many of his neighbours, the which for briefness I pass over. One great battle he fought against them of Sussex, 
The Southsaxons sustain the greater loss.  in which the armies on both sides sustained great damage, but the greater loss fell to the South saxons.   

Cinegiscus and his son Richelinus reign jointly over the Westsaxons, they fight with the Britain's; the endeavour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large, and seeking a uniformity in catholic orders, he and his fellow-bishops writ to the clergy of Britain and Scotland for a reformation, Melitus bishop of London goeth to Rome, the cause why, and what he brought at his return from pope Boniface. The twenty-three. Chapter.  
AFter the foresaid Ceowlfe reigned Cinegiscus, 
Cinegiscus.  or Kingils, which was the son of Ceola, which was the son of Cutha or Cutwin, which was the son of Kenricke, which was the son of king Certicke. 
Wil Malm. saith that Onichelinus was the brother of Cinegiscus.  In the fourth year of his reign, he received into fellowship with him in governance of the kingdom his son Richelinus, or Onichelinus, and so they reigned jointly together in great love and concord (a thing seldom seen or heard of.) 
Beandune, or Beanton.  They fought with the Britain's at Beandune, where at the first approach of the battles together, the Britain's fled, but too late, for there died of them that were overtaken 2062.  
In this mean time, 
Beda lib. 2. cap. 4.  Laurence archbishop of Canturburie, who succeeded next after Augustine, admitted thereto by him in his life time (as before is said) did his iudevour to augment and bring to perfection the church of England, the foundation whereof was lately laid by his predecessor the foresaid Augustine: who studied not only for the increase of this new church, which was gathered of the English people, but also he was busy to employ his pastorlike cure upon the people that were of the old inhabitants of Britain, and likewise of the Scots that remained in Ireland. For when he had learned that the Scots there, in semblable wise as the Britain's in their country, led not their lives in many points according to the ecclesiastical rules, aswell in observing the feast of Easter contrary to the use of the Roman church, as in other things, he wrote unto those Scots letters exhortatory, requiring them most instantly to an unity of catholic orders as might be agreeable with the church of Christ, spread and dispersed through the world. These letters were not written only in his own name, but jointly together in the name of the bishops Melitus and justus, (as followeth.)  

To our dear brethren the bishops and abbots through all Scotland, Laurence, Melitus and justus bishops, the servants of the servants of God wish health.  
WHereas the apostolic see (according to her manner) had sent us to preach unto the heathen people in these west parts, as otherwise through the world, and that it chanced to us to enter into this Isle which is called Britain, before we knew & understood the state of things, we had in great reverence both the Scots & Britain's, which believed, because (as we took the matter) they walked according to the custom of the universal church: but after we had knowledge of the Britain's, we judged the Scots to be better. But we have learned by bishop Daganus coming into this isle, and by Columbanus the abbot coming into France, that the Scots nothing differ in their conversation from the Britain's: for bishop Daganus coming unto us, would neither eat with us, no nor yet come within the house where we did eat.  
The said Laurence also with his fellow-bishops, did write to the Britain's other letters worthy of his degree, doing what he could to confirm them in the unity of the Roman church: but it profited little, as appeareth by that which Beda writeth. About the same time Melitus the bishop of London went to Rome, to common with pope Boniface, for necessary causes touching the church of England, and was present at a synod holden by the same pope at that season, for ordinances to be made touching the state of religious men, and sat in the same synod, that with subscribing he might also by his authority confirm that which was there orderly decreed. This synod was holden the third kalends of March, in the last year of the emperor Phocas, which was about the year after the birth of our Saviour 610. Melitus at his return brought with him from the pope, decrees commanded by the said pope to be observed in the English church, with letters also directed to archbishop Laurence, and to king Ethelbert.    

Cadwan is made king of the Britain's in the city of Chester, he levieth a power against Ethelfred king of the Northumber's, covenants of peace pass betwixt them upon condition, the death of Ethelbert king of Kent, where he and his wife were buried, of his laws; Eadbald succeed Ethelbert in the Kentish kingdom, his lewd and unholy life, he is an enemy to religion; he is plagued with madness; Hebert king of the Eastsaxons dieth, his three sons refuse to be baptized, they fall to idolatry and hate the professors of the truth, their irreligious talk and undutiful behaviour to bishop Melitus, he and his fellow justus pass over into France, the three sons of Hebert are slain of the Westsaxons in battle, the Estsaxons by their idolatry provoke archbishop Laurence to forsake the land, he is warned in a vision to tarry, whereof he certifieth king Eadbald, who furthering christianity, sendeth for Melitus and justus, the one is restored to his see, the other rejected, Melitus dieth, justus is made archbishop of Canturburie, the christian faith increaseth. The xxiv. Chapter.  
AFter that the Britain's had continued about the space 
Cadwan king of Britain.  almost of 24 years without any one special governor, being led by sundry rulers, ever sithence that Careticus was constrained to flee over Severne, and fought oftentimes not only against the Saxons, but also one of them against another, at length in the year of our Lord 613, 
613  they assembled in the city of Chester, and there elected Cadwan that before was ruler of North-wales, to have the sovereign rule & government over all their nation, and so the said Cadwan began to reign as king of Britain in the said year 613. But some authors say, that this was in the year 609, in which year Careticus the British king departed this life. And then after his decease the Britain's or Welshmen (whether we shall call them) chose Cadwan to govern them in the foresaid year 609, which was in the 7 year of the emperor Phocas, and the 21 of the second Lotharius king of France, and in the 13 year of Kilwoolfe king of the Westsaxons.  
This Cadwan being established king, shortly after assembled a power of Britain's, and went against the foresaid Ethelfred king of Northumberland, who being thereof advertised, did associate to him the most part of the Saxon princes, and came forth with his army to meet Cadwan in the field. Hereupon as they were ready to have tried the matter by battle, certain of their friends traveled so betwixt them for peace, that in the end they brought them to agreement, so that Ethelfred should keep in quiet possession those his countries beyond the river of Humber, and Cadwan should hold all that which of 
Gal. Mon.  right belonged to the Britain's on the south side of the same river. This covenant with other touching their agreement was confirmed with oaths solemnly taken, and pledges therewith delivered, so that afterwards they continued in good and quiet peace, without vexing one an other.  
What chanced afterward to Ethelfred, ye have before heard rehearsed, which for that it soundeth more like to a truth than that which followeth in the British book, we omit to make further rehearsal, passing forward to other doings which fell in the mean season, whilst this Cadwan had government of the Britain's, reigning as king over them the term of 22, or (as some say) but 13 years, 
john Hard.  and finally was slain by the Northumber's, as before hath been, and also after shall be showed.  
In the 8 year after that Cadwan began to reign, Ethelbert king of Kent departed this life, in the 21 year after the coming of Augustine with his fellows to preach the faith of Christ here in this realm: and after that Ethelbert had reigned over the province of Kent the term of 56 years (as Beda saith, but there are that have noted three years less) he departed this world, as above is signified, in the year of our Lord 617, 
Wil Malm. Beda. li. 2. cap. 5  on the 24 day of February, and was buried in the isle of saint Martin, within the church of the apostles Peter and Paul, without the city of Canturburie, where his wife queen Bartha was also buried, and the foresaid archbishop Augustine that first converted him to the faith.  
Amongst other things, this king Ethelbert with the advise of his council ordained divers laws and statutes, according to the which decrees of judgements should pass: those decrees he caused to be written in the English tongue, which remained and were in force unto the days of Beda, as he declareth. And first it was expressed in those laws, what amends he should make that stole any thing that belonged to the church, to the bishop, or to any ecclesiastical person, willing by all means to defend them whose doctrine he had received.  
AFter the decease of Ethelbert, his son Eadbald 
Eadbald.  succeeded in the government of his kingdom of Kent, the which was a great hinderer of the increase of the new church amongst the Englishmen in those parties: for he did not only refuse to be baptized himself, but also used such kind of fornication, as hath not been heard (as the apostle saith) amongst the Gentiles, for he took to wife his mother in law, that had been wife to his father. By which two evil examples, many took occasion to return to their heathenish religion, the which whilst his father reigned, 
The prince's example occasion of evil.  either for the prince his pleasure, or for fear to offend him, did profess the christian faith. But Eadbald escaped not worthy punishment to him sent from the living God for his evil deserts, insomuch that he was vexed with a certain kind of madness, and taken with an unclean spirit.  
The foresaid storm or unquiet troubling of the christian congregation, was afterwards greatly increased also by the death of Sabert or Sebert king of the Eastsaxons, who was converted to the faith of Christ, and baptised by Melitus bishop of London (as before is mentioned) & departing this life to go to a better in the blissful kingdom of heaven, he left behind him three sons as true successors in the estate of his earthly kingdom, which sons likewise refused to be baptized. Their names were Serred, Seward, & Sigebert, 
Ran. Cest. Beda li. 2. cap. 5 Serred, Seward, and Segebert, the sons of Sabert.  men of an ill mind, & such as in whom no virtue remained, no fear of God, nor any respect of religion, but specially hating the professors of the christian faith. For after their father was dead, they began to fall to their old idolatry, which in his life time they seemed to have given over, insomuch that now they openly worshipped idols, and gave liberty to their subjects to do the like.  
And when the bishop Melitus, at the solemnising of mass in the church, distributed the eucharistical bread unto the people, they asked him (as it is said) wherefore he did not deliver of that bright white bread unto them also, as well as he had been accustomed to do to their father Saba (for so they used to call him.) Unto whom the bishop made this answer: If you will be washed in that wholesome fountain, wherein your father was washed, ye may be partakers of that holy bread whereof he was partaker, but if you despise the washpoole of life, ye may by no means taste the bread of salvation. But they offended herewith, replied in this wise: We will not enter into that fountain, for we know we have no need thereof: but yet nevertheless we will be refreshed with that bread.  
After this, when they had been earnestly and many times told, that unless they would be baptized, they might not be partakers of the sacred oblation: at length in great displeasure they told him, that if he would not consent unto them in so small a matter, there should be no place for him within the bounds of their dominion, and so he was constrained to departed. Whereupon he being expelled, resorted into Kent, there to take advise with his fellow-bishops, Laurence and justus, what was to be done in this so weighty a matter. Who finally resolved upon this point, that it should be better for them to return into their country, where with free minds they might serve almighty God, rather than to remain amongst people that rebelled against the faith, without hope to do good amongst them. Wherefore Melitus and justus did departed first, and went over into France, minding there to abide till they might see what the end would be. But shortly after, those brethren the kings of Essex, which had expelled their bishop in manner above said, suffered worthily for their wicked doings. For going forth to battle against the Westsaxons, they were overthrown and slain altogether with all their army, 
The son of king Sebert slain.  by the two kings Kinigils and Quichelme. But nevertheless, albeit the authors of the mischief were thus taken away, yet the people of that country would not be reduced again from their devilish worshipping of false gods, being eftsoons fallen thereto in that season by the encouragement and perilous example of their rulers. Wherefore the archbishop Laurence was in mind also to follow his fellows Melitus and justus: but when he minded to set forward, he was warned in a dream, and cruelly scourged (as hath been reported by the apostle saint Peter, who reproved him) for that he would so uncharitably for sake his flock, & leave it in danger without a shepherd to keep the wolf from the fold.  
The archbishop emboldened by this vision, and also repenting him of his determination, came to king Eadbald, and showed to him his stripes, and the manner of his dream. The king being herewith put in great fear, renounced his heathenish worshipping of idols, and was baptized, and as much as in him lay, from thenceforth succoured the congregation of the christians, and advanced the church to his power. He sent also into France, and called home the bishops Melitus and justus, so that justus was restored to his see of Rochester.  
But the Eastsaxons would not receive Melitus to his see at London, but continued in their wicked mawmetrie, in obeying a bishop of their pagan law, whom they had erected for that purpose. Neither was king Eadbald of that authority and power in those parties, as his father was before, whereby he might constrain them to receive their lawful bishop. But surly the said king Eadbald with his people, after he was once converted again, gave himself wholly to obey the laws of GOD, and amongst other deeds of godly zeal, he builded a church to our lady at Canturburie, 
Beda lib. 2.  within the monastery of saint Peter, afterwards called saint Agnes. This church was consecrated by Melitus, who after the death of Laurence succeeded in governance of the archbishops see of Canturburie. After Melitus, who departed this life in the year of our Lord 624, justus that before was bishop of Rochester, was made archbishop of Canturburie, 
Beda. lib. 2. ca 8.  and ordained one Romanus to the see of Rochester. About that time, the people of the north parts beyond Humber received the faith, by occasion (as after shall appear.)   

Edwin reigneth over the Northumber's, his great power and reputation, a marriage between him and Ethelburga the sister of king Eadbald upon religious covenants, the traitorous attempts of murderous Eumerus against him, his wife Ethelburga is delivered of a daughter, he assalteth the Westsaxons, and discomfiteth them, Boniface the fift writeth to him to desist from his idolatry, and to his lady to persist in true christianity; the vision of Edwin when he was a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, whereby he was informed of his great exaltation and conversion to christian religion. The xxv. Chapter.  
YE have heard how Edelfred the king of Northumberland was slain in battle near to the water of idle, by Redwald king of the Eastangles, in favour of Edwin whom the said Edelfred had confined out of his dominion, 24 years before. The foresaid Redwald therefore having obtained that victory, found means to place Edwin in government of that kingdom of the Northumber's, having a title thereto as son to Alla or Elle, sometime king of Northumberland. This Edwin proved a right valiant prince, 
Edwin. Beda. lib. 2, ca 5.  & grew to be of more power than any other king in the days of the English nation: not only ruling over a great part of the countries inhabited with English men, but also with Britain's, who inhabited not only in Wales, but in part of cheshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, and alongst by the west sea-coast in Galloway, and so forth even unto Dumbritaine in Scotland: which I have thought good to note, that it may appear in what countries Cadwall● bare rule, of whom so often mention is made in this part of the history. But as concerning Edwin, his reputation was such, as not only the English men, 
W. Malm. taketh Mevania to be Anglesey.  Britain's and Scots, but also the Isles of Orknie, and these of Man, and others the west Isles of ancient time called Mevaniae, had him in reverence, and feared his mighty power, so as they durst not attempt any exploit to offend him.  
It chanced that shortly after, king Redwald had advanced him to the kingdom of Northumberland, to wit, about 6 years, the same Redwald deceased, which made greatly for the more augmentation of Edwins power. For the people of the Eastangles, which (whilst Edwin remained amongst them as a banished man) had conceived a good opinion of him for his approved valiancy and noble courage, offered themselves to be wholly at his commandment. 
Carpwaldus.  But Edwin suffering Carpwald or Erpwald the son of Redwald to enjoy the bare title and name of the king of that country, ruled all things at his own will and pleasure. Neither was there any province within Britain that did not obey him, or was not ready to do him service (the kingdom of Kent only excepted) for he suffered the Kentishmen to live in quiet, because he began to have a liking to the sister of king Eadbald, namely the lady Ethelburga, otherwise called Tate or Tace.  
He made request therefore by sending ambassadors to her brother, 
Beda. lib. 2. cap. 9  to have the said lady in marriage, and at length obtained her, with condition that she being a christian woman, might not only use the christian religion, but also that all those, whether men or women, priests or ministers, which came with her, might have licence to do the same, without trouble or impeachment of any manner of person. Hereupon she being sent unto him, there was appointed to go with her (besides many other) one Pauline, which was consecrated bishop by the archbishop justus the 21 of julie, 
Matth. West. Beda. lib. 2. cap. 9  in the year of our Lord 625, 
625  who at his coming into Northumberland thus in company with Ethelburga, traveled earnestly in his office, both to preserve her and such christians in the faith of Christ, as were appointed to give their attendance on her, lest they should chance to fall: and also sought to win some of the Pagans (if it were possible) unto the same faith, though at the first he little profited in that matter.  
In the year following, there came a murderer unto the court of king Edwin, as then sojourning in a palace which stood upon the side of the river of Dorwent, being sent from Quichelme king of the Westsaxons, to the intent to murder Edwin, because he had of late sore damnified the countries of the Westsaxons. This murderer was called Eumerus, & carried under his coat a short double edged woodknife envenomed of purpose, 
Other say an axe, as Matth. West.  that if the king being but a little hurt therewith, should not die of the wound, yet he should not escape the danger of the poison. This Eumerus on Easter monday came to the king, 
Eumerus.  and making forth to him as it had been to have declared some message from his master, when he had espied his time, drew his weapon, and offered to strike the king. But one of the king's servants named Lilla, perceiving this, slept betwixt the king and the blow. Howbeit the murderer set the stripe forward with such force, that the knife running through the body of Lilla wounded also the king a little; and before this murderer could be beaten down, he slew another of the king's servants, a knight that attended upon him, called Fordher.  
The same night Ethelburga was delivered of a daughter named Eanfled, 
Eanfled borne  for the which when king Edwin gave thanks unto his gods, in the presence of bishop Pauline, the bishop did admonish him, rather to give thanks unto the true and only God, by whose goodness it came to pass that the queen was safely and without danger delivered. The king giving good ear unto the bishops wholesome admonition, promised at that present to become a christian, if he might revenge his injuries received at the hands of the Westsaxons. And to assure Pauline that his promise should take place, he gave unto him his new born daughter to be made holy to the Lord, that is to say, baptized. The bishop receiving her, on whitsunday next following baptized her, with twelve other of the king's household, she being the first of the English Northumber's that was so washed in the fountain of regeneration.  
In the mean time K. Edwin being recovered of his hurt, assembled an army, and went against the Westsaxons, with whom encountering in battle, he either slew or brought to his subjection all them that had conspired his death, and so returned as a conqueror into his country. But yet he delayed time in performance of his promise to become a christian: howbeit he had left his doing of sacrifice to idols, ever since he made promise to be baptized. He was a sage prince, and before he would alter his religion, he politicly thought good to hear matters touching both his old religion, and the christian religion throughly examined.  
Now whilst he thus hung in doubt unto whether part he should incline, there came letters to him from pope Boniface the fift of that name, 
Beda. lib. 2. cap. 10.  exhorting him by sundry kinds of gentle persuasions, to turn to the worshipping of the true and living God, and to renounce the worshipping of mammets and idols. The pope wrote also to queen Ethelburga, praying her to continue in her good purpose, and by all means possible to do what might be done for the converting of her husband unto the faith of Christ. But the thing that most moved the king, 
Beda. lib. 2. cap. 11.  was a vision 
A vision.  which sometime he had while he remained as a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, as thus.  
After that king Ethelfred was informed that the foresaid Redwald had received Edwin, 
Beda. cap. 12.  he ceased not by his ambassadors to move Redwald either to deliver Edwin into his hands, or to make him away. At length by often sending, & promises made of large sums of money, mixed with threatenings, he obtained a grant of his suit, so that it was determined that Edwin should either be murdered, or else delivered into his enemies hands. One of Edwins friends having intelligence hereof, in the night season came to Edwins chamber, and leading him abroad, told him the whole practice, and what was purposed against him, offering to help him out of the country, if he would so adventure to escape. Edwin being woonderouslie amazed, thanked his friend, 
The honourable consideration of Edwin.  but refused to departed the country, sith he had no just cause outwardly given to play such a slipper part, choosing rather to jeopard his life with honour, than to give men cause to think that he had first broken promise with such a prince as Redwald was, to whom he had given his faith.  
Hereupon his friend departing from him, left him sitting without the doors: where after he had revolved many things in his mind, and thought long upon this matter, at length he perceived one to come towards him unknown, and in strange apparel, seeming to him in every point a stranger, at which sight (for that he could not imagine who it should be) Edwin was much afraid: but the man coming to him saluted him, and asked of him what he made there at that time of the night when other were at rest. Edwin on the other part asked what he had to do therewith, and whether he used to lie abroad in the night, or within house? Who answering said; Think not Edwin that I am ignorant of thy heaviness, of thy watchings, and this thy solitary sitting here without doors. For I know who thou art, wherefore thou art thus pensive, and what evils thou fearest to be towards thee at hand. But tell me, what wouldst thou give him, that could deliver thee out of this heaviness, and persuade Redwald that he should neither do thee hurt, nor deliver thee to thine enemies? Here with when Edwin said that he would gladly give all that in him might lie to such a one in reward? The other said; What wouldst thou give then, if he should promise in good sooth that (all thine enemies being destroyed) thou shouldest be king, and that thou shouldest pass in power all the kings which have reigned in the English nation before thy time? Edwin being better come to himself by such demands, did not stick to promise that he would requite his friendship with worthy thanks.  
Then replied he to his words and said; If he that shall prophesy to thee this good hap to come, shall also be able to inform thee in such counsel for thy health and life, as never any of thy forefathers or kinsfolk yet have heard, wouldst thou obey him, and also consent to receive his wholesome advertisement? Whereunto without further deliberation Edwin promised, that he would in all points follow the instruction of him that should deliver him out of so many and great calamities, and bring him to the rule of a kingdom. Which answer being got, this person that thus talked with him, laid his hand upon his head, saying: When this therefore shall chance to thee, be not forgetful of this time, nor of this communication, and those things that thou now doest promise, see thou perform. And therewith he vanished away. So that Edwin might well perceive it was no man but a vision that thus had appeared unto him.  
[¶ This unaccustomed course it pleased God to use for the conversion of the king (to whose example it was no doubt but the people and inferior sort would generally be conformed) who otherwise had continued in paganism and blind ignorance both of God's truth and true christianity. And it may be that there was in him, as in other kings his predecessors, a settled persuasion in gentilish error, so that neither by admonition nor preaching (though the same had proceeded from the mouth of one allotted to that ministry) he was to be revoked from the infidelity and misbeléefe wherein he was nuzzeled and trained up. For it is the nature of all men, to be addicted to the observation of such rites and customs as have been established and left in force by their progenitors, and sooner to stand unto a desire and earnest purpose of adding somewhat to their elders corrupt constitutions, and irreligious course of conversation, than to be inclinable to any article or point tending to innovatition: so inflexible is the posterity to serve from the traditions of antiquity, stand the same upon never so gross and palpable absurdities.]  
Edwin still rejoicing in the foresaid comfortable talk, but thoughtful in mind what he should be, or from whence he came that had talked in this sort with him; behold his friend returned that first had brought him forth of his chamber, and declared unto him good news, how the king by persuasion of the queen had altered his determination, and minded to maintain his quarrel to the uttermost of his power: and so he did in deed. For with all diligence he raised an army, and went against Ethelfrid, vanquished him in battle, and placed Edwin in the kingdom (as before ye have heard.)   

King Edwin is put in mind of his vision by Pauline who saw the same in spirit, he is licensed to preach the gospel, bishop Coifi destroyeth the idols, Edwin and his people receive the christian faith, his two sons Osfride and Eadfride become converts, Redwald king of the Eastangles is baptized, he serveth God and the devil, Sibert receiveth the faith, Felix bishop of Burgongne cometh over to Honorius archbishop of Canturburie, he preacheth to the Eastangles, the Northumber's and Lincolnshiremen are converted, many are baptized in the river of Trent; king Edwins justice how effectual and commendable, his care for the commonwealth, his providence for the refection of travelers, pope Honorius confirmeth Pauline archbishop of York, the tenor of his letters touching the mutual election of the archbishop of Canturburie and York, if either of them happened to survive other, his letters to the Scots touching the keeping of Easter and avoiding the Pelagian heresy, Cadwallo king of Britain rebelleth against Edwin, Penda king of Mercia envieth his good estate, Cadwallo and Penda invade Northumberland, Edwin and his son Osfride are slain, Penda putteth his other son Eadfride cruelly to death. The xxuj. Chapter.  
NOtwithstanding the former vision, king Edwin deferred time yer he would receive the christian faith, in somuch that Pauline upon a day came unto him as he sat musing what he were best to do, and laid his hand upon his head, ask him if he knew that sign. Whereat when the king would have fallen down at his feet, he lifted him up, and as it were in familiar wise thus said unto him: Behold, by the assistance of God's favour thou hast escaped the hands of thine enemies, whom thou stoodst in fear of: behold through his bounteous liberality, thou hast obtained the kingdom which thou didst desire, remember then that thou delay no time to perform the third thing that thou didst promise, in receiving his faith, and keeping his commandments, which delivering thee from worldly adversities, hath thus advanced thee to the honour of a king: and if from henceforth thou wilt obey his will, which by my mouth he setteth and preacheth to thee and others, he will deliver thee from everlasting torments, and make thee partaker with him in his celestial kingdom. It is to be thought that the vision which the king had in times past received, was in spirit revealed unto Pauline, whereupon without delay of time, he put him in remembrance of it in manner as above is mentioned.  
The king having heard his words, answered, that he would and ought to receive the faith which he taught, but first he would confer with his nobles, and if they would agree to do the like, then would they be baptized altogether at one time. Pauline satisfied herewith, Edwin did as he had promised, calling together the wisest men of his realm, and of them asked the question what they thought of this divinity, 
Edwin consulteth with his nobles.  which was preached unto them by Pauline, unto whom his chief bishop named Coifi, incontinently made this answer; 
The answer of an heathen bishop.  that Surly the religion which they had hicherto followed was nothing worth. For saith he, there is none of thy people that hath more reverently worshipped our gods than I have done, and yet be there many that have received far greater benefits at thy hands than I have done: and therefore if our gods were of any power, than would they rather help me to high honour and dignity than others. Therefore if it may be found that this new religion is better & more available than our old, let us with speed embrace the same.  
Finally, when other of the king's council & men of high authority gave their consents, that this doctrine which Pauline taught aught to be received, if therein appeared more certainty of salvation than could be found in the other: at length the king gave licence to Pauline openly to preach the gospel, 
Pauline licensed to preach the gospel.  and renouncing his worshipping of false gods, professed the christian faith. And when he demanded of his bishop Coifi who should first deface the altars of their idols, and the tabernacles wherewith they were compassed about? He answered, that himself would do it. For what is more meet (saith he) than that I, which through foolishness have worshipped them, should now for example sake destroy the same, through wisdom given me from the true and living God? And streightwaies throwing away the superstition of vanity, required armour and weapon of the king, with a stoned horse, upon the which he being mounted, road forth to destroy the idols.  
This was a strange sight to the people: for it was not lawful for the bishop of their law to put on armour, or to ride on any beast, except it were a mare. He having therefore a sword gird to him, took a spear in his hand, and riding on the king's horse, went to the place where the idols stood. The common people that beheld him had thought he had been stark mad, and out of his wits: but he without longer deliberation, incontinently upon his coming to the temple, began to deface the fame, and in contempt threw his spear against it, & rejoicing greatly in the knowledge of the worshipping of the true God, commanded his company to destroy & burn down the same temple with all the altars. This place where the idols were sometime worshipped was not far from York, towards the east part of the river of Derwent, and is called Gotmundin Gaham, where the foresaid bishop by the inspiration of God defaced and destroyed those altars, which he himself had hallowed.  
King Edwin therefore with all the nobility, 
King Edwin with his people receive the christian faith. Beda lib. 2. cap. 14.  and a great number of his people, received the faith and were baptized, in the year of our Lord 627, 
627  in the tenth year of his reign, and about the 178 year after the first coming of the Englishmen into this land. He was baptized at York on Easter day (which fell that year the day before the Ideses of April) in the church of S. Peter the apostle, which he had caused to be erected and built up of timber upon the sudden for that purpose, and afterwards began the foundation of the same church in stone-woorke of a larger compass, comprehending within it that oratory which he had first caused to be built: but before he could finish the work, he was slain (as after shall be showed) leaving it to be performed of his successor Oswald.  
Pauline continued from thenceforth during the king's life, which was six years after, in preaching the gospel in the province, converting an innumerable number of people to the faith of Christ, among whom were Osfride and Eadfride the two sons of Edwin, whom he begot in time of his banishment of his wife Quinburga, the daughter of Cearlus king of Mercia. Also afterwards he begot children on his second wife Ethelburga, that is to say, a son called Edilhimus, and a daughter named Ediltraudis, 
Ediltrudis.  and another son called Bustfrea, of the which the two first died in their cradles, and were buried in the church at York. To be brief by the king's assistance & favour showed unto Pauline in the work of the Lord, great multitudes of people daily received the faith, and were baptized of Pouline in 〈◊〉 places, but specially in the river of Gl●●te within the province of Bernicia, and also in Small in the province of Deira: for as yet in the beginning 〈◊〉 of the church in those countries, no temples or fonts could be builded or erected in so short a time.  
Of such great zeal was Edwin (as it is reported) towards the setting forth of God's truth, that he persuaded Carpwald the son of Redwald king of the Eastangles to abandon the superstitious worshipping of idols, 
This chanced in the year 632, as Matt. West. saith. Redwald king of Eastangles baptized.  and to receive the faith of Christ with all his whole province. His father Redwald was baptized in Kent long before this time, but in vain: for returning home, through counsel of his wife and other wicked persons, he was seduced, and being turned from the sincere purity of faith, his last doings were woorsse than his first, so that according to the manner of the old Samaritans, he would seem both to serve the true God and his false gods, 
Redwald would serve God and the devil.  (whom before time he had served) and in one self church had at one time both the sacraments of Christ ministered at one altar, and sacrifice made unto devils at another.  
But Carpwald within a while after he had received the faith, was slain by one of his own countrymen that was an ethnic, called Richbert, and then after his death, that province for the term of three years was wrapped eftsoons in error, till Sibert or Sigibert, 
Sibert or Sigibert.  the brother of Carpwald, a most christian prince, and very well learned, obtained the rule of that kingdom▪ who whilst he lived a banished man in France during his brother's life time, was baptized there, and became a christian: and when he came to be king, he caused all his province to be partaker of the same fountain of life, wherein he had been dipped himself.  
Unto his godly purpose also, a bishop of the parties of Burgoigne named Felix was a great furtherer, who coming over unto the archbishop of Canturburie Honorius that was successor unto justus, and declaring unto him his earnest desire, was sent by the same archbishop to preach the word of life unto the Eastangles, which he did with such good success, that he converted the whole country to the faith of jesus Christ, and placed the see of his bishopric at Dunwich, 
A bishop ordained at Dunwich. Beda lib. 1. cap. 16.  ending the course of his life there in peace after he had continued in that his bishoplike office the space of 17 years. Moreover Pauline, after that he had converted the Northumber's; preached the word of God unto them of Lindsey, which is a part of Lincolnshire: 
This chanced in the year 628, as Matth. West. saith.  and first he persuaded one Blecca the governor of the city of Lincoln to turn unto Christ, together with all his family. In that city he also builded a church of stone work. Thus Pauline traveled in the work of the Lord, the same being greatly furthered by the help of Edwin, in whose presence he baptized a great number of people in the river of Trent, near to a town, which in the old English tongue was called Tio vulfingacester. This Pauline had with him a deacon named james, the which showed himself very diligent in the ministery, map profited greatly therein.  
But now to return to king Edwin, who was a prince verily or worthy same, and for the politic ordering of his countries and observing of justice, deserved highly to be commended: 
Wil Malm.  for in his time all robbers by the high way were so banished out of his dominions, that a woman with her new born child alone, without other company, might have traveled from sea to sea, and not have encountered with ●●ie creature that durst once have offered her injury. He was also very careful for the advancement of the commodity & common wealth of his people, 
Matth. West. Beda lib. 2. cap. 16.  insomuch that where there were any sweet and clear water-springs, he caused posts to be set up, and iron dishes to be fastened thereto with chains, that wayfaring men ●●ght have the same ready at hand to drink with: and there was none so hardy as to touch the same but for that use. He used wheresoever he went within the cities or elsewhere abroad, to have a banner borne before him, in token of justice to be ministered by his royal authority.  
In the mean season, pope Honorius the fift, hearing that the Northumber's had received the faith (as before is mentioned) at the preaching of Pauline, sent unto the said Pauline the pall, 
Beda lib. 〈…〉 17.  confirming him archbishop in the see of York. He sent also letters of exhortation unto king Edwin, to kindle him the more with fatherly advise to continue and proceed in the way of understanding, into the which he was entered. At the same time also, because justus the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and one Honorius elected to that see, pope Honorius sent to the said elect archbishop of Canturburie his pall, with letters, 
A decree concerning the archbishops of Canturburie and York.  wherein was contained a decree by him made, that when either the archbishop of Canturburie or York chanced to departed this life, he that survived should have authority to ordain another in place of him that was deceased, that they should not need to weary themselves with going to Rome, being so far distant from them. The copy of which letter is registered in the ecclesiastical history of Beda, bearing date the third Ideses of june, in the year of our Lord 633. 
633  The same pope sent letters also to the Scotish people, 
The feast of Easter.  exhorting them to celebrate the feast of Easter in such due time as other churches of the christian world observed. 
The heresy of the Pelagians.  And also because the heresy of the Pelagians began to renew again amongst them (as he was informed) he admonished them to beware thereof, and by all means to avoid it. For he knew that to the office of a pastor it is necessarily incident, not only to exhort, teach, and show his sheep the ways to a christian life, but also strongly to withstand all such unjust means, as might hinder their proceeding in the truth of religion. For as poison is unto the body, that is heresy unto verity. And as the body by poison is disabled from all natural faculties, and utterly extinguished, unless by present means the force thereof be vanquished: so truth and verity by errors and heresies is many times choked and recovereth, but never strangled.  
But now that the kingdom of Northumberland flourished (as before is partly touched) in happy state under the prosperous reign of Edwin, at length, after he had governed it the space of 17 years, Cadwalline, or Cadwallo king of Britain, 
Cadwallin, or Cadwallo king of Britain.  who succeeded Cadwane, as Gal. Mon. saith, rebelled against him. For so it cometh to pass, that nothing can be so sure confirmed by man's power, but the same by the like power may be again destroyed. Penda king of Mercia 
Penda king of Mercia.  envying the prosperous proceedings of Edwin, procured Cadwallo to move this rebellion against Edwin: and joining his power with Cadwallo, they invaded the country of Northumberland jointly together. Edwin hereof advertised, gathered, his people, & came to encounter them, so that both armies met at a place called Hatfield, 
King Edwin slain. Matth. West.  where was fought a very sore and bloody battle. But in the end Edwin was slain with one of his sons named Osfride, and his army beaten down and dispersed. Also there was slain on Edwins part, Eodbald king of Orkenie. Moreover there was an other of Edwins sons named Eadfride constrained of necessity to give himself into the hands of Penda, and was after by him cruelly put to death, contrary to his promised faith in king Oswalds' days that succeeded Edwin. Thus did king Edwin end his life in that battle, fought at Hatfield aforesaid, on the fourth ideses of October, in the year of our Lord 6●●, he being then about the age of 47 years and upwards.   

The cruelty of Penda and Cadwallo after their victory, the Britain's make no account of religion, Archbishop Pauline with queen Ethelburga fly out of Northumberland into Kent, honourable personages accompany him thither, Romanus bishop of Rochester drowned, Pauline undertaketh the charge of that see; Osrike is king of Deira, and Eaufride king of Bernicia, both kings become apostatas, and fall from christianity to paganism, they are both slain within less than a years space; Oswald is created king of Northumberland, his chief practice in feats of arms, Cadwallo king of Britain hath him in contempt, oswald superstitious devotion and intercession to God against his enemies; both kings join battle; Cadwallo is slain, Penda king of Mercia his notable virtues linked with foul vices, he maketh war on whom he will without exception. The xxvij. Chapter.  
CAdwallo and Penda having obtained the victory aforesaid, used it most cruelly. For one of the captains was a pagan, and the other wanting all civility, showed himself more cruel than any pagan could have done. So that Penda being a worshipper of false gods with his people of Mercia, 
The cruelty of Penda and Cadwallo.  and Cadwallo having no respect to the christian religion which lately was begun amongst the Northumber's, made havoc in all places where they came, not sparing man, woman nor child: and so continued in their furious outrage a long time in passing through the country, to the great decay and calamity of the christian congregations in those parties. And still the christian Britain's were less merciful than Penda his heathenish soldiers. For even unto the days of Beda (as he affirmeth) the Britain's made no account of the faith or religion of the Englishmen, nor would communicate with them more than with the pagans, because they differed in rites from their accustomed traditions.  
When the country of the Northumber's was brought into this miserable case by the enemies invasion, 
The archbishop Pauline flieth into Kent.  the archbishop Pauline taking with him the queen Ethelburga, whom he had brought thither, returned now again with her by water into Kent, where he was honourably received of the archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald. He came thither in the conduct of one Bassus a valiant man of war, having with him Eaufred the daughter, and Uulfrea the son of Edwin, & also Iffi the son of Osfride Edwins son, whom their mother after for fear of the kings Edbold and Oswold did sent into France where they died. The church of Rochester at that time was destitute of a bishop, by the death of Romanus, who being sent to Rome unto pope Honorius, was drowned by the way in the Italian seas. Whereupon at the request of archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald, Pauline took upon him the charge of that see, and held it till he died.  
AFter it was known that Edwin was slain in battle (as before ye have heard) Osrike the son of his uncle Elfrike took upon him the rule of the kingdom of Deira, 
Beda lib. 3. ca 1.  which had received the sacrament of baptism by the preaching and virtuous instruction of Pauline. But the other kingdom of Northumberland called Bernicia, 
Osrike king of Deira.  Eaufride the son of Edelfred or Edelfride, 
Eaufrid king of Bernicia.  took upon him to govern. This Eaufride during the time of Edwins reign, had continued in Scotland, and there being converted to the christian faith was baptized. But doth these princes, after they had obtained possession of their earthly kingdoms, did forget the care of the heavenly kingdom, so that they returned to their old kind of idolatry. But almighty God did not long suffer this their unthankfulness without just punishment: for first in the next summer, 
The two kings of Northumberland slain.  when Osrike had rashly besieged Cadwallo king of the Britain's, within a certain town, Cadwallo broke forth upon him, and finding him unprovided to make resistance, slew him with all his army. Now after this, whilst Cadwallo not like a conqueror governed the provinces of the Northumber's, but like a tyrant wasted and destroyed them, in slaying the people in tragical manner, he also slew Eaufride, the which with twelve men of war came undiscreetly unto him to sue for peace: and thus within less than twelve months space both these runagate kings were dispatched.  
THen Oswald the son of Edelfred, and brother to the foresaid Eaufride was created king of the Northumber's, the sixth in number from Ida. This Oswald after that his father was slain, 
Oswald began his reign in the year 635. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 3.  lived as a banished person a long time within Scotland, where he was baptized, and professed the christian religion, and passed the flower of his youth in good exercises, both of mind & body. Amongst other things he practised the understanding of warlike knowledge, minding so to use it as it might stand him in stead to defend himself from injury of the enemies that should provoke him, and not otherwise. Hereupon Cadwallo king of the Britain's made in manner no account of him: for by reason that he had achieved such great victories against the Englishmen, and having slain their two kings (as before is expressed) he ceased not to proceed in his tyrannical doings, reputing the English people for slothful, and not apt to the war, boasting that he was borne to their destruction. Thus being set up in pride of courage, he feared no perils, but boldly (without considering at all the skilful knowledge which Oswald had sufficiently learned in feats of war) took upon him to assail the foresaid Oswald, that had brought an army against him, and was encamped in a plain field near unto the wall which the Romans had builded in times passed against the invasion of Scots and Picts.  
Cadwallo straight provoked Oswald to try the matter by battle, but Oswald forbore the first day, and caused a cross to be erected in the same place where he was encamped, in full hope that it should be an ensign or trophy of his victory, causing all soldiers to make their prayers to God, that in time of such necessity it might please him to secure them that worship him. It is said, that the cross being made, and the hole digged wherein it should be set, he took the cross in his own hands, and putting the foot thereof into that hole, so held it till his soldiers had filled the hole, and rammed it up: and then caused all the soldiers to kneel down upon their knees, and to make intercession to the true and living God for his assistance against the proud enemy, with whom they should fight in a just quarrel for the preservation of their people and country.  
After this, on the next morning he boldly gave battle to his enemies, so that a sore and cruel fight ensued betwixt them. At length Oswald perceived that the Britain's began somewhat to faint, and therefore caused his people to renew their force, and more lustily to press forward, so that first ●e put that most cruel enemy to flight, and after pursuing the chase overtook him, and slew him with the most part of all his huge and mighty army, 
Beda. Wil Malm.  at a place called Denisborne, but the place where he caused the cross to be erected he named Hevenfield. Thus Cadwallo the most cruel enemy of the English name ended his life: he was terrible both in nature and countenance, for the which cause they say the Britain's did afterwards set up his image, that the same might be a terror to the enemies when they should behold it.  
¶ But here is to be remembered by the British history of Gal. Mon. it should appear that Cadwallo was not slain at all, but reigned victoriously for the space of 48 years, and then departed this life, as in place afterwards it shall appear. But for that the contrariety in writers in such points may sooner be perceived than reform, to the satisfying of men's fancies which are variable, we will leave every man to his liberty to think as seemeth him good, noting now and then the diversity of such writers, as occasion serveth.  
PEnda the son of Wilba succeeded in the government of the kingdom of Mercia after Ciarlus, 
Penda. 636  and began his reign in the year of our Lord 636. He was fifty years of age before he came to be king, and reigned 30 years, he was a prince right hardy and adventurous, not fearing to jeopard his person in place of danger, assured and ready of remembrance in time of greatest peril. His body could not be overcome with any travel, nor his mind vanquished with greatness of business. But these his virtues were matched with notable vices, as first with such bitterness of manners as had not been heard of, cruelty of nature, lack of courtesy, great unsted fastness in performing of word and promise, and of unmeasurable hatred toward the christian religion.  
Now upon confidence in these his great virtues and vices from that time he was made king (as though the whole Isle had been due to him) he thought not good to let any occasion pass that was offered to make war, as well against his friends & confederates, as also against his own sworn enemies. Part of his doings ye have heard, and more shall appear hereafter. ¶ Of the kings of the Eastsaxons & Eastangles ye have heard before: of whom in places convenient ye shall find further mention also, and so likewise of the kings of the Southsaxons: but because their kingdom continued not passed five successions, little remembrance of them is made by writers.   

Cadwallo king of Britain, divers deeds of his as the British writers have recorded them, whereupon discord arose between Cadwallo & Edwin, who for two years space were linked in friendship, Cadwallo vanquished, his flight, of Pelitus the Spanish wizard, Cadwallo overthroweth Penda and his power besieging Excester, he arreareth battle against the Northumber's, and killeth Edwin their king, he seeketh to expel the Saxons out of the land, Penda slayeth Oswald, whose brother and successor Osunus by gifts and submission obtaineth peace, whom Penda spitefully attempting to kill is killed himself, Cadwallo dieth, a brazen image on horseback set up in his memorial, saint martin's at Ludgate builded. The xxviij. Chapter.  
CAdwallo or Cadwalline, (for we find him so named) began his reign over the Britain's, 
Cadwallo, or Cadwalline. 635.  in the year of our Lord 635, in the year of the reign of the emperor Heracleus 35, and in the 13 year of Dagobert K. of France, Of this man ye have heard partly before touching his dealings and wars against the Northumber's, and other of the English nation: but forsomuch as divers other things are reported of him by the British writers, we have thought good in his place to rehearse the same in part, as in Gal. Mon. we find written, leaving the credit still with the author, sith the truth thereof may be the more suspected, because other authors of good authority, as Beda, Henry Huntingdon, William Malmesburie, and others seem greatly to disagree from him herein. But thus it is written.  
This Cadwallo and Edwin the son of Ethelfred, as Galfride saith, 
Edwin was not son to Ethelfred, 〈◊〉 to Alla, or Eel, as in other places pl●●●lie appeareth.  were brought up in France, being sent thither unto Solomon king of Britain, by king Cadwane, when they were very young. Now after their return into this land, when they were made kings, Cadwallo of the Britain's, & Edwin of the Northumber's, there continued for the space of two years great friendship betwixt them, till at length Edwin required of Cadwallo that he might wear a crown, and celebrate appointed solemnities within his dominion of Northumberland, as well as Cadwallo did in his country. Cadwallo, taking advice in this matter, at length by persuasion of his nephew Brian, denied to grant unto Edwin his request, wherewith Edwin took such displeasure, that he sent word unto Cadwallo, that he would be crowned without his leave or licence, sith he would not willingly grant it. Whereto Cadwallo answered, that if he so did, he would cut off his head under his diadem, if he presumed to wear any within the confines of Britain. Hereof discord arising betwixt these two princes, they began to make fierce and cruel war either of them against the other, and at length joining in battle with their main forces, Cadwallo lost the field, with many thousands of his men, 
Cadwallo vanquishe● by Edwin.  and being chased fled into Scotland, and from thence got over into Ireland, and finally passed the seas into Britain Armorike, 
Cadwallo flieth the 〈◊〉.  where, of his cousin king Solomon he was courteously received, and at length obtained of him 10000 men to go with him back into his country to assist him in recovery of his lands & dominions, the which in the mean time were cruelly spoiled, wasted and harried by king Edwin.  
At the same time Brian the nephew of Cadwallo, whom he had sent into Britain a little before to slay a certain wizard or southsaier, whom king Edwin had gotten out of Spain named Pelitus, that by disclosing the purpose of Cadwallo unto Edwin, greatly hindered Cadwallos enterprises, had fortified the city of Excester, meaning to defend it till the coming of Cadwallo, whereupon Penda king of Mercia besieged that city with a mighty army, purposing to take it, and Brian within it. Cadwallo then advertised hereof, immediately after his arrival hasted to Excester, and dividing his people in 4 parts, set upon his enemies, & took Penda, and overthrew his whole army. Penda having no other shift to escape, submitted himself wholly unto Cadwallo, promising to become his liegeman, to fight against the Saxons in his quarrel. Penda being thus subdued, Cadwallo called his nobles together which had been dispersed abroad a long season, & with all speed went against Edwin king of Northumberland, and slew him in battle at Hatfield (as before is mentioned) with his son Osfride, and Eodbold king of the Isles of Orknie, which was come thither to his aid.  
¶ By this it should appear, that Fabian hath gathered amiss in the account of the reigns of the British kings: for it appeareth by Beda and others, that Edwin was slain in the year of our Lord 634. And where Fabian (as before is said) 
634.  attributeth that act & divers other unto Cadwan the father of this Cadwallo: yet both Gal. Mon. and Beda with the most part of all other writers signify that it was done by Cadwallo. Harding assigneth but 13 years to the reign of Cadwan, and declareth that he died in the year of our Lord 616, in the which (as he saith) Cadwallo, began his reign, which opinion of his seemeth best to agree with that which is written by other authors. But to return to the other doings of Cadwallo, as we find them recorded in the British story. After he had got this victory against the Northumber's, he cruelly pursued the Saxons, as though he meant so far as in him lay, to destroy the whole race of them out of the coasts of all Britain: and sending Penda against king Oswald that succeeded Edwin, though at the first Penda received the overthrow at Heavenfield, yet afterwards Cadwallo himself highly displeased with that chance, pursued Oswald, and fought with him at a place called Bourne, where Penda slew the said Oswald. 
Oswald slain  Whereupon his brother Osunus succeeding in government of the Northumber's, sought the favour of Cadwallo now ruling as king over all Britain, and at length by great gifts of gold and silver, and upon his humble submission, obtained peace, till at length upon spite, Penda king of Mercia obtained licence of Cadwallo to make wars against the said Osunus, 
Oswie. Matth. West. 654  in the which (as it happened) Penda himself was slain. Then Cadwallo after two years granted that Ulfridus the son of Penda should succeed in Mercia.  
Thus Cadwallo ruled things at his appointment within this land. 
678 Matt. West. saith 676.  And finally when he had reigned 48 years, he departed this life the 22 of November. His body being embalmed and dressed with sweet confections, was put into a brazen image by marvelous art melted and cast, which image being set on a brazen horse of excellent beauty, the Britain's set up aloft upon the west gate of London called Ludgate, in sign of his conquests, and for a terror to the Saxons. Moreover the church of S. Martin underneath the same gate, was by the Britain's then builded. Thus have the Britain's made mention of their valiant prince Cadwallo, but diverse think that much of this history is but fables, because of the manifest varying both from Beda and other antentike writers (as before I have said.)   

The true story of the forenamed king Oswald, his desire to restore christian religion, Cormans preaching taking small effect among the Northumber's, persuadeth him to departed into his own country, he slandereth them before the Scotish clergy, Aidan a godly man telleth the cause of the peoples not profiting by Cormans' preaching, Aidan cometh into England to instruct the people in the faith, he varieth in the observation of Easter from the English churches custom, the Northumber's have him & his doctrine in reverence, oswald earnest zeal to further religion by Aidans preaching and ministery, 15000 baptised within 7 days; Oswald hath the Britain's, Scots, Picts, & English at his commandment, his commendable deed of christian charity, the Westsaxons converted to the faith by the preaching of Birinus, king Kinigils is baptized, he maketh Birinus bishop of Dorcester, Penda king of Mercia maketh war against the christian kings of the Westsaxons, both sides after a bloody battle fall to agreement, Ercombert the first English king that destroyed idols throughout the whole land, he ordaineth Lent; why English men became monks, and English women nuns in monasteries beyond the seas; why Penda king of Mercia envieth virtuous king Oswald, he is assaulted, slain in battle, and canonised a saint after his death. The xxix. Chapter.  
NOw will we (after all these differing discourses of the British chronologers) approach and draw as near as we can to the truth of the history touching Oswald king of the Northumber's, of whom we find, 
Oswald meaneth to be thankful to God for his benefits.  that after he had tasted of God's high favour extended to himwards, 
Beda. li. 3. cap. 3. 5. 6. Hector Boet.  in vanquishing his enemies, as one minding to be thankful therefore, he was desirous to restore the christian faith through his whole kingdom, sore lamenting the decay thereof within the same, and therefore even in the beginning of his reign, he sent unto Donwald the Scotish king (with whom he had been brought up in the time of his banishment the space of 18 years) requiring him to have some learned Scotishman sent unto him, skilful in preaching the word of life, that with godly sermons and wholesome instructions, he might convert the people of Northumberland unto the true and living God, promising to entertain him with such provision as appertained.  
At his instance, there was sent unto him one Corman, a clerk singularly well learned, 
Corman.  and of great gravity in behaviour: but for that he wanted such facility, and plain utterance by way of gentle persuading, as is requisite in him that shall instruct the simple, only setting forth in his sermons high mysteries, and matters of such profound knowledge, as the very learned might scarcely perceive the perfect sense and meaning of his talk, his travel came to small effect, so that after a years remaining there, he returned into his country, declaring amongst his brethren of the clergy, that the people of Northumberland was a froward, stubborn and stiffe-harted generation, whose minds he could not frame by any good means of persuasion to receive the christian faith: so that he judged it lost labour to spend more time amongst them, being so unthankful and intractable a people, as no good might be done unto them.  
Amongst other learned and virtuous prelates of the Scots, there chanced one to be there present at the same time called Aidan, 
Aidan.  a man of so perfect life, that (as Beda writeth) he taught no otherwise than he lived, having no regard to the cares of this world, but whatsoever was given him by kings or men of wealth and riches, that he freely bestowed upon the poor, exhorting other to do the like. This Aidan hearing Cormans' words, perceived anon that the fault was not so much in the people as in the teacher, and therefore declared, that (as he thought) although it were so that the people of Northumberland gave no such attentive ear unto the preaching of that reverend prelate Corman, as his godly expectation was they should have done, yet might it be that his uttering of over many mystical articles amongst them, far above the capacity of the understanding of simple men, was the cause why they so lightly regarded his divine instructions, whereas if he had (according to the counsel of Saint Paul) at the first ministered unto their tender understandings, only milk, 
S. Paul's counsel.  without harder nourishments, he might happily have won a far greater number of them unto the receiving of the faith, and so have framed them by little and little to have digested stronger food. And therefore he thought it necessary in discharge of their duties towards God, and to satisfy the earnest zeal of king Oswald, that some one amongst them might be appointed to go again into Northumberland, to try by proceeding in this manner afore alleged, what profit would thereof ensue.  
The bishops hearing the opinion of Aidan, and therewith knowing Cormans' manner of preaching, judged the matter to be as Aidan had declared, and thereupon not only allowed his words, but also willed him to take the journey upon him, sith they knew none so able with effect to accomplish their wished desires in that behalf. Aidan, 
Aidan cometh into England to preach the gospel.  for that he would not seem to refuse to take that in hand which he himself had motioned, was contented to satisfy their request, and so set forward towards Northumberland, and coming thither, was joyfully received of king Oswald, who appointed him the isle of Lindesfarne, wherein to place the see of his new bishopric.  
This Aidan in one point varied from the use of the new begun church of England, 
Beda li. 3. ca 3. Hector Boet.  that is to say, touching the time of observing the feast of Easter, in like manner as all the bishops of the Scots and Picts inhabiting within Britain in those days did, following therein (as they took it) the doctrine of the holy and praiseworthy father Anatholius. But the Scots that inhabited the south parts of Ireland, already were agreed to observe that feast, according to the rules of the church of Rome. Howbeit Aidan being thus come into Northumberland, applied himself so earnestly in prayer and preaching, that the people had him within short while in wonderful estimation, chiefly for that he tempered his preachings with such sweet and pleasant matter, that all men had a great desire to hear him, insomuch that sometime he was glad to preach abroad in churchyards, because the audience was more than could have room in the church.  
One thing was a great hindrance to him, that he had not the perfect knowledge of the Saxon tongue. But Oswald himself was a great help to him in that matter, who being desirous of nothing so much, as to have the faith of Christ rooted in the hearts of his subjects, 
Beda. Oswald an interpreter to the preacher.  used as an interpreter to report unto the people in their Saxon tongue, such whole sermons as Aidan uttered in his mother tongue. For Oswald having been brought up (as ye have hard) in Scotland during the time of his banishment, was as ready in the Scotish, as he was in the Saxon tongue. The people then seeing the kings earnest desire in furthering the doctrine set forth by Aidan, were the more inclined to hear it: so that it was a marvelous matter to note, what numbers of people daily offered themselves to be baptized, insomuch that within the space of seven days (as is left in writing) he christened 15 thousand persons, 
Hector Boet.  of the which no small part forsaking the world, betook themselves to a solitary kind of life.  
Thus by his earnest travel in continual preaching and setting forth the gospel in that country, it came to pass in the end, that the faith was generally received of all the people, and such zeal to advance the glory of the christian religion daily increased amongst them, that no where could be found greater. 
Oswald's zeal to advance religion  Hereupon were no small number of churches built in all places abroad in those parties by procurement of the king, all men liberally consenting (according to the rate of their substance) to be contributory towards the charges. By this means the kingdom of the Northumber's flourished, as well in fame of increase in religion, as also in civil policy and prudent ordinances: 
Beda lib. 5. ca 6  insomuch that (as Beda writeth) Oswald attained to such power, that all the nations and provinces within Britain, which were divided into four tongues (that is to say) Britain's, Picts, 
Oswald had in estimation with his neighbours.  Scots, and Englishmen, were at his commandment. But yet he was not lifted up in any pride or presumption, but showed himself marvelous courteous and gentle, and very liberal to poor people and strangers.  
It is said, that he being set at the table upon an Ester day, & having bishop Aidan at dinner then with him, his almoner came in as the bishop was about to say grace, and declared to the king that there was a great multitude of poor folks set before the gates to look for the king's alms. The king héerewith took a silver dish, which was set on the table before him with meat, & commanded the same meat streightwaies to be distributed amongst the poor, & the dish broken into small pieces, and divided amongst them: for which act he was highly commended of the bishop, as he well deserved. By the good policy and diligent travel of this king, the provinces of Deira and Bernicia, which hitherto had been at variance, were brought to peace and made one.  
ABout the same time, 
Beda lib. 3. 〈◊〉 Birinus converteth the Westsaxons 〈◊〉 the christian faith.  the Westsaxons were converted to the christian faith, by the preaching of one Birinus a bishop, who came into this land at the exhortation of pope Honorius, to set forth the gospel unto those people which as yet were not baptized. By whose diligent travel in the Lord's harvest, Cinigils or Kinigils, one of the kings of that country received the faith, 
Kinigils king of Westsaxon becometh a christian.  and was baptized about the five & twentieth year of his reign. K. Oswald that should have had his daughter in marriage, was present the same time, who first yet he became a son in law, was made a godfather unto Kinigils (that should be his father in law) by receiving him at the fontstone, in that his second birth of regeneration. To this Birinus, who was an Italian, 
Polydor.  king Kinigils (now that he was become a convert or christian) appointed and assigned the city of Dorcester, 
Dorcester ordained a bishops see.  situate by the Thames, distant from Oxford about seven miles, to be the see of his bishopric, where he procured churches to be built, and by his earnest travel & setting forth the word of life, converted much people to the right belief. In the year following, Quichelmus the other king of the Westsaxons, and son to Kinigils was also christened, and died the same year, and so Cinigilsus or Kinigils reigned alone.  
In this mean while Penda king of Mercia that succeeded next after Ciarlus, 
Henr. Hunt.  being a man given to seek trouble in one place or other, levied war against the kings of Westsaxon, 
This chance● in the year 620, as Math West. saith.  Kinigils and Quichelmus, the which gathering their power, gave him battle at Cirenchester, where both the parties fought it out to the uttermost, as though they had forsworn to give place one to another, insomuch that they continued in fight and making of cruel slaughter till the night parted them in sunder. And in the morning, when they saw that if they should buckle together again, the one part should utterly destroy the other, they fell to agreement in moderating each others demands.  
After this, 
640 Beda lib. 3. cap. 7. Matth. West.  in the year of our Lord 640, Eadbald king of Kent departed this life, after he had reigned 24 years, leaving his kingdom to his son Ercombert. This Ercombert was the first of the English kings, which took order for the utter destroying of all idols throughout his whole kingdom. He also by his royal authority commanded the fast of forty 
Lent first ordained to be kept in England.  days in the Lent season to be kept and observed, appointing worthy and competent punishment against the transgressors of that commandment. He had by his wife Segburga, 
Segburga.  that was daughter unto Anna king of the Eastangles, a daughter named Eartongatha, 
Aimoinus.  a professed nun within the monastery of Briege or Cala in France: for in those days, because there were not many monasteries builded within this land, a great number of Englishmen, that took upon them the profession of a religious life, got them over unto abbeys in France, and there professed themselves monks: and many there were which sent their daughters over to be professed nuns within the nunneries there, and specially at Briege, Cala, and Andelie: amongst other, there were Sedrike the lawful daughter, and Edelburgh the bastard daughter of the said king Anna, both which in process of time were made abbesses of the said monastery of Briege.  
Ye have heard already, how Oswald king of Northumberland bore himself in all points like a most worthy prince, not ceasing to relieve the necessity of the poor, advancing the good, and reforming the evil, whereby he won to himself exceeding praise and commendation of all good men, and still his fame increased for his virtuous doings; namely, for the ardent zeal he had to the advancing of the christian faith. Hereupon Penda king of Mercia, envying the prosperous proceedings of Oswald, as he that could never abide the good report of other men's well-dooing, began to imagine how to destroy him, and to conquer his kingdom, that he might join it to his own. 
Penda invadeth the Northumber's.  At length he invaded his country by open war, met with him in the field at a place called Maserfield, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 9  and there in sharp and cruel fight Oswald was slain on the fift day of August, 
King Oswald slain. Matt. Westm. saith 644.  in the year of our Lord 642, and in the 38 year of his age, after he had reigned the term of eight or nine years after some, which account that year unto his reign, in the which his predecessors Osrike and Eaufride reigned, whom they number not amongst kings, because of their wicked apostasy and renouncing of the faith which before they had professed. Such was the end of that virtuous prince king Oswald, being cruelly slain by that wicked tyrant Penda. Afterwards, for the opinion conceived of his holiness, the foresaid Oswald was canonised a saint, 
Will. Malmes.  and had in great worship of the people, being the first of the English nation that approved his virtue by miracles showed after his departure out of this life.   

Oswie succeed Oswald in the kingdom of Northumberland, he is sore vexed by Penda, Oswie and Oswin are partners in government, they fall at strife, Oswin is betraeied into the hands of Oswie and slain, a commendation of his parsonage and goodly qualities, bishop Aidan dieth; Cenwalch king of the Westsaxons, Penda maketh war against him for putting away his wife, his flight, he becometh a christian and recovereth his kingdom, bishop Agilbert cometh into Westsaxon, and afterwards departing (upon occasion) is made bishop of Paris, Wini buyeth the bishopric of London; Sigibert king of the Eastangles, the university of Cambridge founded by him, he resigneth his kingdom and becometh a monk, he and his kinsman Egric are slain in a skirmish against Penda king of Mercia. The thirty. Chapter.  
AFter that king Oswald was slain, 
Oswie king of Northumberland. Beda li. 3. ca 14.  his brother Oswie (being about 30 years of age) took upon him the rule of the kingdom of Northumberland, governing the same with great trouble for the space of 28 years, being sore vexed by the foresaid Penda king of Mercia and his people, which as yet were pagans. In the first year of his reign, which was in the year of our Lord 644. 
644  Pauline the bishop of Rochester which had been also archbishop of York departed this life, and then one Thamar an Englishman of the parties of Kent was ordained bishop of Rochester by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. King Oswie had one Oswin partner with him in government of the Northumber's in the first beginning of his reign, which was son to Osrike, so that Oswie governed in Bernicia, and Oswin in Deira, 
Bernicia.  continuing in perfect friendship for a season, till at length, through the counsel of wicked persons, that coveted nothing so much as to sow discord and variance betwixt princes, they fell at debate, and so began to make wars one against an other, so that finally when they were at point to have tried their quarrel in open battle, Oswin perceiving that he had not an army of sufficient force to encounter with Oswie, broke up his camp at Wilfaresdowne, ten mile by west the town of Cataracton, and after withdrew himself only with one servant named Condhere unto the house of earl Hunwald, whom he took to have been his trusty friend: but contrary to his expectation, the said Hunwald did betray him unto Oswie, who by his captain Edelwine slew the said Oswin and his servant the foresaid Condhere, in a place called Ingethling, the 13 kalends of September, in the ninth year of his reign, which was after the birth of our Saviour 651. 
651   
This Oswin was a goodly gentleman of person, tall, and beautiful, and very gentle of speech, civil in manners, and very liberal both to high & low, so that he was beloved of all. Such a one he was, to be brief, as bishop Aidan guessed that he should not long continue in life, for that the Northumber's were not worthy of so good and virtuous a governor. Such humbleness and obedience he perceived to rest in him towards the law of the Lord, in taking that which was told him for his better instruction in good part, that he said, he never saw before that time an humble king. The same Aidan lived not passed 12 days after the death of the said Oswin, whom he so much loved, departing this world the last day of August, in the seventeenth year after he was ordained bishop. His body was buried in the isle of Lindesferne. After Aidan, one Finan was made bishop in his place, a Scotishman also, and of the isle of Hui, from whence his predecessor the foresaid Aidan came, being first a man of religion professed in the monastery there (as some writers do report.)  
IN the mean time, 
Cenwalch. Hen. Hunt.  after that Kinigils or Cinigilsus king of the Westsaxons had reigned 31 years, he departed this life Anno 643, leaving his kingdom to his son Cenwalch or Chenwald, who held the same kingdom the term of 30 years, or 31 (as some writ) in manner as his father had done before him. In the third, or (as others say) in the fift year of his reign, Penda king of Mercia made sharp war against him, because he had put away his wife the sister of the said Penda, 
943 Ran. Higd.  and in this war Chenwald was overcome in battle, & driven out of his country, so that he fled unto Anna king of the Eastangles, with whom he remained the space of a year, or (as other say) three years, to his great good hap: for before he was grown to be an enemy to the christian religion, but now by the wholesome admonitions and sharp rebukes of king Anna, he became a christian, and received his wife again into his company, according to the prescript of God's law, and (to be brief) in all things showed himself a new man, embracing virtue, & avoiding vice, so that shortly after (through the help of God) he recovered again his kingdom.  
Now when he was established in the same, 
Agilbertus a bishop.  there came a bishop named Agilbertus out of Ireland, a Frenchman borne (but having remained in Ireland a long time) to read the scriptures. This Agilbert coming into the province of the Westsaxons, was gladly received of king Chenwald, at whose desire he took upon him to exercise the room of a bishop there: but afterwards, when the said king admitted another bishop named Wini, which had been ordained in France, and knew the tongue better than Agilbert, as he that was borne in England: Agilbert offended, for that the king had admitted him without making him of any counsel therein, returned into France, and there was made bishop of Paris: within a few years after, the foresaid Wini was expelled also by king Chenwald, who got him into Mercia unto king Uulfhere, of whom he bought the bishopric of London, which he held during his life, and so the country of Westsaxon remained long without a bishop, till at length the said Agilbert at the request of king Chenwald sent to him Elutherius that was his nephew.  
YE have heard that after Carpwald, 
Sigibert.  his brother Sigibert succeeded in rule of the Eastangles, a man of great virtue and worthiness, who whilst he remained in France as a banished man, being constrained to flee his country upon displeasure that king Redwald bore him, was baptized there, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 4.  and after returning into his country, and obtaining at length the kingdom, those things which he had seen well ordered in France, he studied to follow the example of the same at home, and hereupon considering with himself that nothing could more advance the state of the commonwealth of his country than learning & knowledge in the tongues, began the foundation of certain schools, and namely at Cambridge, 
The university of Cambridge founded by king Sigibert.  where children might have places where to be instructed and brought up in learning under appointed teachers, that there might be greater numbers of learned men trained up than before time had been within this land, to the furtherance of true religion and virtue.  
So that England hath good cause to have in thankful remembrance this noble prince king Sigibert, for all those her learned men which have been brought up & come forth of that famous university of Cambridge, the first foundation or rather renovation whereof was thus begun by him about the year of our Lord 630. 
Bale saith 636.  At length when this worthy king began to grow in age, he considered with himself how hard a matter, and how painful an office it was to govern a realm as appertained to the duty of a good king, whereupon he determined to leave the charge thereof to other of more convenient years, and to live from thenceforth a private kind of life, and so resigning the administration unto his kinsman Egricus, 
Sigibert resigneth his kingdom to Egricus.  he became a monk, and led the rest of his life in a certain abbeie.  
Shortly after it so came to pass that Penda king of Mercia (that cruel ethnic tyrant) made sore wars upon Egricus, whereupon the people of Eastangles compelled Sigibert to come forth of his monastery, & to go with them into the field against Penda. Sigibert being thus constrained against his will, would not put on armour or bear any other kind of weapon, than only a wand in his hand in steed of a sceptre, and so the army of the Eastangles in hope of good speed by the presence of Sigibert, joined in battle with their enemies, but the Eastangles were finally vanquished, and the more part of them slain, 
Sigibert and Egricus slain.  together with Sigibert and his cousin Egricus their king. This happened in the year after the birth of our Saviour (as some have noted) 652. 
652   
In the days whilst Sigibert as yet ruled the Eastangles, 
Baleus. Beda lib. 3. cap. 19 Furseus.  there came out of Ireland a devout person named Furseus, who coming into the country of the Eastangles, was gladly received of king Sigibert, by whose help afterwards he builded the abbeie of Cumbreburge, in the which Sigibert (as some have written) when he renounced his kingdom, was professed a monk. Of this Furseus many things are written, the which for briefness we overpass. After that Felix the bishop of the Eastangles was dead, one Thomas was ordained in his place, who after he had been bishop five years, died, and then one Beretgils was ordained in his room by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. The said Honorius himself when he had run the race of his natural life, deceased also the last of September in the year of our Lord 653. 
653    

Anna king of Eastangles is slain by Penda king of Mercia, his brother succeeding him is slain also by Oswie king of Northumberland, the Mercians or Middle angles receive the faith under virtuous Peda their prince, he requesteth Alchfled the king of Northumberlands daughter in marriage, he is baptized by bishop Finnan, by whose means the Eastsaxons embraced christian religion under Sigibert their king, he is murdered of two brethren that were his kinsmen upon a conceived hatred against him for his good and christian life, how dangerous it is to keep company with an excommunicate person, the authority of a bishop. The xxxj. Chapter.  
AFter Egricus succeeded Anna the son of Enus in the kingdom of Eastangle, 
Anna. Will. Malmes.  and was likewise slain by Penda king of Mercia, with the most part of his army, as he gave battle unto the said Penda that invaded his country. He left behind him many children, but his brother Edelhere succeeded him in government of the kingdom, 
Edelhere K. of Eastangle.  who was slain by Oswie the king of Northumberland, together with the foresaid Penda, and worthily, sith he would aid that tyrant which had slain his kinsman and his brother that were predecessors with him in his kingdom. After this, when the see of Canturburie had been vacant by the space of one whole year and six months, 
Deus dedit.  one Deus dedit of the country of the Westsaxons, was elected and consecrated by Ithamar the bishop of Rochester, on the 7 kalends of April. He governed the church of Canturburie by the term of nine years, four months, and two days. When he was departed this life, the foresaid Ithamar consecrated for him one Damianus of the country of Sussex.  
ABout this time, 
Beda histae●●● lib. 3. cap. 21. 653.  the people of Mercia commonly called Middleangles, received the christian faith under their king named Peda or Peada, the son of Penda king of Mercia, who being a towardly young gentleman, and worthy to have the guiding of a kingdom, his father Penda advanced him to the rule of that kingdom of the Middleangles during his own life. 
Peda or Peada king of Middleangles.  [¶ Here may you note, that the kingdom of the Middleangles was one, and the kingdom of Mercia another, though most commonly the same were governed by one king.] This young Peda came to Oswie king of Northumberland, requiring of him to have his daughter Alchfled in marriage: but when he was informed that he might not have her except he would become a christian, then upon hearing the gospel preached, with the promise of the celestial joys and immortality, by the resurrection of the flesh in the life to come, he said that whether he had king Oswies daughter to wife or not, he would surly be baptized, and chiefly he was persuaded thereunto by his kinsman Alchfrid, who had in marriage his sister the daughter of Penda named Cimburgh.  
Wherefore he was baptized by bishop Finnan, with all those which came thither with him, at a place called At the wall, 
Ad 〈…〉  and taking with him four priests which were thought meet to teach and baptise his people, he returned with great joy into his own country. The names of those priests were as followeth, Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of the which, the last was a Scot by nation, and the other were Englishmen. These priests coming into the province of the Middleangles, preached the word, and were well heard, so that daily a great number of the nobility & commonalty renouncing the filthy dregs of idolatry, were christened. Neither did king Penda forbidden the preaching of the gospel within his province of Mercia, but rather hated and despised those whom he knew to have professed themselves christians, and yet showed not the works of faith, 
The saying of king Penda.  saying, that Those were wretches and not to be regarded, which would not obey their God in whom they believed. This alteration of things began, about two years before the death of king Penda.  
ABout the same time, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 22.  the Eastsaxons at the instance of Oswie king of Northumberland, received eftsoons the faith which they had renounced, when they banished their bishop Melitus. Ye have heard that Serred, Siward, and Sigibert brethren, and the sons of king Sabert (which brethren occasioned the revolting of that province from the faith of Christ) were slain in battle by the kings of Westsaxon, after whom succeeded Sigibert surnamed the little son to the middlemost brother Siward, as some writ. This Sigibert the little left the kingdom to an other Sigibert that was son to one Sigebald the brother of king Sabert, which second Sigibert reigned as king in that province of the Eastsaxons, being a most especial friend of king Oswie, so that oftentimes he repaired into Northumberland to visit him, whereupon king Oswie ceased not most earnestly at times convenient to exhort him to receive the faith of jesus Christ, and in the end by such effectual persuasions as he used, Sigibert gave credit to his words, and so being converted, received the sacrament of baptism by the hands of bishop Finnan, 
King Sigibert received the faith.  at the king's house called, At the wall, so named, because it was built near to the wall which the Romans had made overthwart the isle, as is often before remembered, being twelve miles distant from the east sea.  
King Sigibert having now received the christian faith, 
This was about the year 649, as Matth. West. hath noted.  when he should return into his country, required king Oswie to appoint him certain instructors and teachers which might convert his people to the faith of Christ. King Oswie desirous to satisfy his request, sent unto the province of the Middleangles, calling from thence that virtuous man Cedda, and assigning unto him another priest to be his associate, 
Cedda.  sent them unto the province of the Eastsaxons, there to preach the christian faith unto the people. And when they had preached & taught through the whole country, to the great increase and enlarging of the church of Christ, it chanced on a time that Cedda returned home into Northumberland to confer of certain things with bishop Finnan which kept his see at Lindesherne, where understanding by Cedda the great fruits which it had pleased God to prosper under his hands, in advancing the faith among the Eastsaxons, he called to him two other bishops, and there ordained the foresaid Cedda bishop of the East saxons.  
Hereupon, the same Cedda returned unto his cure, 
Ced or Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons.  went forward with more authority to perform the work of the Lord, & building churches in diverse places, ordained priests and deacons which might help him in preaching, and in the ministery of baptising, specially in the city of Ithancester upon the river of Pent, 
Tilberie.  and likewise in Tileburge on the river of Thames. Whilst Ced was thus bufle to the great comfort and joy of the king and all his people, in the setting forward of the christian religion with great increase daily proceeding, it chanced through the instigation of the devil, the common enemy of mankind, that king Sigibert was murdered by two of his own kinsmen who were brethren, the which when they were examined of the cause that should move them to that wicked fact, they had nothing to allege, but that they did it because they had conceived an hatred against the king, for that he was too favourable towards his enemies, and would with great mildness of mind forgive injuries committed against him: such was the king's fault for the which he was murdered, because he observed the commandments of the gospel with a devout hart.  
Notwithstanding, in this his innocent death, his offence was punished, wherein he had surly transgressed the laws of the church. For whereas one of them which slew him kept a wife, whom he had unlawfully married, and refused to put her away at the bishop's admonition, he was by the bishop excommunicated, and all other of the christian congregation commanded to abstain from his company. This notwithstanding, the king being desired of him came to his house to a banquet, and in his coming from thence met with the bishop, whom when the king beheld, he waxed afraid, and alighted from his horse, and fell down at his feet, beseeching him of pardon for his offence. The bishop, which also was on horseback likewise alighted, and touching the king with his rod which he had in his hand, as one something displeased, and protesting as in the authority of a bishop, 
The authority of a bishop.  spoke these words; Because (saith he) thou wouldst not abstain from entering the house of that wicked person being accursed, thou shalt die in the same house: and so it came to pass.   

Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons, he is baptized, the bishoplike exercises of Ced in his native country of Northumberland; Ediswald K. of Deira reverenceth him, the kings devout mind to further and enlarge religion; the manner of consecrating a place appointed for a holy use; the old order of fasting in Lent, bishop Ced dieth; war between Oswie and Penda, Oswie maketh a vow to dedicate his daughter a perpetual virgin to God if he got the victory, he obtaineth his request and performeth his vow, she liveth, dieth, and is buried in a monastery, the benefit ensuing Oswies conquest over his enemies, the first second and third bishops of Mercia, the victorious proceeding of king Oswie▪ prince Peada his kinsman murdered of his wife. The xxxij. Chapter.  
AFter Sigbert succeeded Suidhelme in the kingdom of the Eastsaxons, 
Suidhelme. Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Matt. West.  he was the son of Sexbald, and baptized of Ced in the province of the Eastangles, at a place of the kings there called Rendlessham. Ediswald king of the Eastangles (the brother of king Anna) was his godfather at the fontsone. Ced the bishop of the Eastsaxons used oftentimes to visit his country of Northumberland where he was borne, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 23.  and by preaching exhorted the people to godly life. Whereupon it chanced that king Ediswald the son of king Oswald which reigned in the parties of Deira, moved with the fame of his virtuous trade of living, had him in great reverence: and therefore upon a good zeal and great devotion, willed him to choose forth some plot of ground where he might build a monastery, in the which the king himself and others might pray, hear sermons the oftener, and have place where to bury the dead. The bishop consenting to the king's mind, at length espied a place amongst high and desert mounteins, where he began the foundation of a monastery, afterwards called Lestinghem.  
Wherefore meaning first of all to purge the place with prayer & fasting, he asked leave of the king that he might remain there all the Lent, which was at hand, and so continuing in that place for that time, fasted every day (sunday excepted) from the morning until evening, 
The manner of the old fast.  according to the manner, nor received any thing then but only a little bread, and a hen's egg, with a little milk mixed with water: for he said that this was the custom of them of whom he had learned the form of his regular order, that they should consecrate those places unto the Lord with prayer and fasting, which they lately had received to make in the same either church or monastery.  
And when there remained ten days of Lent yet to come, he was sent for to the king: wherefore he appointed a brother which he had, being also a priest named Cimbill, to supply his room, that his begun religious work should not be hindered for the king's business. Now when the time was accomplished, he ordained a monastery there, appointing the monks of the same to live after the rules of them of Lindesferne where he was brought up. 
Lindesferne holy Island.  Finally this bishop Ced coming unto this monastery afterwards by chance in time of a sickness, died there, and left that monastery to the governance of another brother which he had named Ceadda, that was after a bishop, as afterwards shall be showed. There were four brethren of them, and all priests, Ced, Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of the which Ced and Ceadda were bishops, as before is said.  
About the same time, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24.  Oswie king of Northumberland was sore oppressed by the wars of Penda king of Mercia, so that he made great offers of high gifts, and great rewards unto the said Penda for peace, but Penda refused the same, as he that meant utterly to have destroyed the whole nation of Oswies people, so that Oswie turning himself to seek help at the hands of the almighty, said: If the pagan refuse to receive the gifts which we offer, 
War between king Oswie & king Penda  let us make offer unto him that knoweth how to accept them: and so binding himself by vow, promised that if he might obtain victory, he would offer his daughter to be dedicated to the Lord in perpetual virginity: and further would give twelve manors, lordships or farms to the building of monasteries: and so with a small army he put himself in hazard of battle.  
It is said that Penda had thirty companies of men of war, furnished with thirty noble captains or colonels, against whom came Oswie with his son Alchfrid, having but a small army, but confirmed yet with hope in Christ jesus. His other son Ecgfrid remained in hostage at that time with queen Cinnise. Edilwald the son of Oswald that governed Deira, & aught to have aided Oswie, was on the part of Penda against his country, and against his uncle, but in time of the fight he withdrew himself aside, to behold what chance would follow. The battle being begun, the thirty pagan captains were overthrown and put to flight, and those that came to aid Penda were almost all slain, 
The victory of the Northumber's.  among whom was Edilhere king of the Eastangles, that reigned after his brother Anna, and was the procurer of this war. This battle was fought near to the water of Inwet, the which being risen as then by reason of great rain, drowned more of the enemies than died of the Northumber's swords.  
After that Oswie had obtained this victory, he performed promise in bestowing his daughter to the profession of virginity, and also gave the twelve manors, whereof six were in Deira, and six in Bernicia, containing every of them ten households a piece. 
Elfled.  Elfled also king Oswies daughter was professed in the monastery of Herthew, 
Herteshey saith Matt. West. Hilda.  where one Hilda was abbess, which Hilda purchasing a lordship of ten households in Streanshall, now called Whitbie, builded a monastery there, in the which first the said Elfled was a novice, and after a ruler, till at length being of the age of forty years she departed this life, and was buried there, and so likewise was her mother Eufled, and her grandfather Edwin, with many other high estates within the church of saint Peter the apostle. The victory above mentioned got by king Oswie in the country of Loides on the 17 kalends of December, & in the thirteenth year of his reign, 
Loides.  happened to the great commodity and gain of both the people, for by the same he delivered his country of Northumberland from the cruel destruction made in the same by the pagan people of Mercia, and converted those pagans themselves, and the countries near adjoining to them wholly unto the faith of jesus Christ.  
The first bishop in the province of Mercia, 
The first bishop of Mercia.  and also of Lindesferne and the Middleangles was one Diuma, who died amongst the Middleangles. The second was Cellach, the which leaving his bishopric returned into Scotland, for they were both of the nation of the Scots. The third was an Englishman named Trumhere, but instructed and ordained of the Scots. He was abbot of the monastery of Ingethlingum, being builded in that place where king Oswin was slain (as before is mentioned.) For queen Eufled that was his kinswoman got of her husband king Oswie a place there for the foresaid Trumhere to build that abbeie upon.  
King Oswie having slain king Penda, 
The victorious proceeding of king Oswie.  governed the people of Mercia, and also other of the south provinces, & subdued a great part of the Pictish nation to the English dominion. About the same time king Oswie gave unto Peada the son of king Penda (because he was his kinsman) the country of the Southmercies, containing 5000 households, and separated from the Northmercies by the river Trent. 
Southmercia.  The country of the Northmercies contained in those days 7000 households. 
Northmercia.  But Peada in the next spring was wickedly murdered though the treason of his wicked wife (as was said) in the feast of Easter. 
659 Matt. West.    

The dukes of Mercia rebel against Oswie, recover their own bounds, and create Wulfhere their king; Cenwald king of the Westsaxons fighteth with the Britain's and prevaileth, he is vanquished by Wulfhere; Adelwold king of Sussex hath the isle of Wight given him, and why; succession of Edelher, Edelwal, and Aldulfe in the kingdom of Eastangles; Colman a Scot first made bishop of Northumberland, controversy about the observation of Easter, about bald crowns or shaving the hair, superstition punished by God, Ceadda bishop of York, his course of life and diligence in his office commended; Egbert king of Kent, the see of Canturburie void, the preferment thereto refused, Theodore a monk supplieth the room at the pope's appointment, all the English clergy obey him as their head, his visitation and reformation, singing used in churches, Theodore and Adrian worthily praised, English men happy, glaziers first brought into this Island. The xxxiij. Chapter.  
AFter three years were complete, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24.  next ensuing the death of king Penda, the dukes of the country of Mercia, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert rebelled against king Oswie, advancing one Wulfhere a young gentleman man the son of Peda, and brother to Peada, whom they had kept in secret to be their king, and expelling the lieutenants of king Oswie, they recovered both their own confines and liberty withal, and so living in freedom with their own natural king the foresaid Uulfhere, they also continued with glad hearts in service of the celestial king our God and Saviour.  
THis Uulfhere governed the Mercies seventeen years, 
Vulfhere. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24.  the which Mercies (during the reign of the said Uulfhere) had four bishops successively governing the church of that province one after another, as the above mentioned Trumhere, jaroman, Ceadda, and Winfrid, as hereafter shall more at large appear.  
About the beginning of king Uulfhers' reign, 
〈◊〉. H●nt. Matt. West.  that is to say, in the seventeenth year of the reign of Chenwald king of the Westsaxons, the same Chenwald fought with the Britain's at Pennum, where the Britain's being assembled in great number, proudly encountered with the Englishmen, and at the first put them to the worst, but when the Englishmen would in no wise give over, but did stick to their tackle, 
T● Britain's put to slight by Chenwald.  at length the Britain's were put to flight, so that the posterity of Brute received that day an incurable wound. But within three years after, that is, in the ninetéenth year of the reign of the said Chenwald, he had not the like luck in battle against the foresaid Uulfhere king of Mercia, as he had before against the Britain's, 
Chenwald vanquished by Uulfhere.  for the said Uulfhere vanquishing him in the field, passed through his country with a great army unto the isle of Wight, 
Edelwold of Sussex.  which he conquered, and delivered it unto Adelwold king of Sussex, as a gift at that time, when he received him at the fontstone after he had converted him to the faith. He gave unto Adelwold that I'll, to the end he should cause the people there to receive the faith and religion of Christ. Now after that Edelhere king of Eastangles was slain, as before is mentioned, his brother Edelwald succeeded him in that kingdom, reigning as king thereof by the space of nine years. Then after Edelwald succeeded Aldulfe the son of Edelhere in government of that kingdom, and reigned 25 years.  
After Finan bishop of the Northumber's that held his see at Lindesferne, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. Colman ordained bishop.  as Aidan did before him, one Colman was ordained bishop, a Scot borne, and an earnest observer of the customs used amongst them of his nation, so that when the controversy began to be revived for the holding of the feast of Easter, he would by no means yield to them that would have persuaded him to have followed the rite of the Roman church. 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 25.  There was a great disputation kept about this matter, and other things, as shaving or cutting of hears, and such like in the monastery of Whitbie, at the which king Oswie and his son Alcfrid were present, where Colman for his part alleged the custom of john the evangelist, and of Anatholius; and the contrary side brought in proof of their opinion, the custom of Peter and Paul. At length, when bishop Colman perceived that his doctrine was not so much regarded, as he thought of reason it ought to have been, he returned into Scotland with those, 
Controversy about shaving of crowns.  which taking part with him, 
Cap. 6.  refused to observe the feast of Easter according to the custom of the church of Rome, nor would have their crowns shaven, about which point no small reasoning had been kept. This disputation was holden in the year of our Lord 664, 
664  and in the year of the reign of king Oswie 22, and 30 year after the Scotishmen began first to bear the office of bishops within Northumberland, which was (as W. Harison saith) 624. For Aidan governed 17 years, Finan 10 years, & Colman 3 years. After that Colman was returned into his country, one Tuda that had been brought up amongst the Southern Scots, 
Tuda ordained bishop.  and ordained bishop by them, succeeded in his room, having his crown shaven, and observing the feast of Easter according to the custom of the province and rite of the Roman church. ¶ The same year, 
Cap. 27. In eclipse. Punishment. of God for yielding to superstition.  there chanced a great eclipse of the sun, the third of May about 10 of the clock in the day. A great dearth and mortality ensued, both in all the parties of this our Britain, and likewise in Ireland. Amongst other, the foresaid bishop Tuda died, and was buried in the abbeie of Pegnalech. After this Tuda, succeeded in government of the church of Lindesferne, otherwise called Holy Island, 
Wilfrid bishop.  one Wilfrid, which was sent by king Alcfrid into France, to be ordained there.  
About the same time king Oswie, the father of king Alcfrid, moved with the good example of his son, sent Ceadda, 
Cap. 28.  the brother of Ced sometime bishop of the Eastsaxons into Kent, to be ordained bishop of York, but at his coming into Kent he found that Deus dedit the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, 
Ceadda ordained archbishop of York.  and none other as yet ordained in his place, so that Ceadda repaired into the province of the Westsaxons, where he was ordained by bishop Wini, who took two other bishops of the British nation unto him to be his associates, which used to observe the feast of Easter contrary to the custom of the Roman church. But there was no other shift, sith none other bishop was then canonically ordained in the province of the Westsaxons in those days, this Wini only excepted, and therefore was he constrained to take such as he might get and provide.  
After that Ceadda was thus ordained, he began forthwith to follow the true rules of the church, lived right chastely, showed himself humble and continent, applied his study to reading, and traveled abroad on foot and not on horseback through the coimtries, towns, and villages, to preach the word of God. He was the disciple of Aidan, and coveted by his example, and also by the example of Ced, to instruct his hearers with the like doings & manners as he had known them to do. Wilfrid also being consecrated bishop, and returned into England, endeavoured to plant the orders of the Roman church in the churches of England, whereby it came to pass, that the Scots which inhabited amongst the Englishmen, were constrained either to follow the same, or else to return into their own country.  
IN this mean time, king Ercombert being departed this life, after he had governed the Kentishmen by the space of twenty years, 
Egbert king of Kent.  his son Egbert succeeded him in the kingdom, and reigned nine years. There is little remembrance of his doings, which in that short time were not much notable, except ye will ascribe the coming into this land of the archbishop Theodorus, and the abbot Adrian unto his glory, which chanced in his time. For in the year of the great eclipse and sore mortality that ensued, it chanced that both king Ercombert, & the archbishop Deus dedit departed this life, so that the see of Canturburie was void a certain time, in so much that king Egbert, who succeeded his father Ercombert, 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 9 Wighart.  together with king Oswie, did send one Wighart a priest of good reputation for his excellent knowledge in the scriptures, unto Rome, with great gifts and rich vessels of gold and silver, to be presented unto the pope, requiring him that he would ordain the foresaid Wighart archbishop of Canturburie, to have rule of the English church. But this Wighart coming unto Rome, and declaring his message unto Uitalianus then governing the church of Rome, immediately after he died of the pestilence (that then reigned in that city) with all those that came with him.  
The pope then taking advice whom he might ordain unto the see of Canturburie, 
Beda. lib. 4. cap. 1.  being thus destitute of an archbishop, appointed a monk named Adrian to take that office upon him, but Adrian excused himself as not sufficient for such a room, 
Adrian.  and required the pope to appoint one Andrew a monk also, whereunto the pope consented. But when Andrew was prevented by death, eftsoons Adrian should have been made archbishop, but that he named one Theodore an other monk that abode as then in Rome, but was borne in the city of Tharsus in Cilicia, very well learned both in the Greek and Latin, and being of reverend years, as of 76. This Theodore by the presentment of Adrian, was appointed to be ordained archbishop of Canturburie, with condition, that Adrian should nevertheless attend upon him into England, both for that he had been twice before this time in France, and so knew the coasts; and again, for that he might assist him in all things, and look well to the matter, that Theodore should not bring into the church of England any rite or custom of the Greeks, contrary to the use of the Roman church. Theodore being first ordained subdeacon, tarried four months till his hear was grown, that he might have his crown shaven after the manner of Peter. For he was rounded or shaven after the manner of the East church, which was as they persuaded themselves, according to the use of saint Paul the apostle. 
Theodore ordained archbishop of Canturburie.  And so at length was this Theodore ordained archbishop of Canturburie by pope Uitalianus in the year of our Lord 668, 
668  the sixth kalends of june, and with Adrian sent into Britain.  
These with their retinue came to France, and being come thither, shortly after king Egbert had knowledge thereof: whereupon with all convenient speed he sent over one of his nobles named Redfrid to bring the archbishop into England, and so he did: but Adrian was stayed for a time, because he was suspected to have had some commission from the emperor to have practised with the Englishmen, for the disquieting of the realm of France. Howbeit, after it was perceived that this suspicion was grounded on no truth, he was also suffered to follow the archbishop, and so coming unto Canturburie, he was made abbot of the monastery of saint Augustine's. The archbishop Theodore came thus unto his church of Canturburie in the second year after his consecration, about the second kalends of june, being sunday. He governed the same church also 21 years and 16 days, and was the first archbishop to whom all the churches of England did acknowledge their obeisance.  
Being accompanied with the foresaid Adrian, he visited all the parts of this land, ordained bishops and ministers in churches where he thought convenient, and reform the same churches as seemed to him needful, as well in other things which he misliked, as also in causing them to observe the feast of Easter, 
Ran. Cest. Matth. West.  according to the rite and usage of the church of Rome. Ceadda that was bishop of York, because he was not lawfully ordained, 
Beda.  as he himself confessed, was removed from the see of York, and Wilfrid was thereunto restored, so that Ceadda (though he were not disgraded of his degree of bishop) lived yet a private kind of life, till he was admitted bishop of Mercia, as after shall be showed. Also whereas before time there was in manner no singing in the English churches, 
Singing in churches brought in use.  except it were in Kent, now they began in every church to use singing of divine service after the rite of the church of Rome. The archbishop Theodore finding the church of Rochester void by the death of the last bishop named Damian, ordained one Putta a simple man in worldly matters, but well instructed in ecclesiastical discipline, 
Putta bishop of Rochester.  and namely well seen in song and music to be used in the church after the manner as he had learned of pope Gregory's disciples.  
To be brief, 
The worthy praise of Theodore and Adrian.  the archbishop Theodore, and the abbot Adrian deserved great commendation in this, that whereas they were notably well learned themselves in the Greek and the Latin tongues, and also had good knowledge as well in the liberal arts, as in the scripture, they took great pains to train up scholars in knowledge of the same, so that the Englishmen had not seen more happy times than in those days, 
Englishmen happy and why.  having as then kings of great puissance, so as strangers stood in fear of them; and again, those that coveted learning, had instructors at hand to teach them, by reason whereof divers being given to study, proved excellent both in knowledge of the Greek and Latin. There came in company of the said archbishop from Rome, an English man named Benedict Biscop, 
Beda. Benedict or Benet surnamed Biscop.  which had taken upon him the habit of a monk in Italy, and now returning into his country, builded two abbeys, the one named Wiremouth, because it was placed at the mouth of the river of Wire, and the other Girwie, distant from Wiremouth about five miles, and from the town of Newcastle four miles, situated near to the mouth of Tine. Wiremouth was built in the year 670, and Girwie in the year 673. 
670  There were a 600 monks found in those two houses, and governed under one abbot. The said Benedict was the first that brought glaziers, painters, 
glaziers first brought into England. Ran. Cest.  and other such curious craftsmen into England. He went five times to Rome, and came again.   

Sighere and Sebbie associates reign over the Eastsaxons, the one falleth from, the other cleaveth to the faith, Vulfhere king of Mercia sendeth bishop jaroman to redress that apostasy of the prince and the people, Cead bishop of Mercia, the king of that country hath him in high reputation, Egfrid king of Northumberland, a synod of bishops holden at Herford, articles propounded out of the canons by Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Bisi unable to discharge his episcopal office, a remedy therefore; Kenwalke of a very evil prince becometh a very good ruler, his wife governeth the kingdom after his death, Escuius succeed her in the room, of Thunnir a murderer king Egberts' principal vicegerent, bishop Winfrid deposed for disobedience, Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons a professed monk, his death. The xxxiiij. Chapter.  
ABout the same time, after that Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons was dead, Sighere the son of Sigbert the little, and Sebbie the son of Suward succeeded him in government of that kingdom, albeit they were subject unto Uulfhere the king of Mercia. 
Beda. lib. 3. cap. 39  Sighere in that time, when the great mortality reigned, renounced the faith of Christ, with that part of the people which he had in government, for both the same Sighere and others of his chiefest lords, and also part of his commons loving this life, and not regarding the life to come, began to repair their idolish churches, and fell to the worshipping of idols, as though thereby they should have been defended from that mortality. But his associate Sebbie with great devotion continued steadfast in the faith which he had received.  
King Uulfhere being informed of Seghers' apostasy, and how the people in his part of the province of Eastsaxons were departed from the faith, sent thither bishop jaruman or jaroman, that was successor unto Trumhere, 
Bishop jaruman or jaroman.  which used such diligence and godly means, that he reduced the said king and all his people unto the right belief, so as the idolish synagogs were destroyed, and the idols also with their altars quite beaten down, the christian churches again set open, and the name of Christ eftsoons called upon amongst the people, coveting now rather to die in him with hope of resurrection in the world to come, than to live in the service of idols, spotted with the filth of errors and false belief. And thus when bishop jaroman had accomplished the thing for the which he was sent, he returned into Mercia.  
After this, when the said jaroman was departed this life, king Uulfhere sent unto the archbishop Theodorus, requiring him to provide the province of the Mercies of a new bishop. Theodorus not minding to ordain any new bishop at that time, required Oswie king of Northumberland, that bishop Cead might come into Mercia to exercise the office of bishop there. This Cead lived as it were a private life at that time in his monastery of Lestingham, for Wilfrid held the bishopric of York, extending his authority over all Northumberland & amongst the Picts also, so far as king Oswies dominion stretched. Therefore Cead having licence to go into Mercia, was gladly received of king Uulfhere, and well entertained, in so much that the said king gave unto him lands and possessions containing 50 families or households to build a monastery in a certain place within the country of Lindsey called Etbearne. But the see of his bishopric was assigned to him at Lichfield in Staffordshire, where he made him a house near to the church, in the which he with 7 or 8 other of his brethren in religion used in an oratory there to pray and read, so often as they had leisure from labour and business of the world. Finally, after he had governed the church of Mercia by the space of two years and an half, he departed this life, having 7 days warning given him (as it is reported) from above, before he should die, after a miraculous manner, which because in the judgement of the most it may seem mere fabulous, we will omit and pass over. His body was first buried in the church of our lady, but after that the church of saint Peter the apostle was builded, his bones were translated into the same. 
671   
In the year of our Lord 671, which was the second year after that Theodorus the archbishop came into this land, 
Matth. West.  Oswie king of Northumberland was attached with a grievous sickness, and died thereof the 15 kalends of March, in the 58 year of his age, after he had reigned 28 years complete.  
AFter Oswie, 
Egfrid. Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Matth. West.  his son Egfrid succeeded in rule of the kingdom of Northumberland, in the third year of whose reign, that is to say, in the year of our Lord 673, 
673  Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie kept a synod at Herford, the first session whereof began the 24 of September, 
A synod holden at Herlord.  all the bishops of this land being present either in person or by their deputies, as Bisi bishop of Estangle, Wilfrid of Northumberland by his deputy Putta bishop of Rochester, Eleutherius bishop of Westsaxon, and Wilfrid bishop of Mercia. In the presence of these prelates, the archbishop showed a book, wherein he had noted ten chapters or articles taken out of the book of the canons, 
Articles proponed by Theodore.  requiring that the same might be received.  
1 The first chapter was, that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sunday following the fourteenth day of the first month.  
2 The second, that no bishop should intermeddle in an others diocese, but he contented with the cure of his flock committed to him.  
3 The third, that no bishop should disquiet in any thing any monastery consecrated to God, nor take by violence any goods that belonged unto the same.  
4 The fourth, that bishops being monks should not go from monastery to monastery, except by sufferance and permission of their abbots, & should continue in the same obedience wherein they stood before.  
5 The fift, that none of the clergy should departed from his bishop to run into any other diocese, nor coming from any other place should be admitted, except he brought letters of testimony with him. But if any such chanced to be received, if he refused to return, being sent for home, both he and his receiver should be excommunicated.  
6 The sixth, that bishops and other of the clergy being strangers should hold them content with the benefit of hospitality, & should not take in hand any priestly office, without licence of the bishop, in whose diocese he chanced so to be remaining.  
7 The seventh, that twice in the year a synod should be kept, but because of divers impediments herein, it was thought good to them all, that in the kalends of August a synod should be kept once in the year, at a certain place called Cloofeshough.  
8 The eighth chapter was, that no one bishop should by ambition seek to be preferred above another, but that every one should know the time and order of his consecration.  
9 The ninth, that as the number of the christians increased, so should there be more bishops ordained.  
10 The tenth was touching marriages, that none should contract matrimony with any person, but with such as it should be lawful for him by the orders of the church: none should match with their kinsfolk, no man should forsake his wife, except (as the gospel teacheth) for cause of fornication. But if any man did put away his wife which he had lawfully married, if he would be accounted a true christian, he might not be coupled with an other, but so remain, or else be reconciled to his own wife.  
These articles, being entreated of and concluded, were confirmed with the subscribing of all their hands, so as all those that did go against the same, should be disgraded of their priesthood, and separated from the company of them all.  
THe foresaid Bisi that was bishop of the Eastangles, and present at this synod, 
Bisi bishop of the Eastangles.  was successor unto Bonifacius, which Bonifacius held that see 17 years, and then departing this life, Bisi was made bishop of that province, and ordained by the archbishop Theodore. This Bisi at length was so visited with sickness, that he was not able to exercise the ministration, so that two bishops were then & there elected and consecrated for him, the one named Aecci, and the other Baldwin.  
In this mean while, that, is, about the year of our Lord 872, 
872  or in the beginning of 873, as Harison noteth, Kenwalch king of the Westsaxons departed this life, after he had reigned 30 years. This Kenwalch was such a prince, 
Matt. West. de reg. lib. 1.  as in the beginning he was to be compared with the worst kind of rulers, but in the midst and later end of his reign, to be matched with the best. His godly zeal borne towards the advancing of the christian religion well appeared in the building of the church at Winchester, where the bishops see of all that province was then placed. His wife Seghurga ruled the kingdom of Westsaxons after him, a woman of stoutness enough to have achieved acts of worthy remembrance, but being prevented by death yet she had reigned one whole year, she could not show any full proof of her noble courage. I remember that Matth West. maketh other report hereof, declaring that the nobility removed her from the government. But I rather follow William Malmesburie in this matter.  
TO proceed, 
Escuinus. Will. Malmes.  after Segburga was departed this life, or deposed (if you will needs have it so) Escuinus or Elcuinus, whose grandfather called Cuthgisio, the brother of K. Kinigils, succeeding in government of the Westsaxons, reigned about the space of two years: and after his decease, one Centivinus or Centwine took upon him the rule, and continued therein the space of nine years. But Beda saith that these two ruled at onetime, and divided the kingdom betwixt them. Elcuinus fought against Uulfhere king of Mercia, 
Hen. Hunt.  a great number of men being slain on both parties, though Uulfhere yet had after a manner the upper hand, as some have written.  
In the same year that the synod was holden at Herford, 
Beda lib. & ca supr. dict.  that is to say, in the year of our Lord 673, Egbert the king of Kent departed this life in julie, and left the kingdom to his brother Lothaire, which held the same eleven years, 
Io. Lothaire.  & seven months. Some have written that king Egbert by the suggestion of one Thunnir, 
Wil Malm. Beda de reg. lib. 1. Thunnir. A vile murder.  who had the chief rule of the kingdom under him, suffered the same Thunnir in lamentable manner to kill the two innocent sons of Ermenredus the brother of king Ercombert, that was father unto king Egbert, for doubt lest they being towardly young gentlemen, might in time grow so into favour with the people, that it should be easy for them to deprive both Egbert, and his issue of the kingdom. Also, that they were privily put to death, and secretly buried at the first, but the place of their burial immediately being showed after a miraculous manner, their bodies long after in the days of king Egilred the son of king Edgar, were taken up, & conveyed unto Ramsey, and there buried. And although Egbert being guilty of the death of those his coosens, did sore repent him, for that he understood they died guiltless, yet his brother Lothaire was thought to be punished for that offence, as after shall be showed.  
Winfrid bishop of the Mercies, 
Bishop winfrid deposed. Sexbulfe ordained bishop of the Mercies. 685, as Matth. Westm. saith. Bishop Erkenwald.  for his disobedience in some point, was deprived by archbishop Theodore, and one Sexvulfe that was the builder and also the abbot of the monastery of Meidhamsted, otherwise called Peterborough, was ordained and consecrated in his place. About the same time, Erkenwald was ordained bishop of the Eastsaxons, and appointed to hold his see in the city of London. This Erkenwald was reputed to be a man of great holiness and virtue. Before he was made bishop, he builded two abbeys, the one of monks at Chertsey in Southerie, where he himself was abbot, and the other of nuns at Berking, within the province of the Eastsaxons, where he placed his sister Ethelburga, 
Ethelburga.  a woman also highly esteemed for her devout kind of life. 
john Cap. grave.  She was first brought up and instructed in the rules of her profession by one Hildelitha a nun of the parties beyond the seas, whom Erkenwald procured to come over for that purpose.  
After Erkenwald, one Waldhere was made bishop of London, 
Waldhere. Sebbie king of Eastsaxons Beda. lib. 4. cap. 16.  in whose days Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons, after he had reigned thirty years, being now vexed with a grievous sickness, professed himself a monk: which thing he would have done long before, if his wife had not kept him back. He died shortly after within the city of London, and was buried in the church of saint Paul. King Sighere, which in the beginning reigned with him, 
Wil Malm.  and governed a part of the Eastsaxons, was departed this life before, so that in his latter time, the foresaid Sebbie had the government of the whole province of the Eastsaxons, and left the same to his sons Sighard and Sewfred. About the year of our Lord 675, 
675  Uulfhere king of Mercia departed this life, after he had reigned (as some say) 19 years, 
Will. Malm●. But other affirm that he reigned 17 years. Beda. Peada or rather Weada.  but (as other affirm) he reigned but 17 years. Howbeit they which reckon 19, include the time that passed after the slaughter of Penda, wherein Oswie and Peada held the aforesaid kingdom.   

Edilred king of Mercia invadeth the kingdom of Kent, and maketh great waste without resistance of Lothaire the king thereof, Putta of a bishop becometh a poor curate and teacheth music, Wilfred deposed from his bishopric by king Egfrid upon displeasure, he preacheth the gospel in Sussex by the licence of king Edilwalke no rain in Sussex for the space of three years, the word and sacraments bring blessings with them; bishop Wilfrid the first teacher to catch fish with nets, the people have him in great reverence, a great and bloody battle between Egfrid & king Edilred, they are reconciled by the means of archbishop Theodore; a synod holden at Hatfield, the clergy subscribe to certain articles, of Hilda the famous abbess of Whitbie. The xxxv. Chapter.  
AFter Uulfhere, 
Edilred.  his brother Edilred or Ethelred succeeded in government of the kingdom of Mercia. This Edilred invaded the kingdom of Kent with a mighty army, in the year of our Lord 677, 
677  destroying the country afore him, not sparing churches nor abbeys, but spoiling the same without respect, as well as other common places. 
Hen. Hunt.  King Lothaire durst not appear in the field to give him battle, so that Edilred went through the country, destroyed the city of Rochester, and with great riches gotten by the spoil he returned home. Putta the bishop of Rochester, after that his church was spoiled and defaced by the enemies, went to Sexvulfe bishop of Mercia, and there obtaining of him a small cure, and a portion of ground, remained in that country, not once labouring to restore his church of his church of Rochester to the former state, but went about in Mercia to teach song, and instruct such as would learn music, wheresoever he was required, or could get entertainment.  
Hereupon the archbishop Theodore consecrated one William bishop of Rochester in place of Putta, and after, when the said William constrained by poverty, left that church, Theodore placed one Gebmound in his steed. In the year of our Lord 678, 
678  in the month of August, a blazing star appeared, 
A blazing star.  with a long bright beam like to a pillar. It was seen every morning for the space of three months together. The same Egfrid king of Northumberland, 
Matth. West. Beda lib. 4. ca 12.  banished bishop Wilfrid upon displeasure taken with him, 
Bishop wilfrid banished. Hagustald. Hexham. Eadhidus. Lindesferne Holy Island.  out of his see, and then were two bishops ordained in his place, to govern the church of the Northumber's, the one named Bosa at York, and the other called Eata at Hagustald or Lindesferne. Also one Eadhidus was ordained about the same time bishop of Lindsey, the which province king Egfrid had of late conquered and taken from Uulfhere the late king of Mercia, whom he overcame in battle, and drove him out of that country. The said three bishops were consecrated at York by the archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus, the which within three years after ordained two bishops more in that province of the Northumber's, that is to say, Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata that was appointed to remain at Lindesferne, & Trumuine was ordained to have the cure of the province of those Picts which as then were under the English dominion. Also because Edilred king of Mercia recovered the country of Lindsey, and joined it to his dominion, bishop Eadhedus coming from thence, was appointed to govern the church of Rippon. 
The church of Rippon.   
After that bishop Wilfrid was expelled out of his diocese and province of the Northumber's, he went to Rome, and returning from thence, came into the kingdom of the Southsaxons, the which containing seven thousand households or families, as yet was not converted to the christian faith. Wherefore the said Wilfrid began there to preach the gospel with licence of king Edilwalke, 
Wilfrid by licence of king Edilwalke preacheth the gospel to them of Sussex.  who (as before is mentioned) was converted and baptized in Mercia by the procurement of king Wolfher, that then became his godfather, and gave him at the same time the isle of Wight, and the province of the people anciently called Meanuari, which he had won from the Westsaxons. Bishop Wilfrid then by king Edilwalke his furtherance and help baptized the chiefest lords and gentlemen of that province. But certain priests baptized the residue of the people, either then or in the time following.  
¶ It chanced that for the space of three years (as it is said) before the coming thither of bishop Wilfrid, 
Lack of rain.  there had fallen no rain from the air within that province of the Southsaxons, so that the people were brought into great misery by reason of famine, which through want of necessary fruits of the earth sore afflicted the whole country, insomuch that no small numbers threw themselves headlong into the sea, despairing of life in such lack of necessary victuals. But as God would, the same day that Wilfrid began to minister the sacrament of baptism, there came down sweet and plentiful showers of rain, so watering the earth, that thereby great store of all fruits plentifully took root, and yielded full increase in growth, to the great comfort and relief of all the people, which before were in manner starved and lost through want of food.  
Bishop Wilfrid also taught them in that country the manner how to catch fish with nets, 
Catching of fish with nets.  where before that time, they had no great skill in any kind of fishing, except it were in catching éeles. Hereby the said bishop grew there in great estimation with the people, so that his words were the better credited amongst them, for that through him they received so great benefits, God by such means working in the people's hearts a desire to come to the understanding of his laws. The king also gave unto Wilfrid a place called Sealesew, compassed about on each side (except on the west half) with the sea, containing 87 households or families, where he built an abbeie, and baptized all his tenants there, 
Bondmen made truly free.  amounting to the number of 250 bondmen and bondwomen, whom he made free both in body and soul: for he did not only baptise them, but also enfranchised them of all bodily servitude and bondage.  
In this mean while many things happened in other parts of this land, and first in the year after the appéering of the blazing star before mentioned, a mighty battle was fought betwixt the said Egfrid and Edilred king of Mercia, near to the river of Trent, where Alswine the brother of king Egfrid was slain, with many other of the Northumber's, so that king Egfrid was constrained to return home with loss. The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus perceiving that great war and effussion of blood was like to follow thereupon, traveled so in the matter betwixt them, that they were made friends, and Egfrid had a piece of money in recompense of his losses. The foresaid battle was fought in the year of our Lord 679; 
679  and in the year following, that is to say, in the year of our Lord 680; 
680  which was also in the tenth year of the reign of Egfrid king of Northumberland, the sixth year of Edelred king of Mercia, the 17 of Aldvulfe king of Eastangles, and in the 7 of Loather king of Kent.  
The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus held another synod at Hatfield, 
A synod at Hatfield.  about the 15 kalends of October, 
Articles subscribed.  in the which all the clergy there present subscribed to certain articles touching the belief of the trinity of persons, in the unity of the Godhead of the like substance, and also of the same unity in trinity, according to the true faith of the church of God. Moreover, they acknowledged by the like subscription, the five general counsels, of Nice, of Constantinople the first, of Ephesus, of Chalcedon, and of Constantinople the second, with the synod also holden at Rome in the days of Martin bishop of Rome about the year of the emperor Constantine. At this synod holden at Haifield, was present one john the archchanter of S. Peter's church at Rome, sent into this land of purpose to bring from hence a certificate unto pope Agatho of the agreement of the English church in matters of faith, with other churches of the christian world: but the foresaid archchanter died by the way in France, as he returned homewards, and was buried at Towers in Towraine.  
The same year that famous woman Hilda abbess of Whitbie departed this life, 
Bale. The abbess Hilda. Beda.  or (as other say) five years after, having first been detained long with grievous sickness. She was the daughter of one Herrericus the nephew of king Edwin, and converted to the faith of Christ at the preaching of bishop Pauline, and afterwards instructed by bishop Aidan, she professed herself a nun, applying her whole study to the reading of the scriptures, to prayer, & other godly exercises. She builded the abbeie of Whitbie, wherein were placed both men and women, with such an equality in all things, that there was no rich person amongst them, nor any that wanted things necessary. She departed this life on the 15 kalends of December, 
Bale. Ran. Cest. Matth. West. Beda.  being 66 years of age. As some have written she argued stoutly on bishop Colmans part, at the disputation holden in the monastery of Whitbie, in the year of Grace 664, whereof ye have heard before. 
Henry Hunt.  About the year of our Lord 682, that is to say, in the seventh year of Centwine or Centivinus king of Westsaxons, the same Centwine fought with the Britain's, and overcame them in battle, 
The Britain's discomfited.  pursuing them with fire and sword unto the sea side.  
¶ Thus (at this time as also at diverse other times) they were discomfited and put to flight, being a people allotted and shared out as it were to suffer many an overthrow, and abide many a sharp and shameful repulse at the hands of their enemies, who converted the distress of that people to their profit, and took pleasure in the extremity of the miseries wherein they were plunged, as may be observed by the pitiful alteration of their state under diverse governors, and specially under the Danish dominion, who kept them in no less vile servitude than Pharaoh did the hebrews at the making of brick & chopping of straw. So that some think this land to be corruptly named Britania, 
Gorop. in Goto danica lib. 7. pag. 759.  but ought rather to called Bridania, that is, Liberae Dania, sive regio in qua Dani liberè vivant, for they lived as lords in the land, & did (for the time being) what they listed. But of this matter more shall be spoken hereafter in place convenient.   

Cadwallader king of Britain, the people are brought into great misery, and he forced to flee the land, he dieth at Rome, the British writers noted of error, Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons, the kingdom is divided; the valorous mind of Ceadwalla, he is forced to forsake his country, he vanquisheth and killeth Edilwalke king of the Westsaxons, his return into his kingdom with revenge upon Berthun duke of Sussex and other his heavy friends, his vow if he might conquer the isle of Wight, his bountiful offer to bishop Wilfrid, the isle of Wight, receiveth the faith; Ceadwalla invadeth Kent, of a barbarous warrior he becometh a religious christian, his virtues, his death and burial at Rome; Egfrid king of Northumberland invadeth Ireland, he is slain by Brudeus king of the Picts; the neglect of good counsel is dangerous; Etheldreda a wife and a widow (having vowed chastity) lived a virgin 12 years with her husband Egfride, she was called saint Auderie of Elie. The xxxuj. Chapter.  
BUt now to return unto that which is found in the British histories, 
Cadwallader.  by the tenor whereof it should appear, that when their king Cadwallo was dead, his son Cadwallader succeeded him in government of the Britain's, in the year of our Lord 678, 
676 saith Matth. West.  which was about the 10 year of the emperor Constantius Paganotus, and in the 13 year of the reign of Childericus king of France. This Cadwallader, being the son of Cadwallo, 
Galfrid.  was begot by him of the half sister of Penda king of Mercia, for one father begot them both, but of two sundry mothers, for she had to mother a lady descended of the noble blood of the Westsaxons, and was married unto Cadwallo when the peace was made betwixt him and her brother the said Penda. After that Cadwallader had reigned the space of 12 years (as Geffrey of Monmouth saith) or (as others writ) but 3 years, the Britain's were brought into such misery through civil discord, and also by such great and extreme famine as then reigned through all the land, 
Cadwallader constrained to forsake the land.  that Cadwallader was constrained with the chiefest part of his people to forsake their native country, and by sea to get them over into Britain Armorike, there to seek relief by victuals for the sustentation of their languishing bodies.  
¶ Long process is made by the British writers of this departure of Cadwallader, & of the Britain's out of this land, and how Cadwallader was about to have returned again, but that he was admonished by a dream to the contrary, the which because it seemeth but fabulous, we pass over. At length he went to Rome, and there was confirmed in the christian religion by pope Sergius, where shortly after he fell sick, and died the 12 kalends of May, in the year of our Lord 689. 
689  But herein appeareth the error of the British writers in taking one for another, by reason of resemblance of names, for where Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons about that time moved of a religious devotion, after he was converted to the saith, went unto Rome, and was there baptized, or else confirmed of foresaid pope Sergius, and shortly after departed this life in that city in the foresaid year of 689 or thereabouts. The Welshmen count him to be their Cadwallader: which to be true is very unlike by that which may be gathered out of the learned writings of divers good and approved authors.  
THis Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons succeeded after Centwine or Centivinus, 
Ceadwalla.  which Centwine reigned nine years, 
Wil Malm. Beda.  though it should appear by that which is written by authors of good credit, that during two of those years at the least, the kingdom of Westsaxons was divided betwixt him and Elcuinus or Escuinus, so that he should not reign past seven years alone.  
But now to Ceadwalla, 
Wil Malm. Ranulf. Cest.  whom some take to be all one with Cadwallader, we find that he was lineally descended from Cutha or Cutwine, the brother of Ceauline or Keuling king of Westsaxons, as son to Kenbert or Kenbright that was son to Ceadda the son of the foresaid Cutha or Cutwin. Thus being extract of the noble house of the kings of Westsaxons, he proved in his youth a parsonage of great towardness, and such a one as no small hope was of him conceived: he would let no occasion pass wherein he might exercise his force, to show proof of his high valiancy, so that in the end with his worthy attempts showed therein, he purchased to himself the envy of those that ruled in his country, by reason whereof he was banished in a conspiracy made against him. 
Ceadwalla driven to departed out of the country.  Whereupon he took occasion as it were in revenge of such unthankfulness to withdraw out of his country, leading with him all the principal youth of the same, the which either pitying his present estate, or moved with pleasure taken in his valiant doings, followed him at his going into exile.  
The first brunt of his furious attempts after he was out of his country, Edilwalke the king of the Southsaxons tasted, who in defence of himself coming to try battle with Ceadwalla, was slain with the most part of all his army. Ceadwalla then perceiving the valiant courages of his soldiers, filled with good hope of this happy achieved victory, returned with good and prosperous speed into his own country, and that yer he was looked for, and earnestly pursuing his adversaries, drove them out of the kingdom, and taking upon him to rule the same as king, reigned two years, during the which he achieved divers notable enterprises.  
And first, 
Beda lib. 4. cap. 15.  whereas Berthun and Authun dukes of Sussex & subjects unto the late king Edilwalke, had both expelled him out of that country, after he had slain the said Edilwalke, and also taken upon them the rule of that kingdom, having now attained to the government of the Westsaxons, he invaded the country of Sussex again, and slew Berthun in battle, 
Berthun a duke of Sussex slain.  bringing that country into more bondage than before. He also set upon the isle of Wight, and well-néere destroyed all the inhabitants, meaning to inhabit it with his own people. He bond himself also by vow, 
Ceadwalla his vow. The I'll of Wight conquered.  although as yet he was not baptized, that if he might conquer it, he would give a fourth part thereof unto the Lord. And in performance of that vow, he offered unto bishop Wilfride (who then chanced to be present) when he had taken that I'll, so much thereof as contained 300 households or families, where the whole consisted in 1200 households. Wilfrid receiving thankfully the gift, delivered the same unto one of his clerks named Bernewine that was his sister's son, appointing to him also a priest named Hildila, the which should minister the word and the sacrament of baptism unto all those that would receive the same. Thus was the isle of Wight brought to the faith of Christ last of all other the parties of this our Britain, 
The I'll of Wight receiveth the saith.  after that the same faith had failed here by the coming of the Saxons.  
Moreover, king Ceadwalla invaded the kingdom of Kent, where he lost his brother Mollo, as after shall appear, but yet he revenged his death with great slaughter made of the inhabitants in that country. Finally, this worthy prince Ceadwalla, turning himself from the desire of war and bloodshed, became right courteous, gentle and liberal towards all men, so that ye could not have wished more virtuous manners to rest in one as yet not christened. And shortly after, willing to be admitted into the fellowship of the christians (of whose religion he had taken good taste) he went to Rome, where of pope Sergius he was baptized, and named Peter, and shortly after surprised with sickness, he died, and was buried there within the church of saint Peter in the year of our Lord 689. 
689   
In the mean while, 
Beda. li●. 4. cap. 26.  that is to say, in the year of our Lord 684, Egfride king of Northumberland sent an army under the guiding of a captain named Bertus into Ireland, the which wasted that country, sparing neither church nor monastery, sore indamaging the people of that country, 
Ireland invaded b● the Northumber's.  which had ever been friends unto the English nation, and deserved nothing less than so to be invaded and spoiled at their hands. The Irish men defended themselves to their power, beseeching God with many a salt tear, that he would revenge their cause in punishing of such extreme injuries. And though cursers may not inherit the kingdom of heaven, yet they ceased not to curse, hoping the sooner that those which with good cause were thus accursed, should worthily be punished for their offences by God, & so (peradventure) it fell out. For in the year following, the said Egfride had lead an army into Pictland against Brudeus king of the Picts, 
King Egfride slain by Brudeus king of the Picts.  and being trained into straits within hills and craggy mounteins, he was slain with the most part of all his army, in the year of his age 40, and of his reign 15, upon the 13 kalends of june.  
There were divers of Egfrides' friends, and namely Cutberd (whom he had advanced the same year unto the bishops see of Lindesferne) that advised him in no wise, either to have taken this war in hand against the Picts, or the other against them of Ireland, but he would not be counseled, the punishment appointed for his sins being such, that he might not give ear to his faithful friends that advised him for the best. From that time forth, the hope and power of the English people began to decay. For not only the Picts recovered that part of their country which the Englishmen had held before in their possession, but also the Scots that inhabited within this isle, 
These Britain's were those undouttedlie that dwelled in the northwest parts of this isle, and is not meant only by them of Wales.  and likewise some part of the Britain's took upon them liberty, which they kept and maintained a long time after, as Beda confesseth.  
Egfride died without issue, & left no children behind him. He had to wife one Ethelreda or Etheldrida, daughter unto Anna king of the Eastangles, which lived with her husband the foresaid Egfride twelve years in perfect virginity (as is supposed) contrary to the purpose of her husband, if he might have persuaded her to the contrary, but finally he was contented that she should keep her first vow of chastity which she had made. 
Echelreda.  She was both widow and virgin when he married her, being first coupled in wedlock with one Eunbert a noble man, and a ruler in the south parts of the country, where the people called Giruij inhabited, which is the same where the fens lie in the confines of Lincolnshire, 
〈◊〉.  Norfolk, Huntingtonshire, & Cambridgeshire, howbeit be lived with her but a small while. After she had obtained licence to departed from the court, she got her first into Coldingham abbeie, and there was professed a nun. Then she went to Elie, and there restored the monastery, and was made abbess of the place, in the which after she had governed seven years, she departed this life, and was there buried. This same was she which commonly is called saint Audrie of Elie, had in great reverence for the opinion conceived of her great virtue and purity of life.   

Alfride (the bastard) king of Northumberland, his life and death, john archbishop of Canturburie reigneth his see, Loather king of Kent dieth of a wound, Edrike getteth the regiment thereof but not without bloodshed, Ceadwalla wasteth Kent being at strife in itself, his brother Mollo burned to death; Withered made king of Kent, he vanquisheth his enemies, Inas king of Westsaxons is made his friend, Suebhard and Nidred usurpers of the Kentish kingdom, the age and death of Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation; the end of the British regiment, and how long the greatest part of this Island was under their government. The xxxvij. Chapter.  
AFter that king Egfride was slain (as before is mentioned) 
Alfride 685.  his brother Alfride was made king of Northumberland. This Alfride was the bastard son of king Oswie, and in his brother's days (either willingly, or by violent means constrained) he lived as a banished man in Ireland, where applying himself to study, he became an excellent philosopher. And therefore being judged to be better able to have the rule of a kingdom, he was received by the Northumber's, and made king, governing his subjects the space of 20 years and more, with great wisdom and policy, but not with such large bounds as his ancestors had done: for the Picts (as before is mentioned) had cut off one piece of the north part of the ancient limits of that kingdom. About the 13 year of his reign, that is to say, 
698 Beda in Epit. Matt. West.  in the year of our Lord 698, one of his captains named earl Berthred, or Bertus, was slain in battle by the Picts, whose confins he had as then invaded. The curse of the Irish men, whose country in the days of king Egfrid he had cruelly wasted (as before is mentioned) was thought at this time to take place. Finally king Alfride, 
705 Beda.  after he had reigned 20 years & odd months, departed this life, in the year of our Lord 705.  
In the beginning of king Alfrids' days, Eata the bishop of Hexham being dead, one john a man of great holiness was admitted bishop, and after that, bishop Wilfrid was restored, when he had remained a long time in exile. 
john archbishop of York.  The said john was removed to the church of York, the same being then void by the death of the archbishop Bosa. At length the foresaid john wearied with the cares of public affairs resigned his see, 
He resigneth his see. 721  and got him to Beverley, where he lived a solitary life for the space of four years, and then died, about the year of our Lord 721, king Os●ike as then reigning in Northumberland. He continued bishop for the space of 24 years, and builded a church, and founded a college of priests at Beverley aforesaid, in which church he lieth buried.  
The same year, or in the year after that king Egfrid was slain, Loather king of Kent departed this life, 
686 saith Matth. West. Loather king of Kent dieth of a wound.  the 8 Ideses of February, of a wound by him received in a battle which he fought against the Southsaxons, the which came in aid of Edrike, that was son unto his brother Egbert, and had maintained war against his uncle the said Loather, even from the beginning of his reign, till finally he was now in the said battle stricken through the body with a dart, and so died thereof, after he had reigned 11 years, and seven months. It was thought that he was disquieted with continual wars and troubles, and finally brought to his end before the natural course of his time, for a punishment of his wicked consent given to the putting to death of his cousins Ethelbert & Ethelbrit, as appeared, in that when they were reported to be martyrs, 
Wil Malm.  because it was known they died innocently, he mocked them and made but a jest at it, although his brother in acknowledging his fault, 
Capgrave faith, their sister.  repented him thereof, and gave in recompense to their mother a part of the I'll of Thanet to the building of a monastery.  
THe foresaid Edrike 
Edricke.  (after Loather was dead) got the dominion of Kent, and ruled as king thereof, but not without civil war, insomuch that before he had reigned the full term of two years, he was slain in the same war. Then Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons being thereof advertised, supposing of the time now to be come that would serve his purpose, as one still coveting to work the Kentishmen all the displeasure he could, entered with an army into theri country, and began to waste and spoil the same on each side, till finally the Kentishmen assembled themselves together, gave battle to their enemies, and put them to flight. Mollo brother to Ceadwalla was driven from his company, and constrained to take an house for his refuge: but his enemies that pursued him set fire thereon, and burned both the hosue and Mollo within it to ashes. Yet did not Ceadwalla herewith deaprt out of the country, 
Mollo brother to king Ceadwalla burnt to death.  but to wreak his wrath, and to revenge the grief which he took for the death of his brother, he wasted and destroyed a great part of Kent yet he returned home, and left (as it were) in occasion to his successor also to pursue the quarrel with revenging. Wherein we see the cankered nature of man, specially in a case of wrong or displeasure; which we are so far from tolerating & forgiving, that if with tooth and nail we be not permitted to take vengeance, our hearts will break with a full conceit of wrath. But the law of nature teacheth us otherwise to be affected, namely, 
— per te nulli unquam iniuria fiat,  
Sed verbis alijsque modis fuge laedere quenquam,  
Quod tibi nolles, alijs fecisse caveto,  
Quódque tibi velles, alijs praestare studeto;  
Haec est naturae lex optima, quam nisiad unguem  
Seruabis, non ipse Deo (mihi crede) placebis,  
Póstque obitum infoelix non aurea sydera adibis.   
Which lesson taught by nature, and commanded of God, if these men had followed (as they minded nothing less in the fire of their fury) they would have been content with a competent revenge, and not in such outrageous manner with fire and sword have afflicted one another, nor (which is more than tigerlike cruelty) have ministered occasion to posterities to revenge wrongs given and taken of their ancestors. But we will let this pass without further discourse, meaning hereafter in due place to declare the process.  
The Kentishmen being destitute of a king, after that divers had coveted the place, and sought to attain thereto, as well by force as otherwise, to the great disquieting of that province for the space of 6 years together, at length in the 7 year after Edricks death, Withered an other of the sons of king Egbert, 
Withdredis made king ● Kent.  having with diligent travel overcome envy at home, & with money redeemed peace abroad, was with great hope conceived of his worthiness made king of Kent, the 11 of Nobuember, & 205 after the death of Hengist, he reigned 33 years, not deceiving his subjects of their good conceived opinion of him: for overcoming all his adversaries which were ready to levy civil war against him, he also purchased peace of Inas king of the Westsaxons, which meant to have made him war, till with money he was made his friend.  
A little before that Withdred was confirmed in the kingdom of Kent, 
Hen, Hunt. Beda. lib. 5. Suebhard and Nidred kings by usurpation and not by succession, as He●● Hunt. writeth.  there reigned two kings in that country, Suebhard and Nidred, or rather the same Withered, if the printed copy of Bedas book entitled Ecclesiastica historia gentis Anglorum have not that name corrupted: for where he showeth that the archbishop Theodorus being of the age of 88 years, departed this life in the year of our Lord 690, in the next chapter he declareth, that in the year 692, the first day of julie on Brightwald was chosen to succeed in the archbishops see of Canturburie, Withredus and Suebhardus as then reigning in Kent: but whether Withredus governed as then with Suebhardus, or that some other named Nidred, it forceth not: for certain it is by the agreement of other writers, that till Withdred obtained the whole rule, there was great strife and contention moved about the government, and divers there wre that sought and fought for it. 
Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation.  But this aught to be noted, that the forenamed Brightwald was the eight archbishop in number, and first of the English nation that sat in the see of Canturburie: for the other seven that were predecessors to him, were strangers borne, and sent hither from Rome.  
¶ Here endeth the line and government of the Britain's, now called Welshmen, which took that name of their duke or leader walo or Gallo; or else of a queen of Wales named Gales or Wales. But howsoever that name fell first unto them, now they are called Welshmen, which sometime were called Britain's or Brutons, and descended first of the Troyans', and after of Brute, and lastly of Mulmucius Dunwallo: albeit they were mingled with sundry other nations, as Romans, Picts, etc. and now they be called English that in their beginning were named Saxons or Angles. To conclude therefore uviht this government, so many times intercepted by foreign power, it appeareth by course of histories treating of these matters, that the last year of Cadwallader was the year of our Lord 686, which makes the year of the world 4647. So that (as Fabian saith) the Britain's had the greater part of this land in rule (reckoning from Brute till this time) 1822 years. Which term being expired, the whole dominion of this realm was Saxonish.   
Thus far the interrupted regiment of the Britain's, ending at the fift book.   

THE sixth BOOK of the History of England.  

Inas king of the Westsaxons, the whole monarchy of the realm falleth into their hands, Inas for a sum of money granteth peace to the Kentishmen, whom he was purposed to have destroyed, he & his cousin Nun fight with Gerent king of the Britain's, and Cheolred king of Mercia, and Ealdbright king of Southsaxons, the end of their kingdoms, Inas giveth over his royalty, goeth in pilgrimage to Rome, and there dieth; his laws written in the Saxon tongue; of what buildings he was the founder, queen Ethelburgas devise to persuade Inas to forsake the world, he was the first procurer of Peter pence to be paid to Rome; king Ethelred, king Kenred, and king Offa become monks; the setting up of images in this land authorised by a vision; king Ethelbalds' exploits, he is slain of his own subjects by the suggestion of Bernred the usurper, Boniface his letter of commendation to King Ethelbald, nuns kept for concubines, their pilgrimage. The first Chapter.  
AFter that Ceadwalla, 
Inas. 689  late K. of the Westsaxons was gone to Rome, where he departed this life (as afore is showed) his cousin Inas or Ine was made king of the Westsaxons, beginning his reign in the year of our Lord 689, in the third year of the emperor justmianus the third, the 11 year of the reign of Theodoricus K. of France, and about the second year of the reign of Eugenius king of Scots. now because the rule of The Britain's commonly called Welshmen, 
The Britain's cease to reign in this land.  ceased in this realm, as by confession of their own writers it appeareth, and that in the end the whole monarchy of the same realm came to the hands of the kings of Westsaxons, we have thought meet to refer things general unto the reigns of the same kings, as before we did in the Britain kings, reserving the particular doings to the kings of the other provinces or kingdoms, as the same have fallen out, and shall come to hand.  
This Inas, 
Fabian. H. Hunt.  whom some (mistaking N for U) do wrongfully name Iue or jew, proved a right excellent prince, he was descended of the ancient lineage of the kings of the Westsaxons, as son to one Kenred, that was son to Geolwald the son of Cutha or Cutwine, that was son to Kenricke the son of Certicus, the first king of Westsaxons. But he was admitted to the kingdom more for the valiant prows known to rest in his worthy person, than for the successive of spring of which he was descended. The first ●biage that he made, was against the Kentishmen, on whom he purposed to revenge the death of his cousin Mollo, the grief whereof as yet he kept in fresh memory. 
Mart. Wastm. Wil Malm.  But when the Kentishmen perceived, that to resist him by force, they were nothing able, they attempted by money to buy their peace, and so obtained their purpose, upon payment made to him of thirty thousand marks of silver.  
After this, about the 21 year of his reign, 
Anno 708, as is noted by Matt. West.  king Inas and his cousin Nun fought with Gerent king of the Britain's. In the beginning of the battle, one Higelbald a noble man of the Westsaxons part was slain, 
H. Hunt.  but in the end Gerent with his Britain's was chased. In the 26 year of his reign, the same Inas fought a mighty battle against Cheolred king of Mercia, 
Matt. West. saith 718.  at Wodenessburie, with doubtful victory, for it could not well be judged whether part sustained greater loss. In the 36 year of his reign, king Inas invaded the Southsaxons with a mighty army, and slew in battle Ealdbright or Aldinius king of the Southsaxons, and joined that kingdom unto the kingdom of the Westsaxons: 
Matth. West. saith 722. The end of the kingdom of the Southsaxons.  so that from thenceforth the kingdom of those Southsaxons ceased, after they had reigned in that kingdom by the space of five kings successively, that is to say, Ella, Cissa, Ethelwalke, Berutius, and this last Aldinius or Ealdbright.  
Finally, when Inas had reigned 37 years, and 10 or 11 odd months, he renounced the rule of his kingdom, together with all worldly pomp, and went unto Rome as a poor pilgrim, 
Inas went to Rome and there died.  and there ended his life: but before this, during the time of his reign, he showed himself very devout and zealous towards the advancement of the christian religion. He made and ordained also good & wholesome laws for the amendment of manners in the people, which are yet extant and to be read, written in the Saxon tongue, and translated into the Latin in times past, and now lately again by William Lambert gentleman, and printed by john Day, in the year 1568, together with the laws and statutes of other kings before the conquest, as to the learned may appear.  
Moreover, king Ine builded the monastery of Glastenburie, 
Polydor.  where joseph of Arimathea in times past builded an oratory or chapel (as before is recited) when he with other christians came into this land in the days of arviragus, & taught the gospel here to the Britain's, converting many of them to the faith. Moreover, king Ine or Inas builded the church of Welles, dedicating it unto saint Andrew, where afterwards a bishops see was placed, which at length was translated unto Salisbury. He had to wife one Ethelburga, 
Ethelburga.  a woman of no●●●le lineage, who had been earnest with him a long time to persuade him to forsake the world: but she could by no means bring her purpose to pass, 
Will. Malmes.  till upon a time the king and she had lodged at a manor place in the country, where all provision had been made for the receiving of them and their train in most sumptuous manner that might be, as well in rich furniture of household, as also in costly viands, and all other things needful, or that might serve for pleasure, and when they were departed, the queen the foresaid Ethelburga caused the keeper of that house to remove all the bedding, hangings, 
The devise of queen Ethelburga to persuade her husband to forsake the world  and other such things as had been brought thither and ordained for the beautiful setting forth of the hosue, and in place thereof to bring ordure, straw, & such like filth, as well into the chambers and hall, as into all the houses of office, and that done, to lay a fow with pigs in the place where before the king's bed had stood. Hereupon when she had knowledge that every thing was ordered according to her appointment, she persuaded the king to return thither again, feigning occasions great and necessary.  
Now when he was returned to that house, which before seemed to the eye a palace of most pleasure, and now finding it in such a filthy state as might loathe the stomach of any man to behold the same, she took occasion thereupon to persuade him to the consideratino of the vain pleasures of this world, which in a moment turn to nought, together with the corruption of the flesh, being a filthy lump of clay, after it should once be dissolved by death: and in fine, where before she had spent much labour to move him to renounce the world, though all in vain, yet now the beholding of that change in his pleasant place, wherein so late he had taken great delight, wrought such an alteration in his mind, that her words lastly took effect: so that he resigned the kingdom to his cousin Ethelard, and went himself to Rome (as above is mentioned) and his wife became a nun in the abbeie of Barking, where she was made abbess, and finally there ended her life. This Inas was the first that caused the money called Peter pence, to be paid unto the bishop of Rome, 
Peter pence.  which was for every household within his dominion of penny.  
In this mean time Edilred or Ethelred, having governed the kingdom of Mercia by the term of 29 years, 
King Ethelred becometh a moonk. Ostrida.  became a monk in the abbeie of Bardenie, and after was made abbot of that house. He had to wife one Ostrida the sister of Egfride king of Northumberland, by whom he had a son named Ceolred. But he appointed Kenred the son of his brother Uulfher to succeed him in the kingdom. The said Ostrida was cruelly slain by the treason of her husband's subjects, 
Beda in Epit. 697 King Kenred  about the year of our Lord 697. And as for Kenred, he was a prince of great virtue▪ devout towards God, a furtherer of the commonwealth of his country, and passed his life in great sincerity of manners. In the fift year of his reign, he renounced the world, and went to Rome, together with Offa king of the Eastsaxons, where he was made a monk: and finally died there, in the year of our Lord 711. 
711 Nauclerus. Egwin bishop of Worcester.  By the aid and furtherance of this Kenred, a monk of saint Benet's order (called Egwin) builded the abbbie of Eueshame, who afterwards was made bishop of Worcester.  
¶ We find recorded by writers, 
A fabulous and trifling devise.  that this Egwin had warning given him by visions (as he constantly affirmed before pope Constantine) to set up an image of our lady in his church. Whereupon the pope approving the testifications of this bishop by his bulls, writ to Brightwald archbishop of Canturburie, to assemble a synod, and by authority thereof to establish the use of images, charging the kings of this land to be present at the same synod, upon pain of excommunication. This synod was holden about the year of our Lord 712, 
Bale. 712  in the days of Inas king of Westsaxons, and of Ceolred king of Mercia successor to the foresaid Kenred.  
After Kenred succeeded Ceolred, the son of his uncle Edilred, & died in the 8 year of his reign, and was buried at Lichfield. 
H. Hunt.  Then succeeded Ethelbaldus that was descended of Eopa the brother of king Penda, as the fourth from him by lineal succession. This man governed a long time without any notable trouble: some wars he had, and sped diversly. 
Ran. Cestre●.  In the 18 year of his reign, he besieged Sommerton and won it. He also invaded Northumberland, and got there great riches by spoil and pillage, which he brought from thence without any battle offered to him.  
He overcame the Welshmen in battle, 
Hen. Hunt.  being then at quiet, and joined as confederates with Cuthred K. of Westsaxons. But in the 37 year of his reign, he was overcome in battle at Bereford by the same Cuthred, 
Bereford.  with whom he was fallen at variance, and within four years after, that is to say, in the 41 year of his reign, he was slain in battle at Secandon, 
755 Three miles from Tamworth. Wil Malm.  or Sekenton, by his own subjects, which arreared wars against him, by the procurement and leading of one Bernred. who after he had slain his natural prince, took upon him the kingdom: but he prospered not long, being slain by Offa that succeeded him in rule of the kingdom of Mercia, as after shall be showed. The body of Ethelbald was buried at Ripton. 
758 Matth. West.   
Bonifacius the archbishop of Mentz or Moguntz, 
The history of Magd.  having assembled a council with other bishops and doctors, devised a letter, and sent it unto this Ethelbald, commending him for his good devotion and charity in almes-giving to the relief of the poor, and also for his upright dealing in administration of justice, to the punishment of robbers and such like misdooers: but in that he abstained from marriage, and wallowed in filthy lechery with diverse women, and namely with nuns, they sore blamed him, and withal declared in what in famie the whole English nation in those days remained by common report in other countries for their licentious living in sinful fornication, and namely the most part of the noble men of Mercia by his evil example did forsake their wives, and deflowered other women which they kept in adultery, as nuns and others. 
Nuns kept for concubines.  Moreover, he showed how that such evil women, as well nuns as other, used to make away in secret wise their children which they bore out of wedlock, and so filled the graves with dead bodies, and hell with damned souls. The same Bonifacius in an other epistle which he wrote unto Cuthbert the archbishop of Canturburie, counseled him not to permit the English nuns to wander abroad so often on pilgrimage, 
Pilgrimage of nuns.  because there were few cities either in France or Lombardie, wherein might not be found English women, that lived wantonly in fornication and whoredom.   

Offa king of the Eastsaxons with other go to Rome, he is shaven and becometh a monk, succession in the kingdom of the Eastsaxons and Eastangles, Osred king of Northumberland hath carnal knowledge with nuns, he is slain in battle, Osrike renouncing his kingdom becometh a monk, bishop Wilfrid twice restored to his see, Westsaxonie divided into two dioceses, bishop Aldhelme a founder of religious houses; Ethelard succeed Inas in regiment, two blazing stars seen at once, and what ensued, the king dieth: the successive reign of Wichtreds three sons over Kent, what provinces were governed by bishops; of what puissance Ethelbald king of Mercia was, Egbert archbishop of York advanceth his see; a notable remembrance of that excellent man Beda, his death. The second Chapter.  
IN this mean time Sighard and Seufred, 
Kings of the Eastsaxons. Beda lib. 5. cap. 20. Offa king of Eastsaxons.  kings of the Eastsaxons, being departed this-life, one Offa that was son to Sigerius succeeded in 〈◊〉 ●uernment of that kingdom, a man of great towardness, and of right comely countenance: but after he had ruled a certain time, being moved with a riligious devotion, he went to Rome in company of Kenred king of Mercia, and of one Egwine bishop of Worcester, and being there shaven into the order of monks, so continued till he died. After him one Selred the son of Sigbert the good, 
K●ng Sclred.  ruled the Eastsaxons the term of 38 years. After Alduife the king of Eastangles departed this frail life, which chanced about the year of our Lord 688, 
688  his brother Elewold or Akwold succeeded him, and reigned about twelve years. After whose decease one Beorne was made king of Eastangles, and reigned about 26 years. In this mean while, that is to say, in the year of our Lord 705, 
705 〈…〉 of Northumberland.  Alfride king of Northumberland being dead, his son Osred, a child of 8 years of age succeeded him in the kingdom, and reigned 11 years, spending his time when he came to ripe years in filthy abusing his body with nuns, and other religious women.  
About the seventh year of his reign, 
Henr. Hunt.  that is to say, in the year of our Lord 711, one of his captains named earl Berthfride fought with the Picts, 
Picts overthrown by the Northumber's.  betwixt two places called have and Cere, and obtaining the victory, slew an huge number of the enemies. At length king Osred by the traitorous means of his coosens that arreared war against him, was slain in battle, 
King Osred slain in battle  and so ended his reign, leaving to those that procured his death the like fortune in time to come. For Kenred reigning two years, and Osric ten years, were famous only in this, that being worthily punished for shedding the blood of their natural prince and sovereign lord, they finished their lives with dishonourable deaths, as they had well deserved. Osric before his death, which chanced in the year of our Lord 729, 
729  appointed Ceolwolfe the brother of his predecessor Kenred, to succeed him in the kingdom, which he did, reigning as king of the Northumber's by the space of 8 years currant, and then renouncing his kingdom, became a monk in the isle of Lindesferne.  
In this mean while, bishop Wilfride being dead, 
Beda. Acca bishop of Hexham.  one Acca that was his chaplain was made bishop of Hexham. The said Wilfride had been bishop by the space of 45 years: but he lived a long time in exile. For first being archbishop of York, and exercising his jurisdiction over all the north parts, he was after banished by king Egbert, and again restored to the see of Hexham in the second year of king Alfride, and within five years after eftsoons banished by the same Alfride, and the second time restored by his successor king Osredzin the fourth year of whose reign being the year after the incarnation of our Saviour 709, he departed this life, and was buried at Rippon. Moreover, after john the archbishop of York had resigned, one Wilfride surnamed the second was made archbishop of that see: which Wilfride was chaplain to the said john, and governed that see by the space of fifteen years, and then died. About the year of our Lord 710, that abbot Adrian which came into this land with Theodore the archbishop of Canturburie 
710  (as before ye have heard) departed this life, about 39 years after his coming thither.  
Also Inas the king of Westsaxons, 
Two bishops sees. Matth. West.  about the 20 year of his reign, divided the province of the Westsaxons into two bishops sees, whereas before they had but one. 
Bishop D●niell.  Daniel was ordained to govern the one of those sees, being placed at Winchester, having under him Sussex, Southerie and Hamshire. And Aldhelme was appointed to Shireburne, 
Bishop Aldhelme.  having under him, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Sommersetshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, and Cornwall. This Aldhelme was a learned man, and was first made abbot of Malmesburie, in the year of our Lord 675, by Eleutherius then bishop of the Westsaxons, by whose diligence that abbeie was greatly advanced, 
The abbeie of Ma●lmesburie  being afore that time founded by one Medulfe a Scotish man, but of so small revenues afore Aldhelms time, that the monks were scarce able to live thereon. Also the same Aldhelme was a great furtherer unto king Inas in the building of Glastenburie.  
Ethelard, 
Ethelard.  the cousin of king Inas, to whom the same Inas resigned his kingdom, began to govern the Westsaxons in the year of our Lord 728, 
728 Matt. West. saith 727.  or rather 27, which was in the 11 year of the emperor Leo Isaurus, in the second year of Theodorus king of France, and about the 8 or 9 year of Mordacke king of the Scots. In the first year of Ethelards' reign, he was disquieted with civil war, which one Oswald a noble man, descended of the royal blood of the Westsaxon kings, procured against him: but in the end, when he perceived that the king's power was too strong for him, he fled out of the country, leaving it thereby in rest.  
In the year 729, in the month of januarie there appeared two comets or blazing stars, 
Matth. West.  very terrible to behold, 
729 Blazing stars  the one rising in the morning before the rising of the sun, and the other after the setting thereof: so that the one came before the break of the day, and the other before the closing of the night, stretching forth their flerie brands toward the north; and they appeared thus every morning and evening for the space of a fortnight together, menacing as it were some great destruction or common mishap to follow. The Saxacens shortly after entered France, and were overthrown. Finally, when king Ethelard had reigned the term of fourteen years currant, he departed this life.  
NOw when Wichtred king of Kent had governed the Kentishmen by the space of 33 years, 
Wil Malm.  with great commendation for the good orders which he caused to be observed amongst them, as well concerning matters ecclesiastical as temporal, he departed this life, leaving behind him three sons, who successively reigned as heirs to him one after another (that is to say) Edbert 23 years, Ethelbert 11 years currant, and Alrike 34 years, the which three princes following the steps of their father in the observance of politic orders & commendable laws, used for the more part their father's good luck and fortune, except that in Ethelberts time the city of Canturburie was burned by casual fire, 
Beda. lib. 5. cap. ●4.  and Alrike lost a battle against them of Mercia, whereby the glory of their times was somewhat blemished: for so it came to pass, that whatsoever chanced evil, was kept still in memory, and the good haps that came forward, were soon forgotten and put out of remembrance.  
In the year of our Lord 731, Betrwald archbishop of Canturburie departed this life in the fift ideses of januarie, 
731  after he had governed that see by the space of 27 years, 6 months, and 14 days: in ●hose place the same year one Tacwine was ordained archbishop, that before was a priest in the monastery of Bruidon within the province of Mercia. He was consecrated in the city of Canturburie, by the reverend fathers Daniel bishop of Winchester, Ingwald bishop of London, Aldwin bishop of Lichfield, and Aldwulfe bishop of Rochester, the tenth day of june being sunday.  
¶ As touching the state of the English church for ecclesiastical governors, 
Bishops what provinces they governed.  certain it is, that the same was as hereafter followeth. The province of Canturburie was governed touching the ecclesiastical state by archbishop Tacwine, and bishop Aldwulfe. The province of the Eastsaxons by bishop Ingwald. The province of Eastangles by bishop Eadbertus and Hadulacus, the one keeping his see at Elsham, and the other at Dunwich. The province of the Westsaxons was governed by the foresaid Daniel and by Forthere, who succeeded next after Aldhelme in the see of Shereburne. This Forthere in the year of our Lord 738, 
Matth. West.  left his bishopric, and went to Rome in company of the queen of the Westsaxons. Many as well kings as bishops, noble and unnoble, priests and laiemen, together with women, used to make such journeys thither in those days. The province of Mercia was ruled by the foresaid Aldwine bishop of Lichfield, and one bishop Walstod holding his see at Herford governed those people that inhabited beyond the river of Sauerne toward the west. The province of Wiccies, that is, Worcester, one Wilfride governed. The Southsaxons and the isle of Wight were under the bishop of Winchester. In the province of the Northumber's were four bishops, that is to say, Wilfride archbishop of York, Edilwald bishop of Lindifferne, Acca bishop of Hexham, and Pecthelmus bishop of Whiterne, otherwise called Candida Casa, he was the first that governed that church after the same was made a bishops see. And thus stood the state of the English church for ecclesiastical governors in that season.  
And as for temporal government, 
Ethelbald K. of Mercia, of what puissance he was.  king Ceolvulfe had the sovereign dominion over all the Northumber's: but all the provinces on the southside of Humber, with their kings and rulers, were subject unto Edilbald or Ethelbald king of Mercia. The nation of the Picts were in league with the English men, and gladly became partakers of the catholic faith and verity of the universal church. Those Scots which inhabited Britain, contenting themselves with their own bounds, went not about to practise any deceitful trains nor fraudulent devices against the Englishmen. The Britain's otherwise called Welshmen, though for the more part of a peculiar hatred they did impugn the English nation, & the observance of the feast of Ester appointed by the whole catholic church, yet (both divine and human force utterly resisting them) they were not able in neither behalf to attain to their wished intentions, as they which though they were partly free, yet in some point remained still as thrall and mancipate to the subjection of the Englishmen: who (saith Beda) now in the acceptable time of peace and quietness, many amongst them of Northumberland, laying armour and weapon aside, applied themselves to the reading of holy scriptures, more desirous to be professed in religious houses, then to exercise feats of war: but what will come thereof (saith he) the age that followeth shall see and behold. With these words doth Beda and his history, continued till the year of our Lord 731, which was from the coming of the Englishmen into this land, about 285 years, according to his account.  
In the year following, that is to say 732, 
732  in place of Wilfrid the second, Egbert was ordained bishop of York. This Egbert was brother unto an other Egbert, 
Wil Malm.  who as then was king of Northumberland, by whose help he greatly advanced the see of York, and recovered the pall: so that where all the other bishops that held the same see before him sith Paulins days, wanted the pall, and so were counted simply but particular bishops: now was he entitled by the name of archbishop. He also got together a great number of good books, which he bestowed in a library at York. ¶ In the year 733, on the 18 kalends of September, 
733  the sun suffered a great eclipse about three of the clock in the after noon, in somuch that the earth seemed to be covered with a black and horrible penthouse.  
In the year 735, that reverend and profound learned man Beda departed this life, 
735 Beda departed this 〈◊〉  being 82 years of age, upon Ascension day, which was the 7 kalends of june, and 26 of May, as Matt. Westm. hath diligently observed. W. Harison addeth hitherto, that it is to be read in an old epistle of Cuthbert monk of the same house unto Cuthwine, that the said Beda lying in his deathbed, translated the gospel of saint john into English, and commanded his brethren to be diligent in reading and contemplation of good books, and not to exercise themselves with fables and frivolous matters. Finally he was buried in the abbeie of Geruie, distant five miles from Wiremouth, and abbey also in the north parts, not far from Newcastle (as is before remembered.) He was brought up in those two abbeys, and was scholar to john of Beverley. How throughly he was seen in all kinds of good literature, the books which he wrote do manifestly bear witness. His judgement also was so much esteemed over all, that Sergius the bishop of Rome wrote unto Celfride the abbot of Wiremouth, requiring him to send Beda unto the court of Rome for the deciding of certain questions moved there, which without his opinion might seem to rest doubtful. But whether he went thither or not we can not affirm: but as it is thought by men worthy of credit, he never went out of this land, but continued for the most part of his life in the abbeys of Geruie and Wiremouth, first under Benet the first abbot and founder of the same abbeys, and after under the said Celfride, in whose time he received orders of priesthood at the hands of bishop john, surnamed of Beverley: so that it may be marveled that a man borne in the uttermost corner of the world, should prove so excellent in all knowledge and learning, that his fame should so spread over the whole earth, and went never out of his native country to seek it. But who that marketh in reading old histories the state of abbeys and monasteries in those days, 
Cra●●●●●  shall well perceive that they were ordered after the manner of our schools or colleges, having in them diverse learned men, that attended only to teach & bring up youth in knowledge of good learning, or else to go abroad and preach the word of God in towns and villages adjoining.  
The same year died archbishop Tacuine, and in the year following, that is to say 735, 
735  Nothelmus was ordained archbishop of Canturburie in his place, and Egbert the archbishop of York the same year got his pall from Rome, and so was confirmed archbishop, and ordained two bishops, Fruidberd, and Fruidwald. But some refer it to the year 744.   

Cuthred king of the Westsaxons, he is greatly troubled by Ethelbald king of Mercia, they are pacified; Kenric king Cuthreds son slain, earl Adelme rebelleth against him whom the king pardoneth; Cuthred fighteth with Ethelbald at Hereford, he hath the victory, he falleth sick and dieth; Sigebert succeedeth him in the kingdom, he is cruel to his people, he is expelled from his royal estate, murder revenged with murder, succession in the kingdom of Eastangles, kings change their crowns for monks cowls; the Britain's subject to the king of Northumberland and the king of Picts, the moon eclipsed. The third Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Ethelard king of Westsaxons, 
Cuthred.  his coosine Cuthred was made king and governor of those people, reigning the term of 16 years. He began his reign in the year of our Lord 740, in the twenty fourth year of the emperor Leo Isaurus, 
740  in the 14 year of the reign of the second Theodorus Cala K. of France, and about the 6 year of Ethfine king of Scots. This Cuthred had much to do against Edilbald king of Mercia, 
Matt. West. Hen. Hunt.  who one while with stirring his own subjects the Westsaxons to rebellion, an other while with open war, and sometime by secret craft and subtle practices sought to disquiet him. Howbeit, in the fourth year of his reign, a peace as concluded betwixt them, and then joining their powers together, they went against the Welshmen, & gave them a great overthrow, as before is partly touched. 
Kenric the king's son slain.  In the 9 year of this Cuthreds reign, his son Kenric was slain in a seditious tumult amongst his men of war, a gentleman young in years, 
749 Matth. West.  but of a stout courage, and very forward, whereby (as was thought) he came the sooner to his woeful end.  
In the 11 year of his reign, 
751  Cuthred had wars against one of his earls called Adelme, who raising a commotion against him, adventured to give battle though he had the smaller number of men, and yet was at point to have gone away with victory, if by a wound at that instant received, his perjury had not been punished, and the kings just cause advanced to triumph over his adversary, whom yet by way of reconciliation he pardoned. In the 13 year of his reign, king Cuthred being not well able to sustain the proud exactions and hard doings of Edilbald 
752 Matt. West.  king of Mercia, raised his power, and encountered with the same Edilbald at Hereford, having before him the said earl Adelme, in whose valiant prowess he put great hope to attain victory: neither was he deceived, for by the stout conduct and noble courage of the said Adelme, the lofty pride of king Edelbald was abated, 
K. Edilbald put to flight.  so that he was there put to flight, and all his army discomfited, after sore and terrible fight continued and maintained even to the uttermost point. In the 24 year of his reign, this Cuthred fougth eftsoons with the Welshmen, and obtained the upper hand, without any great loss of his people: for the enemies were easily put to flight and chased, to their own destruction. In the year after, king Cuthred fell sick, and in the 16 year of his reign he departed this life, after so many great victories got against his enemies.  
AFter him succeeded one Sigibert, 
Sigibert.  a cruel and unmerciful prince at home, but yet a coward abroad. This Sigbert or Sigibert began his reign in the year of our Lord 755, 
755  very near ended. He entreated his subjects very evil, setting law and reason at nought. He could not abide to hear his faults told him, and therefore he cruelly put to death an earl named Cumbra, which was of his council, and faithfully admonished him to reform his evil doings: whereupon the rest of his nobles assembled themselves together with a great multitude of people, and expelled him out of his estate in the beginning of the second, or (as some say) the first year of his reign. Then Sigibert, as he was fearful of nature fearing to be apprehended, got him into the wood called as then Andredeswald, and there hid himself, but by chance a swineherd that belonged to the late earl Cumbra at Privetsfloud found him out, and perceiving what he was, slew him in revenge of his masters death.  
¶ Lo here you may see how the righteous justice of God rewardeth wicked doings in this world with worthy recompense, as well as in the world to come, appointing evil princes sometimes to reign for the punishment of the people, according as they deserve, permitting some of them to have government a long time, that both the froward nations may suffer long for their sins, and that such wicked princes may in an other world taste to more bitter torments. Again, other he taketh out of the way, that the people may be delivered from oppression, and also that the naughty ruler for his misdemeanour may speedily receive due punishment.  
AFter Beorne king of Eastangles one Ethelred succeeded in government of that kingdom 
Ethelred.  a man noted to be of good and virtuous qualities, in that he brought up his son Ethelred 
738  (which succeeded him) so in the fear of the Lord, that he proved a right godly prince. This Ethelbert reigned (as writers say) the term of 52 years.  
After that Ceolvulfe king of Northumberland was become a monk in the abbey of Lindesferne, 
Egbert king of Northumberland. 758  his uncles sons Egbert (by order taken by the said Ceolvulfe) succeeded him in the kingdom, and governed the same right worthily for the term of 24 years, and then became a monk, by the example both of his predecessor the foresaid Ceoldulfe, and also of divers other kings in those days, 
Changing of crowns for moonkes cowls.  so that he was the eight king who in this land had changed a king's crown for a monks cowl (as Simon Dunel. writeth.)  
This Egbert (in the 18 year of his reign) and Ungust king of Picts came to the city of Alcluid with their armies, 
756  and there received the Britain's into their subjection, the first day of August: but the tenth day of the same month, the army which he led from Ouan unto Newbourgh, was for the more part lost and destroyed. ¶ The same year on the 8 kalends of December, the moon being as then in her full, appeared to be of a bloody colour, but at length she came to her accustomed show, after a marvelous means, for a star which followed her, passed by her, & went before her, the like distance as it kept in following her before she lost her usual light.   

Offa king of Mercia, his manhood and victories against the Kentishmen and Westsaxons, he killeth Egilbert king, of Eastangles by a policy or subtle devise of proffered courtesy, he invadeth his kingdom, and possesseth it, the archbishops see of Canturburie removed to Lichfield; archbishop Lambert labouring to defend his prerogative is deprived by king Offa, he seizeth upon churches and religious houses; mistrusting his estate, he alieth himself with other princes; he maketh amends for the wrongs that he had done to churches and religious houses, he goeth to Rome, maketh his realm tributary to the said see, Peter pence paid, he falleth sick and dieth, places to this day bearing his name in memory of him, the short reign of his son. The fourth Chapter.  
AFter that Offa had slaien Bernred the usurper of the 
Offa.  kingdom of Mercia (as before is mentioned) the same Offa took upon him the government of that kingdom 758, 
758 Matth. West.  a man of such stoutness of stomach, that he thought he should be able to bring to pass all things whatsoever he conceived in his mind. He reigned 39 years. His doings were great and marvelous, 
Wil Malm.  and such as some times his virtues surpassed his vices, 
The victories of king Offa. Matth. West. 779  and sometime again his vices seemed to overmatch his virtues. He overcame the Kentishmen in a great battle at Otteford, and the Northumber's also were by him vanquished, and in battle put to flight. With Kenvulfe king of Westsaxons he fought in open battle, and obtained a noble victory, with small loss of his people, although the same Kenwulfe was a right valiant prince, and a good captain.  
Again, perceiving that to proceed with craft, should sooner advance his purpose, than to use open force against Egilbert king of Eastangles, 
Falsehood in fellowship.  under fair promises to give unto him his daughter in marriage, he alured him to come into Mercia, and receiving him into his palace, caused his head to be stricken off, and after by wrongful means invaded his kingdom, and got it into his possession: yet he caused the bones of the first martyr of this land saint Alban (by a miraculous means brought to light) to be taken up, and put in a rich shrine adorned with gold and stone, building a goodly church of excellent workmanship, and founding a monastery in that place in honour of the same saint, 
The archbishops see removed from Canturburie to Lichfield.  which he endowed with great possessions. He removed the archbishops see from Canturburie unto Lichfield, thereby to advance his kingdom of Mercia, as well in dignity & pre-eminence of spiritual power as temporal. He made great suit to bring his purpose to pass in the court of Rome, and at length by great gifts and rewards obtained it at the hands of pope Adrian the first, then governing the Roman see. 
785 Matt. West.  And so Eadulfus then bishop of Lichfield was adorned with the pall, and taken for archbishop, having all those bishops within the limits of king Offa his dominion suffragans unto him; namely, Denebertus' bishop of Worcester, Werebertus' bishop of Chester, Eadulfus bishop of Dorcester, Wilnardus bishop of Hereford, Halard bishop of Elsham, and Cedferth bishop of Donwich. There remained only to the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of London, Winchester, Rochester, and Shireburne.  
This separation continued all the life time of the archbishop Lambert, 
The archbishop Lambert defended his cause.  although he traveled earnestly to maintain his prerogative. Now, for that he still defended his cause, and would not revolt from his will, Offa deprived him of all his possessions & revenues that he held or enjoyed within any part of his dominions. Neither was Offa satisfied herewith, but he also took into his hands the possessions of many other churches, and fleeced the house of Malmesburie of a part of her revenues. 
Offa alieth himself with other princes.  Because of these & other his hard doings, doubting the malice of his enemies, he procured the friendship of foreign princes. Unto Brightricke king of the Westsaxons he gave his daugther Ethelburga in marriage. And sending divers ambassadors over unto Charles the great, 
Matt. Westm.  that was both emperor & king of France, he purchased his friendship at length, athough before there had depended a piece of displeasure betwixt them, 
The intercourse of merchants stayed.  insomuch that the intercourse for trade of merchandise was stayed for a time. One of the ambassadors that was sent unto the said Charles (as is reported) 
Alcwine an Englishman.  was that famous clerk Albine or Alcwine, by whose persuasion the same Charles erected two universities, as in place due and convenient may more largely appear.  
Finally king Offa (as it were for a mean to appease God's wrath, which he doubted to be justly conceived towards him for his sins and wickedness) granted the tenth part of all his goods unto churchmen, and to poor people. He also endowed the church of Hereford with great revenues, 
Polydor.  and (as some writ) he builded the abbeie of Bath, placing moonkes in the same, of the order of saint Benet, as before he had done at saint Albon. Moreover he went unto Rome, about the year of our Lord 775, 
775  and there following the example of Inas kign of the Westsaxons, made his realm subject by way of tribute unto the church of Rome, appointing that every house within the limits of his dominions, should yearly pay unto the apostolic see one penny, which payment was after named, 
Peter pence or Rome Scot  Rome Scot, and Peter pence. After his return from Rome, perceiving himself to draw into years, he caused his son Egfrid to be ordained king in his life time: 
Will. Malm●. 797  and shortly after departing out of this world, 
Offa departed this life.  left the kingdom unto him, after he had governed it by the space of 39 years.  
Amongst other the doings of this Offa, which surly were great and marvelous, this may not pass with silence, that he caused a mighty great ditch t● be cast betwixt the marshes of his country, and the Welsh confines, to divide thereby the bounds of their dominions. 
Of●ditch.  This ditch was called Offditch ever after, and stretched from the south side by Bristol, under the mountains of Wales, running northward over the rivers of Severne and Dée, unto the very mouth of Dee, where that river falleth into the sea. He likewise builded a church in Warwikeshire, whereof the town there taketh name, and is called Offchurch even to this day. Egfrid taking upon him rule, 
Egfrid king of Mercia.  began to follow the approved good doings of his father, and first restored unto the churches their ancient privileges, which his father sometimes had taken from them. Great hope was conceived of his further good proceeding, but death cut off the same, taking him out of this life, after he had reigned the space of four months, not for his own offences (as was thought) but rather for that his father had caused so much blood to be spilled for the confirming of him in the kingdom, which so small a time he new enjoyed.   

Osulph king of Northumberland traitorously murdered, Edilwald succeed him, the reward of rebellion, a great mortality of fowls fishes and fruits, moonkes licensed to drink wine, great waist by fire, Edelred king of Northumberland is driven out of his country by two dukes of the same, Ethelbert king of the Eastangles commended for his virtues, Alfred the daughter of king Mercia is affianced to him, tokens of missehaps towards him, his destruction intended by queen Quendred, her platform of the pactise to kill him, Offa invadeth Ethelberts kingdom, Alfred his betrothed wife taketh his death grievously, and becometh a nun, the decay of the kingdom of Eastangles, succession in the regiment of the Westsaxons, the end of the government of the Eastsaxons, prince Algar is smitten blind for seeking to ravish virgin Friswide, and at her prayers restored to his sight. The fift Chapter.  
WHen Eadbert or Egbert K. 
Eadbert  of Northumberland was become a monk, 
king of Northumberland. 758  his son Osulphus succeeded him: but after he had reigned only one year, he was traitorously murdered by his own servants at Mikilwongton, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt.  on the 9 kalends of August. Then succeeded one Moll, otherwise called Edilwold or Edilwald, 
Edilw●ld king of Northumberland Simon Dun. Henr. Hunt.  but not immediately, for he began not his reign till the nonce of August in the year following, which was after the birth of our saviour 759.  
This man proved right valiant in government of his subjects. He slew in battle an earl of his country named Oswin, who arrearing war against him, fought with him in a pitched field at Eadwines clive, and received the worthy reward of rebellion.  
This chanced in the third year of his reign, and shortly after, 
Simon Dun. 764  that is to say, in the year of our Lord 764, there fell such a marvelous great snow, and therewith so extreme a frost, as the like had not been heard of, continuing from the beginning of the wintes, almost till the midst of the spring, with the rigour whereof, trees and fruits withered away, and lost their lively shape and growth: and not only feathered fowls, but also beasts on the land, & fishes in the sea died in great numbers. The same year died Cedlwulf then king of Northumberland, unto whom Beda did dedicate his book of histories of the English nation. After that he was become a monk in the monastery of Lindesferne, 
Monks licensed to drink wine.  the monks of that house had licence to drink wine, or ale, whereas before they might not drink any other thing than milk, or water, by the ancient rule prescribed them of the bishop of Aidan first founder of the place. The same year sundry cities, towns, and monasteries were defaced and sore wasted with fire chancing on the sudden, as Stretehu, Giwento Anwicke, London, York, Doncaster, etc.  
After that Moll had reigned 6 years, he resigned his kingdom. But other writ that he reigned 11 years, 
Wil Malm. Altered began his reign in the year 765 a● Sim. Dun. saith. Hent. Hunt. Matt. West. Ethelbert.  and was in the end slain by treason of his successor Altered. This Altered reigned ten years over the Northumber's, and was then expelled out of his kingdom by his own subjects. Then was Ethelbert, named also Edelred, the son of the foresaid Moll, made king of Northumberland, and in the fift year of his reign, he was driven out of his kingdom by two dukes of his country named Edelbald and Herebert, who moving war against him, had slain first Aldulfe the son of Bosa the general of his army at Kingescliffe; and after Kinewulfe and Egga, other two of his dukes, at Helatherne in a sore fought field: so that Ethelbert despairing of all recovery, was constrained to get him out of the country. And thus was the kingdom of Northumberland brought into a miserable state, by the ambitious working of the princes and nobles of the same.  
After that Ethelbert king of Eastangles was dead, 
H. Hunt. john Cap. grave. Matth. West. and others. Ethelbert king of Eastangles.  his son Ethelbert succeeded him, a prince of great towardness, and so virtuously brought up by his father's circumspect care and diligence, that he utterly abhorred vice, and delighted only in virtue and commendable exercises, for the better attaining to knowledge and understanding of good sciences. There remain many sundry saiengs & doings of him, manifestly bearing witness that there could not be a man more honourable, thankful, 
The saying of king Ethelbert.  courteous or gentle. Amongst other he had this saying oftentimes in his mouth, that the greater that men were, the more humble they ought to bear themselves: for the Lord putteth proud and mighty men from their seats, and exalteth the humble and meek.  
Moreover he did not only show himself wise in words, but desired also to excel in staidness of manners, and continency of life. Whereby he won to him the hearts of his people, who perceiving that he was nothing delighted in the company of women, and therefore minded not marriage, they of a singular love and favour towards him, required that he should in any wise yet take a wife, that he might have issue to succeed him. At length the matter being referred to his council, he was persuaded to follow their advises. And so Alfreda the daughter of Offa king of Mercia was affianced to him: so that he himself appointed (as means to procure more favour at his father in laws hands) to go fetch the bride from her father's house.  
Many strange things that happened to him in taking upon him this journey, put him in great doubt of that which should follow: He was no sooner mounted on his horse, 
Tokens of mishap to follow.  but that (as seemed to him) the earth shook under him: again, as he was in his journey, abou● the mid-time of the day such a dark mist compassed him on each side, that he could not see nordiscorne for a certain time any thing about him at all: lastly, as he la●● one night asleep, he thought he saw in a dream the roof of his own palace fall down to the ground. But though with these things he was brought into great fear, yet he kept on his journey, 
The innocent mistrustful of no evil.  as he that mistrusted no deceit, measuring other men's manners by his own. King Offa right honourably received him: but his wife named ●uendred, a wise woman, but therewith wicked, conceived a malicious devise in her hart, & streightwaies went about to persuade her husband to put it in execution, which was to murder king Ethelbert, and after to take into his hands his kingdom.  
Offa at the first was offended with his wife for this motion, but in the end, through the importunate request of the woman, he consented to her mind. The order of the murder was committed unto one 
john Capgr. Winnebert.  Winnebert, that had served both the said Ethelbert & his father before time, the which feigning as though he had been sent from Offa to will Ethelbert to come unto him in the night season, slew him that once mistrusted not any such treason. 
Sim. Dun. saith 771. Offa conquereth Eastangles.  Offa having thus dispatched Ethelbert, invaded his kingdom, and conquered it.  
But when the bride Alfreda understood the death of her liked make and bridegroom, abhorring the fact, she cursed father and mother, and as it were inspired with the spirit of prophesy, pronounced that worthy punishment would shortly fall on her wicked mother for her heinous crime committed in persuading so detestable a deed: and according to her words it came to pass, for her mother died miserably within three months after. 
Alfreda a nun Beda. Matth. West.  The maid Alfreda refusing the world, professed herself a nun at Crowland, the which place began to wax famous about the year of our Lord 695, by the means of one Gutlake, a man esteemed of great virtue and holiness, which chose to himself an habitation there, and departing this life about the year of our Lord 714, was buried in that place, where afterwards an abbeie of monks was builded of saint Benet's order. The body of K. Ethelbert at length was buried at Hereford, though first it was committed to burial in a vile place, near to the bank of a river called Lug.  
The kingdom of Eastangles from thenceforth was brought so into decay, that it remained subject one while unto them of Mercia, an other while unto the Westsaxons, and somewhile unto them of Kent, till that Edmund surnamed the martyr got the government thereof (as after shall appear.) After that Selred king of the Eastsaxons had governed the term of 38 years, 
H. Hunt.  he was slain, but in what manner, writers have not expressed. After him succeeded one Swithed or Swithred, the 11 and last in number that particularly governed those people. He was finally expelled by Egbert K. of Westsaxons, the same year that the said Egbert overcame the Kentishmen (as after shall be showed) and so the kings of that kingdom of the Eastsaxons ceased adn took end.  
¶ About this time, 
Friswide a virgin.  there was a maid in Oxford named Friswide, daughter to a certain duke of noble man called Didanus, with whom one Algar a prince in those parties fell in love, and would have ravished her, but God the revenger of sins was at hand (as the story saith.) For when Algar followed the maid that fled before him, she getting into the town, the gate was shut against him, and his sight also was suddenly taken from him. But the maid by her prayers pacified God's wrath towards him, so that his sight was again restored to him. But ●hether this be a fable or a true tale, hereof grew the report, that the kings of the realm long times after were afraid to enter into the city of Oxford. So easily is the mind of man turned to superstition (as saith Polydor.)   

Kinewulfe king of Westsaxons, his conquest over the Britain's, his security and negligence, he is slain by conspirators, inquisition for Kineard the principal procurer of that mischief, he is slain in fight; legates from the pope to the kings and archbishops of this land about reformation in the church, a council holden at Mercia; judge Bearne burnt to death for cruelty, Alfwold reigneth over Northumberland, his own subjects murder him; a book of articles sent by Charles king of France into Britain quite contrary to the christian faith, Albinus writeth against it; great waste by tempests of wind and rage of fire. The sixth Chapter.  
AFter that theWestsaxons had deprived their unprofitable king Sigibert, 
Kinewulf Hon. Hunt.  they advanced Kinewulfe or Cinevulfus, the which began his reign about the year of our Lord 756, which was in the 16 year of the emperor Constantinus, 
756 Simon Dun. saith 755.  surnamed Copronimos, in the 6 year of the reign of Pipin king of France, and about the 22 year of Ethfine king of Scots. This Kinewulfe proved a right worthy and valiant prince, and was descended of the right line of Cerdicus. 
The Britain's vanquished.  He obtained great victories against the Britain's or Welshmen, but at Bensington or Benton he lost a battle against Offa king of Mercia, in the 24 year of his reign: and from that time forward tasting many displeasures, at length through his own folly came unto a shameful end. For whereas he had reigned a long time neither slouthfullie nor presumptuously, yet now as it were advanced with the glory of things passed, he either thought that nothing could go against him, or else doubted the surety of their state whom he should leave behind him, and therefore he confined one Kineard the brother of Sigibert, whose fame he perceived to increase more than he would have wished.  
This Kineard dissembling the matter, as he that could give place to time, got him out of the country, and after by a secret conspiracy assembled together a knot of ungracious company, and returning privily into the country again, watched his time, till he espied that the king with a small number of his servants was come unto the house of a noble woman, whom he kept as paramour at Merton, whereupon the said Kineard upon the sudden beset the house round about. The king perceiving himself thus besieged of his enemies, at the first caused the doors to be shut, supposing either by courteous words to appease his enemies, or with his princely authority to put them in fear.  
But when he saw that by neither mean he could do good, in a great chafe he broke forth of the house upon Kineard, and went very near to have killed him: but being compassed about with multitude of enemies, whilst he stood at defence, thinking it a dishonour for him to flee, 
Kinewulfe slain by conspirators.  he was beaten down and slain, together with those few of his servants which he had there with him, who chose rather to die in seeking revenge of their masters death, than by cowardice to yield themselves into the murderers hands. There escaped none except one Welshman or Britain, an hostage, who was nevertheless sore wounded and hurt.  
The brute of such an heinous act was streightwaies blown over all, and brought with speed to the ears of the noble men and peers of the realm, which were not far off the place where this slaughter had been committed▪ Amongst other, one O●rike, for his age and wisdom accounted of 〈◊〉 authority, 〈◊〉ted the residue that in no wife they should suffor the death of their sovereign lord to pass unpunished unto their perpetual shame and reproof. Whereupon in all hast they ran to the place where they knew to find Kineard, who at the first began to plead his cause, to make large promises, to pretend cozenage, and so forth: but when he perceived all that he could say or do might not prevail, he encouraged his company to show themselves valiant, and to resist their enemies to the uttermost of their powers. Hereupon followed a doubtful fight, the one part striving to save their lives, and the other to attain honour, and punish the slaughter of their sovereign lord. At length the victory rested on the side where the right was, so that the wicked murderer after he had fought a while, at length was slain, together with fourscore and eight of his mates. The king's body was buried at Winchester, 
Simon Dun. H. Hunt.  & the murderers at Repingdon. Such was the end of king Kinewulfe, after he had reigned the term of 31 years.  
In the year of our Lord 786, 
Eccle. hist Magd.  pope Adrian sent two legates into England, Gregory, or (as some copies have) George bishop of Ostia, and Theophylactus bishop of Tuderto, 
786 H. Hunt. Legates from the pope.  with letters commendatory unto Offa king of Mercia, Alfwold king of Northumberland, jeanbright or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, and Eaubald archbishop of York. These legates were gladly received, not only by the foresaid kings and archbishops, but also of all other the high estates, aswell spiritual as temporal of the land, & namely of Kinewulfe king of the Westsaxons, which repaired unto king Offa to take counsel with him for reformation of such articles as were contained in the pope's letters.  
There were twenty several articles which they had to propone on the pope's behalf, 
Twenty articles which the legates had to propone.  as touching the receiving of the faith or articles established by the Nicene council, and obeying of the other general counsels, with instructions concerning baptism and keeping of synods yéerelie, for the examination of priests and ministers, and reforming of naugthie livers. Moreover touching discretion to be used in admitting of governors in monasteries, and curates or priests to the ministery in churches: and further for the behaviour of priests in wearing their apparel, namely that they should not presume to come to the altar bore legged, lest their dishonestly might be discovered. And that in no wise the chalice or paten were made of the horn of an ox, because the same is bloody of nature: nor the host of a crust, but of pure bread. Also whereas bishops used to sit in counsels to judge in secular causes, they were now forbidden so to do.  
Many other things were as means of reformation articled, both for spiritual causes, and also concerning civil ordinances, as disabling children to be heirs to the parents, which by them were not begot in lawful matrimony but on concubines, 
Nun's concubines.  whether they were nuns or secular women. Also of payment of tithes, performing of vows, avoiding of undecent apparel, and abolishing of all manner of heathenish usages and customs that sounded contrary to the order of christianity, 
Curtailing of horses.  as curtailing of horses, and eating of horses flesh. These things with many other expressed in 20 principal articles (as we have said) were first concluded to be received by the church of the Northumber's in a council holden there, and subscribed by Alfwold king of the Northumber's, by Delberike bishop of Hexham, by Eubald archbishop of York, Higwald bishop of Lindisferne, Edelbert bishop of Whiterne, Aldulfe bishop of Mieth, Ethelwine also another bishop by his deputies, with a number of other of the clergy; and lords also of the temporalty, as duke Alrike, duke Segwulfe, abbot Alebericke, and abbot Erhard. After this confirmation had of the Northumber's, there was also a council holden in Mercia at Cealtide, in the which these persons subscribed, jambert or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, Offa king of Mercia, Hughbright bishop of Lichfield, Edeulfe bishop of Faron, with Unwone bishop of Ligor, and nine other bishops, besides abbots; and three dukes, as Brorda, Farwald, and Bercoald, with earl Othbald.  
But now to return back to speak of other doings, as in other parts of this land they fell out. About the year of our Lord 764, 
764  the see of Canturburie being void, one jambert or Lambert was elected archbishop there, 
Sim. Dum. saith 780.  and the year 766, the archbishop of York Egbert departed this life, in whose place one Adelbert succeeded. About the 25 year of Kenwulf king of Westsaxons, the Northumber's having to their captain two noble men, 
Simon Dun.  Osbald and Ethelherard, burned one of their judges named Bearne, because he was more cruel in judgement (as they took the matter) than reason required. In which vengeance executed upon the cruel judge (if he were so severe as this attempt of the two noble men doth offer the readers to suspect) all such of his livery & calling are taught lenity & mildness, wherewith they should leaven the rigour of the law. For 
— capit indulgentia mentes, 
ovid. lib. 2. de artam.   
Asperitas odium saeuáeque bella movet.  
Odimus accipitrem, quia vivit semper in armis,  
Et pavidum solitos in pecus ire lupos.  
At caret insidijs hominum, quia mitis hirundo est,  
Quásque colat turres Chaonîs ales habet.   
At the same time, one Aswald or Alfewald reigned over the Northumber's, being admitted K. after that Ethelbert was expelled, and when the same Alfwald had reigned 10, or (as some say) 11 years, he was traitorously and without all guilt made away; 
He began his reign Anno. 779, as saith Simon Dun. and reigned ●at ten years.  the chief conspirator was named Siga. The same Alfwald was a just prince, and worthily governed the Northumber's to his high praise and commendation. He was murdered by his own people (as before ye have heard) the 23 of September, in the year of our Lord 788, and was buried at Hexham.  
In the year 792, 
788 Matth. West. Simon Dun. 792  Charles king of France sent a book into Britain, which was sent unto him from Constantinople, containing certain articles agreed upon in a synod (wherein were present above the number of three hundred bishops) quite contrary and disagreeing from the true faith, namely in this, that images ought to be worshipped, which the church of God utterly abhorreth. Against this book Albinus that famous clerk wrote a treatise confirmed with places taken out of holy scripture, which treatise, with the book in name of all the bishops and princes of Britain, he presented unto the king of France. ¶ In the year 800, 
Sim. Dunel. 800  on Christmas éeuen chanced a marvelous tempest of wind, which overthrew whole cities and towns in diverse places, and trees in great number, beside other harms which it did, as by death of cattle, etc. Int the year following a great part of London was consumed by fire.   

Britricus K. of the Westsaxons, his inclination, Egbert being of the blood royal is banished the land, & why; crosses of bloody colour and drops of blood fell from heaven, what they did prognosticate; the first Danes that arrived on the English coasts, and the cause of their coming: fiery dragons flying in the air foretokens of famine and war; Britricus is poisoned of his wife Ethelburga, her ill qualities; why the kings of the Westsaxons decreed that their wives should not be called queens, the miserable end of Ethelburga; Kenulfe king of Mercia, his virtues, he restoreth the archbishops see to Canturburie which was translated to Lichfield, he invadeth Kent, taketh the king prisoner in the field, and bountifully setteth him at liberty, the great joy of the people thereupon; his rare liberality to churchmen, his death and burial. The seventh Chapter.  
AFter Kenwulfe, 
Britricus.  Britricus or Brightrike was ordained king of Westsaxons, and began his reign in the year of our Lord 787, 
Hen. Hunt. Matt. West. saith 787. Simon Dun. saith 786.  which was about the 8 year of the government of the empress Eirene with her son Constantinus, and about the second year of the reign of Achaius K. of Scots. This Brightrike was descended of the line of Cerdicus the first king of Westsaxons, the 16 in number from him. He was a man of nature quiet & temperate, more desirous of peace than of war, and therefore he stood in doubt of the noble valiancy of one Egbert, which after succeeded him in the kingdom. The lineage of Cerdicus was in that season so confounded and mingled, that every one as he grew in greatest power, strove to be king and supreme governor. But specially Egbertus was known to be one that coveted that place, as he that was of the blood royal, and a man of great power and lusty courage. King Brightrike therefore to live in more safety, 
Egbert banished.  banished him the land, and appointed him to go into France. Egbert understanding certainly that this his departure into a foreign country should advance him in time, obeyed the king's pleasure.  
About the third year of Brightrikes reign, 
A strange wonder.  there fell upon men's garments, as they walked abroad, crosses of bloody colour, and blood fell from heaven as drops of rain. Some took this wonder for a signification of the persecution that followed by the Danes: 
Matt. West. Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Danes.  for shortly after, in the year ensuing, there arrived three Danish ships upon the English coasts, against whom the lieutenant of the parties adjoining made forth, to apprehend those that were come on land, howbeit adventuring himself over rashly amongst them, he was slain: but afterwards when the Danes perceived that the people of the countries about began to assemble, and were coming against them, they fled to their ships, and left their prey and spoil behind them for that time. These were the first Danes that arrived here in this land, being only sent (as was perceived after) to view the country and coasts of the same, to understand how with a greater power they might be able to invade it, as shortly after they did, and warred so with the Englishmen, that they got a great part of the land, and held it in their own possession. In the tenth year of king Brightrikes reign, there were seen in the air fiery dragons flying, which betokened (as was thought) two grievous plagues that followed. First a great dearth and famine: 
Famine & war signified.  and secondly a cruel war of the Danes, which shortly followed, as ye shall hear.  
Finally, after that Brightrike had reigned the space of 16 years, he departed this life, and was buried at Warham. Some writ that he was poisoned by his wife Ethelburga daughter unto Offa king of Mercia (as before ye have heard) and he married her in the fourth year of his reign. She is noted by writers to have been a very evil woman, 
Ran. Cest. lib. 5. cap 25. Brightrike departed this life.  proud, and highminded as Lucifer, and therewith disdainful. She bore her the more stately, by reason of her father's great fame and magnificence: 
Ethelburg● her conditions and wicked nature.  whom she hated she would accuse to her husband, and so put them in danger of their lives. And if she might not so wreak her rancour, she would not stick to poison them.  
It happened one day, as she meant to have poisoned a young gentleman, against whom she had a quarrel, the king chanced to taste of that cup, and died thereof (as before ye have heard.) Her purpose indeed was not to have poisoned the king, but only the young gentleman, the which drinking after the king, died also, the poison was so strong and vehement. 
A decree of the kings of the Westsaxons against their wives.  For her heinous crime it is said that the kings of the Westsaxons would not suffer their wives to be called queens, nor permit them to sit with them in open places (where their majesties should be showed) many years after. Ethelburga fearing punishment, fled into France with great riches and treasure, & was well cherished in the court of king Charles at the first, but after she was thrust into an abbeie, and demeaned herself so lewdly there, in keeping company with one of her own countrymen, 
The end of Ethelburga. Simon Dun.  that she was banished the house, and after died in great misery.  
Egbert king of Mercia departing this life, after he had reigned four months, ordained his coosine Kenulfe 
Wil Malm. Kenulfe.  to succeed in his place, which Kenulfe was come of the line of Penda king of Mercia, as rightly descended from his brother Kenwalke. This Kenulfe for his noble courage, wisdom, and upright dealing, was worthy to be compared with the best princes that have reigned. His virtues passed his fame: nothing he did that envy could with just cause reprove. At home he showed himself godly and religious, in war he became victorious, he restored the archbishops see again to Canturburie, 
The archbishops see restored to Canturburie.  wherein his humbleness was to be praised, that made no account of worldly honour in his province, so that the order of the ancient canons might be observed. He had wars left him as it were by succession from his predecessor Offa against them of Kent, and thereupon entering that country with a mighty army, wasted and spoiled the same, and encountering in battle with king Edbert or Ethelbert, otherwise called Prenne, 
The king of Kent taken prisoner.  overthrew his army, and took him prisoner in the field, but afterwards he released him to his great praise and commendation. For whereas he builded a church at Winchcomb, upon the day of the dedication thereof, he led the Kentish king as then his prisoner, up to the high altar, and there set him at liberty, declaring thereby a great proof of of his good nature.  
There were present at that sight, Cuthred whom he had made king of Kent in place of Ethelbert, or Edbert, with 13 bishops, and 10 dukes. The noise that was made of the people in rejoicing at the kings bounteous liberality was marvelous. For not only he thus restored the Kentish king to liberty, 
Kentilfs' liberality towards church men which was not forgotten by them in their histories.  but also bestowed great rewards upon all the prelate's and noble men that were come to the feast, every priest had a piece of gold, and every monk a shilling. Also he dealt and gave away great gifts amongst the people, and founded in that place an abbeie, indowing the same with great possessions. Finally, after he had reigned 4 years, he departed this life, and appointed his burial to be in the same abbeie of Winchcomb, leaving behind him a son named Kenelm, who succeeded his father in the kingdom, but was soon murdered by his unnatural sister Quendred, the 17 of julie, as hereafter shall be showed.   

Osrike king of Northumberland leaveth the kingdom to Edelbert revoked out of exile, king Alfwalds sons miserably slain, Osred is put to death, Ethelbert putteth away his wife and marrieth another, his people rise against him therefore and kill him, Oswald succeeding him is driven out of the land; Ardulfe king of Northumberland, duke Wade raiseth war against him and is discomfited; duke Aldred is slain; a sore battle fought in Northumberland, the English men afflict one another with civil wars; king Ardulfe deposed from his estate; the regiment of the Northumber's refused as dangerous and deadly by destiny, what befell them in am of their disloyalty; the Danes invade their land and are vanquished; the royal race of the Kentish kings decayeth, the state of that kingdom; the primacy restored to the see of Canturburie, Egbert (after the death of Britricus) is sent for to undertake the government of the Westsaxons, his lineage. The eight Chapter.  
WHen Aswald king of Northumberland was made away, 
Osred.  his brother Osred the son of Alred took upon him the rule of that kingdom anno 788, 
788  and within one year was expelled, 
Wil Mal●. Matth. West. Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun.  and left the kingdom to Ethelbert or Edelred as then revoked out of exile, in which he had remained for the space of 1 years, and now being restored, he continued in government of the Northumber's 4 years, 
Duke Ardell taken and wounded.  or (as some say) 7 years; in the second year whereof duke Eardulfe was taken and led to Ripon, and there without the gate of the monastery wounded (as was thought) to death by the said king, but the monks taking his body, and laying it in a tent without the church, after midnight he was found alive in the church.  
Moreover, about the same time the sons of king Alfwald were by force drawn out of the city of York, but first by a wile they were trained out of the head church where they had taken sanctuary, and so at length miserably slain by king Ethelbert in Wonwaldremere, one of them was named Alfus, & the other Alfwin. In the year of our Lord 792, 
791  Osred upon trust of the oaths and promises of diverse noble men, secretly returned into Northumberland, but his own soldiers for sook him, and so was he taken, and by king Ethelberts commandment put to death at Cunburge on the 14 day of September.  
The same year king Ethelbert married the lady Alfled the daughter of Offa king of Mercia, forsaking his former wife which he had, & having no just cause of divorce given on her part, whereby his people took such displeasure against him, that finally after he had reigned now this second time 4 years, or (as other say) seven years, he could not avoid the destiny of his predecessors, but was miserably killed by his own subjects at Cobre, the 18 day of April. After whom, one Oswald a noble man was ordained king, 
Holy ●ant. Ardulfe.  and within 27 or 28 days after was expelled, and constrained to fly first into the isle of Lindisferne, and from thence unto the king of Picts.  
Then Ardulfe that was a duke and son to one Arnulfe was revoked out of exile, made king, & consecrated also at York by the archbishop Cumbald, and three other bishops, the 25 of june, in the year 396. About two years after, 
796  to wit, in the year 798, one duke Wade, and other conspirators which had been also partakers in the murdering of king Ethelbert, raised war against king Ardulfe, and fought a battle with him at Walleg, but king Ardulfe got the upper hand, 
Walalege.  and chased Wade and other his enemies out of the field. In the year 799. 
799  duke Aldred that had murdered Ethelbert or Athelred king of Northumberland, was slain by another duke called Chorthmond, in revenge of the death of his master the said Ethelbert. Shortly after about the same time that Brightrike king of Westsaxons departed this life, there was a sore battle foughtten in Northumberland at Wellehare, in the which Alricke the son of Herbert, 
The English ●en afflicted 〈…〉  and many other with him were slain: but to rehearse all the battles with their successes and issues, it should be too tedious and irksome to the readers, for the English people being naturally hard and highminded, continually scourged each other with intestine wars. About six or seven years after this battle, king Ardulfe was expelled out of the state.  
¶ Thus ye may consider in what plight things stood in Northumberland, by the often seditions, tumults and changings of governors, so that there be which have written, how after the death of king Ethelbert, otherwise called Edelred, divers bishops and other of the chiefest nobles of the country disdaining such traitorous prince-killings, civil seditions, and injurious dealings, as it were put in daily practice amongst the Northumber's, departed out of their native borders into voluntary exile, and that from thenceforth there was not any of the nobility that durst take upon him the kingly government amongst them, fearing the fatal prerogative thereof, as if it had been Seians horse, whose rider came ever to some evil end. But yet by that which is heretofore showed out of Simon Dunelm. it is evident, that there reigned kings over the Northumber's, but in what authority and power to command, it may be doubted.  
Howbeit this is certain, that the sundry murtherings and banishments of their kings and dukes give us greatly to guess, that there was but sorry obedience used in the country, whereby for no small space of time that kingdom remained without an head governor, being set open to the prey and injury of them that were borderers unto it, and likewise unto strangers. For the Danes, which in those days were great rovers, 
This chanced in the year of our ●●ord 790. as Simon Dun. saith.  had landed before in the north parts, & spoilt the abbeie of Lindisferne otherwise called holy Island, and perceiving the fruitfulness of the country, and easiness for their people to invade it (because that through their private quarreling there was little public resistance to be looked for) at their coming home, enticed their countrymen to make voyages into England, and so landing in Northumberland, 
The Danes invade Northumberland.  did much hurt, and obtained a great part of the country in manner without resistance, because there was no ruler there able to raiseanie power of men by public authority to encounter with the common enemies, whereby the country was brought into great misery, partly with war of the Danes, and civil dissension amongst the nobles and people themselves, no man being of authority (I say) able to reform such misorders. Yet we find that the nobles and captains of the country assembling together at one time against the Danes that were landed about Tinmouth, 
The Danes vanquished. This was in anno 794. as Simon Dun. saith.  constrained them by sharp fight to flee back to their ships, and took certain of them in the field, whose heads they struck off there upon the shore. The other that got to their ships, suffered great loss of men, and likewise of their vessels by tempest.  
¶ Here than we are taught that the safest way to maintain a monarchy, is when all degrees live in loyalty. And that it is necessary there should be one supereminent, unto whom all the residue should stoop: this frail body of ours may give us sufficient instruction. For reason ruleth in the mind as sovereign, and hath subject unto it all the affections and inward motions, yea the natural actions are directed by her government: whereto if the will be obedient there cannot creep in any outrage or disorder. Such should be the sole regiment of a king in his kingdom; otherwise he may be called Rex à regendo, as Mons àe movendo. For there is not a greater enemy to that estate, than to admit participants in royalty, which as it is a ready way to cause a subversion of a monarchy; so it is the shortest cut over to a disordered anarchy. But to proceed in the history.  
After that Alrike (the last of king Witchtreds sons, which reigned in Kent successivelic after their father) was dead, the noble offspring of the kings there so decayed, and began to vade away, that every one which either by flattering had got riches together, or by seditious partaking was had in estimation, sought to have the government, and to usurp the title of king, abusing by unworthy means the honour and dignity of so high an office. Amongst others, one Edbert or Edelbert, 
Edelbert.  surnamed also Prenne, governed the Kentishmen for the space of two years, and was in the end vanquished by them of Mercia, and taken prisoner, as before is said: so that for a time he lived in captivity, and although afterwards he was set at liberty, yet was he not received again to the kingdom, so that it is uncertain what end he made. Cuthred that was appointed by Kinevulfe the king of Mercia, to reign in place of the same Edbert or Edelbert, continued in the government eight years as king, rather by name than by act, inheriting his predecessors evil hap and calamity, through factions and civil discord.  
After that jambrith or Lambert the archbishop of Canturburie was departed this life, 
Lambert.  one Edelred was ordained in his place, unto whom the primacy was restored, which in his predecessors time was taken away by Offa king of Mercia, as before is recited. Also after the death of Eubald archbishop of York, another of the same name called Eubald the second was admitted to succeed in that see. After that Brightrike the king of Westsaxons was departed this life, messengers were sent with all speed into France, to give knowledge thereof unto Egbert, which as before is showed, was constrained by the said Brightrike to departed the country. At the first, he withdrew unto Offa king of Mercia, with whom he remained for a time, till at length (through suit made by Brightrike) he perceived he might not longer continue there without danger to be delivered into his enemies hands; and so Offa winking at the matter, he departed out of his country, and got him over into France. But being now advertised of Brightriks death, and required by earnest letters sent from his friends to come and receive the government of the kingdom, he returned with all convenient speed into his country, and was received immediately for king, 
Egbert received as king of Westsaxons His linege.  by the general consent of the Westsaxons, as well in respect of the good hope which they had conceived of his worthy qualities and aptness to have government, as of hid royal lineage, being lineally descended from Inigils the brother of king Inas, as son to Alkemound, that was the son of one Eaffa, which Eaffa was son to Ope the son of the foresaid Inigils.   

Egbert reigneth over the Westsaxons, his practice or exercise in the time of his exile, his martial exploits against the Cornishmen and Welshmen, Bernulfe king of Mercia taketh indignation at Egbert for the enlarging of his royal authority, they fight a sore battle, Egbert overcometh, great odds between their soldiers, bishop Alstan a warrior; Kent, Essex, Southerie, Sussex, and Eastangles subject to Egbert; he killeth Bernulfe K. of Mercia, and conquereth the whole kingdom, Whitlafe the king thereof becometh his tributary, the Northumber's submit themselves to Egbert, he conquereth North-wales and the city of Chester, he is crowned supreme governor of the whole land, when this isle was called England, the Danes invade the land, they discomfit Egberts' host, the Welshmen join with the Danes against Egbert, they are both vanquished, Egbert dieth. The ninth Chapter.  
THis Egbert began his reign in the year of our Lord 800, which was the 4 year almost ended, 
Egbert. 802 as Simon Dunel. and M. W. hath noted but 801.  after that the emperor Eirine began the second time to rule the expire, and in the 24 year of the reign of Charles the great king of. France, which also was in the same year after he was made emperor of the west, and about the second year of Conwall king of Scots. Whilst this Egbert remained in exile, he turned his adversaries into an occasion of his valiancy, as it had been a grindstone to grind away and remove the r●st of sluggish slothfulness, in so much that hawnting the wars in France, in service of Charles the great, he attained to great knowledge and experience, both in matters appertaining to the wars, and likewise to the well ordering of the common wealth in time of peace. The first wars that he took in hand, after he had attained to the kingdom, was against the Cornishmen, a remnant of the old Britain's, whom he shortly overcame and subdued. Then he thought good to tame the unquiet Welshmen, the which still were ready to move rebellion against the Englishmen, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt.  as they that being vanquished, would not yet seem to be subdued, wherefore about the 14 year of his reign, he invaded the country of Wales, and went through the same from cast to west, not finding any person that durst resist him.  
King Egbert having overcome his enemies of Wales and Cornwall, began to grow in authority above all the other rulers within this land, 
Bernulf king of Mercia.  in somuch that every of them began to fear their own estate, but namely Bernulfe king of Mercia sore stomached the matter, as he that was wise, and of a lofty courage, and yet doubted to have to do with Egbert, who was known also to be a man both skilful and valiant. At length yet considering with himself, that if his chance should be to speed well, so much the more should his praise be increased, he determined to attempt the fortune of war, and thereupon intimated the same unto Egbert, who supposing it should be a dishonour unto him to give place, 
A battle fought at Ellendon.  boldly prepared to meet Bernulfe in the field. Hereupon they encountered together at Ellendon, & fought a sore battle, in the which a huge number of men were slain, what on the one part, and on the other, 
Egbert won the victory.  but in the end the victory remained with Egbert, although he had not the like host for number unto Bernulfe, but he was a politic prince, and of great experience, having chosen his soldiers of nimble, lean, and hearty men; where Bernulfs soldiers (through long ease) were cowardly persons, and overcharged with flesh. 
Wil Malm. 826  The battle was fought in the year of our Lord 826.  
King Egbert having got this victory, was advanced into such hope, that he persuaded himself to be able without great ado to overcome the residue of his neighbours, whose estates he saw plainly sore weakened and fallen into great decay. Hereupon before all other, he determined to assail Edelvulfe king of Kent, whom he knew to be a man in no estimation amongst his subjects. A competent army therefore being levied, he appointed his son Ethelwulfe & Alstan bishop of Shireborne, 
Alstan 〈◊〉; of Shireborn a warrior.  with earl Walhard to have the conduct thereof, and sent them with the same into Kent, where they wrought such masteries, that they chased both the king and all other that would not submit themselves, out of the country, constreining them to pass over the Thames. 
The conquests of the Westsaxons.  And herewith the Westsaxons following the victory, brought under subjection of king Egbert the countries of Kent, Essex, Southerie, and Sussex. The Eastangles also about the same time received king Egbert for their sovereign Lord, 
Hent. Hunt.  and comforted by his setting on against Bernulfe king of Mercia, invaded the confines of his kingdom, in revenge of displeasures which he had done to them lately before, by invading their country, and as it came to pass, encountering with the said Bernulfe which came against them to defend his country, 
Bernulfe king of Mercia slain.  they slew him in the field.  
Thus their minds on both parts being kindled into further wrath, the Eastangles eftsoons in the year following fought with them of Mercia, and overcame them again, and slew their king Ludicenus, who succeeded Bernulfe in that kingdom, with 5 of his earls. The state of the kingdom of Mercia being weakened, Egbert conceived an assured hope of good success, & in the 27 year of his reign, made an open invasion into the country, and chase Whitlafe king of Mercia (that succeeded Ludicenus) out of his estate, conquered the whole kingdom of the Mercies. But yet in the year next following, or in the third year after, he restored it again to Whitlafe, with condition, that he should enjoy the same as tributary to him, and acknowledge him for his supreme governor. 
Simon Dun.  The same year that Bernulfe king of Mercia was slain by the Eastangles, 
These men the Cornish men as is to be supposed.  there was a sore battle fought at Gavelford, betwixt them of Devonshire, and the Britain's, in the which many thousand died on both parts.  
King Egbert having conquered all the English people inhabiting on the south side of Humber, led forth his army against them of Northumberland: but the Northumber's being not only vexed with civil sedition, but also with the often invasion of Danes, perceived not how they should be able to resist the power of king Egbert: 
King Egbert invadeth Northumberland. The Northumber's such mit themselves to king Egbert.  and therefore upon good advisement taken in the matter, they resolved to submit themselves, and thereupon sent ambassadors to him to offer their submission, committing themselves wholly unto his protection. King Egbert gladly received them, and promised to defend them from all foreign enemies. Thus the kingdom of Northumberland was brought under subjection to the kings of the Westsaxons, after the state had been sore weakened with contention and civil discord that had continued amongst the nobles of the country, for the space of many years, beside the invasion made by outward enemies, to the grievous damage of the people.  
After that king Egbert had finished his business in Northumberland, he turned his power towards the country of North-wales, and subdued the same, with the city of Chester, which till those days, 
〈◊〉 North-wales and the city of Chester conquered by Egbert.  the Britain's or Welshmen had kept in their possession. When king Egbert had obtained these victories, and made such conquests as before is mentioned, of the people here in this land, he caused a council to be assembled at Winchester, and there by advise of the high estates, he was crowned king, as sovereign governor and supreme lord of the whole land. It is also recorded, that he caused a commission to be directed forth into all parts of the realm, to give commandment, that from thence forward all the people inhabiting within this land, should be called English men, and not Saxons, and likewise the land should be called England by one general name, 
The name of this 〈◊〉 when 〈◊〉 changed.  though it should appear (as before is mentioned) that it was so called shortly after the first time that the Angles and Saxons got possession thereof.  
Now was king Egbert settled in good quiet, and his dominions reduced out of the troubles of war, when suddenly news came, 
The Danes.  that the Danes with a navy of 35 ships, were arrived on the English coasts, and began to make sore war in the land. K. Egbert being thereof advertised, with all convenient speed got together an army, and went forth to give battle to the enemies. Hereupon encountering with them, there was a sore fought field betwixt them, which continued with great slaughter on both sides, till the night came on, and then by chance of war the Englishmen, which before were at point to have gone away with victory, were vanquished and put to flight, 
The Englishmen discomfited by Danes. Simon Dun. H. Hunt. Matth. West. 834  yet king Egbert by covert of the night escaped his enemies hands: but two of his chief captains Dudda and Osmond, with two bishops, to wit, Herferd of Winchester, and Uigferd of Shireborne, were slain in that battle, which was fought at Carrum, about the 834 of Christ, and 34 year of king Egberts' reign.  
In the year following, 
Danes and Welshmen vanquished.  the Danes with their navy came into Westwales, and there the Welshmen joining with them, rose against king Egbert, but he with prosperous fortune vanquished and slew both the Danes and Welshmen, and that in great number, at a place called Hengistenton. The next year after also, which was 836, he overthrew another army of Danes which came against him, 
836 Matth. West.  as one author writeth. Finally, when king Egbert had reigned the term of 36 years and seven months with great glory for the enlarging of his kingdom with wide bounds, which when he received was but of small compass, he departed this life, 
Egbert departeth this life.  leaving to his issue matter of worthy praise to maintain that with order which he with painful diligence had joined together. His body was buried at Winchester, 
837  and he left behind him two sons Ethelwuffe, 
Matth. West.  otherwise named Athaulfe and Adelstan. The first he appointed to succeed him in the kingdom of Westsaxons, and Adelstan he ordained to have the government of Kent, Sussex, and Essex.  
¶ Here we see the pattern of a fortunate prines in all his affairs, as well foreign as domestical, wherein is first to be observed the order of his education in his tender years, which agreeing well with a prince's nature, could not but in the progress of his age bring great matters to pass, his manifold victories are an argument that as he lacked no policy, so he had prowess enough to encounter with his enemies, to whom he gave many a fowl discomfiture. But among all other notes of his skill and hope of happy success in his martial affairs, was the good choice that he made of serviceable soldiers, being such as knew how to get the victory, and having gotten it, were not untaught to use it to their benefit, by their wariness and heed taking; for Saepiùs incautae nocuit victoria turb●●.   

The kingdom of Kent annexed to the kingdom of the Westsaxons, the end of the kingdom of Kent and Essex; Kenelm king of Mercia murdered by the means of his own sister Quendred, the order of her wicked practice; his death prophesied or foreshowed by a sign, the kings of Mercia put by their royalty one after another, the kingdom of Britain beginneth to be a monarchy; Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons, he marrieth his butler's daughter, his disposition; the fourth destruction of this land by foreign enemies, the Danes sought the ruin of this isle, how long they afflicted and troubled the same; two notable bishops and very serviceable to king Ethelwulfe in war, the Danes discomfited, the Englishmen chased, Ethelwufs great victory over the Danes, a great slaughter of them at Tenet, king Ethelwulfs devotion and liberality to churches, Peter pence paid to Rome, he marrieth the lady judith, his two sons conspire (upon occasion of breaking a law) to depose him, king Ethelwulfe dieth, his four sons by his first wife Osburga, how he bequeathed his kingdoms. The tenth Chapter.  
WHen Cuthred K. of Kent had reigned 8 years, 
Wil Malm.  as before is mentioned, he was constrained to give place unto one Baldred, that took upon him the government, & reigned the space of 18 years, without any great authority, for his subjects regarded him but sorilie, so that in the end, when his country was invaded by the Westsaxons, he was easily constrained to departed into exile. And thus was the kingdom of Kent annexed to the kingdom of the Westsaxons, after the same kingdom had continued in government of kings created of the same nation for the space of 382 years, 
The end of the kingdom of Kent.  that is to say, from the year of our Lord 464, unto the year 827. 
827  Suithred or Suthred king of Essex was vanquished and expelled out of his kingdom by Egbert king of Westsaxons (as before ye may read) in the same year that the Kentishmen were subdued by the said Egbert, 
The end of the kingdom of Essex.  or else very shortly after. This kingdom continued 281 years, from the year 614, unto the year 795, as by the table of the Heptarchy set forth by Alexander Nevil appeareth. After the decease of Kenwulfe king of Mercia, 
Matt. Westm.  his son Kenelm a child of the age of seven years was admitted king, about the year of our Lord 821. 
821  He had two sisters, 
The wickedness of Quendred.  Quendred and Burgenild, of the which the one (that is to say) Quendred, of a malicious mind, moved through ambition, envied her brother's advancement, and sought to make him away, so that in the end she corrupted the governor of his person one Ashbert, with great rewards and high promises persuading him to dispatch her innocent brother out of life, that she might reign in his place. Ashbert one day under a colour to have the young king forth on hunting, led him into a thick wood, and there cut off the head from his body, 
King Kenelm murdered.  an imp by reason of his tender years and innocent age, unto the world void of gilt, and yet thus traitorously murdered without cause or crime: he was afterward reputed for a maryr.  
There hath gone a tale that his death should be signified at Rome, 
See legendae aured. fol. 〈◊〉 in the life of S. Kenelm.  and the place where the murder was committed, by a strange manner: for (as they say) a white ●oue came and sighted upon the altar of saint Peter, bearing a scroll in her bill, which she let fall on the same altar, in which scroll among other things this was contained, In clenc liou bath, Kenelm kinbarsie ●eth under thorn, heaved bereft: that is, at Clean in a 〈…〉, Keneline the king's child lieth beheaded under a thorn. This tale I rehearse, not for any credit I think it worthy of, but only for that it seemeth to note the place where the young prince innocently lost his life.  
After that Kenelm was thus made away, 
Ceolwulfe K. of Mercia.  his uncle Ceolwulfe the brother of king Kenulfe was created king of Mercia, 
823  and in the second year of his reign was expelled by Bernwulfe. Bernwulfe in the third year of his reign, was vanquished and put to flight in battle by Egbert king of Westsaxons, and shortly after slain of the Eastangles, as before ye have heard. Then one Ludicenus or Ludicanus was created king of Mercia, and within two years after came to the like end that happened to his predecessor before him, as he went about to revenge his death, so that the kingdom of Britain began now to reel from their own estate, and lean to an alteration, which grew in the end to the exection of a perfect monarchy, and final subversion of their particular estates and regiments. 
Matt. Westm.  After Ludicenus, succeeded Wightlafe, 
728  who first being vanquished by Egbert king of Westsaxosn, was afterwards restored to the kingdom by the same Egbert, and reigned 13 years, whereof twelve at the least were under tribute which he paid to the said Egbert and to his son, as to his sovereigns' and supreme governors. The kingdom of Northumberland was brought in subjection to the kings of Westsaxons, as before is mentioned, in the year of our Lord 828, 
828  and in the year of the reign of king Egbert 28, but yet beer it took not end, as after shall appear.  
Ethelwulfus, 
Ethelwulfus.  otherwise called by some writers Athaulfus, began his reign over the Westsaxons in the year 837, which was in the 24 year of the emperor Ludovicus Pius that was also K. of France, in the tenth year of. Theophilus the emperor of the East, & about the third year of Kenneth, the second of that name king of Scots. This Ethelwulfe minding in his youth to have been a priest, entered into the orders of subdeacon, and as some writ, he was bishop of Winchester: 
Henry Hunt. March. West.  but howsoever the matter stood, or whether he was or not, sure it is, that shortly after he was absolved of his vows by authority of pope Leo, and then married a proper gentlewoman named Osburga, which was his butler's daughter. He was of nature courteous, and rather desirous to live in quiet rest, than to be troubled with the government of many countries, 
Wil Malm.  so that contenting himself with the kingdom of Westsaxons, he permitted his brother Adelstan to enjoy the residue of the countries which his father had subdued, as Kent and Essex, with other. He aided Burthred the king of Mercia against the Welshmen, and greatly advanced his estimation, by giving unto him his daughter in marriage.  
But now the fourth destruction which canced to this land by foreign enemies, 
Four especial destructions of this land.  was at hand: for the people of Denmark, Norway, and other of those north-east regions, which in that season were great rovers by sea, had tasted the wealth of this land by such spoils and preys as they had taken in the same, so that perceiving they could not purchase more profit any where else, they set their mind to invade the same on each side, as they had partly begun in the days of the late kings Brightri●e and Egbert. The perfecution used by those Danes seemed more grievous, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt.  than any of the other persecutions, either before or sithence that time: for the Romans having quickly subdued the land, governed it nobly without seeking the subversion thereof. The Scots and Picts only invaded the north parts. And the Saxons seeking the conquest of the land, when they had once go it, they kept it, and did what they could, to better and advance it to a flourishing estate.  
The Normans likewise having made a conquest. granted both life, and ancient laws to the former inhabitants: but the Danes long time and often assailing the land on every side, now invading it in this place, and now in that, did not at the first so much covet to conquer it, as to spoil it, nor to bear rule in it, as to waste and destroy it: who if they were at any time overcome, the victors were nothing the more in quiet: for a new navy, and a greater army was ready to make some new invasion, 
The Danes sought the destruction of this land.  neither did they enter all at one place, nor at once, but one company on the east side, and an other in the west, or in the north and south coasts, in such sort, that the Englishmen knew not whether they should first go to make resistance against them.  
This mischief began chiefly in the days of this king Ethelwulfe, but it continued about the space of two hundred years, 
How long the persecution of the Danes lasted.  as by the sequel of this book it shall appear. King Ethelwulfe was not so much given to ease, but that upon occasion for defence of his country and subjects, he was ready to take order for the beating back of the enemies, as occasion served, and specially chose such to be of his counsel, 
Will. Malm●.  as were men of great experience and wisdom. Amongst other, 
Two notable bishops in Ethelwults days.  there were two notable prelates, Suithune bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, who were ready ever to give him good advise. Suithune was not so much expert in worldly matters as Adelstan was, & therefore chiefly counseled the king in things appertaining to his soul's health: but Adelstan took in hand to order matters appertaining to the state of the commonwealth, as providing of money, and furnishing forth of men to withstand the Danes, so that by him many things were both boldly begun, and happily achieved, as by writers hath been recorded. He governed the see of Shireborne the space of 50 years, by the good counsel and faithful advise of those two prelates.  
King Ethelwulfe governed his subjects very politicly, and by himself and his captains oftentimes put the Danes to flight, though as chance of war falleth out, he also received at their hands great losses, and sundry sore detriments. 
Simon Dut. Hen. Hunt.  In the first year of his reign, the Danes arrived at Hampton, with 33 ships, against whom he sent earl Wulhard with part of his army, the which giving battle to the enemies, made great slaughter of them, 
Danes discomfited.  and obtained a noble victory. 
Matth. West.  He sent also earl Adelhelme with the Dorsetshire men against an other number of the Danes, which were landed at Portesmouth, but after long fight, 
Englishmen put to flight.  the said Adelhelme was slain, and the Danes obtained the victory. In the year following, earl Herbert fought against the Danes at Merseware, and was there slain, 
They are eftsoons vanquished.  and his men chased. The same year, a great army of Danes passing by the east parts of the land, as through Lindsey, Eastangle, and Kent, slew and murdered an huge number of people. The next year after this, they entered further into the land, and about Canturburie, Rochester, and London, did much mischief.  
King Ethelwulfe in the fift year of his reign, with a part of his army encountered with the Danes at Carrum, the which were arrived in those parties with 30 ships, 
Carrum.  having their full fraught of men, so that for so small a number of vessels, there was a great power of men of war, in so much that they obtained the victory at that time, 
The Danes won the victorrie in battle. Danes are quished. Simon. Dun. 851  and put the king to the worse. About the tenth year of king Ethelwulfs reign one of his captains called Ernwulfe, and bishop Adelstan, with the Summersetshire men, and an other captain called Osred, with the Dorsetshire men, fought against the Danes, at a place called Pedredesmuth, and vanquished them with great triumph. In the sixtéenth year of his reign, king Ethelwulfe and his son Edelbald having assembled all their powers together, gave battle at Ocley, to ● huge host of Danes, 
〈…〉  the which with four hundred and fifty ships had arrived at Thames mouth, and destroyed the famous cities of London and Canturburie, and also had chased Brightwulfe king of Mercia in battle, and being now entered into Sontherie, were encountered by king Ethelwulfe at Ocley aforesaid, & after sore fight and incredible slaughter made on both sides, in the end, the victory by the power of God was given to those that believed on him, and the loss rested with great confusion to the miscreants.  
Thus king Ethelwulfe obtained a glorious victory in so mighty a battle, 
The Danes 〈◊〉 vanquished.  as a greater had not been lightly heard of to chance within the English dominions. The same year also Athelstan king of Kent and duke Ealhere fought by sea with the Danes, 
Danes overcome by sea.  and took 9 of their ships, and chased the residue. Moreover, one earl Ceorle having with him the power of Devonshire, 
The Devonshiremen vanquish the Danes.  fought with the Danes at Winleshore, and got the victory. This year was very lucky to the English nation, but yet the army of the Danes lodged all the winter season in the isle of Tenet. And this was the first time that they remained here all the winter, using afore time but to come and make an invasion in one place or other, and immediately to return home with the prey.  
In the 18 year of king Ethelwufes reign, 
Simon Dun. 852  he aided Burthred king of Mercia against the Welshmen (as before is mentioned) and gave to him his daughter in marriage, the solemnisation whereof was kept at Chipnham. The same year king Ethelwulfe sent his son Alured as then but five years of age to Rome, where he was consecrated K. by pope Leo the fourth, and was received of him as if he had been his own son. Duke Ealhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one Huda or rather Wada, with the men of Southerie, fought against the army of Danes at Tenet, 
Great slaugh●●● Danes 〈…〉.  where great slaughter was made on both sides, the Englishmen prevailing in the beginning, but in the end, both their foresaid dukes or leaders died in that battle, beside many other that were slain and drowned.  
In the 19 year of his reign, king Ethelwulfe ordained that the tenths or tithes of all lands due to be paid to the church, should be free from all tribute, duties, or services regal. And afterwards, with great devotion he went to Rome, where he was received with great honour, and tarried there one whole year: he took with him his son Alured, who had been there before as ye have heard. He repaired the Saxons school, 
The Saxons school.  which Offa king of Mercia had sometime founded in that city, and lately had been sore decayed by fire. He confirmed the grant of Peter pence, to the intent that no Englishmen from thence-foorth should do penance in bounds as he saw some there to do before his face. 
King Ethelwulfs liberality to churches. Will. Malmes. Simon Dun. Man●usae.  It is also written, that he should acquit all the churches of his realm of paying tribute to his coffers (as before ye have heard) & moreover covenanted to send unto Rome every year three hundred marks, that is to say, one hundred marks to saint Peter's church, an other hundred marks to saint Paul's light, and the third hundred marks to the Pope.  
In his return through France, he married the lady judith, 
The lady judith.  daughter to Charles the bald, then K. of France, and bringing her with him into his country, placed her by him in a chair of estate, with which deed he offended so the minds of his subjects, because it was against the order taken before him, for the offence of Ethelburga, that his son Ethelbald and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, with Enwulfe earl of Summerset, 
Wil Malm.  conspired to depose him from his kingly authority; but by mediation of friends, the matter was taken up, and so ordered, that the kingdom was divided betwixt the father and the son, with such partiality, that the son had the better part lying westward, and the father was constrained to content himself with the east part being the worst.  
Of this trouble of Ethelwulfe some writ otherwise, after this manner word for word. 
857  ¶ Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons being returned from Rome & the parties beyond the seas, was prohibited the entrance into his realm by Adelstane bishop of Shireborne, and Ethelbald his eldest son; pretending outwardly the coronation of Alfride, the marriage of judith the French kings daughter, and open eating with her at the table, to be the only cause of this their manifest rebellion. Whereby he seemeth to infer, that this revolting of Adelstane and his son, should proceed of the ambitious desire of Ethelbald to reign, and likely enough, or else this unequal partition should never have been made.  
But howsoever the matter stood, king Ethelwulfe lived not long after his return from Rome, but departed this life, after he had ruled the kingdom of the Westsaxons the space of 20 years and odd months. His body was buried at Winchester. He left behind him four sons, Ethelbald, Ethelbert or Ethelbright, Ethelred, and Alfred or Alured, which was begotten of his first wife Osburga. A little before his death he made his testament and last will, 
Only Westsex saith Mart. Westm. and Sim. Dunel. saith that Ethelbright had Sussex also, and so doth H. Hunt.  appointing his son Ethelbald to succeed him in the whole regiment of his kingdoms of Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance: but the kingdoms of Kent and Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. About the same tune also the Danes sojourned all the winter season in the isle of Shepie.  
¶ The old Saxons do bring the genealogy of this Ethelwulfe to Adam, 
Matth. Paris.  after this manner following. 

Ethelwulfe the son of Egbert,  
the son of Alcmund,  
the son of Eaffa,  
the son of Eoppa,  
the son of Ingils,  
the son of Kenred,  
the son of Coelwald,  
the son of Cudwine,  
the son of Ceawlin,  
the son of Kenric,  
the son of Cerdic,  
the son of Eslie,  
the son of Gewise,  
the son of Wingie,  
the son of Freawin,  
the son of Fridagare,  
the son of Brendie,  
the son of Beldegie,  
the son of wooden,  
the son of Frethelwold,  
the son of Freolaffe,  
the son of Frethewolfe,  
the son of Finnie,  
the son of Godulfe,  
the son of 
* De quo Sedulius in car. pasch.  Geta,  
the son of Teathwie,  
the son of Bcame,  
the son of Sceldie,  
the son of Safe,  
the son of Heremod,  
the son of Itermod,  
the son of Hordie,  
the son of Wale,  
the son of Brdwie,  
the son of Sem,  
the son of Noah,  
and so forth to Adam, as   you shall find it by retrogradation from the 32 verse unto the first of the fift chapter of Genesis. Which genealogical recapitulation in their national families and tribes, other people also have observed; as the Spaniards, who reckon their descent from Hesperus, before the Goths and Moors overran their land; the Italians from Aeneas, before they were mingled with with the Uandals and Lumbards'; the Saxons from wooden, before they were mixed with the Danes and Normans; the Frenchmen at this day from the Thracians; the Germans from the children of Gwiston; and other people from their far fetched ancestry. To conclude, 
john Castor. Simon Dun Matt. Parker. A king's son and heir a bishop.  of this Ethelwulfe it is written, that he was so well learned & devout, that the clerks of the church of Winchester did choose him in his youth to be bishop, which function he undertook, and was bishop of the said see by the space of seven years before he was king.   

Bertwolfe king of Mercia tributary to the Westsaxons, the fame of Modwen an Irish virgin, she was a great builder of monasteries, she had the gift of healing diseases, Ethelbald and Ethelbright divide their father's kingdom betwixt them, Ethelbald marrieth his mother, he dieth, Winchester destroyed by the Danes, they played the trucebreakers and did much mischief in Kent, Ethelbright dieth; Ethelred king of the Westsaxons, his commendable qualities, his regiment was full of trouble, he fought againt the Danes nine times in one year with happy success, the kings of Mercia fall from their sealtie and allegiance to Ethelred, Hunger & Vbba two Danish captains with their power lie in Eastangle, Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slain of the Danes in battle, they set York on fire, a commendation of bishop Adelstan, his departure out of this life. The eleventh Chapter.  
AFter Wightlafe king of Mercia, 
Bertwolfe. of Mercia.  one Bertwofe reigned as tributary unto the Westsaxons, the space of 13 years, about the end of which term he was chased out of his country by the Danes, and then one Burthred was made king of that kingdom, 
Matth. West. saith the daughter. Ranulf. Cest. john Capgrave.  which married Ethelswida the sister of Ethelwolfe king of Westsaxons. In this season, one Modwen a virgin in Ireland was greatly renowned in the world, unto whom the forenamed king Ethelwolfe sent his son Alfred to be cured of a disease, that was thought incurable: but by her means he recovered health, and therefore when her monastery was destroyed in Ireland, Modwen came over into England, unto whom king Ethelwolfe gave land to build two abbeys, and also delivered unto her his sister Edith to be professed a nun. Modwen hereupon built two monasteries, one at Pouleswoorth, joining to the bounds of Arderne, wherein she placed the foresaid Edith, with Osith and Athea: the other, whether it was a monastery or cell, the founded in Strenshall or Trentsall, where she herself remained solitary a certain time in prayer, and other virtuous exercises. And (as it is reported) she went thrice to Rome, and finally died, being 130 years of age. Her body was first buried in an Island compassed about with the river of Trent called Andresey, taking that name of a church or chapel of saint Andrew, which she had built in the same Island, and dwelled therein for the space of seven years. Many monasteries the builded, both in England (as partly above is mentioned) and also in Scotland, as at Striueling, Edenbrough; and in Ireland, at Celestline, and elsewhere.  
Ethelbald and Ethelbright dividing their father's kingdom betwixt them, 
Ethelbald and Ethelbright. 857  began to reign, Ethelbald over the Westsaxons and the Southsaxons, and Ethelbright over them of Kent and Essex, in the year of our Lord 857, which was in the second year of the emperor jews the second, & the 17 of Charles surnamed calvus or the bald king of France, and about the first year of Donald the fift of that name king of Scots. 
The unlawful marriage of Ethelbald. Wil Malm.  The said Ethelbald greatly to his reproach took to wise his mother in law queen judith, or rather (as some writ) his own mother, whom his father had kept as concubine. He lived not passed five years in government of the kingdom, but was taken out of this life to the great sorrow of his subjects whom he ruled right worthily, and so as they had him in great love and estimation. Then his brother Ethelbright took on him the rule of the whole government, as well over the Westsaxons & them of Sussex, as over the Kentishmen and them of Essex.  
In his days the Danes came on land, 
Hen. Hunt Winchester destroyed by Danes. Danes vanquished.  and destroyed the city of Winchester: but duke Osrike with them of Hamshire, and duke Adelwolfe with the Berkshire men gave the enemies battle, & vanquishing them, slew of them a great number. In the fift year of Ethelbrights reign, a navy of Danes arrived in the isle of Tenet, unto whom when the Kentishmen had promised a sum of money to have a truce granted for a time, the Danes one night, before the term of that truce was expired, broke forth and wasted all the east part of Kent: whereupon the Kentishmen assembled together, made towards those trucebreakers, and caused them to departed out of the country. The same year, after that Ethelbright had ruled well and peaceably the Westsaxons five years, and the Kentishmen ten years, he ended his life, and was buried at Shireborne, as his brother Ethelbald was before him.  
AFter Ethelbright succeeded his brother Ethelred, 
Ethelred. 867  and began his reign over the Westsaxons and the more part of the English people, in the year of our Lord 867, and in the 12 year of the emperor jews, in the 27 year of the reign of Charles Calnus king of France, and about the 6 year of Constantine the second king of Scots. Touching this Ethelred, he was in time of peace a most courteous prince, and one that by all kind of means sought to win the hearts of the people: but abroad in the wars he was sharp and stern, as he that understood what appertained to good order, so that he would suffer no offence to escape unpunished. By which means he was famous both in peace and war: but he neither lived any long time in the government, nor yet was suffered to pass the short space that he reigned in rest and quietness.  
For whereas he reigned not passed six years, 
Four years six months saith Harison. Wil Malm. Ethelred fought with the Danes nine times is one year.  he was continually during that term vexed with the invasion of the Danes, and specially towards the latter end, insomuch that (as hath been reported of writers) he fought with them nine times in one year: and although with divers and variable fortune, yet for the more part he went away with the victory. Beside that, he oftentimes lay in wait for their foragers, and such as strayed abroad to rob and spoil the country, whom he met withal and overthrew. There were slain in his time nine earls of those Danes, and one king, beside other of the meaner sort without number.  
But here is to be understood, that in this mean time, whilst Ethelred was busied in war to resist the invasions of the Danes in the south and west parts of this land, the kings and rulers of Mercia and Northumberland taking occasion thereof, 
The kings of Mercia and Northumberland neglect their duties.  began to withdraw their covenanted subjection from the Westsaxons, and took upon them as it were the absolute government and rule of their countries, without respect to aid one another, but rather were contented to sustain the enemies within their dominions, than to prevent the injury with dutiful assistance to those, whom by allegiance they were bound to serve and obey.  
By reason hereof, 
The Danes grow in pursance.  the Danes without resistance grew into greater power amongst them, whilst the inhabitants were still put in fear each day more than other, and every late gotten victory by the enemies by the increase of prisoners, ministered occasion of some other conquest to follow. Even about the beginning of Ethelreds' reign, there arrived upon the English coasts an huge army of the Danes, under the conduct of two renowned captains Hunger and Ubbs, 
Hung●r and Ubb●.  men of marvelous strength and valiancy, but both of them passing cruel of nature. They lay all the winter season in 〈◊〉 compounding with them of the 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 upon certain conditions, sparing 〈◊〉 a tune to show their for as for quietness sake.  
In the socond year of king E●hel●ed, the said captain came with their armies into. Yorkshire, finding the country unprovided of necessary defence because of the civil discord that reigned aniong the Northumber's, 
Hen. Hunt. King Osbright deposed and E●la placed.  the which had lately expelled king Osbright, that had the government of those parts, and placed one Ella in his room: howbeit now they were constrained to revoke him home again, and sought to accord him and Ella. But it was long yer that might be brought to pass, notwithstanding yet at length they were mae friends, by reason of this invasion attempted by foreign enemies, and then raising their powers they came to York, where the Danes, having wasted the country even to the river of Tine, were lodged.  
The English host entering the city, began to fight with the Danes, by reason whereof a fore battle ensued betwixt them: 
Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slain.  but in the end the two kings Osbright and Ella were slain, and a great number of the Northumber's, what within the city, and what without lost their lives at that time, the residue were constrained to take truce with the Danes. This battle was fought the 21 day of Ma●ch being in ●ent, 
It must be upon the 10 ●alends of April, or else it well not concur with Palmsunday. See. Mat. West.  on the Friday before Palmsunday, in the year 657. ¶ Some have written otherwise of this battle, reporting that the Northumber's calling home king Osbright (whom before they had banished) encountered with the Danes in the field, without the walls of York, 
York burnt by Danes.  but they were easily beaten back, and chased into the city, the which by the Danes pursuing the victory, was set on fire and burnt, together with the king and people that were fled into it for succour. How soever it came about, certain it is, that the Danes got the victory, and now having subdued the Northumber's, appointed one Egbert so reign over them as king, under their protection, which Egbert reigned in that sort six years over those which inhabited beyond the river of Tine. In the same year, Adelstane bishop of Shireborne departed this life, 
The commendation of Adelstan bishop of Shirborne.  having governed that see the term of 50 years. This Adelstane was a man of high wisdom, and one that had borne no small rule in the kingdom of the Westsaxons, as hereby it may be conjectured, that when king Ethelwulfe returned from Rome, he would not suffer him to be admitted king, because he had done in certain points contrary to the ordinances and laws of the same kingdom, whereupon by this bishop's means Ethelbald the son of the same king Ethelwulfe was established king, and so continued till by agreement the kingdom was divided betwixt them, as before is mentioned. Finally, he greatly enriched the see of Shireborne, and yet though he was fervently set on covetousness, he was nevertheless very free and liberal in gifts: 
Bishop Adelstan covetous. Hen. H●nt.  which contrary extremities so ill matched, though in him (the time wherein he lived being considered) they might seem somewhat tolerable; yet simply & in truth they were utterly repugnant to the law of the spirit, which biddeth that none should do evil that good may come thereof. Against which precept because Adelstane could not but offend in the heat of his covetousness, which is termed the root of all mischief, though he was exceeding bountiful and large in distributing the wealth he had greedily gotten together; he must needs incur reprehension. But this is so much the less to be imputed unto him as a fault, by how much he was ignorant what (by the rule of equity and conscience) was requirable in a christian man, or one of his vocation.   

Burthred king of Mercia with aid beseegeth the Danes in Nottingham, Bas●reeg and Halden two Danish kings with their powers 〈◊〉 the Westsax●●● they are encountered by 〈◊〉 earl of Ba●k●shire; King 〈◊〉 giveth them and their chief guide a sore 〈◊〉, what Polydore Virgil recorder touching one 〈◊〉 king of the Danes, and the wars that Ethelred had with them his death; Edmuisd king of Eastangles giveth battle to the Danes, he yieldeth himself, and for christian religion sake is by them most cruelly murdered, the kingdom of the Eastangles endeth, Guthran a Dane governeth the whole country, K. Osbright ravisheth the wife of one Bearne a noble man, a bloody battle ensueth thereupon, wherein Osbright and Ella are slain. The twelft Chapter.  
IN the year following, 
Burthred king of Mercia.  that is to say, in the third year of Ethelreds' reign, he with his brother Alured went to aid Burthred king of Mercia, against the two foresaid Danish captains Hunger and Ubba, the which were entered into Mercia, and had won the town for the winter season. Whereupon the foresaid Ethelred and Burthred with their powers came to Nottingham, 
Danes besieged in Nottingham.  and besieged the Danes within it. The Danes perceiving themselves in danger, made suit for a truce & abstinence from war, which they obtenred and then departed back to York, where they sojourned the most part of all that year.  
In the sixth year of king Ethelreds' reign, a new army of great force and power came into the country of the Westsaxons under two leaders or kings of the Danes, 
Basreeg and Halden.  Basréeg and Halden. They lodged at Reding with their main army, and within three days after the earl of Berrockshire Edelwulfe fought at Englefield with two earls of those Danes, 
Edelwulfe. earl of Berkshire fought at Englefield with the Danes.  vanquished them, and slew the one of those earls, whose name was Sidroc. After this king Ethelred and his brother Alured came with a great host unto Reading, and there gave battle unto the army of Danes, so that an huge number of people died on both parts, but the Danes had the victory.  
After this also king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought again with those Danes at Aschdon, 
The Danes won the victory at Reading.  where the armies on both sides were divided into two parts, so that the two Danish kings lead the one part of their army, & certain of their earls lead the other part. Likewise on the English side king Ethelred was placed with one part of the host against the Danish kings, and Alured with the other part was appointed to encounter with the earls. Hereupon they being on both parts ready to give battle, the evening coming on caused them to defer it till the morrow. And so early in the morning when the armies should join, king Ethelred stated in his tent the hear divine service, whilst his brother upon a forward courage hasted to encounter his enemies, the which received him so sharply, and with so cruel fight, that at length, the Englishmen were at point to have turned their backs. But herewith came king Ethelred and manfully ended the battle, stayed his people from running away, and so encouraged them, and discouraged the enemies, that by the power of God (whom as was thought in the morning he had served) the Danes finally were chased and put to flight, losing one of their kings (that is to say) Basreeg or Osréeg, 
The Danes discomfited.  and 5 earls, Sidroc the elder, and Sidroc the younger, Osberne, Freine, and Harold. This battle was sore fought, and continued till night, with the slaughter of many thousands of Danes. About 14 days after, king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought eftsoons with the Danish army at Basing, where the Danes had the victory. 
A battle at Merton.  Also two months after this they likewise fought with the Danes at Merton. And there the Danes, after they had been put to the worse, 
He was bishop of Shireborne as Matt. West. saith.  & pursued in chase a long time, yet at length they also got the victory, in which battle Edmund bishop of Shireborne was slain, and many other that were men of worthy fame and good account.  
In the summer following, a mighty host of the Danes came to Reading, and there sojourned for a time. 
Polyd. Virg.  ¶ These things agree not with that which Polydore Virgil hath written of these wars which king Ethelred had with the Danes: for he maketh mention of one juarus a king of the Danes, 
juarus.  who landed (as he writeth) at the mouth of Humber, and like a stout enemy invaded the country adjoining. Against whom Ethelred with his brother Alured came with an army, and encountering the Danes, fought with them by the space of a whole day together, and was in danger to have been put to the worse, but that the night severed them asunder. In the morning they joined again: but the death of juarus, who chanced to be slain in the beginning of the battle, 
Danes put to flight.  discouraged the Danes, so that they were easily put to flight, of whom (before they could get out of danger) a great number were slain. But after that they had recovered themselves together, and found out a convenient place where to pitch their camp, they chose to their captains Agnerus, and Hubba, 
Agnerus and Hubba.  two brethren, which endeavoured themselves by all means possible to repair their army: so that within 15 days after, the Danes eftsoons fought with the Englishmen, and gave them such an overthrow, that little wanted of making an end of all encounters to be attempted after by the Englishmen.  
But yet within a few days after this, as the Danes attended their market to spoil the country and range somewhat licentiously abroad, they fell within ●he danger of such ambushes as were laid for them by king Ethelred, that no small slaughter was made of them, but yet not without some loss of the Englishmen. Amongst others, Ethelred himself received a wound, whereof he shortly after died. Thus saith Polydore touching the wars which king Ethelred had with the Danes, who yet confesseth (as the truth is) that such authors as he herein followed, vary much from that which the Danish writers do record of these matters, and namely touching the doings of juarus, as in the Danish history you may see more at large.  
But now to our purpose touching the death of king Ethelred, whether by reason of hurt received in fight against the Danes (as Polydore saith) or otherwise, certain it is, that Ethelred anon after Easter departed this life, 
Winborne abbeie.  in the sixth year of his reign, and was buried at Winborne abbey. In the days of this Ethelred, the foresaid Danish captains, 
Agnerus. Fabian.  Hunger, otherwise called Agnerus, and Hubba returning from the north parts into the country of the Eastangles, 
870  came unto Thetford, whereof Edmund, who reigned as king in that season over the Eastangles, 
Edmund K. of the Eastangles.  being advertised, raised an army of men, and went forth to give battle unto this army of the Danes. But he with his people was chased out of the field, and fled to the castle of Framingham, 
Framingham castle.  where being environed with a siege by his enemies, 
King Edward shot to death.  he yielded himself unto them. And because he would not renounce the christian faith, they bond him to a tree, and shot arrows at him till he died: and afterwards cut off his head from his body, and threw the same into a thick grove of bushes. But afterwards his friends took the body with the head, 
Egleseon.  and ●uried the same at Egleseon: where afterward also a fair monastery was builded by one bishop Aswin, and changing the name of the place, it was after ca●●ed saint Edmundfburie. Thus was king Edmund put to death by the cruel Danes for his constant confessing the name of Christ, in the 16 year of his reign, and so ceased the kingdom of Eastangles. 
Wil Mal●.  For after that the Danes had thus slain that blessed man, they conquered all the country, & wasted it, 
Eastangles without a governor.  so that through their tyranny it remained without any governor by the space of nine years, and then they appointed a king to rule over it, 
Guthruns Dane king of Eastangles.  whose name was Guthrun, one of their own nation, who governed both the Eastangles and the Eastsaxons.  
Ye have heard how the Danes slew Osrike and Ella kings of Northumberland. After which victory by them obtained, they did much hurt in the north parts of this land, 
Polychron.  and amongst other cruel deeds, they destroyed the city of A●●uid, which was a famous city in the time of the old Saxons, as by Beda and other writers doth manifestly appear. Here is to be remembered, that some writers rehearse the cause to be this. 
Caxton.  Osbright or Osrike king of Northumberland ravished the wife of one Berne that was a noble man of the country about York, who took such great despite thereat, that he fled out of the land, and went into Denmark, and there complained unto the king of Denmark his cousin of the injury done to him by king Osbright. Whereupon the king of Denmark, glad to have so just a quarrel against them of Northumberland, furnished forth an army, and sent the same by sea (under the leading of his two brethren Hunger and Hubba) into Northumberland, where they slew first the said king Osbright, and after king Ella, at a place besides York, which unto this day is called Ellas croft, taking that name of the said Ella, being there slain in defence of his country against the Danes. Which Ella (as we find registered by writers) was elected king by such of the Northumber's, as in favour of Berne had refused to be subject unto Osbright.   

Alfred ruleth over the Westsaxons and the greatest part of England, the Danes afflict him with sore war, and cruelly make waist of his kingdom, they lie at London a whole winter, they invade Mercia, the king whereof (Burthred by name) forsaketh his country and goeth to Rome, his death and burial; Halden king of the Danes divideth Northumberland among his people; Alfred incountreth with the Danes upon the sea, they swear to him that they will departed out of his kingdom, they break the truce which was made betwixt him and them, he giveth them battle, and (besides a great discomfiture) killeth many of their captains, the Danes and English fight near Abington, the victory uncertain, seven fought fields betwixt them in one year, the Danes sojourn at London. The xiii. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of king Ethelred, 
Alured or Alfred. 871. as Mat. West. & S●● Dunelmen. do note it. Hent Hunt.  his brother Alured or Alfred succeeded him, and began his reign over the Westsaxons, and other the more part of the people of England, in the year of our Lord 872, which was in the 19 year of the emperor jews the second, and 32 year of the reign of Charles the bald, king of France, and about the eleventh year of Constantine the second king of Scotland. Although this Alured was consecrated king in his father's life time by pope Leo (as before ye have heard) yet was he not admitted king at home, till after the decease of his three elder brethren: for he being the youngest, was kept back from the government, though he were for his wisdom and policy most highly esteemed and had in all honour.  
In the beginning of his reign he was wrapped in many great troubles and miseries, 
S●●ed persecuted by Danes.  specially by the persecution of the Danes, which made sore and grievous wars in sundry parts of this land, 
Matt. Westm.  destroying the same in most cruel wise. About a month after he was made king, 
The Danes obtain the victory.  he gave battle to the Danes of Wilton, having with him no great number of people, so that although in the beginning the Danes that day were put to the worse, yet in the end they obtained the victory. 
The Danes wintered at London.  Shortly after, a truce was taken betwixt the Danes and the Westsaxons. And the Danes that had lain at Reading, removed from thence unto London, where they lay all the winter season. In the second year of Alured his reign, 
〈◊〉  the Danish king Halden led the same army from London into Lindseie, and there lodged all that winter at Torkseie. 
Rep●on.  In the year following, the same Halden invaded Mercia, and wintered at Ripindon. 
Burthred king of Mercia.  There were come to him three other leaders of Danes which our writer's name to be kings, Godrun, Esketell, & Ammond, so that their power was greatly increased. Burthred king of Mercia which had governed that country by the space of 22 years, was not able to withstand the puissance of those enemies: whereupon he was constrained to avoid the country, and went to Rome, where he departed this life, and was buried in the church of our lady, near to the English school.  

875  In the fourth year of king Alured the army of the Danes divided itself into two parts, 
The Danes went into Northumberland.  so that king Halden with one part thereof went into Northumberland, and lay in the winter season near to the river of Tine, where he divided the country amongst his men, and remained there for the space of two years, and oftentimes fetched thither booties and preys out of the country of the Picts. The other part of the Danish army with the three foresaid kings or leaders came unto Cambridge, 
The Danes at Cambridge  and remained there a whole year. In the same year king Alured fought by sea with 7 ships of Danes, 
876  took one of them, & chased the residue. In the year next ensuing, 
The Danes took an oath. Hen. Hunt.  the Danes came into the country of the Westsaxons, and king Alured took truce with them again, and they swore to him (which they had not used to do to any afore that time) that they would departed the country. Their army by sea sailing from Warham toward Excester, sustained great loss by tempest, for there perished 120 ships at Swanewicke.  
Moreover the army of the Danes by land went to Excester in breach of the truce, 
The Danes went to Excester.  and king Alured followed them, but could not overtake them till they came to Excester, and there he approached them in such wise, that they were glad to deliver pledges for performance of such covenants as were accorded betwixt him and them. 
Hent. Hunt:  And so then they departed out of the country, and drew into Mercia. But shortly after, when they had the whole government of the land, from Thames northward, they thought it not good to suffer king Alured to continue in rest with the residue of the countries beyond Thames. And therefore the three foresaid rulers of Danes, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond, invading the country of Westsaxons came to Chipnam, distant 17 miles from Bristol, 
877  & there pitched their tents.  
King Alured advertised hereof, 
Polydor.  hasted thither, and lodging with his army near to the enemies, provoked them to battle. The Danes perceiving that either they must fight for their lives, or die with shame, boldly came forth, and gave battle. The Englishmen rashly encountered with them, and though they were overmatched in number, yet with such violence they gave the onset, that the enemies at the first were abashed at their hardy assaults. But when as it was perceived that their slender ranks were not able to resist the thick leghers of the enemies, they began to shrink & look back one upon an other, and so of force were constrained to retire: and therewithal did cast themselves into a ring, which though it seemed to be the best way that could be devised for their safety, yet by the great force and number of their enemies on each side assailing them, they were so thronged together on heaps, that they had no room to stir their weapons. Which disadvantage notwithstanding, they ●lue a great number of the Danes, 
Hubba slain.  and amongst other, Hubba the brother of Agner, with many other of the Danish captains. At length the Englishmen having valiantly fought a long time with the enemies, which had compassed them about, at last broke out and got them to their camp. 
The victory doubtful.  To be brief, this battle was fought with so equal fortune, that no man knew to whether part the victory ought to be ascribed. But after they were once severed, they took care to cure their hurt men, and to bury the dead bodies, namely the Danes interred the body of their captain Hubba with great funeral pomp and solemnity: which done, they held out their journey till they came to Abington, 
Abington.  whither the English army shortly after came also, and encamped fast by the enemies.  
In this mean while, the rumour was spread abroad that king Alured had been discomfited by the Danes, because that in the last battle he withdrew to his camp. This turned greatly to his advantage: for thereby a great number of Englishmen hasted to come to his succour. 
The Danes and Englishmen fight near to Abington.  On the morrow after his coming to Abington, he brought his army ready to fight into the field: neither were the enemies slack on their parts to receive the battle, and so the two armies joined and fought very sore on both sides: so that it seemed by Englishmen had not to do with those Danes, which had been diverse times before discomfited and put to flight, but rather with some new people fresh and lusty. But neither the one part nor the other was minded to give over: in so much that the horsemen alighting on foot, and putting their horses from them, entered the battle amongst the footmen, and thus they continued with equal advantage till night came on, which parted the affray, being one of the sorest fought fields that had been heard of in those days. To whether party a man might justly attribute the victory, 
Uncerteine victory. Thus far Polydor.  it was utterly uncertain, with so like loss & gain the matter was tried & ended betwixt them. With the semblable chance of danger and glory seven times that year did the English and Danes encounter in battle, 
Ran. Higd.  as writers have recorded. At length, when their powers on both parts were sore diminished, they agreed upon a peace, 
A peace agreed upon.  with these conditions, that the Danes should not attempt any further war against the Englishmen, nor bring into this land any new supply of soldiers out of Denmark. 
The Danes sojourned at London.  But this peace by those peacemakers was violated and broken, in so much as they meant nothing less than to fall from the conceived hope which they had of bearing rule in this land, and of enriching themselves with the goods, possessions, rents and revenues of the inhabitants. The same year the Danes sojourned in the winter season at London, according as they had done often times before.   

Rollo a noble man of Denmark with a fresh power entereth England, and beginneth to waste it, king Alured giveth him battle, Rollo saileth over into France; who first inhabited Normandy, and whereof it took that name; the Danes break the peace which was made betwixt them and Alured, he is driven to his shifts by their invasions into his kingdom, a vision appeareth to him and his mother; king Alured disguising himself like a minstrel entereth the Danish camp, marketh their behaviour unsuspected, assalteth them on the sudden with a fresh power, and killeth many of them at advantage; the Devonshire men give the Danes battle under the conduct of Haldens brother, and are discomfited; Alured fighteth with them at Edanton, they give him hostages, Gurthrun their king is baptized and named Adel stan, a league concluded betwixt both the kings, the bounds of Alureds' kingdom. The xiv Chapter.  
ABout the same time, or shortly after, 
Ann. 876 ●aith Simon D●n.  there came into England one Rollo, a noble man of Denmark or Norway, with a great army, and (notwithstanding the peace concluded between the Englishmen and the Danes) began to waste and destroy the country. King Alured hearing these news, with all speed thought best in the beginning to stop such a common mischief, and immediately assembling his people, went against the enemies, and gave them battle, in the which there died a great number of men on both sides, but the greater loss fell to Rollo his army. Yet Matthew Westmin. saith, that the Englishmen were put to flight. After this, it chanced that Rollo being warned in a dream, left England, & sailed over into France, where he found fortune so favourable to him, that he obtained in that region for him and his people a country, 
30 years after this he was baptized.  the which was afterwards named Normandy, of those northern people which then began to inhabit the same, as in the histories of France you may see more at large.  
The Danes which had concluded peace with king Alured (as before you have heard) shortly after, upon the first occasion, broke the same, and by often invasions which they made into the country of Westsaxons, brought the matter to that pass, that there remained to king Alured but only the three countries of Hamshire, 
King Alured driven to his shifts.  Wiltshire, & Summersetshire, in so much that he was constrained for a time to keep himself close within the fens and maresh grounds of Summersetshire, with such small companies as he had about him, constrained to get their living with fishing, hunting, and other such shifts. He remained for the most part within an isle called Edlingsey, 
Edlingsey.  that is to say, the Island of noble men, environed about with fens and mareshes.  
Whiles he was thus shut up within this Island, 
A vision if it be true.  he was by dream advertised of better hap shortly to follow: for as it hath been said, saint Cuthbert appeared to him as he lay in sleep, and comforted him, declaring to him, that within a while fortune should so turn, that he should recover again his kingdom to the confusion of his enemies. And to assure him that this should prove true, he told him that his men which were gone abroad to catch fish, should bring home great plenty, although the season was against them, by reason that the waters were frozen, and that a cold rhyme fell that morning, to the hindrance of their purpose. His mother also at that time being in sleep, saw the like vision. And as they had dreamt, so it came to pass: for being awakened out of their sleep, in ●ame his men with so great foison of fish, that the same might have sufficed a great army of men, for the vittelling of them at that season.  
Shortly after, king Alured took upon him the habit of a minstrel, and going forth of his closure, repaired to the camp of the Danish king, 
King 〈◊〉 disguiseth himself. Polydor.  only accompanied with one trusty servant, and tarrying there certain days together, was suffered to go into every part, and play on his instrument, as well afore the king as others, 
Fabian.  so that there was no secret, but that he understood it. Now when he had seen and learned the demeanour of his enemies, he returned again to his people at Edlingsey, and there declared to his nobles what he had seen and heard, what negligence was amongst the enemies, and how easy a matter it should be for him to endamage them. Whereupon they conceiving a marvelous good hope, and emboldened with his words, a power was assembled together, and spies sent forth to learn and bring word where the Danes lodged: which being done, and certificate made accordingly, king Alured coming upon them on the sudden, 
Hen●. Hunt.  slew of them a great number, having them at great advantage. 
87●   

878  About the same time the brother of king Halden came with thirty and three ships out of Wales into 
Matth. We●●.  the country of Westsaxons, on the coast of Devonshire, where the Devonshire men gave him battle, and slew him with 840 persons of his retinue. Other writ, that Halden himself was present at this conflict, with Inguare, otherwise called Hunger, and that they were both slain there, with twelve hundred of their company 
Simon Dun  (before a certain castle called Kinwith) receiving as they had deserved for their cruel dealing lately by them practised in the parties of Southwales, where they had wasted all afore them with fire and sword, not sparing abbeys more than other common buildings.  
King Alured being with that good luck the more comforted, builded a fortress in the isle of Edlingsey, afterwards called Athelney, 
Athelney.  and breaking out oftentimes upon the enemies, distressed them at sundry times with the aid of the Summersetshire men, which were at hand. About the seventh week after Easter, in the seventh year of his reign, king Alured went to Eglerighston, on the east part of Selwood, where there came to him the people of Summersetshire, Wiltshire, & Hamshire, rejoicing greatly to see him abroad. 
Edant●●e.  From thence he went to Edanton, & there fought against the army of the Danes, and chased them unto their strength, 
This battle should seem the same that Polydore speaketh of fought at Abingdon. Polychron. john Pike. Gurthrun or Gurmond baptized, and named Adelstan, is made king of Eastangle.  where he remained afore them the space of fourteen days. Then the army of the Danes delivered him hostages and covenants to departed out of his dominions, and that their king should be baptized, which was accomplished: for Gurthrun, whom some name Gurmond, a prince or king amongst these Danes, came to Alured and was baptized, king Alured receiving him at the fontstone, named him Adelstan, and gave to him the country of Eastangle, which he governed (or rather spoiled) by the space of twelve years.  
diverse other of the Danish nobility to the number of thirty (as Simon Dunelmensis saith) came at the same time in company of their king Gurthrun, and were likewise baptized, on whom king Alured bestowed many rich gifts. At the same time (as is to be thought) was the league concluded betwixt king Alured and the said Gurthrun or Gurmond, in which the bounds of king Alureds' kingdom are set forth thus: First therefore let the bounds or marshes of our dominion stretch unto the river of Thames, and from thence to the water of Lée, even unto the head of the same water, and so forth straight unto Bedford: and finally going alongst by the river of Ouse, let them end at Watlingstréet.  
This league being made with the advise of the sage personages as well English as those that inhabited within east England, is set forth in master Lambert's book of the old English laws, in the end of those laws or ordinances which were established by the same king Alured, as in the same book ye may see more at large.   

Th'English called divers people Danes whom the French named Normans, whereupon that general name was given them; Gurmo Anglicus K. of Denmark, whose father Frotto was baptized in England; the Danes besiege Rochester, Alfred putteth them to flight, recovereth London out of their hands, and committeth it to the custody of duke Eldred his son in law; he assaulteth Hasting a captain of the Danes, causeth him to take an oath, his two sons are baptized; he goeth forth to spoil alfred's country, his wife, children, and goods, &c: are taken, and favourably given him again; the Danes besiege Excester, they fly to their ships, gain with great loss, they are vanquished by the Londoners, the death of Alfred, his issue male and female. The xv. Chapter.  
HEre is to be noted, that writers name diverse of the Danish captains, kings (of which no mention is made in the Danish chronicles.) to reign in those parties. But true it is, that in those days, not only the Danish people, but also other of those north-east countries or regions, as Swedeners, Norwegians, the Wondens, and such other (which the English people called by one general name Danes, and the Frenchmen Normans) used to rove on the seas, and to invade foreign regions, as England, France, Flanders, and others, as in convenient places ye may find, as well in our histories, as also in the writers of the French histories, and likewise in the chronicles of those north regions. The writers verily of the Danish chronicles make mention of one Gurmo, 
Gurmo.  whom they name Anglicus, because he was borne here in England, which succeeded his father Frotto in government of the kingdom of Denmark, which Frotto received baptism in England, as their stories tell.  
In the eight year of king Alfred his reign, 
Hen. Hunt.  the army of the Danes wintered at Cirencester, 
878  and the same year an other army of strangers called Wincigi lay at Fulham, and in the year following departed forth of England, and went into France, 
87●  and the army of king Godrun or Gurmo departed from Cirencester, 
Simon Dun. Matth. West.  and came into Eastangle, and there dividing the country amongst them, began to inhabit the same. In the 14 year of king Alfred his reign, part of the Danish army which was gone over into France, returned into England and besieged Rochester. 
Rochester besieged.  But when Alfred approached to the rescue, the enemies fled to their ships, 
885  and passed over the sea again. King Alfred sent a navy of his ships well furnished with men of war into Eastangle. the which at the mouth of the river called Stir, incountering with 16 ships of the Danes, set upon them, and overcame them in fight: but as they returned with their prizes, they encountered with another mighty army of the enemies, and fight with them were overcome and vanquished.  

889  In the year following, king Alfred besieged the city of London, 
London recovered out of the hands of the Danes.  the Danes that were within it fled from thence, and the Englishmen that were inhabitants thereof gladly received him, rejoicing that there was such a prince bred of their nation, that was of power able to reduce them into liberty. This city being at that season the chief of all Mercia, he delivered into the keeping of duke Eldred, which had married his daughter Ethelfleds, 
Wil Malm. Ethelfleda.  & held a great portion of Mercia, 
Colwolphus.  which Colwolphus before time possesed by the grant of the Danes, after they had subdued K. Burthred (as before is said.) About the 21 year of K. Alfred, an army of those Danes & Normans, which had been in France, 
Limer, now Rother. Andredeslegia  returned into England, and arrived in the haven or river of Limene in the east part of Kent, near to the great wood called Andredesley, which did contain in times past 120 miles in length, 
A castle built at Appledore.  and thirty in breadth. 
893  These Danes landing with their people builded a castle at Appledore.  
In the mean time came Hasting with 80 ships into the Thames, 
Simon Dun. At Milton.  and builded a castle at Middleton, but he was constrained by siege which king Alfred planted about him, 
Hasting the captain of the Danes besieged. He receiveth an oath.  to receive an oath that he should not in any wise annoy the dominion of king Alfred, who upon his promise to departed, gave great gifts as well to him as to his wife and children. One of his sons also king Alfred held at the fontstone, and to the other duke Aldred was god father. For (as it were to win credit, and to avoid present danger) Hasting sent unto Alfred these his two sons, signifying that if it stood with his pleasure, he could be content that they should be baptized. 
Beanfield saith M. West.  But nevertheless this Hasting was ever most untrue of word and deed, he builded a castle at Beamfield. And as he was going forth to spoil and waste the king's countries, Alfred took that castle, 
This enterprise was achieved by Etheldred duke of Mercia in the absence of the king, as Matth. West. hath noted. Excester besieged.  with his wife, children, ships and goods, which he got together of such spoils as he had abroad: but he restored unto Hasting his wife and children, because he was their godfather.  
Shortly after, news came that a great number of other ships of Danes were come out of Northumberland, and had besieged Excester. Whilst king Alfred went then against them, the other army which lay at Appledore invaded Essex, and built a castle in that country, and after went into the borders of Wales, 
Severne.  and builded another castle near unto the river of Severne: but being driven out of that country, they returned again into Essex. Those that had besieged Excester, upon knowledge had of king alfred's coming, fled to their ships, and so remaining on the sea, roved abroad, seeking preys. Besides this, 
Chester taken by Danes.  other armies there were sent forth, which coming out of Northumberland took the city of Chester, but there they were so beset about with their enemies, 
Great famine  that they were constrained to eat their horses. At length, in the 24 year of king Alfred, they left that city, and fetched a compass about North-wales, and so meaning to sail round about the coast to come into Northumberland, 
Hen. Hunt.  they arrived in Essex, and in the winter following drew their ships by the Thames into the water of Luie. 
The water of Luie, now Lée.  That army of Danes which had besieged Excester, took preys about Chichester, and was met with, so that they lost many of their men, and also diverse of their ships.  
In the year following, the other army which had brought the ships into the river Luie, began to build a castle near to the same river, twenty miles distant from London: 
Hen. Hunt.  but the Londoners came thither, and giving battle to the Danes, 
The Londoners victors against the Danes.  slew four of the chief captains. But by Simon Dunel. and Matt. Westm. it should seem, that the Londoners were at this time put to flight, and that four of the king's barons were slain in fight. Howbeit Henry Hunt. hath written as before I have recited; and further saith, that when the Danes fled for their refuge to the castle, king Alfred caused the water of Luie to be divided into three channels, so that the Danes should not bring back their ships out of the place where they lay at anchor. When the Danes perceived this, 
Quathbridge or Wakebridge.  they left their ships behind them, and went into the borders of Wales, where at Cartbridge upon Severne they built another castle, and lay there all the winter following, having left their wives and children in the country of Eastangles. King Alfred pursued them, but the Londoners took the enemies ships, and brought some of them to the city, and the rest they burnt.  
Thus for the space of three years after the arriving of the main army of the Danes in the haven of Luie, they sore endamaged the English people, although the Danes themselves sustained more loss at the Englishmen'S hands than they did to them with all pilfering and spoiling. In the fourth year after their coming, 
The Danish army divided into parts.  the army was divided, so that one part of them went into Northumberland, part of them remained in the country of Eastangles, & another part went into France. Also certain of their ships came upon the coast of the Westsaxons, oftentimes setting their men on land to rob and spoil the country. But king Alfred took order in the best wise he might for defence of his country and people, and caused certain mighty vessels to be builded, which he appointed forth to encounter with the enemies ships.  
Thus like a worthy prince and politic governor, 
The death of king Alfred.  he prevented each way to resist the force of his enemies, and to safeguard his subjects. Finally after he had reigned 29 years and an half, he departed this life the 28 day of October. His body was buried at Winchester: he left behind him issue by his wife Ethelwitha the daughter unto earl Etherlred of Mercia, 
His issue.  two sons, Edward surnamed the elder, which succeeded him, and Adelwold: also three daughters, Elfleda or Ethelfleda, 
Elfleda.  Ethelgeda or Edgiva, and Ethelwitha.   

How Elfleda king alfred's daughter (being married) contemned fleshly pleasure; the praise of Alfred for his good qualities, his laws for the redress of thieves, his dividing of countries into hundreds and tithings, of what monasteries he was founder, he began the foundation of the university of Oxford, which is not so ancient as Cambridge by 265 years; king Alfred was learned, his zeal to train his people to lead an honest life, what learned men were about him, the pitiful murdering of john Scot by his own scholars, how Alfred divided the 24 hours of the day and the night for his necessary purposes, his last will and bequests; the end of the kingdom of Mercia, the Danes have it in their hands, and dispose it as they list, Eastangle and Northumberland are subject unto them, the Northumber's expel Egbert their king, his death; the Danes make Guthred king of Northumberland, privileges granted to S. Cuthberts' shrine; the death of Guthred, and who succeeded him in the seat royal. The xuj. Chapter.  
IN the end of the former chapter we showed what children Alfred had, their number & names, among whom we made report of Elfleda, who (as you have heard) was married unto duke Edelred. This gentlewoman left a notable example behind her of despising fleshly pleasure, for bearing her husband one child, and sore handled before she could be delivered, she ever after forbore to company with her husband, 
The notable saying of Elfleda.  saying that it was great foolishness to use such pleasure which therewith should bring so great grief.  
To speak sufficiently of the worthy praise due to so noble a prince as Alfred was, might require eloquence, learning, and a large volume. He was of person comely and beautiful, and better beloved of his father and mother than his other brethren. And although he was (as before is touched) greatly disquieted with the invasion of foreign enemies, 
Will. Mal●●  yet did he both manfully from time to time endeavour himself to repel them, and also attempted to see his subjects governed in good and upright justice. 
King Alfred his laws.  And albeit that good laws amongst the clinking noise of armour are oftentimes put to silence, yet he perceiving how his people were grieved with thieves and robbers, which in time of war grew and increased, devised good statutes and wholesome ordinances for punishing of such offenders.  
Amongst other things he ordained that the countries should be divided into hundreds and tithings, that is to say, quarters containing a certain number of towneships adjoining together, so that every Englishman living under prescript of laws, should have both his hundred and tithing; that if any man were accused of any offence, he should find surety for his good demeanour: and if he could not find such as would answer for him, than should he taste extremity of the laws. And if any man that was guilty fled before he found surety, or after: all the inhabitants of the hundred or tithing where he dwelled, should be put to their fine. By this devise he brought his country into good tranquility, so that he caused bracelets of gold to be hanged up aloft on hills where any common ways lay, to see if any durst be so hardy to take them away by stealth. He was a liberal prince namely in relieving of the poor. To churches he confirmed such privileges as his father had granted before him, and he also sent rewards by way of devotion unto Rome, and to the body of saint Thomas in India. Sighelmus the bishop of Shireborne bare the same, and brought from thence rich stones, and sweet oils of inestimable valour. From Rome also he brought a piece of the holy cross which pope Martinus did send for a present unto king Alfred.  
Moreover king Alfred founded three goodly monasteries, one at Edlingsey, 
Foundation of monaste●●●  where he lived sometime when the Danes had bereaved him almost of all his kingdom, which was after called Athelney, distant from Taunton in Sumersetshire about five miles: the second he builded at Winchester, called the new minster: and the third at Shaftesburie, which was an house of nuns, where he made his daughter Ethelgeda or Edgiva abbess. But the foundation of the university of Oxford passed all the residue of his buildings, which he began by the good exhortation and advise of Neotus an abbot, in those days highly esteemed for his virtue and learning with Alfred. This work he took in hand about the 23 year of his reign, which was in the year of our Lord 895. 
895  So that the university of Cambridge was founded before this other of Oxford about 265 years, as Polydore gathereth. 
Polydor. The university of Oxford erected.  For Sigebert king of the Eastangles began to erect that university at Cambridge about the year of our Lord 630.  
King Alfred was learned himself, and given much to study, insomuch that beside diverse good laws which he translated into the English tongue, gathered together and published, he also translated diverse other books out of Latin into English, as Orosius, Pastorale Gregorij, Beda de gestis Anglorum, Boetius de consolation philosophiae, and the book of Psalms; but this he finished not, being prevented by death. So this worthy prince minded well toward the common wealth of his people, in that season when learning was little esteemed amongst the west nations, did study by all means possible to instruct his subjects in the trade of leading an honest life, 
The virtuous zeal of Alured to bring his people to an honest trade of life.  and to encourage them generally to embrace learning. He would not suffer any to bear office in the court; except he were learned: and yet he himself was twelve years of age before he could read a word on the book, 
He is persuaded by his mother, to apply himself to learning.  and was then trained by his mother's persuasion to study, promising him a goodly book which she had in her hands, if he would learn to read it.  
Hereupon going to his book in sport, he so earnestly set his mind thereto, that within a small time he profited marvelously, and became such a favourer of learned men, that he delighted most in their company, to have conference with them, and alured diverse to come unto him out of other countries, as Asserius Menevensis bishop of Shirborne, 
Asserius Menevensis. Werefridus. john Scot  & Werefridus the bishop of Worcester, who by his commandment translated the books of Gregory's dialogs into English. Also I. Scot, who whiles he was in France translated the book of Dionysius Ariopagita, entitled Hierarchia, out of Greek into Latin, and after was schoolmaster in the abbeie of Malmesburie, and there murdered by his scholars with penkn●ues. He had diverse other about him, both Englishmen & strangers, as Pleimond afterward archbishop of Canturburie, 
Grimbald.  Grimbald governor of the new monastery at Winchester, with others.  
But to conclude with this noble prince king Alured, he was so careful in his office, 
Alured divided the time for his necessary uses.  that he divided the 24 hours which contain the day and night, in three parts, so that eight hours he spent in writing, reading, and making his prayers, other eightin employed in relieving his body with meat, drink and sleep, and the other eight he bestowed in dispatching of business concerning the government of the realm. He had in his chapel a candle of 24 parts, whereof every one lasted an hour: so that the sexton, to whom that charge was committed, by burning of this candle warned the king ever how the time passed away. A little before his death, he ordained his last will and testament, 
His last will and testament  bequeathing half the portion of all his goods justly gotten, unto such monasteries as he had founded. All his rents and revenues he divided into two equal parts, and the first part he divided into three, bestowing the first upon his servants in household, the second to such labourers and workmen as he kept in his works of sundry new buildings, the third part he gave to strangers. The second whole part of his revenues was so divided, that the first portion thereof was dispersed amongst the poor people of his country, the second to monasteries, the third to the finding of poor scholars, and the fourth part to churches beyond the sea. He was diligent in inquiry how the judges of his land behaved themselves in their judgements, and was a sharp corrector of them which transgressed in that behalf. To be brief, he lived so as he was had in great favour of his neighbours, & highly honoured among strangers. He married his daughter Ethelswida or rather Elstride unto Baldwine earl of Flanders, of whom he had two sons Arnulfe and Adulfe, the first succeeding in the earldom of Flanders, and the younger was made earl of Bullogne.  
The body of king Alured was first buried in the bishop's church: but afterwards, because the Canons raised a fond tale that the same should walk a nights, his son king Edward removed it into the new monastery which he in his life time had founded. Finally, in memory of him a certain learned clerk made an epitath in Latin, which for the worthiness thereof is likewise (verse for verse, and in a manner word for word) translated by Abraham Fleming into English, whose no little labour hath been diligently employed in supplying sundry insufficiences found in of this huge volume.  
NObilitas inhata tibi probitatis honorem  
Nobility by birth to thee (o Alfred strong in arme●)  
(Armipotens alfred) dedit, probita que laborem,  
Of goodness hath the honour given, and honour toilsome harms.  
Perpetuúmque labor nomen, cul mixta dolours  
And toilsome harms an endless name; w●ose io●es were always mext  
Gaudia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori.  
With sorrow, and whose hope with fear was evermore perplex.  
Si modo victor eras, ad crastina bella pavebas,  
If this day thou wert conqueror, the next days war thou dredst.  
Si modo victus eras, in crastina bella parabas,  
If this day thou wert conquered, to next days war 〈◊〉 spedst,  
Cui vel●es sudore iugi, cul sica cruore  
Whose clothing wet wit● daily swe●● whose blade with bloody stain.  
Tincta ●ugi, quantum sit onus●egnare probarunt.  
Do pra●e how great a burthan ti● in royalty to rain▪  
Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,  
There hath not been in any part of all the world so wide,  
Cui tot in advet sis vel respirare liceret,  
One that was able breath to take, and troubles such abide,  
Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,  
And yet with weapons weary would not weapons lay aside,  
Aut gladio potuit vitae fimisse labores:  
Or with the sword the ●oile someness of life by death divide.  
jam post transactos regni vitaeque labores,  
Now after labours passed of realm and lie (which he did spend)  
Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrúmque perenne.  
Christ is ●o him true quietness and sceptre void of end.  
In the days of the foresaid king Alured, the kingdom of Mercia took end. For after that the Danes had expelled king Burthred, when he had reigned 22 years, he went to Rome, and there died, his wife also Ethelswida, the daughter of king Athulfe that was son to king Egbert followed him, and died in Pavia in Lombardy. The Danes having got the country into their possession, 
Cewulfe.  made one Cewulfe K. thereof, whom they bound with an oath and delivery of pledges, that he should not longer keep the state with their pleasure, and further should be ready at all times to aid them with such power as he should be able to make. This Cewulfe was the servant of king Burthred. Within four years after the Danes returned, and took one part of that kingdom into their own hands, and left the residue unto Cewulfe. But within a few years after, king Alured obtained that part of Mercia which Cewulfe ruled, as he did all the rest of this land, except those parcels which the Danes held, as Northumberland, the countries of the Eastangles, some part of Mercia, and other.  
The year, in the which king Alured thus obtained all the dominion of that part of Mercia, which Cewulfe had in governance, was after the birth of our Saviour 886, 
886  so that the foresaid kingdom continued the space of 302 years under 22 kings, 
Matth. West.  from Crida to this last Cewulfe. But there he that account the continuance of this kingdom, only from the beginning of Penda, unto the last year of Burthred, by which reckoning it stood not passed 270 years under 18, or rather 17 kings, counting the last Cewulfe for none, who began his reign under the subjection of the Danes, about the year of our Lord 874, where Penda began his reign 604.  
The Eastangles and the Northumber's in these days were under subjection of the Danes, as partly may be perceived by that which before is rehearsed. 
Guthrun K. of the eastangles died 890. Simon. Dun.  After Guthrun that governed the Eastangles by the term of 12 years, one Edhirike or Edrike had the rule in those parts, a Dane also, and reigned 14 years, and was at length bereaved of his government by king Edward the son of king Alured, as after shall appear. 
Simon Dun.  But now, although that the Northumber's were brought greatly under. foo● by the Danes, 
872  yet could they not forget their old accustomed manner to stir tumults and rebellion against their governors, 
Egbert king of Northumberland expelled from his kingdom.  insomuch that in the year 872, they expelled not only Egbert, whom the Danes had appointed king over one part of the country (as before you have heard) but also their archbishop Wilfehere. In the year following, the same Egbert departed this life, 
Egbert departed this life. Ricsig.  after whom one Rigsig or Ricsige succeeded as king, and the archbishop Wolfehere was restored home.  
In the same year the army of Danes which had wintered at London, came from thence into Northumberland, and wintered in Lindseie, 
The Danes winter in Lindseie.  at a place called Torkseie, and went the next year into Mercia. And in the year 975, 
975  a part of them returned into Northumberland, 
Ricsig departed this life.  as before ye have heard. In the year following, Ricsig the king of Northumberland departed this life: after whom an other Egbert succeeded. And in the year 983, 
983  the army of the Danes meaning to inhabit in Northumberland, 
Guthred ordained king of Northumberland.  and to settle themselves there, chose Guthrid the son of one Hardicnute to their king, whom they had sometime sold to a certain widow at Witingham. But now by the abvise of an abbot called Aldred, they redeemed his liberty, and ordained him king to rule both Danes and Englishmen in that country. It was said, that the same Aldred being abbot of holy Island, was warned in a vision by S. Cuthberd, to give counsel both to the Danes and Englishmen, to make the same Guthrid king. This chanced about the 13 year of the reign of Alured king of Westsaxons.  
When Guthrid was established king, 
The bishops see removed from holy island to Chester in the street.  he caused the bishops see to be removed from holy Island unto Chester in the street, and for an augmentation of the revenues and jurisdiction belonging thereto, he assigned and gave unto saint Cuthbert all that country which lieth betwixt the rivers of Teise and Tine. ¶ Which christian act of the king, living in a time of palpable blindness and misty superstition, may notwithstanding be a light to the great men and peers of this age (who pretend religion with zeal, and profess (in show) the truth with fervency) not to impoverish the patrimony of the church to enrich themselves and their posterity, not to pull from bishoprics their ancient revenues to make their own greater, not to alienate ecclesiastical livings into temporal commodities, not to seek the conversion of college lands into their private possessions; not to intend the subversion of cathedral churches to fill their own coffers, not to ferret out concealed lands for the support of their own private lordliness; not to destroy whole towneships for the erection of one stately manor; not to take and pale in the commons to enlarge their severalles; but like good and gracious common-wealth-men, in all things to prefer the people's public profit before their own gain and glory, before their own pomp and pleasure, before the satisfying of their own inordinate desires.  
Moreover, 
Privileges granted to S. Cuthberts' shrine.  this privilege was granted unto saint Cuthberts' shrine: that whosoever fled unto the same for succour and safeguard, should not be touched or troubled in any wise for the space of thirty & seven days. And this freedom was confirmed not only by king Guthrid, but also by king Alured. Finally king Guthrid departed this life in the year of our Lord 894, 
894  after he had ruled the Northumber's with much cruelty (as some say) by the term of a 11 years, or somewhat more. 
Polydor. Will. Malmes.  He is named by some writer's Gurmond, and also Gurmo, & thought to be the same whom king Alured caused to be baptized. Whereas other affirm, that Guthrid, who ruled the Eastangles, was he that Alured received at the fontstone: 
Wil Malm. Sithrike.  William Malmesburie taketh them to be but one man, which is not like to be true. After this Guthrid or Gurmo his son Sithrike succeeded, and after him other of that line, till king Adelstane deprived them of the dominion, and took it into his own hands.   

Edward succeed his father Alured in regiment, he is disquieted by his brother Adelwold a man of a defiled life, he flieth to the Danes and is of them received, king Edward's provision against the eruptions and forrays of the Danes, Adelwold with a navy of Danes entereth Eastangles, the Essex men submit themselves, he invadeth Mercia, and maketh great waist, the Kentishmen disobedience prejudicial to themselves, they and the Danes have a great conflict, king Edward concludeth a truce with them, he maketh a great slaughter of them by his Westsaxons and Mercians, what lands came to king Edward by the ●eath of Edred duke of Mercia, he recovereth divers places out of the Danes hands, and giveth them many a foil, what castles he builded, he invadeth Eastangles, putteth Ericke a Danish king thereof to flight, his own subjects murder him for his cruelty, his kingdom returneth to the right of king Edward with other lands by him thereto annexed, his sister Elfleda governed the country of Mercia during her life. The xvij. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Alured, 
Edward the elder.  his son Edward surnamed the elder began his reign over the more part of England, in the year of our Lord 901, 
901.  which was in the second year of the emperor jews, in the eight year of the reign of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, and about the eight year of Donald king of Scotland. He was consecrated after the manner of other kings his ancestors by Athelred the archbishop of Canturburie. This Edward was not so learned as his father, but in princely power more high and honourable, for he joined the kingdom of Eastangles and Mercia with other unto his dominion, as after shall be showed, and vanquished the Danes, Scots, and Welshmen, to his great glory and high commendation.  
In the beginning of his reign he was disquieted by his brother Adelwold, which took the town of Winborne besides Bath, and married a nun there, whom he had deflowered, 
Winborne.  & attempted many things against his brother. Whereupon the king came to Bath, and though Adelwold showed a countenance as if he would have abidden the chance of war within Winborne, 
Hen. Hunt. Adelwold fleeth to the Danes.  yet he stole away in the night, and fled into Northumberland, where he was joyfully received of the Danes. The king took his wife being left behind, and restored her to the house from whence she was taken. 
Wil Malm.  ¶ Some have written, that this Adelwold or Ethelwold was not brother unto king Edward, but his uncles son.  
After this, king Edward providing for the surety of his subjects against the forrays, which the Danes used to make, fortified divers cities and towns, and stuffed them with great garrisons of soldiers, to defend the inhabitants, and to expel the enemies. 
The English nation practised in wars, go commonly away with the victory.  And surly the Englishmen were so enured with wars in those days, that the people being advertised of the invasion of the enemies in any part of their country, would assemble oftentimes without knowledge of king or captain, and setting upon the enemies, went commonly away with victory, by reason that they overmatched them both in number and practise. So were the enemies despised of the English soldiers, and laughed to scorn of the king for their foolish attempts. 
Hen. Hunt.  Yet in the third year of king Edward's reign, Adelwold his brother came with a navy of Danes into the parties of the Eastangles, 
Essex yéeldes to Adelwold.  and even at the first the Essex men yielded themselves unto him. In the year following he invaded the country of Mercia with a great army, 
Ran. Higd.  wasting and spoiling the same unto Crikelade, and there passing over the Thames, road forth till he came to Basingstoke, 
Brittenden.  or (as some books have) Brittenden, harieng the country on each side, and so returned back unto Eastangles with great joy and triumph.  
King Edward awakened héerewith, 
Hen. Hun●.  assembled his people, and followed the enemies, wasting all the countries betwixt the river of Ouse and saint Edmund's ditch. And when he should return, he gave commandment that no man should stay behind him, but come back together for doubt to be forelaid by the enemies. 
The Kentishmen disobeiing the king's commandment, are surprised by the enemies. Adelwold king Edward's brother.  The Kentishmen notwithstanding this ordinance and commandment, remained behind, although the king sent seven messengers for them. The Danes awaiting their advantage, came together, and fiercely fought with the Kentishmen, which a long time valiantly defended themselves. But in the end the Danes obtained the victory, although they lost more people there than the Kentishmen did: and amongst other, there were slain the foresaid Adelwold, and diverse of the chief captains amongst the Danes. Likewise of the English side, there died two dukes, Siwolfe & Singlem or Sigbelme, with sundry other men of name, both temporal and also spiritual lords and abbots. In the fift year of his reign, king Edward concluded a truce with the Danes of Eastangle and Northumberland at Itingford. But in the year following, he sent an army against them of Northumberland, 
Forty days saith Simon Dun.  which slew many of the Danes, and took great booties both of people and cattle, remaining in the country the space of five weeks.  
The year next ensuing, the Danes with a great army entered into Mercia, to rob & spoil the country, against whom king Edward sent a mighty host, assembled together of the Westsaxons & them of Mercia, which set upon the Danes, as they were returning homeward, and slew of them an huge multitude, together with their chief captains and leaders, as king Halden, and king Eolwils, earl Uter, earl Scurfa, 
Hen. Hunt.  and diverse other. In the year 912, or (as Simon Dunel. saith) 908, the duke of Mercia Edred or Etheldred departed this life, and then king Edward seized into his hands the cities of London and Oxford, and all that part of Mercia which he held. But afterwards he suffered his sister Elfleda to enjoy the most part thereof, except the said cities of London and Oxford, which he still retained in his own hand. This Elfleda was wife to the said duke Edred or Etheldred, as before you have heard: of whose worthy acts more shall be said hereafter.  
In the ninth year of his reign, king Edward built a castle at Hertford, 
Wightham.  and likewise he builded a town in Essex at Wightham, and lay himself in the mean time at Maldon, otherwise Meauldun, bringing a great part of the country under his subjection, which before was subject to the Danes. In the year following, the army of the Danes departed from Northampton and Chester in breach of the former truce, 
Chester, or rather Leicester, as I think.  and slew a great number of men at Hochnerton in Oxfordshire. And shortly after their return home, an other company of them went forth, 
Digetune.  and came to Leighton, where the people of the country being assembled together, fought with them & put them to flight, taking from them all the spoil which they had got, and also their horses.  
In the 11 year of king Edward, a fleet of Danes compassed about the west parts, & came to the mouth of Severne, and so took preys in Wales: they also took prisoner a Welsh bishop named Camelgaret, at Irchenfield, 
Irchenfield.  whom they led to their ships: but king Edward redeemed him out of their hands, paying them forty pounds for his ransom. After that the army of Danes went forth to spoil the country about Irchenfield, but the people of Chester, Hereford, and other towns and countries thereabout assembled together, and giving battle to the enemies, put them to flight, and slew one of their noble men called earl Rehald, 
Danes discomfited.  and Geolcil the brother of earl Uter, with a great part of their army, & drove the residue into a castle, which they besieged till the Danes within it gave hostages, and covenanted to departed out of the king's land. The king caused the coasts about Severne to be watched, that they should not break into his country: but yet they stolen twice into the borders: nevertheless they were chased and slain as many as could not swim, and so get to their ships. 
The I'll of Stepen. Deomedun. Danes sail into Ireland.  Then they remained in the isle of Stepen, in great misery for lack of victuals, because they could not go abroad to get any. At length they departed into North-wales, and from thence sailed into Ireland.  
The same year king Edward came to Buckingham with an army, and there tarried a whole month, building two castles, the one upon the one side of the water of Ouse, and the other upon the other side of the same river. 
Turketillus an earl.  He also subdued Turketillus an earl of the Danes that dwelled in that country, with all the residue of the noble men and barons of the shires of Bedford and Northampton. In the 12 year of king Edward's reign, the Kentishmen and Danes fought together at Holme: but whether party had the victory, writers have not declared. 
Simon Dun.  Simon Dunelm. speaketh of a battle which the citizens of Canturburie fought against a number of Danish rovers at Holme, where the Danes were put to flight, but that should be (as he noteth) 8 years before this supposed time, as in the year 904, which was about the third year of king Edward's reign.  
After this, other of the Danes assembled themselves together, 
Anno, 911. Simon Dun.  and in Staffordshire at a place called Tottenhall fought with the Englishmen, and after great slaughter made on both parties, the Danes were overcome: and so likewise were they shortly after at Woodfield or Wodenfield. And thus king Edward put the Danes to the worse in each place commonly where he came, and hearing that those in Northumberland meant to break the peace: he invaded the country, and so afflicted the same, that the Danes which were inhabitants there, gladly continued in rest and peace. 
Polydor. Ericke king of Eastangles  But in this mean time, Ericke the king of those Danes which held the country of Eastangle, was about to procure new war, and to allure other of the Danes to join with him against the Englishmen, that with common agreement they might set upon the English nation, and utterly subdue them.  
King Edward h●●ing intelligence hereof, purposed to prevent him, 
King Edward invadeth the country of the Eastangles.  and thereupon entering with an army into his country, cruelly wasted and spoiled the same. King Ericke having already his people in armour through displeasure conceived hereof, and desire to be revenged, hasted forth to encounter his enemies: and so they met in the field, and fiercely assailed each other. But as the battle was rashly begun on king Ericks side, so was the end very harmful to him: 
Ericke put to flight.  for with small a do, after great loss on both sides, he was vanquished and put to flight.  
After his coming home, because of his great overthrow and fowl discomfiture, he began to govern his people with more rigour & sharper dealing than before time he had used. Whereby he provoked the malice of the Eastangles so highly against him, that they fell upon him and murdered him: yet did they not gain so much hereby as they looked to have done: for shortly after, they being brought low, and not able to defend their country, were compelled to submit themselves unto king Edward. 
The kingdom of the Eastang●es subdued by K. Edward  And so was that kingdom joined unto the other dominions of the same king Edward, who shortly after annexed the kingdom of Mercia unto other of his dominions, immediately upon the death of his sister Elfleda, whom he permitted to rule that land all her life.   

Elfleda the sister of king Edward highly commended for government, what a necessary stay she was unto him in her life time, what towns she builded and repaired, her warlike exploits against the Danes, her death and burial; the greatest part of Britain in K. Edward's dominion, he is a great builder and reparer of towns, his death, the dream of his wife Egina, and the issue of the same, what children king Edward had by his wives, and how they were employed, the decay of the church by the means of troubles procured by the Danes, England first cursed and why; a provincial council summoned for the relief of the church's ruin, Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie sent to Rome, bishops ordained in sundry provinces; dissension among writers what pope should denounce the foresaid curse; a succession of archbishops in the see of Canturburie, one brother killeth an other. The xviij. Chapter.  
NOt without good reason did king Edward permit unto his sister Elfleda the government of Mercia, during her life time: for by her wise and politic order used in all her doings, he was greatly furthered & assisted; but specially in repairing and building of towns & castles, wherein she showed her noble magnificence, 
Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Simon Dun.  in so much that during her government, which continued about eight years, it is recorded by writers, that she did build and repair these towns, whose names here ensue: Tamworth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwick, Shrewsburie, 
Tamworth was by her repaired, anno 914. Eadsburie and Warwick.  Watersburie or Weddesburie, Elilsburie or rather Eadsburie, 
915  in the forest of De la mere besides Chester, 
Chester repaired, 905. Sim. Dun.  Brimsburie bridge upon Severne, Rouncorne at the mouth of the river of Mercia with other. Moreover, by her help the city of Chester, which by Da●es had been greatly defaced, was newly repaired, fortified with walls and turrets, and greatly enlarged. So that the castle which stood without the walls before that time, was now brought within compass of the new wall.  
Moreover she boldly assaulted her enemies which went about to trouble the state of the country, as the Welshmen and Danes. She sent an army into Wales, and took the town of Brecknock with the queen of the Welshmen at Bricenamere. Also she won from the Danes the town of Derby, 
Queen of the Welshmen taken. Brecanamere Ran. Higd. Hen. Hunt.  and the country adjoining. 
918  In this enterprise she put her own person in great adventure: for a great multitude of Danes that were withdrawn into Derby, 
Derby won from the Danes.  valiantly defended the gates and entries, in so much that they slew four of her chief men of war, which were named wardens of her person, even fast by her at the very entry of the gates. But this notwithstanding, with valiant fight her people entered, and so the town was won: she got diverse other places out of their hands, & constrained them of Yorkshire to agree with her, so that some of them promised to become her subjects: some vowed to aid her, and some swore to be at her commandment.  
Finally, 
Hen. Hunt.  this martial lady and manly Elfleda, the supporter of her countrymen, and terror of the enemies, departed this life at Tamworth about the 12 of june, 
Anno Christ  in the 18 or rather 19 year of her brother king Edward's reign, 
919  as by Matth. West. 
Matt. West. Simon Dun.  it should appear. But Simon Dunelm. writeth, that she deceased in the year of Christ 915, which should be about the 14 year of king Edward's reign. Her body was conveyed to Gloucester, and there buried within the monastery of S. Peter, which her husband and she in their life time had builded, and translated thither the bones of saint Oswill from Bardona. The same monastery was after destroyed by Danes. But Aldredus the archbishop of York, 
Ranul.  who was also bishop of Worcester, repaired an other in the same city, that was after the chief abbey there. Finally, in memory of the said Elfleds magnanimity and valorous mind, this epitaph was fixed on her tomb.  
O Elfleda potens, o terror virgo virorum,  
O Elfleda potens, nomine digna viri.  
Te quóque splendidior fecit natura puellam,  
Te probitas fecit nomen habere viri.  
Te mutare decet sed solùm nomina sexus,  
Tu regina potens réxque trophea parans.  
jam nec Caesareos tantùm mirere triumphos,  
Caesare splendidior virgo virago, vale.  
O puissant Elfled, o thou maid of men the dread and fear, 
Translated by Abraham Fleming.   
O puissant Elfled worthy maid the name of man to bear.  
A noble nature hath thee made a maiden mild to be,  
Thy virtue also hath procured a manly name to thee.  
It doth but only thee become, of sex to change the name,  
A puissant queen, a king art thou preparing trophies of fame.  
Now marvel not so much at Caesar's triumphs [trim to vieu;]  
O manlike maiden more renowned than Caesar was, a dieu.  
After the decease of Elfleda, king Edward took the dominion of Mercia (as before we have said) into his own hands, 
This Alfwen was sister to Edelfled, as H. Hunt. saith.  and so disherited his niece Alfwen or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda, taking her away with him into the country of Westsaxons. By this means he so amplified the bounds of his kingdom, 
Strateluid or Stretcled, a kingdom in Wales.  that he had the most part of all this Island of Britain at his commandment: for the kings of the Welshmen; namely the king of Stretcled, and of the Scots, acknowledging him to be their chief sovereign lord, 
K. Edward a great builder and reparer of towns. Nottingham bridge built.  and the Danes in Northumberland were kept so short, that they durst attempt nothing against him in his latter days: so that he had time to apply the building and repairing of cities, towns, and castles, wherein he so much delighted. He builded a new town at Nottingham on the southside of Trent, 
Matt. West. Manchester repaired. Anno 816. Simon Dun.  and made a bridge over that river betwixt the old town and the new. He also repaired Manchester beyond the river of Mercia in Lancashire, accounted as then in the south end of Northumberland, and he built a town of ancient writers called Thilwall, near to the same river of Mercia, and placed therein a garrison of soldiers: diverse other towns and castles he built, as two at Buckingham on either side the water of Ouse (as before is showed) and also one at the mouth of the river of avon. 
Henr. Hunt.  He likewise built or new repaired the towns of Tocetor and Wigmore, with diverse other, as one at Glademuth, about the last year of his reign. Some also he destroyed which seemed to serve the enemies turn for harborough, as a castle at Temnesford, which the Danes builded and fortified.  
At length, after that this noble prince king Edward had reigned somewhat above the term of 23 years, he was taken out of this life at Faringdon: his body was conveyed from thence unto Wincheter, and there buried in the new ab●eie. He had three wives, or (as some have written) but two, affirming that Edgiva was not his wife, but his concubine of whom he begat his eldest son Adelstan, 
Polydor.  who succeeded him in the kingdom. This Edgiva (as hath been reported) 
A dream.  dreamt on a time that there rose a moon out of her belly, which with the bright shine thereof gave light over all England: and telling her dream to an ancient gentlewoman, who conjecturing by the dream that which followed, took care of her, and caused her to be brought up in good manners and like a gentlewoman, though she were borne but of base parentage.  
Hereupon when she came to ripe years, king Edward by chance coming to the place where she was remaining, upon the first sight was straight ravished with her beauty (which is deed excelled) that she could not rest till he had his pleasure of her, and so begot of her the foresaid Adelstan: by her he had also a daughter that was married unto Sithrike a Dane and K. of Northumberland. 
Matt. West. Polydor.  The Scotish writers name her Beatrice, but our writers name her Editha. His second or rather his first wife (if he were not married to Eguina mother to Adelstan) was called Elfleda or Elfrida, daughter to one earl Ethelme, by whom he had issue; 
The issue of K. Edward.  to wit, two sons Ethelward and Edwin, which immediately departed this life after their father; and six daughters, Elfleda, Edgiva, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elfgiva. Elfleda became a nun, and Ethelh●lda also lived in perpetual virginity, but yet in a lay habit.  
Edgitha was married to Charles king of France, surnamed Simplex. 
●has Edgiva  And Ethilda by help of her brother Adelstan was bestowed upon Hugh son to Robert earl of Paris, 
Wil Malm.  for her singular beauty most highly esteemed: sith nature in her had showed as it were her whole cunning, in perfecting her with all gifts and properties of a comely parsonage. Edgiva and Elgiva were sent by their brother Adelstan into Germany, unto the emperor Henry, who bestowed one of them upon his son Otho, that was after emperor, the first of that name; and the other upon a duke inhabiting about the Alps: by his last wife named Edgiva, he had also two sons, Edmund & Eldred, the which both reigned after their brother Adelstan successively. Also he had by her two daughters, Edburge that was made a nun, and Edgive a lady of excellent beauty, whom her brother Adelstan gave in marriage unto Lewes' king of Aquitaine.  
Whilst this land was in continual trouble of wars against the Danes, 
Ran. Higd. Wil Malm. Matth. West.  as before is touched, small regard was had to the state of the church, in somuch that the whole country of the Westsaxons by the space of seven years together (in the days of this king Edward) remained without any bishop, to take order in matters appertaining to the church. Whereupon the pope had accursed the English people, 
England first accursed.  because they suffered the bishops sees to be vacant so long a time. King Edward to avoid the curse, assembled a provincial council, 
Anno 903.  905, in the which the archbishop of Canturburie Pleimond was precedent. Wherein it was ordained, that whereas the province of Westsaxons in times past had but two bishops, now it should be divided into five dioceses, every of them to have a peculiar bishop.  
When all things were ordered and concluded in this synod (as was thought requisite) the archbishop was sent to Rome with rich presents, to appease the pope's displeasure. When the pope had heard what order the king had taken, he was contented therewith. And so the archbishop returned into his country, and in one day at Canturburie ordained seven bishops, as five to the province of Westsaxons, that is to say, Fridestane to the see of Winchester, Adelstan to S. Ge●man in Cornwall, 
Winchester. Cornwall. Shireborne. Welles. Kirton. Mercia.  Werstan to Shireborne, Adelme to Wel●es, and Edulfe to Kirton. Also to the province of Sussex he ordained one Bernegus, and to Dorchester for the province of Mercia one Cenulfus.  
¶ Here ye must note, 
Wil Malm. saith that pope Formosus pronounced this curse.  that where William Malme. Polychro. and other do affirm, that pope Formosus did accursse king Edward and the English nation, for suffering the bishops sees to be vacant, it can not stand with the agreement of the time, unless that the curse pronounced by Formosus for this matter long afore was not regarded, 
904  until Edward had respect thereto. For the same Formosus began to govern the Roman see about the year of our Lord 892, 
Polydor.  and lived in the papacy not past six years, so that he was dead before king Edward came to the crown. But how so ever this matter may fall out, this ye have to consider: although that Pleimond was sent unto Rome to advertise the pope what the king had decreed & done, in the ordaining of bishops to their several sees, as before ye have heard, yet (as master Fox hath noted) the governance and direction of the church depended chiefly upon the kings of this land in those days, as it manifestly appeareth, as well by the decrees of king Alfred, as of this king Edward, whose authority in the election of bishops (as before ye have heard) seemed then alone to be sufficient.  
Moreover, I think it good to advertise you in this place, that this Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie (of whom ye have heard before) was the 19 in number from Augustine the first archbishop there: for after Brightwold that was the 8 in number, and first of the English nation that governed the see, succeeded Taduin, that sat three years, Notelin five years, Cuthbert 18 years, Brethwin three years, Lambert 27 years, Adelard 13 years, Wilfred 28 years. Theologildus or Pleogildus ● years, Celuotus or Chelutus 10 years. Then succeeded Aldred, of whom king Edward received the crown, and he was predecessor to Pleimond. 
Hen. Hunt.  A little before the death of king Edward, Sithrike the king of Northumberland killed his brother Nigellus, and then king Reinold conquered the city of York.   

Adelstane succeed his father Edward in the kingdom, Alfred practising by treason to keep him from the government, sank down suddenly as he was taking his oath for his purgation; the cause why Alfred opposed himself against Adelstane, whose praise is notable, what he did to satisfy the expectation of his people, lady Beatrice king Edward's daughter married to Sithrike a Danish governor of the Northumber's, by whose means Edwin king Edward's brother was drowned, practices of treason, the lady Beatrice strangely put to death by her stepsons for being of counsel to poison her husband Sithrike, her death revenged upon the tormentors by her father king Edward, and how chronographers vary in the report of this history. The nineteen. Chapter.  
ADelstane the eldest son of king Edward began his reign over the more part of all England, 
Adelstan. Matt. West. Will. Malmes.  the year of our Lord 924, 
924  which was in the 6 year of the emperor Henry the first, in the 31 year of the reign of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, three months after the burning of Pavia, & about the 22 or 23 year of Constantine the third, king of Scotland. This Adelstane was crowned and consecrated king at Kingston upon Thames, of Aldelme the archbishop of Canturburie, who succeeded Pleimond. He was the 24 king in number from Cerdicus or Cerdike the first king of the Westsaxons. 
Alfred striveth in vain to keep Adelstane from the government. W●l. Malm. See more hereof in the acts and monuments set forth by M. Fox, vol. 1. leaf 195.  There were in the beginning some that set themselves against him, as one Alfred a noble man, which practised by treason to have kept him from the government: but he was apprehended yer he could bring his purpose to pass, and sent to Rome there to try himself guilty or not guilty. And as he took his oath for his purgation before the altar of saint Peter, he suddenly fell down to the earth, so that his servants took him up, and bore him into the English school or hospital, where the third night after he died.  
Pope john the tenth sent unto king Adelstane, to know if he would that his body should be laid in christian burial or not. The king at the contemplation of Afreds' friends and kinsfolks, signified to the pope that he was contented that his body should be interred amongst other christians. His lands being forfeited were given by the king unto God and saint Peter. The cause that moved Alfred and other his complices against the king, was (as some have alleged) his bastardy. But whether that allegation were true or but a slander, this is certain, that except that stain of his honour, there was nothing in this Adelstane worthy of blame: so that he darkened all the glorious same of his predecessors, both in virtuous conditions and victorious triumphs. Such difference is there to have that in thyself wherein to excel, rather than to stand upon the worthiness of thine ancestors, sith that can not rightly be called a man's own.  
After that king Adelstane was established in the estate, he endeavoured himself to answer the expectation of his people, which hoped for great wealth to ensue by his noble and prudent governance. First therefore meaning to provide for the surety of his country, 
Anno 925. Simon Dun. Polydor.  he concluded a peace with Sithrike king of the Northumber's, unto whom (as ye have heard) he gave one of his sisters named Editha in marriage. Sithrike lived not passed one year after he had so married her. 
Wil Malm.  And then Adelstane brought the province of the Northumber's unto his subjection, expelling one Aldulph out of the same that rebelled against him. There be that writ, that Godfrey and Aulafe the sons of Sithrike succeeding their father in the government of Northumberland, by practising to move war against king Adelstane, occasioned him to invade their country, and to chase them out of the same, so that Aulafe fled into Ireland, & Godfrey into Scotland: 
H. Hunt.  but other writ, that Godfrey was the father of Reignold which won York, after that Sithrike had slain his brother Nigellus, as before is mentioned.  
¶ The Scotish chronicles vary in report of these matters from the English writers: 
Hect. Boetius. The Scotish writers vary from our English authors. Beatrice daughter to K. Edward as the Scotish writers say. Edwin was not brother to K. Edward but son to him.  whose chronicles affirm, that in the life time of king Edward, his daughter Beatrice was given in marriage to Sithrike, the governor of the Danes in Northumberland, with condition that if any male were procreated in that marriage, the same should inherit the dominions of king Edward after his decease. King Edward had a brother (as they say) named Edwin, a jolly gentleman, and of great estimation amongst the Englishmen. He by Sithrikes procurement was sent into Flanders in a ship that leaked, and so was drowned, to the great rejoicing of all the Danes, least if he had survived his brother, he would have made some business for the crown.  
About the same time Adelstane a base son of K. Edward fled the realm, 
Adelstane flieth the realm.  for doubt to be made away by some like traitorous practice of the Danes. Shortly after, king Edward understanding that Sithrike went about some mischief toward him, persuaded his daughter to poison her husband the said Sithrike. Then Aulafe or Aualassus, and Godfrey the sons of Sithrike, finding out by diligent examination, that Beatrice was of counsel in poisoning her husband, they caused her to be apprehended and put to death on this wife. 
Beatrice put to death by his stepsons.  She was set naked upon a smiths cold anvil or stithy, and there with hard roasted eggs being taken out of the hot embers were put under her armpits, and her arms fast bound to her body with a cord, and so in that state she remained till her life passed from her. King Edward in revenge of his daughter's death moved war against the two brethren, Aulafe and Godfrey, and in battle finally vanquished them, but was slain in the same battle himself.  
Thus have the Scotish chronicles recorded of these matters, as an induction to the wars which followed betwixt the Scots and Danes as confederates against king Adelstane: but the truth thereof we leave to the readers own judgement. For in our English writers we find no such matter, but that a daughter of king Edward named Edgitha or Editha, after her father's decease was by her brother king Adelstane, about the first year of his reign, given in marriage (as before ye have heard) unto the foresaid Sithrike king of Northumberland, that was descended of the Danish blood, who for the love of the young lady, renounced his heathenish religion and became a christian; but shortly after, forsaking both his wife and the christian faith, he set up again the worshipping of idols, and within a while after, as an apostata miserably ended his life. Whereupon the young lady, 
Editha a virgin.  her virginity being preserved, and her body undefiled (as they writ) passed the residue of her days at Polle swoorth in Warwikeshire, spending her time (as the same writers affirm) in fasting, watching, praying, and doing of almesdéedes, and so at length departed out of this world. Thus our writers differ from the Scotish history, both in name and manner of end as concerning the daughter of king Edward that was coupled in marriage with Sithrike.   

Adelstane subdueth Constantine king of Scots, howel king of Wales, and Wulferth king of North-wales, the Scots possess a great part of the north countries, Adelstane conquereth the Scots for aiding Godfrey his enemy; a miracle declaring that the Scots ought to obey the king of England; king Adelstane banisheth his brother Edwin, he is for a conspiracy drowned in the sea, Adelstane repenteth him of his rigour (in respect of that misfortune) against his brother; Aulafe sometimes king of Northumberland invadeth England, he disguiseth himself like a minstrel and surueieth the English camp unsuspected, he is discovered after his departure, he assaileth the English camp, Adelstane being comforted with a miracle discomfiteth his enemies, he maketh them of North-wales his tributaries, he subdueth the Cornishmen, his death; the description of his person, his virtues, of what abbeys & monasteries he was founder, his estimation in foreign realms, what precious presents were sent him from other princes, and how he bestowed them; a remembrance of Guy the earl of Warwick. The xx. Chapter.  
AFter that king Adelstane had subdued them of Northumberland, he was advertised, that not only Constantine king of Scots, but also Huduale or howel K. of Wales went about a privy conspiracy against him. Hereupon with all convenient speed assembling his power, 
Wil Malm.  he went against them, and with like good fortune subdued them both, and also Uimer or Wulferth R. of North-wales, so that they were constrained to submit themselves unto him, who shortly after moved with pity in considering their sudden fall, restored them all three to their former estates, but so as they should acknowledge themselves to govern under him, 
Matth. West. The noble saying of king Ade●stane.  pronouncing withal this notable saying, that More honourable it was to make a king, than to be a king.  
Ye must understand, 
926  that (as it appeareth in the Scotish chronicles) the Scotishmen in time of wars that the Danes gave the English nation, got a part of Cumberland and other the north countries into their possession, and so by reason of their near adjoining unto the confines of the English kings, there chanced occasions of war betwixt them, as well in the days of king Edward, as of this Adelstane his son, although in deed the Danes held the more part of the north countries, till that this Adelstane conquered the same out of their hands, and joined it unto other of his dominions, constreining as well the Danes (of whom the more part of the inhabitants then consisted) as also the Englishmen, to obey him as their king and governor. Godfrey (as is said) being fled to the Scots, 
Polydoc.  did so much prevail there by earnest suit made to king Constantine, that he got a power of men, and entering with the same into Northumberland, besieged the city of Duresme, soliciting the citizens to receive him, which they would gladly have done, if they had not perceived how he was not of power able to resist the puissance of king Adelstane: and therefore doubting to be punished for their offences if they revolted, they kept the enemies out. 
934  King Adelstane being sore moved against the king of Scots, that thus aided his enemies, raised an army, and went northward, purposing to revenge that injury.  
At his coming into Yorkshire, 
Ran. Higd.  he turned out of the way, to visit the place where saint john of Beverlie was buried, and there offered his knife, promising that if he returned with victory, he would redeem the same with a worthy price: and so proceeded and went forwards on his journey, and entering Scotland, 
Sim. Dun.  wasted the country by land unto Dunfoader and Wertermore, and his navy by sea destroyed the coasts alongst the shore, even to Catnosse, and so he brought the king of Scots and other his enemies to subjection at his pleasure, 
The Scots subdued.  constreining the same K. of Scots to deliver him his son in hostage.  
It is said, that being in his journey near unto the town of Dunbar, he prayed unto God, that at the instance of saint john of Beverlie, 
A token showed iniraculo●ske that the Scots ought to be subject to the kings of England.  it would please him to grant, that he might show some open token, whereby it should appear to all them that then lived, and should he 〈◊〉 succeed, that the Scots ought to 〈◊〉 subject unto the kings of England. Herewith, the king with his sword s●ote upon a great stone standing near to the castle of Dunbar, and with the stroke, there appeared a cleft in the sane stone to the length of 〈◊〉, which remained to be showed as a 〈◊〉 back to 〈◊〉, he redeemedes es year after. At his 〈…〉 his knife with a large price, as before he had promised.  
After this was Edwin the king's brother a coused of some conspiracy by him begi●● against the king, whereupon he was banished the land, and sent out in an old rotten vessel without rower or mariner, only accompanied with one esquire, 
Wil Malm. Matt. West.  so that beingstanding near to the castle of Dunbar, and with the launched forth from the shore, 
934.  through despair Edwin leapt into the sea, and drowned himself, but the esquire that was with him recovered his body, and brought it to land at Withsand besides Canturburie. But james Maier in the annals of Flanders saith, that he was drowned by fortune of the seas in a small vessel, and being cast up into a creek on the coast of Picardy, was found by Adolfe earl of Bullongne that was his cousin german, and honourably buried by the same Adolfe in the church of Bertine. In consideration of which deed of piety and duty of mindful consanguinity, the king of England both heartily thanked earl Adolfe, and bestowed great gifts upon the church where his brother was thus buried. For verily king Adelstane after his displeasure was assuaged, 
Repentance too late.  and hearing of this miserable end of his brother, sore repent himself of his rigour so extended towards him, in so much that he could never abide the man that had given the information against him, which was his cupbearer, so that on a time as the said cupbearer served him at the table, and came towards him with a cup of wine, one of his feet chanced to slide, but he recovered himself with the help of the other foot, saying, One brother yet hath helped & succoured the other: which words cost him his life. For the king remembering that by his accusation he had lost his brother that might have been an aid to him, caused this said cupbearer to be strait put to death.  
In this mean while, 
Wil Malm.  Aulafe the son of Sitherike, had given the information against him, which was late king of Northumberland (who is also named by writers to be king of the Irishmen, and of many islands) assembled a great power of Danes, Irishmen, Scots, and other people of the out Isles, and embarked them in 615 ships and craiers, with the which he arrived in the mouth of Humber, and there coming on land, began to invade the country. 
937  This Aulafe had married the daughter of Constantine king of Scots, 
Simon Dun.  by whose procurement, notwithstanding his late submission, Aulafe took in hand this journey. King Adelstane advertised of his enemies arrival, gathered his people, and with all convenient speed hasted towards them, and approaching nearer unto them, pitched down his field at a place called by son Brimesburie, by others Brimesford, and also Brunaubright, 
Hen. Hunc.  and by the Scotish writers Browmingfield. 
Wil Malm.   
When knowledge hereof was had in the enemies camp, 
Matth. West.  Aulafe enterprised a marvelous exploit, for taking with him an harp, 
Hector Boet.  he came into the Englishhis late submission, 
Ran. Higd.  Aulafe took in camp, 
Aulafe disguised, cometh to view the English camp  offering himself disguised as a minstrel, to show some part of his cunning in music upon his instrument: and so being suffered to pass from tent to tent, and admitted also to play afore the king, surveyed the whole state and order of the army. This done, he returned, meaning by a cammisado to set upon the king's tent. But one that had served as a soldier sometime under Aulafe, chanced by marking his demeanour to know him, and after he was gone, uttered to the king what he knew. The king seemed to be displeased, in that he had not told him so much before Aulafs departure: but in excusing himself, the soldier said: Ye must remember (if it like your grace) that the same faith which I have given unto you, I sometime ought unto Aulafe, therefore if I should have betrayed him now, you might well stand in doubt lest I should hereafter do the like to you: but if you will follow mine advise, remove your tent, least happily he assail you unwares. The king did so, and as it chanced in thegone, uttered to the king what he knew. The king night following, 
Aulafe assaileth the English camp.  Aulafe came to assail the English camp, and by fortune coming to the place where the king's tent stood before, he found a bishop lodged, which with his company was come the same day to the army, and had pitched up his tent in that place from whence the king was removed: and so was the same bishop, and most part of his men there slain. which slaughter executed, Aulafe passed forward, and came to the king's tent, who in this meanegone, uttered to the king what he knew. The king time, by reason of the alarm raised, was got up, and taking to him his sword in that sudden fright, by chance it fell out of the scabbard, so that he could not find it, but calling to God and S. Aldelme (as saith Polychron.) his sword was restored to the scabbard again. 
Ran. Higd.  The king comforted with that miracle, boldly pressed forth upon his enemies, and so valiantly resisted them, that in the end he put them to flight, and chased them all that morning and day following, 
Wil Malm. The enemies discomfited.  so that he slew of them an huge number. Some have written, that Constantine king of Scots was slain at this overthrow, and five other small kings or rulers, with 12 dukes, and wellnear all the army of those strange nations which Aulafe had gathered together. But the Scotish chronicles affirm, that Constantine was not there himself, but sent his son Malcolme, which yet escaped sore hurt and wounded from the battle, as in the same chronicles ye may see more at large.  
When K. Adelstane had thus vanquished his enemies 
Ran. Higd.  he went against them of North-wales, whose rulers and princes he caused to come before him at Hereford, and there handled them in such sort, that they covenanted to pay him yeerlie in am of a tribute 20 pounds of gold, 
Tribute.  300 pounds of silver, and 25 head of neat, with hawks and hounds a certain number. After this, he subdued the Cornishmen: and whereas till those days they inhabited the city of Excester, mingled amongst the Englishmen, so that the one nation was as strong within that city as the other, 
The Cornish men subdued.  he rid them quite out of the same, and repaired the walls, and fortified them with ditches and turrets as the manner than was, 
Excester repaired.  and so removed the Cornish men further into the west parts of the country, that he made Tamer water to be the confines between the Englishmen and them. 
940  Finally the noble prince king Adelstane departed out of this world, 
Simon Dun. The decease of king Adelstane.  the 26 day of October, after he had reigned the term of 16 years. His body was buried atmingled amongst the Englishmen, so that the one Malmesburie.  
He was of such a stature, 
The description of king Adelstane.  as exceeded not the common sort of men, stooping somewhat, and yellow haired, for his valiancy joined with courtesy beloved of all men, yet sharp against rebels, and of invincible constancy: his great devotion toward the church appeared in the building, adorning & indowing of monasteries and abbeys. He built one at Wilton within the diocese of Salisbury, and an other at Michelnie in Summersetshire. But besides these foundations, there were few famous monasteries within this land, but that he adorned the same either with some new piece of building, jewels, books, or portion of lands. He had in exceeding favour Wolstan archbishop of York 
Wolstan archbishop of York.  that lived in his days, for whose sake he greatly enriched that bishopric. His fame spread over all the parties of Europe, 
His estimation in foreign realms.  so that sundry princes thought themselves happy if they might have his friendship, either by affinity or otherwise: by means whereof, he bestowed his sisters so highly in marriage as before ye have heard. He received many noble and rich presents from divers princes, as from Hugh king of France, horses and sundry rich jewels, with certain relics: as Constantine's sword, in the hilt whereof was set one of the nails wherewith Christ was fastened to the cross, the spear of Charles the great, which was thought to be the same where with the side of our saviour was pierced, the banner of saint Maurice, with a part of the holy cross, andaffinitie or otherwise: by means whereof, he bestowed likewise a part of the thorned crown: yet Mandevile saw the one half of this crown in France, and the other at Constantinople, almost 400 years after this time, as he writeth. Of these jewels king Adelstane gave part to the abbey of saint Swithon at Winchester, and part to the abbey of Malmesburie. Moreover, the king of Norway sent unto him a goodly ship of fine workmanship, with gilt stern and purple sails, furnished round about the deck within with a row of gilt pavises. ¶ In the days of this Adelstane reigned that right worthy Guy earl of Warwick, 
Harding.  who (as some writers have recorded) fought with a mighty giant of the Danes in a singular combat, and vanquished him.   

Edmund succeed Adelstane in the kingdom, the Danes of Northumberland rebel against him, a peace concluded between Aulafe their king and king Edmund upon conditions, Aulafe dieth, another of that name succeedethwithin with a row of gilt pavises. ¶ In the days him; king Edmund subdueth the Danes, and compelleth them to receive the christian faith, Reinold and Aulafe are baptized, they violate their fealty vowed to king Edmund, they are put to perpetual exile; why king Edmund wasted all Northumberland, caused the eyes of king Dunmails sons to be put out, and assigned the said country to Malcolme king of Scots; the Scotish chroniclers error in perverting the time & order of the English kings, king Edmund's laws, by what misfortune he came to his end, how his death was foreshowed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale of the virtue of the cross, Dunstane reproveth duke Elstane, his dream, and how the interpretation thereof came to pass. The xxj. Chapter.  
AFter that Adelstane was departed this life, 
Edmund.  without leaving issue behind to succeed him in the kingdom, his brother Edmund, sonnedeath was foreshowed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale of Edward the elder, borne of his last wife Edgive, took upon him the government of this land, 
Wil Malm.  and began his reign in the year of our Lord 940, 
940.  which was in the fift year of the emperor Otho the 1, in the 13 of jews surnamed Transmarinus king of France; and about the 38 year of Constantine the third king of Scotland. 
Simon Dun.  The Danes of Northumberland rebelled against this Edmund, and ordained Aulafe to be their king, whom they haddeath was foreshowed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale called out of Ireland. Some writ that this Aulafe, which now in the beginning of Edmund's reign came into Northumberland, was king of Norway. & having a great power of men with him, marched forth towards the south parts of this land, in purpose to subdue the whole: but king Edmund raised a mighty army, and encountered with his enemies at Leicester. Howbeit, yer the matter came to the uttermost trial of battle, through the ear●est suit of the archbishop of Canturburie and York Odo and Wolstan, a peace was concluded; 
A peace concluded.  so as Edmund should enjoy all that part of the land. which lieth from Watling street southward, & Aulafe should enjoy the other part as it lieth from the same street northward. Then Aulafe took to wife the 〈◊〉 Alditha, daughter to earl Ormus, by who●e counsel and assistance he had thus obtained the upper hand. But this Aulafe in the year following, after he had destroyed the church of saint Balter, 
941  and burned Tinningham, departed this life. 
Matth. West. Aulafe deceasseth.  Then the other Aulafeof the archbishop of Canturburie and York Odo that was son to king Sithrike, 
Another Aulafe taketh upon him to rule.  took upon him to govern the Northumber's.  
After this, in the year 942, king Edmund assembling an army, 
942  first subdued those Danes which had got into their possession the cities and towns of Lincoln, Leicester, Darhie, Stafford, and Nottingham, constreining them to receive the christian faith, and reduced all the countries even unto Humber under his subjection. This done, Aulafe and Reinold the son of Garmo, who (as you have heard) subdued York, 
G●rmo or Godfrey. Will. Malm.  as a mean the sooner to obtain peace, offered to become christians, & to submit themselves unto him: whereupon he received them to his peace. There be that writ, that this Aulafe is not that Aulafe which was son to king Sithrike, but rather that the other was he with whom king Edmund made partition of the realm: but they agree, that this second Aulafe was a Dane also, & being converted to the faith as well throughunder his subjection. This done, Aulafe and constraint of the king's puissance, as through the preaching of the gospel, was baptized, king Edmund being godfather both unto him, and unto the foresaid Reinold, 
944  to Aulafe at the very fontstone, and to Reinold at his confirmation at the bishop's hands. 
Simon. Dun.  Nevertheless, their wicked natures could not rest in quiet, so that they broke both promise to God, and to their prince, and were therefore in the year next following driven both out of the country, and punished by perpetual exile. And so king Edmund adjoined Northumberland, without admitting any other immediate governor, unto his own estate.  
Moreover, 
Leolin king of Southwales aided king Edmund in this enterprise.  he wasted and spoiled whole Cumberland, because he could not reduce the people of that country unto due obeisance, and conformable subjection. The two sons of Dunmaile king of that province he apprehended, and caused their eyes to be put out. 
946  Herewith upon consideration either of such aid as he had received of the Scots at that time, or some other friendly respect, he assigned the said country of Cumberland unto Malcolme king of Scots, to hold the same by fealty of him and his successors. The Scotish chronicles, perverting the time and order of the acts and doings of the English kings which reigned about this season, affirm, that by covenants of peace concluded betwixt Malcolme king of Scotland, and Adelstan king of England, it was agreed, that Cumberland should remain to the Scots: as in their chronicles you may find atsuch aid as he had received of the Scots at that full expressed. And again, that Indulfe, who succeeded Malcolme in the kingdom of Scotland, aided king Edmund against Aulafe, whom the same chronicles name Aualassus, but the time which they attribute unto the reigns of their kings, will not allow the same to stand. For by account of their writers, king Malcolme began not his reign till after the decease of king Adelstan, who departed this life in the year 940. And Malcolme succeeded Constantine the third in the year 944, which was about the third year of king Edmund's reign, and after Malcolme (that reigned 15 years) succeeded Indulfe in the year 959. The like discordance precedeth and followeth in their writers, as to the diligent reader, in conferring their chronicles with ours, manifestly appeareth. We therefore (to satisfy the desirous to understand and see the diversity of writers) have for the more part in their chronicles left the same as we found it.  
But now to the other doings of king Edmund: the third in the year 944, which was about it is recorded, that he ordained divers good and wholesome laws, very profitable and necessary for the commonwealth, 
Polydor. The laws of king Edmund.  which laws with divers other of like antiquity are forgot and blotted out by rust of time, the consumer of things worthy of long remembrance (as saith Polydore:) but sithence his time they have been recovered for the more part, & by master William Lambert turned into Latin, & were imprinted by john Day, in the year 1568, as before I have said. Finally, this prince king Edmund, 
Five years and 7 months hath Si. Dun.  after he had reigned six years and a half, he came to his end by great miisfortune. For (as some say) it chanced, that espying where one of his servants was in danger to be slain amongst his enemies that were about him with drawn swords, as he stepped in to have helped his servant, he was slain at a place called Pulcher church, or (as other have) Michelsbourgh.  
Other say, 
Pridecire saith Si. Dun. Will. Malm. Matth. West.  that keeping a great feast at the aforesaid place on the day of saint Augustine the Englishas before I have said. 
946  Finally, this prince king apostle (which is the 26 of May, and as that year came about, it fell on the tuesday) as he was set at the table, he espied where a common robber was placed near unto him, whom sometime he had banished the land, and now being returned without licence, he presumed to come into the king's presence, wherewith the king was so moved with high disdain, that he suddenly arose from the table, and flew upon the thief, and catching him by the hear of the head, threw him under his feet, wherewithas before I have said. Finally, this prince king the thief, having fast hold on the king, brought him down upon him also, and with his knife struck him into the belly, in such wise, that the king's bowels fell out of his chest, and there presently died. The thief was hewn in pieces by the king's servants, but yet he slew and hurt divers before they could dispatch him. This chance was lamentable, namely to the English people, which by the overtimelie death of their king, in whom appeared many evident tokens of great excellency, lost the hope which they had conceived of great wealth to increase by his prudent and most princely government. His body was buried at Glastenburie where Dunstane was then abbot.  
There be that writ, that the death of king Edmund was signified aforehand to Dunstane, who about the same time attending upon the same king, as he removed from one place to an other, 
Capgrave.  chanced to accompany himself with a noble man, 
A vain tale.  one duke Elstane, and as they road together, behold suddenlietokens of great excellency, lost the hope which they Dunstane saw in the way before him, where the king's musicians road, the devil running and leaping amongst the same musicians after a rejoicing manner, whom after he had beheld a good while, he said to the duke; Is it possible that you may see that which I see? The duke answered that he saw nothing otherwise than he ought to see. Then said Dunstane, Bless your eyes with the sign of the cross, 
Crossing bringeth sight of the devils, and crossing driveth them away.  and try whether you can see that I see. And when he had done as Dunstane appointed him, he saw also the fiend in likeness of a little short evil favoured Aethiopian dancing and leaping, whereby they gathered that some evil hap was towards some of the company: but when they had crossed and blessed them, the foul spirit vanished out of their sight.  
Now after they had talked of this vision, 
Dunstane an interpreter of dreams.  and made an end of their talk touching the same, the duke required of Dunstane to interpret a dream which he had of late in sleep, and that was this: He thought that he saw in a vision the king with all his nobls sitas Dunstane appointed him, he saw also the fiend in in his dining chamber at meat, and as they were there making merry together, the king chanced to fall into a dead sleep, and all the noble men, and those of his council that were about him were changed into robucks and goats. Dunstane quickly declared that this dream signified the king's death, and the changing of the nobles into dumb and insensible beasts betokened that the princes & governors of the realm should decline from the way of truth, 
Dunstan seeth the devil often, but now he was become a water at the table when Dunstane sat with the king.  and wander as foolish beasts without a guide to rule them. Also the night after this talk when the king was set at supper, Dunstane saw the same spirit, or some other, walk up and down amongst them that waited at the table, and within three days after, the king was slain, as before ye have heard.   

Edred succeedeth his brother Edmund in the realm of England, the Northumber's rebel against him, they and the Scots swear to be his true subjects, they break their oath and join with Aulafe the Dane, who returneth into Northumberland, and is made king thereof, the people expel him and erect Hericius in his room, king Edred taketh revenge on the Northumber's for their disloyalty, the rearward of his army is assaulted by an host of his enemies issuing out of York, the Northumber's submit themselves, and put away Hericius their king. Wolstane archbishop of York punished for his disloyalty, whereto Edred applied himself afterin the realm of England, the Northumber's the appeasing of civil tumults, his death and burial, a special sign of Edreds' love to Dunstane abbot of Glastenburie, his practice of cozenage touching king Edreds' treasure. The xxij. Chapter.  
EDred 
Edred.  the brother of Edmund, and son to Edward the elder and to Edgive his last wife, began his reign over the realm of England in the year of our Lord 946, 
946  or (as other say) 997, which was in the twelve year of the emperor Otho the first, and in the 21 year of the reign of jews K. of France, & about the third or fourth year of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was crowned and anointed the 16 day of August by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie at Kingston upon Thames. In the first year oflast wife, 
Edred.  began his reign over his reign, 
Hen. Hunt. The Northumber's rebel and are subdued.  the Northumber's rebelled against him, whereupon he raised an army, invaded their country, and subdued them by force. This done, he went forward into Scotland: but the Scots without showing any resistance submitted themselves unto him, and so both Scots and Northumber's received an oath to be true unto him, which they observed but a small while, for he was no sooner returned into the south parts, but that Aulafe which had been chased out of the country by king Edmund, as before ye have heard, returned into Northumberland 
Aulafe returned into Northumberland.  with a great navy of ships, and was joyfully received of the inhabitants, and restored again to the kingdom, which he held by the space of four years, and then by the accustomed disloyalty of the Northumber's he was by them expelled, and then they set up one Hirke or Hericius the son of one Harrold to reign over them, 
Hirke or Hericius.  who held not the estate any long time. For in the third year of his reign, Edred in the revenge of such disloyal dealings in the Northumber's, 
Wil Malm. The disloyalty of the Northumber's punished.  out of the country by king Edmund, 
Aulafe returned into Northumberland.  as before ye destroyed the country with fire & sword, slaying the most part of the inhabitants. He burned the abbeie of Rippon, which was kept against him.  
As he was returning homeward, an host of enemies broke out of York, 
Ran. Higd. Simon Dun.  and setting upon the rearward of the king's army at a place called Easterford, 
Easterford.  made great slaughter of the same. Wherefore the king in his rage meant to have begun a new spoil and destruction, but the Northumber's humbled themselves so unto him, that putting awaieout of the country by king Edmund, 
Aulafe returned into Northumberland.  as before ye their foresaid king Hirke or Hericius, and offering great rewards and gifts to buy their peace, they obtained pardon. But because that Wolstane the archbishop of York was of counsel with his countrymen in revolting from king Edred, and advancing of Hericius, king Edred took him and kept him in prison a long time after, but at length in respect of the reverence which he bore to his calling, 
The archbishop of York imprisoned. Matth. West.  he set him at liberty, and pardoned him his offence. Matth. Westm. reciteth an other cause of Wolstans' imprisonment, as thus. In the year of Grace, saith he, 951, 
951.  king Edred put the archbishop of York in close prison, because of often complaints exhibited against him, as he which had commanded many townsmen of Theadford to be put to death, in revenge of the abbot Aldelme by them unjustly slain and murdered.  
After this, when Edred had appeased all civil tumults and dissensions within his land, 
Wil Malm.  he applied himself to the advancing of religion, wholly followingWestm. reciteth an other cause of Wolstans' imprisonment, the mind of Dunstane, by whose exhortation he suffered patiently many torments of the body, and exercised himself in prayer and other devout studies. This Edred in his latter days being greatly addicted to devotion & religious priests, at the request of his mother Edgiva, restored the abbeie of Abington which was built first by king Inas, but in these days sore decayed and fallen into ruin. Finally, after he had reigned nine years and a half, he departed this life 
Edredus departeth this life.  to the great grievance of men, and rejoicing of angels (as it is written) and was buried at Winchester in the cathedral church there. ¶ Hear is to be noted, that the foresaid Edred, when he came first to the crown, upon a singular and most especial favour which he bore towards Dunstane the abbot of Glastenburie, 
Dunstane in favour.  committed unto him the chiefest part of all his treasure, as charters of lands with other monuments, and such ancient princely jewels as belonged to the former kings, with other such as he got of his own, willing him to lay the same inthis life to the great grievance of men, and rejoicing safe keeping within his monastery of Glastenburie.  
Afterward, when king Edred perceived himself to be in danger of death by force of that sickness, which in deed made an end of his life, he sent into all parties to such as had any of his treasure in keeping, to bring the same unto him with all speed, that he might dispose thereof before his departure out of this life, as he should see cause. Dunstane took such things as he had under his hands, & hasted forward to deliver the same unto the king, and to visit him in that time of his sickness according to his duty: but as he was upon the way, 
But was not this a devise thereby to detain the treasure? for I do not read that he delivered it out of his hands.  a voice spoke to him from heaven, 
An angel, or as some thinks a worse creature.  saying; Behold king Edred is now departed in peace. At the hearing of this voice, the horse whereon Dunstane road fell down and died, being not able to abide the presence of the angel that thus spoke to Dunstane. And when he came to the court, he understood that the king died the same hour in which it was told him by the angel, as before ye have heard.   

Edwin succeed Edred in the kingdom of England, his beastly and incestuous carnality with a kinswoman of his on the very day of his coronation, he is reproved of Dunstane and giveth over the gentlewoman's company, Dunstane is banished for rebuking king Edwin for his unlawful lust and lewd life, the devil rejoiced at his exile, what revenging mischiefs the king did for displeasure sake against the said Dunstane in exile, the middle part of England rebellethye have heard. against king Edwin, and erecteth his brother Edgar in royal room over them, he taketh thought and dieth; Edgar succeed him, he is a favourer of monks, his provision for defence of his realm, his policy and discretion in government, what kings he bound by oath to be true unto him, eight princes row his barge in sign of submission, the vicious inconveniences that grew among the Englishmen upon his favouring of the Danes, a restraint of excessive quaffing; Dunstane is made bishop of Worcester and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester; justice in Edgar's time severely executed, theft punished with death, a tribute of wolves skins paid him out of Wales, and the benefit of that tribute. The twenty-three. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of Edred, his nephew Edwin 
Edwin.  the eldest son of king Edmund was made king of England, and began his reign over the same in the year of our Lord 955, 
955  & in the 20 year of the emperor Otho the first, in theiustice in Edgar's time severely executed, 28 and last year of the reign of jews king of France, and about the twelve year of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was consecrated at Kingston upon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie. On the very day of his coronation, as the lords were set in council about weighty matters touching the government of the realm, he rose from the place, got him into a chamber with one of his near kinswomen, and there had to do with her, 
Will. Malmes. Polydor.  without any respect or regard had to his royal estate and princely dignity. Dunstane lately before named abbot of Glastenburie, did not only without fear of displeasure reprove the K. for such shameful abusing of his body, but also caused the archbishop of Canturburie to constrain him to forsake that woman whom unlawfully he kept.  
There be that writ, 
john Cap. grave.  that there were two women, both mother and daughter, whom king Edward kept as concubines: for the mother being of noble parentage, sought to satisfy the king's lust, in hopeto do with her, 
Will. Malmes. Polydor.  without any respect or regard had to that either he would take her or her daughter unto wife. And therefore perceiving that Dunstane was sore against such wanton pastime as the king used in their company, 
Dunstane banished the realm.  she so wrought, that Dunstane was through her earnest travel banished the land. This is also reported, that when he should departed the realm, the devil was heard in the west end of the church, taking up a great laughter after his roaring manner, as though he should show himself gled and joyful at Dunstanes going into exile. But Dunstane perceivingto do with her, 
Will. Malmes. Polydor.  without any respect or regard had to his behaviour, 
Dunstane seeth not the devil.  spoke to him, and said: Well thou adversary, do not so greatly rejoice at the matter for thou doest not now so much rejoice at my departure, but by God's grace thou shalt be as sorrowful for my return.  
Thus was Dunstane banished by king Edwine, so that he was compelled to pass over into Flanders, 
Dunstane departed into exile.  where he remained for a time within a monastery at Gant, finding much friendship at the hands of the governor of that country. Also the more to wreak his wrath, 
Wil Malm. Edwine displaceth monks and putteth secular priests in their rooms.  the king spoilt many religious houses of their goods, 
Rebellion raised against king Edwine Simon Dun.  and drove out the monks, placing secular priests in their rooms, as namely at Malmesburie, where yet the house was not impaired, but rather enriched in lands and ornaments by the king's liberality, and the industrious means of the same priests, which took up the bones of saint Aldelme, and put the same into a shrine. At length the inhabitants of the middle part of England, even from Humber to Thames rebelled against him, andof the governor of that country. Also the more to elected his brother Edgar to have the government over them, wherewith king Edwine took such grief, for that he saw no mean at hand how to remedy the matter, 
Edwin departeth this life.  that shortly after, when he had reigned somewhat more than four years, he died, and his body was buried at Winchester in the new abbeie. EDgar 
Edgar.  the second son of Edmund late king of England, after the decease of his elder brother the foresaid Edwine, began his reign over this realm of England in the year of our Lord God 959, 
959  in the 22 year of the emperor Otho the first, in the fourth year of the reign of Lotharius king of France, 510 almost ended after the coming of the Saxons, 124 after the arrival of the Danes, and in the last year of Malcolme king of Scotland. He was crowned & 
Polydor.  consecrated at Bath, or (as some say) at Kingston upon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Tanturburie, being as than not past 16 years of age, when he was thus admitted king. He was no less endued with commendable gifts ofrealme of England in the year of our Lord God mind, 
Edgar a favourer of monks.  than with strength and force of body. He was a great favourer of monks, and specially had Dunstane in high estimation. Above all things in this world he regarded peace, and studied daily how to preserve the same, to the commodity & advancement of his subjects.  
When he had established things in good quiet, and set an order in matters as seemed to him best for the peaceable government of his people, he prepared a great navy of ships, 
The diligent provision of K. Edgar for defence of the realm.  and dividing them in three parts, he appointed every part to a quarter of the realm, to waste about the coast, that no foreign enemy should approach the land, but that they might be encountered and put back, before they could take land. And every year after Easter, he used to give order, that his ships should assemble together in their due places: and then would he with the east navy sail to the west parts of his realm, and sending those ships back, he would with the west navy sail into the north parts; and with the north navy come back again into the east. This custom he used, that he might fcowre the seas of all pirates & thieves. In the winter season and spring time, he would ride through the provinces of his realm, searching out how the judges and great lords demeaned themselves in the administration of justice, sharply punishing those that were found guilty of extortion, or had done otherwise in any point than duty required. In all things he used such politic discretion, 
Wil Malm.  that neither was he put in danger by treason of his subjects, into the north parts; and with the north navy come nor molested by foreign enemies.  
He caused diverse kings to bind themselves by oath to be true and faithful unto him, as Kinadius or rather Induf king of Scotland, 
Mascutius.  Malcolme king of Cumberland, Mascutius an archpirat, or (as we may call him) a master rover, 
Kings of Welshmen.  and also all the kings of the Welshmen, as Duffnall, Girffith, Huvall, jacob, and judithill, all which came to his court, and by their solemn oaths received, swore to be at his commandment. And for the more manifest testimony thereof, he having them with him at Chester, caused them to enter into a barge upon the water of Dée, 
King Edgar roweth on the water of Dée.  and placing himself in the forepart of the barge, at the helm, he caused those eight high princes to row the barge up and down the water, showing thereby his princely prerogative and royal magnificence, in that he might use the service of so many kings that were his subjects. And there upon he said (as hath him reported) that then might his successors account themselves kings of England, when they injoyedand for the more manifest testimony thereof, such prerogative of high and supreme honour.  
The fame of this noble prince was spread over all, as well on this side the sea as beyond, insomuch that great resort of strangers chanced in his days, which came ever into this land to serve him, and to see the state of his court, as Saxons and other, yea and also Danes, 
Ran. Higd. King Edgar favoureth Danes.  which became very familiar with him. He favoured in deed the Danes (as hath been said) more than stood with the commodity of his subjects, for scarce was any street in England, but Danes had their dwelling in the same among the Englishmen, whereby came great harm: 
English learned to quaff of the Danes.  for whereas the Danes by nature were great drinkers, the Englishmen by continual conversation with them learned the same vice. 
Wil Malm.  King Edgar to reform in part such excessive quaffing as then began to grow in use, caused by the procurement of Dunstane, nails to be set incups of a certain measure, marked for the purpose, that none should drink more than was assigned by such measured cups. 
Englishmen learn other vices of strangers.  Englishmen also learned of the Saxons, scarce was any street in England, but Danes had Flemings, and other strangers, their peculiar kind of vices, as of the Saxons a discordered fierceness of mind, of the Flemings a feeble tenderness of body: where before they rejoiced in their own simplicity, and esteemed not the lewd and unprofitable manners of strangers.  
Dunstance was made bishop of Worcester, and had also the administration of the see of London committed unto him. He was in such favour with thescarse was any street in England, but Danes had king, 
Ethelwold made bishop of Winchester.  that he ruled most things at his pleasure. Ethelwold, which being first a monk of Glastenburie, and after abbot of Abington, was likewise made bishop of Winchester, and might do very much with the king. 
Oswald. Floriacum.  Also Oswald, which had been a monk in the abbeie of Florie in France, and after was made bishop of Worcester, and from thence removed to the see of York, 
Monks' must needs write much in praise of Edgar who had men of their cote in such estimation  was highly in favour with this king, so that by these three prelate's he was most counseled. justice in his days was strictly observed, for although he were courteous and gentle towards his friends, yet was he sharp and hard to offenders, so that no person of what estate or degree soever he was escaped worthy punishment, if he did transgress the laws and ordinances of the realm. There was no privy thief nor common robber that durst lay hands upon other men's goods, but he might look to make amends with loss of his life, if he were known to be guilty. For how might men that did offend, think to escape his hands, which devised ways how to ridIustice in his days was strictly observed, for the country of all wild ravening beasts, that lived upon sucking the blood of others? 
A tribute instituted of woolskins.  For as it is said, he appointed judweall or Ludweall king of Wales to present him with three hundred wolves yéerelie in name of a tribute, but after three years space, there was not a wolf to be found, and so that tribute ceased in the fourth year after it began to be paid.   

The death of Alfred king Edgar's wife (or concubine) causeth him to fall into a fowl offence, an example teaching men to take heed how they put others in trust to woe for them; earl Ethelwold cooseneth the king of his wife, the danger of beholding a woman's beauty with lustful eyes; king Edgar killeth earl Ethelwold to marry fair Alfred his wife; the bloody and unnatural speech of Ethelwolds base son; examples of king Edgar's great incontinency and lewd life; Dunstane putteth the king of penance for his unchastity, the Welshmen rebel against him and are corrected, king Edgar's vision before his death, of what religious (or concubine) causeth him to fall into a buildings he was founder, his example a spur to others to do the like, monks esteemed and secular priests little regarded, king Edgar's deformed reformation, his vices, stature, and bodily qualities, he offereth to fight hand to hand with Kinadius king of Scots upon occasion of words evil taken, Kinadius submitteth himself and is pardoned; his wives and children, the good state of the realm in king Edgar's time, the ampleness of his dominions. The xxiv. Chapter.  
IN this mean time, 
Osborne and Capgrave hold that she was not his wife but a nun. Wil Malm.  Alfred the wife of king Edgar (as some say) or rather (as others writ) his concubine died, of whom he had begot a son named Edward. The death of this woman caused the king to commit an heinous offence. 
●●orger.  For albeit at the same time the same went, that Horgerius duke of Cornwall, or rather Devonshire, had a daughter named Alfred, a damosel of excellent beauty, whom Edgar minding to have in marriage, appointed one of his noble men called earl Ethelwold, to go with all speed into Cornwall or Devonshire, to see if the young lady's beauty answered the report that went of her, and so to break the matter to her father in his behalf: yet Ethelwold being a young ioslie gentleman, took his journey into Cornwall, and coming to the duke, offence. 
●●orger.  For albeit at the same time the same was well received, and had a sight of his daughter, with whose beauty he was straight ravished so far in love, 
Earl Ethelwold deceiveth the king of his wi●e.  that not regarding the king's pleasure, who had sent him thither, he began to purchase the good will of both father and daughter for himself, and did so much that he obtained the same in deed. Hereupon returning to the king, he informed him that the damosel was not of such beauty and comely parsonage, as might he thought worthy to match in marige with his majesty.  
Shortly after perceiving the king's mind by his wrongful misreport to be turned, and nothing bend that way, he began to sue to him that he might with his favour marry the same damosel: which the king granted, as one that cared not for her, because of the credit which he gave to Ethelwolds words. And so by this means Ethelwold obtained Alfred in marriage, which was to his own destruction, as the case fell out. For when the same of her passing beauty did spread over all the realm, now that she was mariedwith his majesty. and came more abroad in sight of the people, the king chanced to hear thereof, and desirous to see her, devised under colour of hunting to come unto the house of Ethelwold, and so did: where he had no sooner set his eye upon her, but he was so far wrapped in the chain of burning concupiscence, that to obtain his purpose, 
King Edgar seeketh the destruction of earl Ethelwold.  he shortly after contrived Ethelwolds death, and married his wife.  
Some say, that the woman kindled the brand of purpose: for when it was known, that the king would see her, Ethelwold willed her in no wise to trim up herself, but rather to disfigure her in fowl garments, and some evil favoured attire, that her native beauty should not appear: but she perceiving how the matter went, of spite set out herself to the uttermost, so that the king upon the first sight of hix, beacame so far enamoured of her beauty, that taking her husband forth with him on hunting into a forest or wood then called Warlewood, 
King Edgar a murderer.  & after Horewood, not showing that he meant him any hurt, till at length he had got him within the thick of the wood, where he suddenly struck him through with his dart. Now as his bastard son came to the place, the king asked him how he liked the manner of hunting, whereto he answered; Very well if it like your grace, for that that liketh you, ought not to displease me. With which answer the king was so pacified, that he endeavoured by pretending his favour towards the son, to extenuat the tyrannical murder of the father. Then did the king marry the countess Alfred, and of her begat two sons, Edmund which died young, and Etheldred or Egelred.  
Besides this cruel act wrought by king Edgar, for the satisfying of his fleshly lust, he also played another part greatly to the stain of his honour, moved also by wanton love, with young damosel named Wilfrid, for after that she had (to avoid the danger of him) either professed herself a nun, or else for colour (as the most part of writers agree) got herself into a nunnery, and clad her in a nuns weed, he took her forth of her cloister, and lay by her sundry times, and begat on her a daughter named Edith, who coming to convenient age, 
His licentious life & incontinency.  was made a nun. A third example of his incontinency is written by authors, and that is this. It chanced on a time that he lodged one night at Andever, and having a mind to a lords daughter there, he commanded that she should be brought to his bed. But the mother of the gentlewoman would not that her daughter should be deflowered: and therefore in the dark of the night broughtinto a nunnery, and clad her in a nuns weed, he took one of her maidservants, and laid her in the king's bed, she being both fair, proper, and pleasant.  
In the morning when the day began to appear, she made haste to arise: and being asked of the king why she so hasted; That I may go to my days work if it please your grace (quoth she.) Herewith she being stayed by the king, as it were against her will, she fell down on her knees, & required of him that she might be made free, in guerdon of her night's work. For (saith she) it is not for your honour, that the woman which hath tasted the pleasure of the king's body should any more suffer servitude under the rule and appointment of a sharp & rough mistress.  
The king then being moved in his spirits, laughed at the matter, though not from the heart, as he that took great indignation at the doings of the duchess, and pitied the case of the poor wench. But yet in fine (turning earnest to a jest) he pardoned all the parties, and advanced the wench to high honour, farreshe might be made free, in guerdon of her nights above those that had rule of her afore, so that she ruled them (willed they nilled they:) for he used her as his paramour, till he married the foresaid Alfred.  
For these youthful parts, & namely for the ravishing of Wilfride (which though she were no nun, yet the offence seemed very heinous, for that he should not once touch any woman shadowed under that habit) he greatly displeased Dunstane, 
Note the deep hypocrisy of Dunstane.  so that by him he was put to his seven years penance, and kept from the crown till the 12 year of his reign or more. 
Ran. Higd. Fabian out of Guido de Colum●●.  For some write that he was not crowned nor anointed king, 
Wil Malm.  till the 30 year of his age, which should be about the 13 or 14 year of his reign by that account, sith he entered into the rule of the kingdom about the 16 year of his age. In deed one author witnesseth, that he was consecrated at Bath on a Whitsunday, the 13 year of his reign, and that by Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie, and Oswold archbishop of York. 
Hen. Hunt. Ranul. Hig.  But some which suppose that he was consecrated king immediately upon the death of Edridus, affirm that he was crowned and anointed king by the archbishop Odo, 
Polydor.  Dunstane as then remaining in exile, from whence he was immediately revoked by Edgar, and first made bishop of Worcester (as hath been said) and after the decease of Odo was advanced to be archbishop of Canturburie. 
Matt. West.  But by some writers it appeareth, 
Simon Dun.  that Dunstane was revoked out of exile immediately upon partition of the realm betwixt Edwin and Edgar, which chanced in the year 957, by the rebellion of thewas consecrated king immediately upon the death people of Mercia, & others (as before ye have heard:) and that in the year following the archbishop Odo died, after whom succeeded Alfin bishop of Winchester, who also died the same year that king Edward deceased, as he went to fetch his pall from Rome, and then Brighthelme bishop of Dorchester was elected archbishop. But because he was not able to discharge so great an office, by K. Edgar's commandment he was forced to give place to Dunstane.  
Toward the latter end of king Edgar's days, 
Fabian. Ran. Higd. The Welshmen rebel and are chastised.  the Welshmen moved some rebellion against him. Whereupon he assembled an army, and entering the country of Glamorgan, did much hurt in the same, chastising the inhabitants very sharply for their rebellious attempts. Amongst other spoils taken in those parties at that time by the men of war, the bell of saint Ellutus was taken away, and hanged about a horses neck, and (as hath been reported) in the after noon, it chanced that king Edgar laid him down to rest, whereupon in sleep there appeared Toward the latter end of king Edgar's days, 
Fabian. Ran. Higd. The welshmen rebel and are chastised.  the one unto him, and smote him on the breast with a spear. By reason of which vision he caused all things that had been taken away to be restored again. But within nine days after the king died. Whether any such thing chanced, or that he had any such vision it forceth not. 
Will. Malmet. Hen. Hunt. King Edgar departeth this life.  But truth it is, that in the 37 year of his age, after he had reigned 16 years and two months he departed this life, the 8 day of julie, and was buried at Glastenburie.  
This Edgar is highly renowned of writers for such princely qualities as appeared in him, but chiefly for that he was so beneficial to the church, namely to monks, the advancement of whom he greatly sought, 
Wherefore Edgar is praised of some writers.  both in building abbeys new from the ground, in repairing those that were decayed: also by enriching them with great revenues, and in converting collegiat churches into monasteries, removing secular priests, and bringing in monks in their places. There passed no one year of his reign, wherein he founded not one abbey or other. The abbeie of This Edgar is highly renowned of writers for Glastenburie which his father had begun he finished. The abbeie of Abington also he accomplished and set in good order. The abbeys of Peterborough & Thorny he established. The nunnery of Wilton he founded and richly endowed, where his daughter Edith● was professed, and at length became abbess there. To be brief, 
Fabian Ran.  he builded (as the chronicles record) to the number of 40 abbeys and monasteries, 
Higd. Hen.  in some of which he placed monks, 
Hunt.  and in some nuns. By his example in those days, other nobles, as also prelate's, This Edgar is highly renowned of writers for & some of the laity, did begin the foundation of sundry abbeys and monasteries: as Adelwold bishop of Winchester builded the abbeie of Elie, and (as some say) Peterborough & 
Wil Malm.  Thorny, though they were established by the king (as before is mentioned.) Also earl Ailewin, at the exhortation of the same bishop Adelwold, 
Hen. Huna.  builded the abbeie of Ramsey, though some attribute the doing thereof unto Oswold the archbishop of York, and some to king Edward the elder.  
To conclude, 
Matt. West. Monks esteemed & secular priests little regarded.  the religious orders of monks and nuns in these days flourished, and the state of secular priests was smallly regarded, insomuch that they were constrained to avoid out of diverse colleges, and to leave the same unto monks, as at Worcester and Winchester, where in the new monastery, because the kings lived not in such sort as was then thought requisite, 
Ran. Higd. lib. 6. cap. 9  the prebends were taken from them and given to vicar's. But when the vicar's were thought to use themselves no better, but ratherEdward the elder. worse than the other before them, they were likewise put out, and monks placed in their rooms by authority of pope john the 13. This reformation, or rather deformation was used by king Edgar in many other places of the realm.  
He was (as appeareth by divers writers) namely in his beginning, cruel against his own people, and wanton in lusting after young women (as you have heard before.) 
Wil Malm. Ran. Higd. Tho. Eliot.  Of stature & proportion of body he was but small and low, but yet nature had enclosed within so little a parsonage such strength, that he durst encounter and combat with him that was thought most strong, 
Edgar small of stature but strong and hardy.  only doubting this, lest he which should have to do with him should stand in fear of him. And as it chanced at a great feast (where oftentimes men use their tongues more liberrallie than needeth) Kenneth the king of Scots 
Kenneth king of Scots.  cast out certain words in this manner: It may (saith he) seem a marvel that so many countries and provinces should be subject to such a little silliehe was but small and low, but yet nature had enclosed body as Edgar is. These words being borne away by a ●ester or minstrel, and afterwards uttered to Edgar with great reproach, he wisely dissembled the matter for a time, although he kept the remembrance thereof enclosed within his breast: and upon occasion, at length feigned to go on hunting, taking the king of Scots forth with him: and having caused one of his servants to convey two swords into a place within the forest by him appointed in secret wise, of purpose he withdrew from the residue of his company, and there accompanied only with the Scotish king, came to the place where the swords were laid; and there taking the one of them, delivered the other to the Scotish king, 
The noble courage of king Edgar.  willing him now to assay his strength, that they might show by proof whether of them ought to be subject to the other; Start not, but try it with me (saith he:) for it is a shame for a king to be full of brags at banquets, and not to be ready to fight when trial should be made abroad. The Scotish king herewith being astonished and marvelously abashed, fell down at his feet, and with much humility confessed his fault, & desired pardon for the same, which upon such his humble submission king Edward easily granted.  
This noble prince had two wives, Egelfrida or Elfrida, surnamed the white, the daughter of a mighty duke named Ordiner, by whom he had issue a son named Edward that succeeded him. His second wife was called Alfreda the daughter of Orgar duke of Devon or Cornwall (as some say) by whom he had issue Edmund that died before his father, and Egelred which afterwards was king. Also he had issue a base daughter named Editha, begotten of his concubine Wilfrid (as before ye have heard.) 
Wil Malm.  The state of the realm in king Edgar's days was in good point, for both the earth gave her increase very plenteously, the elements showed themselves very savourable, according to the course of times: peace was maintained, and no invasion by foreign enemies attempted. For Edgar had not only all the whole isle of Britain in subjection, but also was ruler & sovereign lord over all the kings of the out Isles that lie within the seas about all the coasts of the same Britain even unto the realm of Norway. He brought also a great part of Ireland under his subjection, 
Ireland subject to king Edgar.  with the city of Dublin, as by authentic records it doth and may appear.   

Contention amongst the peers and states about succession to the crown, the monks removed and the canons and secular priests restored by Alfer duke of Mercia and his adherents, a blazing star with the events ensuing the same, the rood of Winchester speaketh, a pretty shift of monks to defeat the priests of their possessions, the controversy between the monks and the priests ended by a miracle of archbishop Dunstane, great hope that Edward would tread his father's steps, the reverent love he bore his stepmother queen Alfred and her son Egelred, her devilish purpose to murder Edward her stepsonne accomplished, his obscure funeral in respect of pomp, but famous by means of miracles wrought by and about his sepulture, queen Alfred repenting her of the said prepensed murder, doth penance, and employeth her substance in good works as satisfactory for her sins, king Edward's body removed, and solemnly buried by Alfer duke of Mercia, who was eaten up with louse for being against the said Edward's advancement to the crown, queen alfred's offence by no means excusable. The xxv. Chapter.  
AFter the decease of king Edgar, 
Edward.  there was some strife and contention amongst the lords & peers of the realm about the succession of the crown: 
Some writ that the father king Edgar appointed Edward to succeed him.  for Alfred the mother of Egelredus or Ethelredus, 
Simon Dun.  and divers other of her opinion, 
john Capg.  would gladly have advanced the same Egelredus to the rule: but the archbishop Dunstan taking in his hands the banner of the crucifix, presented his elder brother Edward unto the lords as they were assembled together, and there pronounced him king, notwithstanding that both queen Alfred and her friends, namely Alfer the duke of Mercia were sore against him, especially for that he was begot in unlawful bed of Elfleda the nun, for which offence he did seven years penance, and not for lying with Wilfrid (as master Fox thinketh.) But Dunstane judging (as is to be thought) that Edward was more fit for their behoof to continue the world in the former course as Edgar had left it, 
After duke of Mercia and other immediately upon Edgar's death before the crown was established, removed the monks and restored the canons. Simon Dun.  than his brother Egelred (whose mother and such as took part with her under her sons authority were likely enough to turn all upside down) used the matter so, that with help of Oswald the archbishop of York, and other bishops, abbots, and certain of the nobility, as the earl of Essex and such like, he prevailed in his purpose, so that (as before is said) the said Edward, being the second of that name which governed this land before the conquest, was admitted king, and began his reign over England in the year of our Lord 975, 
975  in the third year of the emperor Otho the second, in the 20 year of the reign of Lothar king of France, and about the fourth year of Cumelerne king of Scotland. He was consecrated by archb. Dunstane at Kingston upon Thames, to the great grief of his mother in law Alfred and her friends. 
Wil Malm.  ¶ About the beginning of his reign a blazing star was seen, signifying (as was thought) the miserable haps that followed. And first there ensued barrenness of ground, and thereby famine amongst the people, and morraine of cattle.  
Also duke Alfer or Elfer of Mercia, 
Alfer or Elfer duke of Mercia.  and other noble men destroyed the abbeys which king Edgar and bishop Adelwold had builded within the limits of Mercia. The priests or canons, which had been expelled in Edgar's time out of the prebends and benefices, began to complain of the wrongs that were done to them, in that they had been put out of possession from their livings, alleging it to be a great offence and miserable case, that a stranger should come and remove an old inhabitant, for such manner of doing could not please God, not yet be allowed of any good man, which ought of reason to doubt least the same should hap to him which he might see to have been an other man's undoing. About this matter was hard hold, for many of the temporal lords, 
john Cap●  and namely the same Alfer, judged that the priests had wrong. 
Wil Malm.  In so much that they removed the monks out of their places, 
Ran. Higd.  and brought into the monasteries secular priests with their wives. 
Matt. West.  But Edelwin duke of the Eastangles, & Alfred his brother, 
Simon Dun.  with Brightnoth or Brighnode earl of Essex, withstood this doing, & gathering an army, with great valiancy maintained the monks in their houses, within the country of Eastangles. Hereupon were counsels holden, 
Simon Dun.  as at Winchester, at Kirthling in Eastangle, and at Calne.  
At Winchester, 
Polydor.  when the matter was brought to that pass that the priests were like to have had their purpose, an image of the rood that stood there in the refectory where they sat in council, uttered certain words in this wise; God forbidden it should be so, God forbidden it should be so: ye judged well once, but ye may not change well again. 
A pretty shift of the monks to disappoint the priests.  As though (saith Polydore 
Polydor.  Virgil) the monks had more right, which had bearest other men of their possessions, than the priests which required restitution of their own. But (saith he) because the image of Christ hanging on the cross was thought to speak these words, such credit was given thereto, as it had been an oracle, that the priests had their suit dashed, and all the trouble was ceased. So the monks held those possessions, howsoever they came to them, by the help of God, or rather (as saith the same Polydor) by the help of man. For there were even then divers that thought this to be rather an oracle of Phoebus than of God, that is to say, not published by God's power, but by the fraud and crafty deceit of men.  
The matter therefore was not so quieted, but that upon new trouble an other council was had at a manor house belonging to the king, 
Wil Malm.  called Calne, where they that were appointed to have the hearing of the matter, sat in an upper lost. The king by reason of his young years do was spared, so that he came not there. Here as they were busied in arguing the matter, either part laying for himself what could be said, Dunstane was sore reviled, and had sundry reproaches laid against him: but suddenly even in the very heat of their communication, the ioists of the fit failed, and down came all the company, so that many were slain and hurt, but Dunstane alone standing upon one of the ioists that fell not, escaped safe and sound. 
Dunstane by working miracles had his will, when arguments failed.  And so this miracle with the other made an end of the controversy between the priests and monks, all the English people following the mind of the archbishop Dunstane, who by means thereof had his will.  
In this mean while, king Edward ruling himself by good counsel of such as were thought discreet and sage persons, gave great hope to the world that he would walk in his father's virtuous steps, as already be well began, and bearing alway a reverence to his mother in law, and a brotherly love to her son Egelred, used himself as became him towards them both. 
Polydor.  Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forest near the castle of Corfe, 
Wil Malms.  where his mother in law and his brother the said Egelred then sojourned, when all his company were spread abroad in following the game, so that he was left alone, he took the way straight unto his mother in laws house, to visit her and his brother. The queen hearing that he was come, 
The wicked purpose of queen Alfred.  was very glad thereof, for that she had occasion offered to work that which she had of long time before imagined, that was, to slay the king her son in law, that her own son might enjoy the garland. Wherefore she required him to alight, which he in no wise would yield unto, but said that he had stolen from his company, and was only come to see her and his brother, and to drink with them, and therefore would return to the forest again to see some more sport.  
The queen perceiving that he would not alight, caused drink to be fetched, and as he had the cup at his mouth, 
The shameful murder of K. Edward.  by her appointment, one of her servants struck him into the body with a knife, whereupon feeling himself wounded, he set sprres to the horse thinking to gallop away, and so to get to his company. But being hurt to the death, he fell from his horse, so as one of his feet was fastened in the stirrup, by reason whereof his horse drew him forth through woods and lands, & the blood which gushed out of the wound showed token of his death to such as followed him, and the way to the place where the horse had left him. 
Matth. West.  That place was called Corphes' gate or Corfes' gate. 
Fabian.  His body being found was buried without any solemn funerals at Warham. 
Sim. Dun.  For they which envied that he should enjoy the crown, 
Wil Malm.  envied also the burial of his body within the church: but the memory of his fame could not so secretly be buried with the body, as they imagined. For sundry miracles showed at the place where his body was interred, made the same famous (as diverse have reported) for there was sight restored to the blind, 
Miracles.  health to the sick, and hearing to the deaf, which are easilier to be told than believed.  
Queen Alfred also would have ridden to the place where he lay, moved with repentance (as hath been said) but the horse whereupon she road would not come near the grave, for any thing that could be done to him. Neither by changing the said horse could the matter be helped: for even the same thing happened to the other horses. Hereupon the woman perceived her great offence towards God for murdering the innocent, and did so repent her afterward for the same, that besides the chastising of her body in fasting, and other kind of penance, she employed all her substance and patrimony on the poor●, 
Building of abbeys in those days was thought to be a full satisfaction for all manner of sinews.  and in building and repairing of churches and monasteries. She founded two houses of nuns (as is said) the one at Warwell, the other at Ambresburie, and finally professed herself a nun in one of them, that is to say, at Warwell, which house she builded (as some affirm) in remembrance of her first husband that was slain there by king Edgar for her sake (as before is mentioned.)  
The body of this Edward the second, and surnamed the martyr, after that it had remained three years at Warham where it was first buried, 
Elferus.  was removed unto Shaftesburie, and with great reverence buried there by the forenamed Al●er or Elfer, duke of Mercia, who also did sore repent himself, in that he had been against the advancement of the said king Edward (as ye have heard.) But yet did not he escape worthy punishment: for within one year after, 
Polydor.  he was eaten to death with louse (if the history be true.) 
Will. Malmes.  King Edward came to his death after he had reigned three years, or (as other writ) three years and eight months. ¶ Whatsoever hath been reported by writers of the murder committed on the person of this king Edward, sure it is that if he were base begotten (as by writers of no mean credit it should appear he was in deed) great occasion undoubtedly was given unto queen Alfred to seek revenge for the wrongful keeping back of her son Egelred from his rightful succession to the crown: but whether that Edward was legitimate or not, she might yet have devised some other lawful mean to have come by her purpose, and not so to have procured the murder of the young prince in such unlawful manner. For her doing therein can neither be worthily allowed, nor throughly excused, although those that occasioned the mischief by advancing her stepsonne son to an other man's right, deserved most blame in this matter.   
Thus far the sixth book, comprising the first arrival of the Danes in this land, which was in king Britricus his reign, pag. 135, at which time the most miserable state of England took beginning.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK of the History of England.  

Egelred succeed Edward the martyr in the kingdom of England, the decay of the realm in his reign, Dunstane refusing to consecrate him is thereunto enforced, Dunstan's prophecies of the English people and Egelred their king, his sloth and idleness accompanied with other vices, the Danes arrive on the coasts of Kent and make spoil of many places; war betwixt the king and the bishop of Rochester, archbishop Dunstan's bitter denunciation against the king because he would not be pacified with the bishop of Rochester without moncie; Dunstan's parentage, his strange trance, and what a wonderful thing he did during the time it lasted, his education and bringing up, with what good qualities he was endued, an incredible tale of his harp, how he was revoked from loving and lusting after women whereto he was addicted, his terrible dream of a rough bear, what preferments he obtained by his skill in the expounding of dreams. The first Chapter.  
IN the former book was discoursed the troubled state of this land by the manisold and mutinous invasions of the Danes; 
Egelred.  who though they sought to engross the rule of every part and parcel thereof in to their hands; yet being resisted by the valiantness of the governors supported with the aid of their people, they were disappointed of their expectation, and received many a dishonourable or rather reproachful repulse at their adversaries hands. Much mischief doubtless they did, and more had done, if they had not been met withal in like measure of extremity as they offered, to the offence and overthrow of great multitudes. Their first entrance into this land is controversed among writers, some saying that it was in the days of king Britricus, other some affirming that it was in the time of king Egbert, &c: about which point (sith it is a matter of no great moment) we count it labour lost to use many words: only this by the way is notewoorthie, that the Danes had an unperfect or rather a lame and limping rule in this land, so long as the governors were watchful, diligent, politic at home, and warlike abroad. But when these kind of kings discontinued, and that the rains of the regiment fell into the hands of a pezzant not a puissant prince, a man evil qualified, dissolute, slack and licentious, not regarding the dignity of his own person, nor favouring the good estate of the people; the Danes who before were coursed from coast to coast, and pursued from place to place, as more willing to leave the land, than desirous to tarry in the same; took occasion of stomach and courage to re-enter this isle, & waxing more bold and confident, more desperate and venturous, spared no force, omitted no opportunity, let slip no advantage that they might possibly take, to put in practice and fully to accomplish their long conceived purpose.  
Now because the Danes in the former king's days were reencountred (and that renowmedlie) so often as they did encounter, and seeking the total regiment, where dispossessed of their partile principalilie, which by warlike violence they obtained; and for that the Saxons were interessed in the land, and these but violent incrochers, unable to keep that which they came to by constraint; we have thought it convenient to comprise the troubled estate of that time in the sixth book; the rather for the necessary consequence of matters then in motion: and here deem it not amiss, at so great and shameful looseness (specially in a prince) ministering hart and courage to the enemy, to begin the seventh book. Wherein is expressed the chiefest time of their flourishing estate in this land; if in tumults, uproars, battles, and bloodshed, such a kind of estate may possibly be found. For here the Danes lord it, here they take upon them like sovereigns', & here (if at any time they had absolute authority) they did what they might in the highest degree: as shall be declared in the unfortunate affairs of ungracious Egelred or Etheldred, the son of king Edgar, and of his last wife queen Alfred, who was ordained king in place of his brother Edward, after the same Edward was dispatched out of the way, and began his reign over this realm of England, in the year of our Lord 979, 
979  which was in the seventh year of the emperor Otho the second, 
Simon Dun.  in the 24 of Lothaine K. of France, and about the second or third year of Kenneth the third of that name king of Scotland.  
This Egelred or Etheldred was the 30 in number from Cerdicus he first king of the Westsaxons: through his negligent government, the state of the commonwealth fell into such decay (as writers do report) that under him it may be said, how the kingdom was 〈◊〉 to the uttermost point or period of old 〈…〉 age, which is the next degree to the gra●e. For whereas, whilst the realm was divided at the first by the Saxons into sundry dominions, it grew at length (as it were increasing from youthful years) to one absolute monarchy, which passed under the late remembered princes, Egbert, Adelstane, Edgar, and others, so that in their days it might be said, how it was grown to man's state, but now under this Egelred, through famine, pestilence, and wars, the state thereof was so shaken, turned upside down, and weakened on each part, that rightly might the season be likened unto the old broken years of man's life, which through feebleness is not able to help it slefe. Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie was thought to have foreseen this thing, and therefore refused to anoint Egelred king, which by the murder of his brother should attain to the government: but at length he was compelled unto it, and so he consecrated him at Kingston upon Thames, as the manner than was, on the 24 day of April, assisted by Oswald archbishop of York, and ten other bishops.  
But (as hath been reported) 
Will. Malmes.  Dunstane then said that the English people should suffer condign punishment generally, with loss of ancient liberties, which before that time they had enjoyed. Dunstane also long before prophesied of the slothfulness that should remain in this Egelred. For at what time he ministered the sacrament of baptism to him, shortly after he came into this world, he defiled the font with the ordure of his womb (as hath been said:) whereupon Dunstane being troubled in mind; By the Lord (saith he) and his blessed mother, this child shall prove to be a slothful person. It hath been written also, that when he was but ten years of age, and heard that his brother Edward was slain, he so offended his mother with weeping, because she could not still him, that having no rod at hand, she took tapers or sizes that stood before her, and beat him so sore with them, that she had almost killed him, whereby he could never after abide to have any such candles lighted before him.  
This Egelred 
Polydor.  (as writers say) was nothing given to warlike enterprises, but was slothful, a lover of idleness, and delighting in riotous lusts, which being known to all men, caused him to be evil spoken of amongst his own people, and nothing feared amongst strangers. Hereupon the Danes that exercised roving on the seas, began to conceive a boldness of courage to disquiet and molest the seacoasts of the realm, in so much that in the second year of this Egelreds' reign, they came with seven ships on the English coasts of Kent, 
Ran. Higd.  and spoiled the isle of Tenet, 
980  the town of Southampton, and in the year following they destroyed S. Petroks' abbey in Cornwall, Porthland in Devonshire, and diverse other places by the sea side, 
Sim. Dun.  specially in Devonshire & Cornwall. 
Ran. Higd.  Also a great part of Cheshire was destroyed by pirates of Norway.  
The same year by casualty of fire, 
982  a great part of the city of London was burnt. In the year of our Lord 983, 
983  Alfer duke of Mercia departed this life, who was cousin to king Edgar, 
Alfer or Elfer duke of Mercia departed this life. Alfrike or Elfrike duke of Mercia.  & his son Alfrike took upon him the rule of that dukedom, 
Fabian.  and within three years after was banished the land. About the eight year of his reign, Egelred married one Elgina or Ethelgina, daughter of earl Egbert. In the ninth year of his reign, upon occasion of strife between him and the bishop of Rochester, he made war against the same bishop, wasted his lordships, and besieged the city of Rochester, till Dunstan procured the bishop's peace with payment of an hundred pounds in gold. 
Wil Malm. Matt. West.  And because the K. would not agree with the bishop without money at the only request of Dunstane, the said Dunstane did send him word, that sithence he made more account of gold than of God, more of money than of S. Andrew, patron of the church of Rochester, and more of covetousness than of him being the archbishop, the mischiefs which the Lord had threatened would shortl●e fall and come to pass, but the same should not chance whilst he was alive, who died in the year following, on the 25 of May, being saturday.  
Of this Dunstane many things are recorded by writers, 
Vita Dunstani.  that he should be of such holiness and virtue, that God wrought many miracles by him, both whilst he lived here on earth, and also after his decease. He was borne in Westsaxon, 
john Capgr. Osborne. Ran. Higd.  his father was named Heorstan, and his mother Cinifride, who in his youth set him to school, where he so profited, that he excelled all his equals in age. Afterward he fell sick of an ague, which vexed him so sore that it drove him into a frenzy: and therefore his parents appointed him to the cure the charge of a certain woman, where his disease grew so on him, that he fell in a trance, as though he had been dead, and after that he suddenly arose, & by chance caught a staff in his hand, and ran up and down through hills and dales, and laid about him as though he had been afraid of mad dogs. The next night (as it is said) he got him to the top of the church (by the help of certain ladders that stood there for workmen to mend the roof) and there ran up and down very dangerously, but in the end came safely down, and laid him to sleep between two men that watched the church that night, & when he awaked, he marveled how he came there. Finally, recovering his disease, his parents made him a priest, and placed him in the abbeie of Glastenburie, where he gave himself to the reading of scriptures and knowledge of virtue. But as well his kinsmen as certain other did raise a report of him, that he gave not himself so much to the reading of scriptures, as to charming, conjuring and sorcery, which he utterly denied: howbeit learned he was in deed, & could do many pretty things both in handy work and other devices: he had good skill in music and delighted much therein. At length he grew in such favour, that he was advanced into the service of king Adelstane.  
Upon a time, as he came to a gentlewoman's house with his harp, and hung the same on the wall, while he shaped a priests stole, the harp suddenly began to play a psalm, which drove the whole household in such fear, that they ran out and said, he was too cunning, and knew more than was expedient: whereupon he was accused of necromancy, and so banished out of the court. After this he began to have a liking to women, and when Elfeagus then bishop of Winchester and his cousin, persuaded him to become a monk, he refused it, for he rather wished to have married a young damosel, whose pleasant company he daily enjoyed. But being soon after stricken with such a swelling disease in his belly, that all his body was brought into such state, as though he had been infected with a foul leprosy, he bethought himself, and upon his recovery sent to the bishop, who immediately shore him a monk, in which life he lived in so great opinion of holiness, as he in time became abbot of Glastenburie: where on a time as he was in his prayers before the altar of S. George, he fell asleep: and imagining in his dream, that an ugly rough bear came towards him with open mouth, and set his forefeet upon his shoulders ready to devour him, he suddenly wakening for fear, caught his walking staff which he commonly went with, and laid about him, that all the church rang thereof, 
Polychron.  to the great wonder of such as stood by. The common tale of his plucking the devil by the nose with a pair of pinsors, for tempting him with women, while he was making a chalice: the great love that the lady Elfleda near kinswoman to king Adelstane bore him to her dying day, with a great many of other such like matters, I leave as frivolous, and wholly impertinent to our purpose: only this I read, that through declaring of his dreams and visions, he obtained in the time of king Edgar, first the bishopric of Worcester, after the London, & last of all the archbishopric of Canturburie. But leaving Dunstane and the fond devices depending upon the commemoration of his life, we will now return to the doings of Egelred, and speak of such things in the next chapter as chanced in his time.   

The Danes invade England on each side, they are vanquished by the English, Goda earl of Devonshire slain; the Danes in a battle fought at Maldon kill Brightnod earl of Essex and the most of this army, ten thousand pounds paid to them by composition that they should not trouble the English subjects, they cease their cruelty for a time, but within a while after fall to their bloody bias, the English people despair to resist them; Egelred addresseth a navy against the Danes under the earls Alfrike and Turold, Alfrike traitorously taketh part with the Danes, his ship and soldiers are taken, his son Algar is punished for his father's offence, the Danes make great waist in many parts of this Island, they besiege London and are repelled with dishonour, they drive king Egelred to buy peace of them for 16000 pounds; Aulafe king of Norwey is honourably entertained of Egelred, to whom he promiseth at his baptism never to make war against England, the great zeal of people in setting forward the building of Durham town and the minster. The second Chapter.  
Shortly after the decease of Dunstane, 
Wil Malm. Matt. Westm. The Danes invade this land.  the Danes invaded this realm on each side, wasting and spoiling the country in most miserable wise. They arrived in so many places at once, that the Englishmen could not well devise whither to go to encounter first with them. Some of them spoiled a place or town called Wichport, 
Alias Wecederport. H. Hunt. Simon Dun. Danes vanquished.  and from thence passing further into the country, were met with by the Englishmen, who giving them battle, lost their captain Goda: but yet they got the victory, and beat the Danes out of the field, and so that part of the Denish army was brought to confusion. 
Simon Dun.  Simon Dunel. saith, that the Englishmen in deed won the field here, but not without great loss. For besides Goda 
Goda earl of Deunonshire slain.  (who by report of the same author was Earl of Devonshire) there died an other valiant man of war named Strenwold. In the year 991, Brightnod earl of Essex, at Maldon gave battle to an army of Danes (which under their leaders justine and Guthmond had spoiled Gipswich) 
Matt. West.  and was there overcome and slain with the most part of his people, and so the Danes obtained in that place the victory.  
In the same year, 
991  and in the 13 year of king Egelreds' reign, when the land was on each side sore afflicted, wasted and harried by the Danes, which covered the same as they had been grasshoppers: by the advise of the archbishop of Canturburie Siricius (which was the second of that séee after Dunstane) a composition was taken with the Danes, so that for the sum of ten thousand pounds to be paid to them by the king, 
Ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes. Danegilt.  they should covenant not to trouble his subjects any further. This money was called Denegilt or Dane money, and was levied of the people. Although other take that to be Danegilt, which was given unto such Danes as king Egelred afterwards retained in his service, to defend the land frm other Danes and enemies that sought to invade his dominions. But by what name so ever this money (which the Danes now received) was called, true it is that hereupon they ceased from their most cruel invasions for a time. But shortly after they had resfreshed themselves, 
Wil Malm.  and recovered new strength, 
992  they began to play their old parts again, doing the like mischief by their semblable invasions, as they had used before. By reason hereof such fear came upon the English people, that they despaired to be able to resist the enemies.  
The king yet caused a navy to be set forth at London, 
Hen. Hunt. A navy set forth.  whereof he appointed earl Alfrike (whom before he had banished) to be high admiral, joining with him earl Turold. This navy did set forward from London toward the enemies, who having warning given them from Alfrike, escaped away without hurt. Shortly after a greater navy of the Danes came, and encountered with the king's fleet, so that a great number of the Londoners were slain, and all the king's ships taken: 
Alfrike a traitor to his country. Matth. West.  for Alfrike like a traitor turned to the Danes side. ¶ Matt. West. maketh other report of this matter, declaring that Alfrike in deed being one of the chief captains of the fleet, advertised them by forewarning of the danger that was toward them, and that when they should come to joining, the same Alfrike like a traitor fled to the Danes, and after upon necessity being put to ●light escaped away with them: but the other captains of the king's fleet, as Theodred, Elstan, and Escwen, pursued the Danes, took one of their ships, and slew all those that were found therein. The Londoners also (as the same Matt. West. saith) met with the navy of the Danish rovers as they fled away, and slew a great number, and also took the ship of the traitor Alfrike with his soldiers & armour, but he himself escaped, though with much pain, having played the like traitorous part once before, and yet was reconciled to the king's favour again. 
Henr. Hunt. The son punished for his father's offence  Upon this mischief wrought by the father, 
993  the king now took his son Algar, and caused his eyes to be put out.  
About the same time was Bambrough destroyed by the Danes, which arrived after in Humber, and wasted the country of Lindsey and Yorkshire, on either side that river. And when the Englishmen were assembled to give them battle, before they joined, 
Simon. Dun. Polydor. Matth. West.  the captains of the English army, Frena, Godwin, and Fredegist, that were Danes by their father's side, began to fly away, and escaped, so giving the occasion of the overthrow that lighted on their people. But by some writers it should appear, that after the Danes had destroyed all the north parts, as they spread abroad without order and good array, the people of the country fell upon them, and slew some of them, and chased the residue. Other of the Danes with a navy of 94 ships entered the Thames, 
Aulafe king of Norway, & Swein king of Denmark were captains of this fleet, as saith Simon Dun.  and besieged London about our lady day in September. They gave a very sore assault to the city, and assayed to set it on fire: but the citizens so valiantly defended themselves, that the Danes were beaten back and repelled, greatly to their loss so that they were constrained to departed thence with dishonour. 
994  Then they fell to and wasted the countries of Essex, 
Hen. Hunt. Wil Malm. The king compoundeth with the Danes for money.  Kent, Sussex, and Hamshire, and ceased not till they had enforced the king to compound with them for 16 thousand pounds, which he was glad to pay to have peace with them.  
Moreover, whereas they wintered that year at Southampton, the king procured Aulafe king of the Norwegians to come unto Andever (where at that time he lay) upon pledges received of the king for his safe return. Elphegus bishop of Winchester, 
Matt. West. Simon Dun. Aulafe king of Norwey baptized.  and duke Ethelwold were appointed by king Egelred to bring Aulafe unto him in most honourable manner. The same time was Aulafe baptized, king Egelred receiving him at the fontstone, 
His promise.  and so he promised never after to make any war within this land. And receiving great gifts of the king, he returned into his country, and kept his promise faithfully: but the evils took not so an end, for other of the Danes sprang up, as they had been the heads of the serpent Hydra, some of them ever being ready to trouble the quiet state of the English nation.  
About this season, 
john Leland. Simon Dun.  that is to say, in the year of our Lord 995, 
995  bishop Aldaine which was fled from Chester in the street (otherwise called Cunecester) with the body of saint Cuthbert for fear of the invasion of Danes, unto Rippon, brought the same body now unto Durham, 
The church of Durham builded.  and there began the foundation of a church; so that the see of that bishopric was from thenceforth there established, and the woods were there cut down, which before that time covered and overgrew that place, whereupon it began first to be inhabited. Earl Uthred, 
Earl Uthred  who governed that country, greatly furthered the bishop in this work, so that all the people inhabiting between the rivers of Coquid and These, 
Durham town and minster builded.  came together to rid the woods, and to help forwards the building of the church and town there.   

The Danes invading the west parts of this land make great havoc by fire and sword, they arrive at Rochester, and conquer the Kentishmen in field, king Egelred overcometh the Danes that inhabited Cumberland and wasteth the country, the Summersetshire men are foiled; the miserable state of the realm in those days; the English blood mixed with the Danes and Britain's, and what inconveniences grew thereupon, the disordered government of king Egelred, sicknesses vexing the people, treason in the nobles, the tribute paid to the Danes unmercifully inhansed, the realm brought to beggary; king Egelred by politic persuasion and counsel marrieth Emma the duke of Normandies' daughter, upon what occasion the Normans pretended a title to the crown of England, they conquer the whole land, what order king Egelred took to kill all the Danes within his kingdom, and what rule they bore in this realm yer they were murdered, the thraldom of the English people under them, whereof the word Lordane sprang. The third Chapter.  
IN the nineteenth year of king Egelreds' reign, the Danes sailed about Cornwall, 
997  and coming into the Severne sea, 
The Danes invade the west parts of this land.  they rob & took preys in the coasts of Devonshire & Southwales, and landing at Wicheport, they burned up the country, and came about unto Penwithstréet on the south coast, and so arriving in the mouth of Tamer water, came unto Lidford, and there wasted all afore them with force of fire. They burned, amongst other places, the monastery of saint Ordulfe at Essingstocke. 
Tavestocke  After this they came into Dorcetshire, and passed through the country with flame and fire, not finding any that offered to resist them. 
998  The same year also they sojourned in the isle of Wight, and lived upon spoils & preys which they took in Hampshire and Sussex. At length they came into the Thames, and so by the river of Medwey arrived at Rochester. 
999 The Danes arrive in the Thames.  The Kentishmen assembled together and fought with the Danes, but they were overcome, and so left the field to the Danes. After this, 
1000  the same Danes sailed into Normandy, and king Egelred went into Cumberland, where the Danes inhabited in great numbers, whom he overcame with sore war, and wasted almost all Cumberland, taking great spoils in the same. About the same time, or shortly after, 
1001  the Danes with their navy, returning out of Normandy, 
Exmouth.  came unto Exmouth, and there assaulted the castle, but they were repelled by them that kept it. After this they spread abroad over all the country, exercising their accustomed trade of destroying all before them with fire and sword. The men of Summersetshire fought with them at Pentho, 
Pentho.  but the Danes got the upper hand.  
Thus the state of the realm in those days was very miserable, for there wanted worthy chiestains to rule the people, and to chastise them when they did amiss. There was no trust in the noble men, for every one impugned others doing, and yet would not devise which way to deal with better likelihood. When they assembled in council, and should have occupied their heads in devising remedies for the mischief of the common wealth, 
disagreement with councillors what 〈◊〉 fruit it bringeth.  they turned their purpose unto the altercation, about such strifes, contentions and quarrels as each one had against other, and suffered the general case to lie still in the dust. And if at any time there was any good conclusion agreed upon, for the withstanding of the enemy, & relief of the common wealth, anon should the enemy be advertised thereof by such as were of alliance or consanguinity to them. For (as Caxton, Polychr. and others say) the English blood was so mixed with that of the Danes and Britain's, who were like enemies to the Englishmen, that there was almost few of the nobility and commons, which had not on the one side a parent of some of them.  
Whereby it came to pass, that neither the secret purposes of the king could be concealed till they might take due effect; neither their assemblies prove quiet without quarreling and taking of parts. Many also being sent forth with their powers one way (whilst the king went to make resistance another) did revolt to his enemies, and turned their swords against him (as you have heard of Elfrike and his complices, and shall read of many others) so that it was no marvel that Egelred sped no better, and yet was he as valiant as any of his predecessors, although the monks favour him not in their writings, because he demanded aid of them toward his wars, and was nothing favourable to their lewd hypocrisy. But what is a king if his subjects be not loyal? What is a realm, if the common wealth be divided? By peace & concord, of small beginnings great and famous kingdoms have oft times proceeded; whereas by discord the greatest kingdoms have oftener been brought to ruin. And so it proved here, for whilst private quarrels are pursued, the general affairs are utterly neglected: and whilst each nation seeketh to prefer her own alliance, the Island itself is like to become a desert.  
But to proceed with our monastical writers: certes they lay all the fault in the king, saying that he was a man given to no good exercise, he delighted in fleshly lusts and riotous banquetings, and still sought ways how to gather of his subjects what might be got, as will by unlawful means as otherwise. 
The misgovernment of the king.  For he would for feigned or for very small & light causes disherit his native subjects, and cause them to redeem their own possessions for great sums of money. Besides these oppressions, divers kinds of sicknesses vexed the people also, as the bloody flix, and hot burning agues which then raged through the land, 
Sickness vexing the people.  so that many died thereof. By such manner of means therefore, what through the misgovernance of the king, the treason and disloyalty of the nobility, the lack of good order and due correction amongst the people, 
Treason in the nobility.  and by such other scourges and mishaps as afflicted the English nation in that season, the land was brought into great ruin, so that, where by strength the enemy could not be kept off, there was now no help but to appease them with money. By reason hereof from time of the first agreement with the Danes for 10 thousand pounds tribute, it was enhanced to 16000 pounds, (as you have heard) & after that at 20000 pounds, then to 24000 pounds, & so to 30000 pounds, & lastly to 40000 pounds, 
The enhancing of the tribute paid to the Danes.  till at length the realm was emptied in manner of all that money and coin that could be found in it. In this mean time died Elgina or Ethelgina the queen. 
The death of queen Elgina.  Shortly after it was devised that the king should be a suitor unto Richard duke of Normandy, for his sister Emma, 
Emma.  a lady of such excellent beauty, 
Hen. Hunt.  that she was named the flower of Normandy. This suit was begun and took such good success, that the king obtained his purpose. And so in the year of our Lord 1002, 
1002  which was about the 24 year of king Egelreds' reign, he married the said Emma with great solemnity. 
Emma daughter of R. duke of Normandy married to K. Edgar.   
This marriage was thought to be right necessary, honourable, and profitable for the realm of England, because of the great puissance of the Norman princes in those days: but as things afterward came to pass, it turned to the subversion of the whole English state: for by such affinity and dealing as happened hereby betwixt the Normans and Englishmen, occasion in the end was ministered to the same Normans to pretend a title to the crown of England, in prosecuting of which title, they obtained and made the whole conquest of the land, as after shall appear. Egelred being greatly advanced (as he thought) by reason of his marriage, devised upon presumption thereof, to cause all the Danes within the land to be murdered in one day. Hereupon he sent privy commissioners to all cities, burrows and towns within his dominions, commanding the rulers and officers in the same, to kill all such Danes as remained within their liberties, at a certain day prefixed, 
1012  being saint Brices' day, 
The 13 of November. The murder of the Danes.  in the year 1012, and in the 34 year of king Egelreds' reign. Hereupon (as sundry writers agree) in one day & hour this murder began, and was according to the commission and injunction executed. But where it first began, 
Hownhill, or Houndhill, a place within Merchington parish beside the forest of Néedwood, somewhat more than two miles from Utoxcester.  the same is uncertain: some say at Wellowin in Herefordshire, some at a place in Staffordshire called Hownhill, & others in other places, but wheresoever it began, the doers repented it after.  
But now yer we proceed any further, we will show what rule the Danes kept here in this realm before they were thus murdered, as in some books we find recorded. Whereas it is showed that the Danes compelled the husbandmen to till the ground & do all manner of labour and toil to be done about husbandry: the Danes lived upon the fruit and gains that came thereof, 
The miserable state of this realm under the thraldom of the Danes.  and kept the husbandmen's wives, their daughters, maids and servants, using and abusing them at their pleasures. And when the husbandmen came home, than could they scarce have such sustenance of meats and drinks as fell for servants to have: so that the Danes had all at their commandments, eating and drinking of the best, where the silly man that was the owner, could hardly come to his fill of the worst. Besides this, the common people were so oppressed by the Danes, that for fear and dread they called them in every such house where any of them sojourned, Lord Dane. And if an Englishman and a Dane chanced to meet at any bridge or straight passage, 
Hector Boet.  the Englishman must stay till the Lord Dane were passed. But in process of time, after the Danes were voided the land, this word Lord Dane was in derision and despite of the Danes turned by Englishmen into a name of reproach, 
Lordane whereof the word came.  as Lordane, which till these our days is not forgotten. For when the people in many parts of this realm will note and signify any great idle lubber that will not labour nor take pain for his living, they will call him Lordane. Thus did the Danes use the Englishmen in most vile manner, and kept them in such servile thraldom as cannot be sufficiently uttered.   

A fresh power of Danes invade England to revenge the slaughter of their countrymen that inhabited this Isle, the west parts betrayed into their hands by the conspiracy of a Norman that was in government, earl Edrike feigned himself sick when king Egelred sent unto him to levy a power against the Danes, and betrayeth his people to the enemies; Sweine king of Denmark arriveth on the coast of Norfolk, and maketh pitiful spoil by fire and sword; the truce taken between him and Vikillus is violated, and what revengement followeth; king Sweine forced by famine returneth into his own country, he arriveth again at Sandwich, why king Egelred was unable to prevail against him, the Danes overrun all places where they come and make cruel waste, king Egelred payeth him great sums of money for peace; the mischiefs that light upon a land by placing a traitorous stranger in government, how many acres a hide of land containeth, Egelreds' order taken for ships and armour, why his great fleet did him little pleasure; a fresh host of Danes under three captains arrive at Sandwich, the citizens of Canturburie for money purchase safety, the faithless dealing of Edrike against king Egelred for the enemies advantage, what places the Danes overran and wasted. The fourth Chapter.  
Upon knowledge given into Denmark of the cruel murder of the Danes here in England, truth it is, that the people of the country were greatly kindled in malice, and set in such a furious rage against the Englishmen, 
Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. The Danes return to invade England.  that with all speed they made forth a navy full fraught with men of war, 
Excester taken.  the which in the year following came swarming about the coasts of England, and landing in the west country, took the city of Excester, and got there a rich spoil. One Hugh a Norman borne, whom queen Emma had placed in those parties as governor or sheriff there, 
1002  conspired with the Danes, 
Hugh a Norman conspireth with the Danes.  so that all the country was overrun and wasted.  
The king hearing that the Danes were thus landed, and spoiled the west parts of the realm, he sent unto Edricus to assemble a power to withstand the enemies. Hereupon the people of Hampshire and Wiltshire rose and got together: but when the armies should join, 
The counterfeit sickness of duke Edrike.  earl Edricus surnamed the Streona feigned himself sick, and so betrayed his people, of whom he had the conduct: for they perceiving the want in their leader, were discouraged, and so fled. 
Wilton spoiled.  The Danes followed them unto Wilton, which town they rifled and overcame. From thence they went to Salisbury, and so taking their pleasure there, returned to their ships, because (as some writ) they were advertised that the king was coming towards them with an huge army. 
Simon Dun.  In the year next ensuing, that is to say 1004, 
1004  which was about the 24 year of K. Egelreds' reign, 
Swein king of Denmark.  Sweine or Swanus, king of Denmark, with a mighty navy of ships came on the coast of Norfolk, and there landing with his people, 
Norwich taken by the Danes.  made toward Norwich, and coming thither took that city, 
Thetford burnt.  and spoilt it. Then went he unto Thetford, and when he had taken and rified that town, he burned it, notwithstanding a truce taken by Uikillus or Wilfketell governor of those parties with the same king Swain after the taking of Norwich. In revenge therefore of such breach of truce, the same Uikillus, or Wilfeketell, 
Uikillus or Wilfeketell governor of Norfolk.  with such power as he could raise, assaulted the host of Danes as they returned to their ships, and slew a great number of them, but was not able to maintain the fight, for his enemies overmatched him in number of men. And so he was constrained in the end to give back: 
Hen. Hunt.  and the enemies kept on their ways to their ships.  
In the year following king swain returned into Denmark with all his fleet, 
1005  partly constrained so to do (as some writ) by reason of the great famine & want of necessary sustenance, 
Swain returned into Denmark. Simon. Dun.  which in that year sore oppressed this land. In the year of our Lord 1006, 
1006  king swain returned again into England with a mighty & huge navy, 
Hen. Hunt. swain returned into England.  arriving at Sandwich, and spoiled all the country near unto the sea side. King Egelred raised all his power against him, and all the harvest time lay abroad in the field to resist the Danes, which according to their wonted manner spared not to exercise their unmerciful cruelty, in wasting and spoiling the land with fire and sword, pilfering and taking of preys in every part where they came. Neither could king Egelred remedy the matter, because the enemies still conveyed themselves with their ships into some contrary quarter, from the place where they knew him to be, so that his travel was in vain.  
About the beginning of winter they remained in the isle of Wight, 
The Danes winter in the isle of Wight. They invade Hampshire, Berkshire, etc.  & in the time of Christmas they landed in Hampshire, and passing through that country into Berkshire, they came to Reading, and from thence to Wallingford, and so to Coleseie, and then approaching to Essington, came to Achikelmeslawe, and in every place wheresoever they came, they made clean work. For that which they could not carry with them, they consumed with fire, burning up their inns and slaying their hosts. In returning back, the people of the west country gave them battle, but prevailed not, so that they did but enrich their enemies with the spoil of their bodies. 
Winchester.  They came by the gates of Winchester as it were in manner of triumph, with victuals and spoils which they had fetched fifty miles from the sea side. In the mean time king Egelred lay about Shrewsburie sore troubled with the news hereof, 
1007  and in the year next ensuing, 
36000 pound saith Si. Dun.  by the advise of his council he gave to king Swain for the redeeming of peace 30000 pounds.  
In the same year K. Egelred created the traitor Edrike earl of Mercia, 
Edrike de Streona made duke or earl of Mercia.  who although he had married Edgiva the kings daughter, was yet noted to be one of those which disclosed the secrets of the realm, and the determinations of the council unto the enemies. But he was such a crafty dissembler, so greatly provided of sleight to dissemble and cloak his falsehood, that the king being too much abused by him, had him in singular favour, whereas he upon a malicious purpose studied daily how to bring the realm into utter destruction, advertising the enemies from time to time how the state of things stood, whereby they came to knowledge when they should give place, and when they might safely come forward. 
Wil Malm.  Moreover, being sent unto them oftentimes as a commissioner to treat to peace, he persuaded them to war. But such was the pleasure of God, to have him and such other of like sort advanced to honour in this season, when by his divine providence he meant to punish the people of this realm for their wickedness and sins, whereby they had justly provoked his wrath and high displeasure.  
In the 30 year of king Egelreds' reign, 
Henr. Hunt. Simon Dun.  which fell in the year of our Lord 1008, he took order that of every three hundred and ten hides of land within this realm, 
An hundred acres is an hide of land.  there should one ship be builded, and of every eight hides a complete armour furnished. 
1008  In the year following, 
Provision for ships and armour.  the kings whole fleet was brought together at Sandwich, and such soldiers came thither as were appointed to go to sea in the same fleet. There had not been seen the like number of ships so trimly rigged and furnished in all points, in any king's days before. But no great profitable piece of service was wrought by them: 
Matt. West.  for the king had about that time banished a noble young man of Sussex called Wilnot, who getting together twenty sails, lay upon the coasts taking prices where he could get them. Brithrike the brother of earl Edrike, being desirous to win honour, took forth four score of the said ships, and promised to bring in the enemy dead or alive. But as he was sailing forward on the seas, a sore tempest with an outrageous wind rose with such violence, that his ships were cast upon the shore: and Wilnot coming upon them, set them on fire, and so burned them every one. The residue of the ships, when news came to them of this mishap, returned back to London; and then was the army dispersed, and so all the cost and travel of the Englishmen proved in vain.  
After this, in the harvest time a new army of Danes, under the conduct of three captains, Turkill, 
Danes land at Sandwich.  Henning, and Aulafe landed at Sandwich, and from thence passed forth to Canturburie, 
1009  and had taken the city but that the citizens gave them a 1000 pounds to departed from thence, 
3000 pound saith Si. Dun.  and to leave the country in peace. Then went the Danes to the isle of Wight, 
Sussex and Hampshire spoiled.  and afterwards landed and spoiled the country of Sussex and Hampshire. King Egelred assembled the whole power of all his subjects, and coming to give them battle, had made and end of their cruel harieng the country with the slaughter of them all, if earl Edrike with forged tales (devised only to put him in fear) had not dissuaded him from giving battle. 
The Danes return into Kent.  The Danes by that means returning in safety, immediately after the feast of saint Martin, returned into Kent, and ladged with their navy in the winter following in the Thames, and oftentimes assaulting the city of London, were still beaten back to their loss.  
After the feast of Christmas they passed through the country and woods of Chilterne unto Oxford, 
1010  which town they burned, 
Oxford burnt.  and then returning back they fell to wasting of the country on both sides the Thames. But hearing that an army was assembled at London to give them battle; that part of their host which kept on the northside of the river, passed the same river at Stanes, 
Stanes.  and so joining with their fellows marched forth through Southerie, and coming back to their ships in Kent, fell in hand to repair & amend their ships that were in any wise decayed. Then after Easter, the Danes sailing about the coast, 
Gipswich in Suffolk. Simon Dun.  arrived at Gipswich in Suffolk, on the Ascension day of our Lord: and invading the country, gave battle at a place called Wigmere or Rigmere, unto Uikill or Wilfeketell leader of the English host in those parties, on the fift of May. The men of Norfolk and Suffolk fled at the first onset given: but the Cambridgeshire men sticked to it valiantly, winning thereby perpetual fa●e and commendation. There was no mindfulness amongst them of running away, so that a great number of the nobility and other were beaten down and slain, 
Caput formicae.  till at length one Turketell Mireneheved, that had a Dane to his father, first bagan to take his flight, and deserved thereby an everlasting reproach.  
The Danes obtaining the upper hand, for the space of three months together went up and down the countries, & wasted those parties of the realm, that is to say, Norfolk, and Suffolk, with the borders of Lincolnshire, Huntingtonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fens are, gaining exceeding riches by the spoil of the great and wealthy abbeys and churches which had their situation within the compass of the same fens. 
Thetford. Cambridge. Hen. Hunt.  They also destroyed Thetford, and burned Cambridge, and from thence passed through the pleasant mountaine-countrie of Belsham, cruelly murdering the people without respect of age, degree or sex. After this also they entered into Essex, and so came back to their ships, which were then arrived in the Thames. 
She Danes arrive in the Thames. 1011  But they rested not any long time in quiet, as people that minded nothing but the destruction of this realm. So as soon after, when they had somewhat refreshed them, they set forward again into the country, passing through Buckinghamshire, & so into Bedfordshire. And about saint Andrew's tide they turned towards Northampton, 
Northampton burnt by Danes.  & coming thither set fire on that town. Then turning through the west country, with fire & sword they wasted and destroyed a great part thereof, & namely Wiltshire, with other parties. And finally about the feast of Christmas they came again to their ships. Thus had the Danes wasted the most part of 16 or 17 shires within this realm, 
How many shires the Danes wasted.  as Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middlesex, Hartfordshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, with a part of Huntingtonshire, and also a great portion of Northamptonshire. This was done in the countries that lie on the northside of the river of Thames. On the southside of the same river, they spoilt and wasted Kent, Southerie, Sussex, Berkshire, Hampshire, and (as is before said) a great part of Wiltshire.   

King Egelred offereth the Danes great sums of money to desist from destroying his country, their unspeakable cruelty, bloudthir stinesse, and insatiable spoiling of Canturburie betrayed by a churchman; their merciless murdering of Elphegus archbishop of Canturburie, Turkillus the Dane chief lord of Norfolk and Suffolk, a peace concluded between the Danes and the English upon hard conditions; Gunthildis a beautiful Danish lady and her husband slain, her courage to the death. The fift Chapter.  
THe king and the peers of the realm, understanding of the Danes dealing in such merciless manner (as is above mentioned) but not knowing how to redress the matter, sent ambassadors unto the Danes, 
The king senbeth to the Danes. Simon Dun.  offering them great sums of money to leave off such cruel wasting and spoiling of the land. The Danes were contented to retain the money, but yet could not abstain from their cruel doings, neither was their greedy thirst of blood and spoil satisfied with the wasting and destroying of so many countries and places as they had passed through. Whereupon, in the year of our Lord 1011, 
1011  about the feast of S. Matthew in September, they laid siege to the city of Canturburie, which of the citizens was valiantly defended by the space of twenty days. In the end of which term it was taken by the enemies, through the treason of a deacon named Almaricus, 
Canturburie won by Danes.  whom the archbishop Elphegus had before that time preserved from death. The Danes exercised passing great cruelty in the 
Fabian ex. An●onino.  winning of that city (as by sundry authors it doth and may appear.) For they slew of men, women, and children, above the number of eight thousand. 
The archbishop Elphegus taken. Hen. Hunt.  They took the archbishop Elphegus with an other bishop named Godwine; also abbot Lefwin and Alseword the king's bailiff there. They spared no degree, in somuch that they slew and took 900 priests, and other men of religion. And when they had taken their pleasure of the city, 
Antoninus. Vincentius.  they set it on fire, and so returned to their ships. There be some which writ that they tithed the people after an inverted order, 
Wil Lamb. ex Asserio Menevensi, & alijs.  slaying all by nines through the whole multitude, and reserved the tenth: so that of all the monks there were but four saved, and of the lay people 4800, whereby it followeth that there died 43200 persons. Whereby is gathered that the city of Canturburie, and the country thereabouts (the people whereof belike fled thither for succour) was at that time very well inhabited, so as there have no wanted (saith master Lambert) which affirm that it had then more people than London itself.  
But now to our purpose. 
1112 Henr. Hunt.  In the year next ensuing, upon the saturday in Easter week, after that the bishop Elphegus had been kept prisoner with them the space of six or seven months, they cruelly in a rage led him forth into the fields, 
The archbishop Elphegus murdered.  and dashed out his brains with stones, because he would not redeem his liberty with three thousand pounds, which they demanded to have been levied of his farmers and tenants. This cruel murder was committed at Gréenewich four miles distant from London, the 19 of April, where he lay a certain time unburied, but at length through miracles showed (as they say, 
Miracles.  for miracles are all wrought now by dead men, and not by the living) the Danes permitted that his body might be carried to London, 
Elphegus buried in London.  and there was it buried in the church of S. Paul, where it rested for the space of ten years, till king Cnute or Knought had the government of this land, by whose appointment it was removed to Canturburie. 
Translated to Canturburie.   
Turkillus the leader of those Danes by whom the archbishop Elphegus was thus murdered, held Norfolk and Suffolk under his subjection, 
Wil Malms. Turkillus held Norfolk and Suffolk.  & so continued in those parties as chief lord and governor. But the residue of the Danes at length, compounding with the Englishmen for a tribute to be paid to them of eight thousand pounds, 
48 thousand pound as saith Sim. Dun. and M. West. Henr. Hunt.  spread abroad in the country, sojourning in cities, towns and villages, where they might find most convenient harbour. Moreover, forty of their ships, or rather (as some writ) 45 were retained to serve the king, promising to defend the realm; with condition, that the soldiers and mariners should have provision of meat and drink, with apparel found them at the king's charges. As one author hath gathered Swain king of Denmark was in England at the concluding of this peace, which being confirmed with solemn oaths and sufficient hostages, he departed into Denmark.  
The same author bringeth the general slaughter of Danes upon S. Brices' day, 
Matth. West.  to have chanced in the year after the conclusion of this agreement, that is to say, in the year 1012, at what time Gunthildis the sister of king swain was slain, 
Gunthildis the sister of K. swain murdered.  with her husband & her son, by the commandment of the false traitor Edrike. But because all other authors agree that the same murder of Danes was executed about ten years before this supposed time: we have made rehearsal thereof in that place. Howbeit, for the death of Gunthildis, it may be, that she became hostage either in the year 1007, at what time king Egelred paid thirty thousand pounds unto king Swain to have peace (as before you have heard) or else might she be delivered in hostage, in the year 1011, when the last agreement was made with the Danes (as above is mentioned.) But when or at what time soever she became hostage, this we find of her, 
Wil Malm.  that she came hither into England with her husband Palingus, a mighty earl, and received baptism here. Whereupon she earnestly traveled in treaty of a peace betwixt her brother and king Egelred: which being brought to pass chiefly by her suit, she was contented to become an hostage for performance thereof (as before is recited.) And after by the commandment of earl Edrike she was put to death, pronouncing that the shedding of her blood would cause all England one day sore to rue. She was a very beautiful lady, and took her death without all fear, not once changing countenance, though she saw her husband and her only son (a young gentleman of much towardness) first murdered before her face.   

Turkillus the Danish captain telleth king swain the faults of the king, nobles, & commons of this realm, he invadeth England, the Northumber's and others submit themselves to him, Danes received into service under Egelred, London assaulted by Swain, the citizens behave themselves stoutly, and give the Danish host a shameful repulse, Ethelmere earl of Devonshire and his people submit themselves to Swain, he returneth into Denmark, cometh back again into England with a fresh power, is encountered withal of the Englishmen, whose king Egelred is discomfited, his oration to his soldiers touching the present relief of their distressed land, their resolution and full purpose in this their perplexity, king Egrlred is minded to give place to Swain, lie sendeth his wife and children over into Normandy, the Londoners yield up their state to Swain, Egelred saileth over into Normandy, leaving his land to the enemy. The sixth Chapter.  
NOw had Turkillus in the mean time advertised king Swain in what state things stood here within the realm: 
Turkillus discloseth the secrets of the realm to K. swain.  how king Egelred was negligent, only attending to the lusts & pleasures of the flesh: how the noble men were unfaithful, and the commons weak and feeble through want to good and trusty leaders. Howbeit, some writ, 
Simon Dun.  that Turkillus as well as other of the Danes which remained here in England, was in league with king Egelred, in somuch that he was with him in London, to help and defend the city against Swain when he came to assault it (as after shall appear.) Which if it be true, a doubt may rise whether Swain received any advertisement from Turkillus to move him to rather to invade the realm: but such advertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with Egelred.  
Swain therefore as a valiant prince, 
Swain prepareth an army to invade England.  desirous both to revenge his sister's death, and win honour, prepared an huge army, and a great number of ships, with the which he made towards England, and first coming to Sandwich, tarried there a small while, 
He landeth at Sandwich. 1013  and taking eftsoons the sea, compassed about the coasts of the Eastangles, and arriving in the mouth of Humber, sailed up the water, and entering into the river of Trent, he landed at Gainesbourgh, purposing, 
Gainsbourgh  to invade the Northumber's. But as men brought into great fear, for that they had been subject to the Danes in times past, and thinking therefore not to revolt to the enemy, but rather to their old acquaintance, if they should submit themselves to the Danes, streightwaies offered to become subject unto Swain, 
The Northumber's yield to Swain. The people of Lindsey yield themselves to him. Simon Dun.  together with their duke named Wighthred. Also the people of Lindsey and all those of the northside of Watling-streete yielded themselves unto him, and delivered pledges. Then he appointed his son Cnutus to have the keeping of those pledges, and to remain upon the sa●egard of his ships, whiles he himself passed forward into the country. Then marched he forward to subdue them of south Mercia: 
South Mercia.  and so came to Oxford & to Winchester, making the country's subject to him through out wheresoever he came.  
With this prosperous success Swain being greatly encouraged, prepared to go unto London, where king Egelred as then remained, having with him Turkillus the Dane, which was retained in wages with other of the Danes (as by report of some authors it may appear) and were now ready 
Sim. Dunel.  to defend the city against their countrymen in support of king Egelred, together with the citizens. Swain, because he would not step so far out of the way as to go to the next bridge, lost a great number of his men as he passed through the Thames. At his coming to London, 
Swain assaulteth London.  he bagan to assault the city very fiercely, in hope either to put his enemy in such fear that he should despair of all relief and comfort, or at the least try what he was able to do. The Londoners on the other part, although they were brought in some fear by this sudden attempt of the enemies, yet considering with themselves, that the hazard of all the whole state of the realm was annexed to theirs, sith their city was the chief and metropolitan of all the kingdom, 
Polydor.  they valiantly stood in defence of themselves, and of their king that was present there with them, beating back the enemies, chase them from the walls, and otherwise doing their best to keep them off. At length, although the Danes did most valiantly assault the city, yet the Englishmen to defend their prince from all injury of enemies, did not shrink, but boldly sallied forth at the gates in heaps together, and encountered with their adversaries, and began to fight with them very fiercely.  
Swain whilst he went about to keep his men in order, as one most desirous to retain the victory now almost gotten, was compassed so about with the Londoners on each side, that after he had lost a great number of his men, he was constrained for his safeguard to break out through the midst of his enemies weapons, and was glad that he might so escape: and so with the residue of his army ceased not to journey day and night till he came to Bath, 
Wil Malm. Earl of Devonshire as saith Matt. West. Polydor.  where Ethelmere an earl of great power in those west parts of the realm submitted himself with all his people unto him, who shortly after nevertheless (as some writ) was compelled through want of victuals to release the tribute lately covenanted to be paid unto him for a certain sum of money, which when he had received, 
Swain returneth into Denmark.  he returned into Denmark, meaning shortly to return again with a greater power.  
King Egelred supposed that by the payment of that money he should have been rid out of all troubles, of war with the Danes. But the nobles of the realm thought otherwise, and therefore willed him to prepare an army with all speed that might be made. 
Swain returneth into England to make war.  Swain tarried not long (to prove to doubt of the noble men to be grounded of foreknowledge) but that with swift speed he returned again into England, and immediately upon his arrival was an army of Englishmen assembled and led against him into the field. Hereupon they joined in battle, which was sore fought for a time, 
King Egelred discomfited in battle.  till at length by reason of diverse Englishmen that turned to the enemies side, the discomfiture fell with such slaughter upon the English host, that king Egelred well perceived the state of his regal government to be brought into utter danger. Whereupon after the loss of this field, he assembled the rest of his people that were escaped, and spoke unto them after this manner.  

The oration of king Egelred to the remanent of his soldiers.  
I Should for ever be put to silence, it there wanted in us the virtue of a fatherly mind, in giving good advise & counsel for the well ordering and due administration of things in the common wealth, or if their lacked courage or might in our soldiers and men of war to defend our country. Truly to die in defence of the country where we are borne, I confess it a worthy thing, and I for my part am ready to take upon me to enter into the midst of the enemies in defence of my kingdom. But here I see our country and the whole English nation to be at a point to fall into utter ruin. We are overcome of the Danes, not with weapon or force of arms; but with treason wrought by our own people: we did at the first prepare a navy against the enemies, the which that false traitor Elfrike betrayed into their hands. Again, oftentimes have we given battle with evil success, and only through the fault of our own people that have been false and disloyal: whereby we have been constrained to agree with the enemies upon dishonourable conditions, even as necessity required, which to overcome, resteth only in God. Such kind of agreement hath been made in deed in our destruction, sith the enemies have not sticked to break it (they being such a wicked king of people as neither regard God nor man) contrary to right and reason, and beside all our hope & expectation. So that the matter is come now to this pass, that we have not cause only to fear the loss of our government, but least the name of the whole English nation be destroyed for ever. Therefore sithence the enemies are at hand, and as it were over our heads, you to whom my commandment hath ever been had in good regard, provide, take counsel, and see to succour the state of your country now ready to decay and to fall into irrecoverable ruin.  
Hereupon they fell in consultation, every one alleging and bringing forth his opinion as seemed to him best: but it appeared they had the wolf by the ear, for they witted not which way to turn them. If they should give battle, it was to be doubted least through treason among themselves, the army should be batraied into the enemies hands, the which would not fail to execute all kind of cruelty in the slaughter of the whole nation. And if they stood not valiantly to show themselves ready to defend their country, there was no shift but yield themselves. Which though it were a thing reproachful and dishonourable, yet should it be less evil, as they took the matter; for thereby might many be preserved from death, and in time to come, be able to recover the liberty of their country, when occasion should be offered. This point was allowed of them all, and so in the end they rested upon that resolution.  
King Egelred therefore determined to commit himself into the hands of his brother in law Richard 
King Egelred determineth to give place unto Swain.  duke of Normandy, whose sister (as ye have heard) he had married. But because he would not do this unadvisedly, first he sent over his wife queen Emma, 
He sendeth his wife and sons over into Normandy. Richard duke of Normandy.  with his sons which he had begotten of her, Alfred and Edward, that by their entertainment he might understand how he should be welcome. Duke Richard received his sister and his nephews very joyfully, and promised to aid his brother king Egelred in defence of his kingdom. But in this mean while had Swain conquered the more part of all England, and brought (by little and little) that which remained under his subjection. The people through fear submitting themselves on each hand, king Egelred in this mean time (for the Londoners had submitted themselves to Swain) was first withdrawn unto Gréenwich, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. Turkill.  and there remained for a time with the navy of the Danes, which was under the government of earl Turkill, and from thence sailed into the isle of Wight, and there remained a great part of the winter, 
1014  and finally after Christmas himself sailed into Normandy, 
King Egelred passeth into Normandy.  and was of his brother in law joyfully received & greatly comforted in that his time of necessity.    

Swain king of Denmark is reputed king of this land, he oppresseth the English people cruelly, and spoileth religious houses, the strange and miraculous slaughter of Swain vaunting of his victories; the Danish chronicles writ parciallie of him and his end, Cnute succeed his father Swain in regiment, the Englishmen send king Egelred word of Swains death, Edward king Egelreds' eldest son cometh over into England to know the state of the country and people of certainty; Egelred with his power returneth into England; what means Cnute made to establish himself king of this land, and to be well thought of among the English people, Egelred burneth up Gainesbrough, and killeth the inhabitants thereof for their disloyalty; Cnutes flight to Sandwich, his cruel decree against the English pledges, he returneth into Denmark, why Turkillus the Danish captain with his power compounded with the Englishmen to tarry in this land, his faithless service to Egelred, his drift to make the whole realm subject to the Danish thraldom. The seventh Chapter.  
Swain having now got the whole rule of the land, was reputed full king, and so commanded that his army should be provided of wages and victuals to be taken up & levied through the realm. In like manner Turkill commanded that to his army lodged at Gréenewich, 
Swain handleth the Englishmen hardly.  wages and victuals sufficient should be delivered, for the finding, relieving, succouring, and sustaining thereof. Swain used the victory very cruelly against the Englishmen, oppressing them on each hand; to the intent that them being brought low he might govern in more surety. The year in which he obtained the rule thus of thus realm, and that king Egelred was constrained to fly into Normandy, was in the 35 year of the same Egelred his reign, and after the birth of our Lord 1014. swain being once established in the government, did not only use much cruelty in oppressing the laity, but also stretched forth his hand to the church, and to the ministers in the same, fléecing them and spoiling both churches and ministers, without any remorse of conscience, insomuch that having a quarrel against the inhabitants within the precinct of S. Edmund's land in Suffolk, he did not only harry the country, but also rifled and spoiled the abbeie of Bury, where the body of saint Edmund rested.  
Whereupon shortly after, as he was at Gainesbrough or Thetford (as some say) and there in his jollity talked with his Nobles of his good success in conquering of this land, 
Fabian. S. Edmund fighteth for the wealth, but not for the slaughter of his people. Simon. Dun.  he was suddenly stricken with a knife, 
1115  as it is reported, miraculously, for no man witted how or by whom: and within three days after, to wit, on the third of February, he ended his life with grievous pain and torment in yelling and roaring, by reason of his extreme anguish beyond all measure. There hath sprung a pleasant tale among the posterity of that age, how he should be wounded with the same knife which king Edmund in his life time used to wear. Thus have some of our writers reported, but the Danish chronicles report a far more happy end which should chance to this Swain, 
Albertus Crantz. Saxo Granamaticus.  than is before mentioned out of our writers: for the said chronicles report, that after he had subdued England, he took order with king Egelred, whom they name amiss Adelstane, that he should not ordain any other successor, but only the said Swain. Then after this, he returned into Denmark, where using himself like a right godly prince, at length he there ended his life, being a very old man.  
Notwithstanding all this, when or howsoever he died, immediately after his decease the Danes elected his son Cnute or Knought to succeed in his 
Wil Malm. H. Hunt. Canute or Cnute.  dominions. But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to shake off the yoke of Danish thraldom besides their necks & shoulders, streightwaies upon knowledge had of Swains death, with all speed advertised king Egelred thereof, and that they were ready to receive and assist him if he would make haste to come over to deliver his country out 
Egelred sent for home.  of the hands of strangers. These news were right joyful unto Egelred, who burning in desire to be revenged on them that had expelled him out of his kingdom, made no longer tarriance to set that enterprise forward. But yet doubting the inconstancy of the people, he sent his elder son (named Edmund) to try the minds of them, 
Edmund K. Egelreds' eldest son.  and to understand whether they were constant or wavering in that which they had promised.  
The young gentleman hasting over into England, and with diligent inquiry perceiving how they were bend, returned with like speed as he came into Normandy again, declaring to his father, that all things were in safety if he would make haste. King Egelred then conceived an assured hope to recover his kingdom, 
King Egelred returneth into England  aided with his brother in laws power, and trusting upon the assistance of the Englishmen, returned into England in the time of Lent. His return was joyful and most acceptable to the English people, as to those that abhorred the rule of the Danes, 
Cnutes' endeavour to establish himself in the kingdom.  which was most sharp and bitter to them, although Cnute did what he could by bountifulness and courteous dealings to have retained them under his obeisance.  
And of an intent to procure God's favour in the well ordering of things for the administration in the common wealth, he sought first to appease his wrath, and also to make amends to saint Edmund for his father's offence committed (as was thought) against him: insomuch that after he had obtained the kingdom, he caused a great ditch to be cast round about the land of saint Edmund, 
S. Edmund's ditch.  and granted many fréedoms to the inhabitants, acquitting them of certain tasks and payments, unto the which other of their neighbours were contributary. He also builded a church on the place where saint Edmund was buried, and ordained an house of monks there, or rather removed the canons or secular priests that were there afore, and put monks in their rooms. He offered up also his crown unto the same S. Edmund, 
Polydor. Fabian.  and redeemed it again with a great sum of money, which manner of doing grew into an use unto other kings that followed him. He adorned the church there with many rich jewels, and endowed the monastery with great possessions.  
But these things were not done now at the first, but after that he was established in the kingdom. For in the mean time, after that king Egelred was returned out of Normandy, Cnute as then sojourning at Gainesbrough, remained there till the feast of Easter, and made agreement with them of Lindsey, so that finding him horses, they should altogether go forth to spoil their neighbours. King Egelred advertised thereof, sped him thither with a mighty host, and with great cruelty burned up the country, and slew the more part of the inhabitants, because they had taken part with his enemies. Cnute as then was not of power able to resist Egelred, 
Cnute driven to forsake the land. He was driven thither by force of contrary winds as should appear by Matth. West. The cruel decree of Cnute against the English pledges. Will. Malmes.  and therefore taking his ships which lay in Humber, fled from thence, & sailed about the coast, till he came, to Sandwich, and there sore grieved in his mind to remember what mischief was fallen and chanced to his friends and subjects of Lindsey, only for his cause; he commanded that such pledges as had been delivered to his father by certain noble men of this realm, for assurance of their fidelities, should have their noses slit, and their ears stuffed, or (as some writ) their hands and noses cut off.  
When this cruel act according to his commandment was done, taking the sea, he sailed into Denmark: but yet took not all the Danes with him which his father brought thither. For earl Turkill perceiving the wealthiness of the land, 
This Turkill was retained in service with Egelred, as I think.  compounded with the Englishmen, and chose rather to remain in a region replenished with all riches, than to return home into his own country that wanted such commodities as were here to be had. And yet (as some thought) he did not forsake his sovereign lord Cnute for any evil meaning towards him, but rather to aid him (when time served) to recover the possession of England again, as it afterwards well appeared. For notwithstanding that he was now retained by K. Egelred with forty ships, and the flower of all the Danes that were men of war, so that Cnute returned but with 60 ships into his country: yet shortly after, earl Turkill with 9 of those ships sailed into Denmark, submitted himself unto Cnute, counseled him to return into England, and promised him the assistance of the residue of those Danish ships which yet remained in England, 
Encomium. Emmae.  being to the number of thirty, with all the soldiers and mariners that to them belonged. To conclude, he did so much by his earnest persuasions, that Cnute (through aid of his brother Harrold king of Denmark) got together a navy of two hundred ships, so royally decked, furnished, and appointed, both for brave show and necessary furniture of all manner of weapons, armour & munition, as it is strange to consider that which is written by them that lived in those days, and took in hand to register the doings of that time. Howbeit to let this pomp of Cnutes fleet pass, which (no doubt) was right royal, consider a little and look back to Turkill, though a sworn servant to king Egelred, how he did direct all his drift to the advancement of Cnute, and his own commodity, cloaking his purposed treachery with pretended amity, as shall appear hereafter by his deadly hostility.   

A great waste by an inundation or in-breaking of the sea, a tribute of 30000 pounds to the Danes, king Egelred holdeth a council at Oxford, where he causeth two noble men of the Danes to be murdered by treason, Edmund the king: eldest son marrieth one of their wives, and seizeth upon his 〈◊〉 lands; Cnute the Damsn king returneth into England, the Damsn and English armies encounter, both 〈…〉; Cnute maketh waste of certain 〈◊〉, Edmund preventeth 〈◊〉 purposed treason, Edrike de Streona 〈◊〉 to the Danes, the Westernemen yield to Cnute; Mercia refuseth to be subject unto him, Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes; Egelred assembleth an army against them in vain; Edmund & Vtred with joined forces lay waste such countries and people as became subject to Cnute; his policy to prevent their purpose, through what countries he passed, Vtred submitteth himself to Cnute, and delivereth pledges, he 〈◊〉 put to death and his lands alienated, Cnute pursueth Edmund to London, and prepareth to besiege the city, the death and burial of Egelred, his wives, what issue he had by them, his infortunatenesse, and to what affections and vices he was inclined, his too late and bootless seeking to relieve his decayed kingdom. The eight Chapter.  
BUt now to return to our purpose, and to show what chanced in England after the departure of Cnute. 
1015  In the same year to the foresaid accustomed mischiefs an unwonted 
Matt. West.  misadventure happened: for the sea rose with such high springtides, that overflowing the country's next adjoining, divers villages with the inhabitants were drowned and destroyed. 
Simon Dun.  Also to increase the people's misery, king Egelred commanded, 
Wil Malm. Matth. West. A council at Oxford. Sigeferd and Morcad murdered.  that 30000 pounds should be levied to pay the tribute due to the Danes which lay at Gréenewich. This year also king Egelred held a council at Oxford, at the which a great number of noble men were present, both Danes and Englishmen, and there did the king cause Sigeferd and Morcad two noble personages of the Danes to be murdered within his own chamber, by the traitorous practice of Edrike de Streona, which accused them of some conspiracy. But the quarrel was only as men supposed, for that the king had a desire to their goods and possessions.  
Their servants took in hand to have revenged the death of their masters, but were beaten back, whereupon they fled into the steeple of saint Friswids' church, and kept the same, till fire was set upon the place, and so they were burned to death. The wife of Sigeferd was taken, & sent to Malmsburie, being a woman of high fame and great worthiness, whereupon the king's eldest son named Edmund, took occasion upon pretence of other business to go thither, and there to see her, with whom he fell so far in love, that he took and married her. That done, he required to have her husband's lands and possessions, 
Edmund the king's eldest son marrieth the widow of Sigeferd.  which were an earls living, and lay in Northumberland. And when the king refused to grant his request, he went thither, and seized the same possessions and lands into his hands, without having any commission so to do, finding the farmers and tenants there ready to receive him for their lord.  
Whilst these things were a doing, Cnute having made his provision of ships and men, with all necessary furniture (as before ye have heard) for his return into England, 
Cnute returneth into England.  set forward with full purpose, either to recover the realm out of Egelreds' hands, or to die in the quarrel. Hereupon he landed at Sandwich, and first earl Turkill obtained licence to go against the Englishmen that were assembled to resist the Danes, 
〈…〉  and finding them at a place called Scora●tan, he gave them the overthrow, got a great booty, and returned therewith to the ships. After this, Edrike governor of Norway made a road likewise into an other part of the country, & with a rich spoil, and many prisoners, returned unto the navy. After this journey achieved thus by Edrike, Cnute commanded that they should not waste the country any more, but gave order to prepare all things ready to besiege London: but before he attempted that enterprise, as others writ, he marched forth into Kent, or rather sailing round about that country, 
Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Sim. Dun.  took his journey westward, & came to Fromundham, and after departing from thence, wasted Dorsetshire, Summersetshire, & Wiltshire.  
King Egelred in this mean time lay sick at Cossam; 
King Egelred sick. Matth. West.  and his son Edmund had got together a mighty host, howbeit yer he came to join battle with his enemies, he was advertised, that earl Edrike went about the betray him, and therefore he withdrew with the army into a place of surety. But Edrike to make his tratorous purpose manifest to the whole world, 
Edrike de Streona ●●eth to the Danes. Simon. Dun. The west country. The people of Mercia would not yield. Matth. West. Hen. Hunt.  fled to the enemies with forty of the king's ships, fraught with Danish soldiers. Hereupon, all the west country submitted itself unto Cnute, who received pledges of the chief lords and nobles, and then set forward to subdue them of Mercia. The people of that country would not yield, but determined to defend the quarrel and title of king Egelred, so long as they might have any captain that would stand with them, and help to order them. In the year 1016, 
1016  in Christmas, Cnute and earl Edrike passed the Thames at Kirkelade, & entering into Mercia, cruelly began with fire and sword to waste and destroy the country, and namely Warwikeshire. 
Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes.   
In the mean time was king Egelred recovered of his sickness, 
King Egelred recovered of his sickness  and sent summons forth to raise all his power, appointing every man to resort unto him, that he might encounter the enemies and give them battle. 
He assembleth an army in vain.  But yet when his people were assembled, he was warned to take heed unto himself, and in any wise to beware how he gave battle, for his own subjects were purposed to betray him. Hereupon the army broke up, & king Egelred withdrew to London, there to abide his enemies within the walls, with whom in the field he doubted to try the battle. His son Edmund got him to Utred, an earl of great power, 
Wil Malm. Edmund king Egelreds' son.  inhabiting beyond Humber, and persuading him to join his forces with his, forth they went to waste, those countries that were become subject to Cnute, as Staffordshire, Leicestershire, and Shropshire, not sparing to exercise great cruelty upon the inhabitants, as a punishment for their revolting, that others might take example thereby.  
But Cnute perceiving whereabout they went, politicly devised to frustrate their purpose, and with doing of like hurt in all places where he came, passed through Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, and so through the fens came to Stamford, and then entered into Lincolnshire, 
Cnute, what countries he passed through  and from thence into Notinghamshire, & so into Yorkshire, not sparing to do what mischief might be devised in all places where he came. Utred advertised hereof, was constrained to departed home to save his own country from present destruction, and therefore coming back into Northumberland, & perceiving himself not able to resist the puissant force of his enemies, was constrained to deliver pledges, 
Earl Utred delivered pledges to Cnute.  and submit himself unto Cnute. But yet was he not hereby warranted from danger, for shortly after he was taken, and put to death, and then were his lands given unto one Iricke or Iricius, 
Al●ds Egricus.  whom afterward Cnute did banish out of the realm, because that he did attempt to challenge like authority to him in all points as Cnute himself had. After that Cnute had subdued the Northumber's, he pursued Edmund, till he heard that he had taken London for his refuge, and stayed there with his father. Then did Cnute take his ships, 
Cnute prepareth to besiege London.  and came about to the coasts of Kent, preparing to besiege the city of London.  
In the mean time, 
King Egelred departed this life. Simon Dun. Matth. West.  king Egelred sore worn with long sickness, departed this life on the 23 of April, being saint George's day, or (as others say) on saint Gregory's day, being the 12 of March, but I take this to be an error grown, by mistaking the feast-day of saint Gregory for saint George. He reigned the term of 37 years, 
He is buried in the church of S. Paul at London.  or little less. His body was buried in the church of saint Paul's, in the north I'll besides the queer, as by a memorial there on the wall it may appear. He had two wives (as before is mentioned.) By Elgina his first wife he had issue three sons, Edmund, Edwine, and Adelstane; besides one daughter named Egiva. By his second wife Emma, daughter to Richard the first of that name, duke of Normandy, and sister to Richard the second, he had two sons, Alfrid and Edward.  
This Egelred (as you have heard) had evil success in his wars against the Danes, and besides the calamity that fell thereby to his people, many other miseries oppressed this land in his days, not so much through his lack of courage and slothful negligence, as by reason of his presumptuous pride, whereby he alienated the hearts of his people from him. 
The pride of king Egelred alienated the hearts of his people.  His affections he could not rule, but was led by them without order of reason, for he did not only disherit diverse of his own English subjects wishout apparent cause of offence by plain forged cavillations; and also caused all the Danes to be murdered through his realm in one day, by some light suspicion of their evil meanings: but also gave himself to lecherous lusts, in abusing his body with naughty strumpets, forsaking the bed of his own lawful wife, to the great infamy & shame of that high degree of majesty, which by his kingly office he bore and sustained. To conclude, he was from his tender youth more apt to idle rest, than to the exercise of wars; more given to pleasures of the body, than to any virtues of the mind: although that toward his latter end, being grown into age, and taught by long experience of worldly affairs, and proof of passed miseries, he sought (though in vain) to have recovered the decayed state of his common wealth and country.  
¶ In this Egelreds' time, and (as it is recorded by a British chronographer) in the year of our Lord 984, one Cadwalhon, the second son of jevaf took in hand the governance of North-wales, and first made war with jonavall his cousin, the son of Meyric, and right heir to the land, and slew him, but edwal the youngest brother escaped away privily. The year following, Meredith the son of Owen king or prince of Southwales, with all his power entered into North-wales, and in fight slew Cadwalhon the son of jevaf, and Meyric his brother, and conquered the land to himself. Wherein a man may see how God punished the wrong, which jago and jevaf the sons of edwal Uoest did to their eldest brother Meyric, 
See the history of Cambriae pag. 62, 63  who was first disherited, and afterward his eyes put out, and one of his sons slain. For first jevaf was imprisoned by jago; then Iago with his son Constantine, by howel the son of jevaf: and afterward the said howel, with his brethren Cadwalhon and Meyric, were slain and spoiled of all their lands.   

Edmund Ironside succeedeth his father in the kingdom, the spirituality favouring Cnute would have him to be king, the Londoners are his back friends, they receive Edmund their king honourably and joyfully, Cnute is proclaimed king at Southampton, many of the states cleave unto him, he besiegeth London by water and land, the citizens give him the foil, he incountreth with king Edmund and is discomfited, two battles fought between the Danes and English with equal fortune and like success, the traitorous stratagem of Edrike the Dane, king Edmund advisedly defeateth Edriks' treachery, 20000 of both armies slain, Cnute marching towards London is pursued of Edmund, the Danes are repelled, encountered, and vanquished; queen Emma provideth for the safety of her sons; the Danes seek a pacification with Edmund, thereby more easily to betray him; Cnute with his army lieth near Rochester, king Edmund pursueth them, both armies have a long and a sore conflict, the Danes discomfited, and many of them slain; Cnute with his power assemble at Essex and there make waste, king Edmund pursueth them, Edrike traitorously revolteth from the English to secure the Danes, king Edmund is forced to get him out of the field, the Englishmen put to their hard shifts and slain by heaps; what noble personages were killed in this battle, of two dead bodies lately found in the place where this hot and heavy skirmish was fought. The ninth Chapter.  
AFter that king Egelred was dead, 
Edmund Ironside.  his eldest son Edmund surnamed Ironside was proclaimed king by the Londoners and others, having the assistance of some lords of the realm, although the more part, and specially those of the spirituality favoured Cnute, 
The kingdom goeth where the spirituality favoureth.  because they had aforetime sworn fealty to his father. Some writ, that Cnute had planted his siege both by water and land very strongly about the city of London, before Egelred departed this life, and immediately upon his decease was received into the city; but the army that was within the city, not consenting unto the surrender made by the citizens, departed the night before the day on the which Cnute by appointment should enter, and in company of Edmund Ironside (whom they had chosen to be their king and governor) they prepared to increase their numbers with new supplies, meaning eftsoons to try the fortune of battle against the Danish power. Cnute perceiving the most part of all the realm to be thus against him, and having no great confidence in the loyalty of the Londovers, took order to levy money for the payment of his men of war and mariners that belonged to his navy, 
The author of the book entitled Encomium Emmae saith that it was reported that Edmund offered the combat unto Cnute at this his going from the city, but Cnute refused it.  left the city, and embarking himself, sailed to the isle of Shepie, and there remained all the winter. In which mean while, Edmund Ironside came to London, where he was joyfully received of the citizens, and continuing there till the spring of the year, made himself stung against the enemies.  
This Edmund for his noble courage, strength of body, and notable patience to endure and suffer all such hardness and pains as is requisite in a man of war, was surnamed Ironside, & began his reign in the year of our Lord 1016, 
1016  in the sixtéenth year of the emperor Henry the second surnamed Claudius, in the twentieth year of the reign of Robert king of France, & about the sixth year of Malcolme the second king of the Scots. After that king Edmund had received the crown in the city of London by the hands of the archbishop of York, he assembled together such a power as he could make, and with the same marched forth towards the west parts, and made the country subject to him. In the mean time was Cnute proclaimed and ordained king at Southampton by the bishops and abbots, 
Ran. Higd.  and diverse lords also of the temporalty there together assembled, unto whom he swore to be their good and faithful sovereign, and that he would see justice truly and uprightly ministered.  
After he had ended his business at Southampton, 
Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun.  he drew with his people towards London, and coming thither, besieged the city both by water and land, causing a great trench to be cast about it, so that no man might either get in or come forth. Many great assaults he caused to be given unto the city, 
London besieged.  but the Londoners and others within so valiantly defended the walls and gates, that the enemies got small advantage, and at length were constrained to departed with loss. Cnute then perceiving that he might not have his purpose there, withdrew westward, 
Cnute at Galingham in Dorsetshire put to flight.  and besides Gillingham in Dorsetshire, encountered with K. Edmund in the Rogation week, and after sore & sharp battle was put to the worse, and constrained to forsake the field by the high prowess & manhood of the said Edmund. King Cnute the same night, after the armies were severed, departed towards Winchester, 
Polydor.  so to get himself out of danger. Shortly after, king Edmund hearing that an other army of the Danes had besieged Salisbury, 
Salisbury besieged.  marched thither to secure them within, and immediately Cnute followed him, so that at a place in Worcestershire called Scorastan, 
Simon Dun. Matt. West. Wit. Malm. I battle with equal fortune.  on the four and twentieth of june, they encountered together, and fought a very cruel battle, which at length the night parted with equal fortune. And likewise on the next day they buckled together again, and fought with like success as they had done the day before, 
another battle with like success.  for towards evening they gave over well wearied, and not knowing to whom the victory ought to be ascribed.  
Writers have reported, 
Edrike de Streona his treason. Simon Dun.  that this second day, when duke Edrike perceived the Englishmen to be at point to have got the upper hand, he withdrew aside, and having by chance slain a common soldier called Osmear, which in visage much resembled king Edmund, whose head he cut off, held it up, & shaking his sword bloody with the slaughter, cried to the Englishmen; Flee ye wretches, flee and get away, for your king is dead, behold here his head which I hold in my hands. Héerewith had the Englishmen fled immediately, if king Edmund advised of this stratagem, had not quickly got him to an high ground where his men might see him alive and lusty. Héerewith also the traitor Edrike escaped hardly the danger of death, the Englishmen shot so eagerly at him. At length, as is said, the night parting them in sunder, they withdrew the one army from the other, as it had been by consent. The third day they remained in armour, but yet abstaining from battle, sat still, in taking meat and drink to relieve their wearied bodies, and after gathered in heaps the dead car cases that had been slain in the former fight, 
Twenty thousand dead bodies.  the number of which on either party reckoned, rose to the point of twenty thousand and above.  
In the night following, 
The armies dislodged.  Cnuse removed his camp in secret wise, and marched towards London, which city in a manner remained besieged by the navy of the Danes. King Edmund in the morning when the light had discovered the departure of his enemies, followed them by the tract, and coming to London with small ado removed the siege, 
The Danes overcome at Brentford. Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Fabian. Caxton. Polydor.  and entered the city like a conqueror. Shortly after he fought with the Danes at Brentford and gave them a great overthrow. In this mean while queen Emma the widow of king Egelred, doubting the fortune of the war, sent her two sons Alfred and Edward over into Normandy unto her brother duke Richard, or rather fled thither herself with them (as some writ.)  
Moreover, earl Edrike, perceiving the great manhood of king Edmund, began to fear, least in the end he should subdue and vanquish the Danes, wherefore he sought means to conclude a peace, and take such order with him as might stand with both their contentations, which yer long he brought about. This was done (as you shall hear) by the consent of Cnute (as some writ) 
Hent. Hunt.  to the intent that Edrike being put in trust with king Edmund, might the more easily devise ways how to betray him. But Cnute disappointed of his purpose at London, and fetching a great booty and prey out of the country's next adjoining, repaired to his ships, to see what order was amongst them, which a little before were withdrawn into the river that passeth by Rochester called medway. 
The river of Medwaie.  Here Cnute remained certain days, both to assemble a greater power, and also to hearken and learn what his enemies meant to do, the which he easily understood.  
King Edmund, 
King Edmund's diligence.  who hated nothing worse than to linger his business, assembled his people, and marching forward toward his enemies, approached near unto them, & pitched down his tents not far from his enemies camp, exhorting his people to remember their passed victories, and to do their good wills, at length by one battle so to overthrow them, that they might make an end of the war, and dispatch them clearly out of the realm. With these and the like words he did so encourage his soldiers, that they disdaining thus to have the enemies daily provoke them, and to put them to trouble, with eager minds and fierce courages offered battle to the Danes, which Cnute had prepared to receive whensoever the Englishmen approached: and herewith bringing his men into array, he came forth to meet his enemies. Then was the battle begun with great earnestness on both sides, 
The battle is begun.  & continued four hours, till at length the Danes began somewhat to shrink, which when Cnute perceived, he commanded his horsemen to come forward into the forepart of his dawnted host.  
But whilst one part of the Danes gave back with fear, 
The Danes put to flight.  and the other came slowly forward, the array of the whole army was broken, & then without respect of shame they fled amain, so that there died that day of Cnutes' side four thousand and five hundred men; 
The number of Danes slain. Polydor. Fabian. Ran. Higd. Matt. West.  and of king Edmund's side, not past six hundred, and those were footmen. This battle was fought as should appear by diverse writers, at Okefort or Oteford. It was thought, that if king Edmund had pursued the victory and followed in chase of his enemies in such wise as he safely might have done, 
Hen. Hunt. Will. Malmes.  Edriks counsel. he had made that day an end of the wars: but he was counseled by Edrike (as some writ) in no condition to follow them, but to stay and give time to his people to refresh their weary bodies. Then Cnute with his army passed over the Thames into Essex, and there assembled all his power together, and began to spoil and waste the country on each hand. King Edmund advertised thereof, hasted forth to secure his people, and at Ashdone in Essex three miles from Saffron Walden, gave battle to Cnute, where after sore and cruel fight continued with great slaughter on both sides a long time, duke Edrike fled to the comfort of the Danes, and to the discomfort of the Englishmen.  
Hereupon king Edmund was constrained in the end to departed out of the field, having first done all that could be wished in a worthy chiestaine, both by words to encourage his men, & by deeds to show them good example; so that at one time the Danes were at point to have given back, but that Cnute advised thereof, rushed into the left wing where most danger was, and so relieved his people there, that finally the Englishmen, both wearied with long fight, and also discouraged with the running away of some of their company, were constrained to give-over, and by flight to seek their safeguard, so that king Edmund might not by any means bring them again into order. Here upon all the ways and passages being forelaid and stopped by the enemies, the Englishmen wanting both carriage to make longer resistance, and perceiving no hope to rest in fleeing, were beaten down and slain in heaps, so that few escaped from that dreadful and bloody battle.  
There died on king Edmund's side, 
Noble men slain at the battle of Ashdone. Simon Dun. Wil Malm.  duke Edmund, duke Alfrike, and duke Goodwin, with earl Ulfekettell or Urchell of Eastangle, and duke Aileward, that was son to Ardelwine late duke of Eastangle; and to be brief, all the flower of the English nobility. There were also slain at this battle many renowned persons of the spirituality, as the bishop of Lincoln, and the abbot of Ramsey, with others: king Edmund escaping away, 
King Edmund withdraweth unto Glocestershire  got him into Glocestershire, and there began to raise a new army. In the place where this field was fought, are yet seven or eight hills, wherein the carcases of them that were slain at the same field were buried: and one being digged down of late, there were found two bodies in a coffin of stone, of which the one lay with his head towards the others feet, and many chains of iron, (like to the water-chains of the bits of horses) were found in the same hill. But now to the matter.   

London & other great cities & towns submit themselves to Cnute, be hasteth after Edmund with his power, both their armies being ready to encounter by occasion are stayed, the oration of a captain in the hearing of both hosts; the title and right of the realm of England is put to the trial of combat between Cnute and Edmund, Cnute is ouermat●ched, his words to king Edmund, both kings are pacified and their armies accorded, the realm divided betwixt Cnute and Edmund, king Edmund traitorously slain, the dissonant report of writers touching the manners of his death and both the kings dealing about the partition of the realm, Cnute causeth Edrike to be slain for procuring king Edmund's death, wherein the reward of treason is noted; how long king Edmund reigned, and where he was buried, the eclipsed state of England after his death, and in whose time it recovered some part of it brightness. The tenth Chapter.  
IN the mean while that Edmund was bu●ie to levy a new army in Gloucester, and other parties of Mercia, Cnute having got so great a victory (as before is mentioned) received into his obeisance, not only the city of London, but also many other cities and towns of great name, and shortly after hasted forward to pursue his enemy king Edmund, who was ready with a mighty host to try the uttermost chance of battle if they should eftsoons join. 
Polydor. Matth. West.  Hereupon, both the armies being ready to give the onset, the one in sight of the other at a place called Dearehurst, near to the river of Severne, by the drift of duke Edrike, who then at length began to show some token of good meaning, the two kings came to a communication, and in the end concluded an agreement, 
Simon Dun.  as some have written, without any more ado. Others writ, that when both the armies were at point to have joined, one of the captains (but whether he were a Dane or an Englishman, it is not certainly told) stood up in such a place, 
Matth. West. saith this was Edrike.  as he might be heard of both the princes, & boldly uttered his mind in former following.  

The oration of a captain in the audience of the English and Danish army.  
WE have, most worthy captains, fought long enough one against another, there hath been but too much blood shed between both the nations, and the valiancy of the soldiers on both sides is sufficiently seen by trial, & either of your manhoods likewise, and yet can you bear neither good nor evil fortune. If one of you win the battle, he pursueth him that is overcome; and if he chance to be vanquished, he resteth no till he have recovered new strength to fight eftsoons with him that is victor. What should you mean by this your invincible courage? At what mark shooteth your greedy desire to bear rule, and your excessive thirst to attain honour? If you fight for a kingdom, divide it between you two, which sometime was sufficient for seven kings: but if you covet to win fame and glorious renown, and for the same are driven to try the hazard whether ye shall command or obey, devise the way whereby ye may without so great slaughter, and without such pitiful bloodshed of both your guiltless peoples, try whether of you is most worthy to be preferred.  
Thus made he an end, and the two princes allowed well of his last motion, 
The two kings appoint to try the matter by a combat.  and so order was taken, that they should fight together in a singular combat within a little Island enclosed with the river of Severne called Oldney, 
Oldney.  with condition, that whether of them chanced to be victor, should be king, and the other to resign his title for ever into his hands. The two princes entering into the place, appointed in fair armour, began the battle in sight of both their armies ranged in goodly order on either side the river, with doubtful minds, and nothing joyful, as they that wavered betwixt hope and fear. The two champions manfully assailed either other, 
Matt. Westm. Cnute of what stature he was.  without sparing. First, they went to it on horseback, and after on foot. Cnute was a man of a mean stature, but yet strong and hardy, so that receiving a great blow by the hand of his adversary, which caused him somewhat to stagger; yet recovered himself, and baldly stepped forward to be revenged. But perceiving he could not find advantage, and that he was rather too weak, 
Cnute overmatched. Cnutes' words to Edmund.  and shrewdly overmatched, he spoke to Edmund with a loud voice on this wise: What necessity (saith he) ought thus to move us, most valiant prince, that for the obtaining of a kingdom, we should thus put our lives in danger. Better were it that laying armour and malice aside, we should condescend to some reasonable agreement. Let us become sworn brethren, and part the kingdom betwixt us: 
H. Hunt.  and let us deal so friendly, that thou mayst use my things as thine own, and I thine as though they were mine. King Edmund with those words of his adversary was so pacified, that immediately he cast away his sword, 
They take up the matter betwixt themselves.  and coming to Cnute, joined hands with him. Both the armies by their example did the like, which looked for the same fortune to fall on their countries, which should happen to their princes by the success of that one battle, After this, there was an agreement devised betwixt them, so that a partition of the realm was made, and that part that lieth fore against France, was assigned to Edmund, and the other fell to Cnute. There be that writ, 
Wil Malm.  how the offer was made by king Edmund for the avoiding of more bloodshed, that the two princes should try the matter thus together in a singular combat. But Cnute refused the combat, because (as he alleged) the match was not equal. For although he was able to match Edmund in boldness of stomach, yet was he far too weak to deal with a man of such strength as Edmund was known to be. But sith they did pretend title to the realm by due and good direct means, he thought it most convenient that the kingdom should be divided betwixt them. This motion was allowed of both the armies, so that king Edmund was of force constrained to be contented therewith.  
¶ Thus our common writers have recorded of this agreement, but if I should not be thought presumptuous, in taking upon me to reprove, or rather but to mistrust that which hath been received for a true narration in this matter, I would rather give credit unto that which the author of the book entitled Encomium Emmae, 
Encomium Emmae.  doth report in this behalf. Which is that through persuasion of Edrike de Streona, king Edmund immediately after the battle fought at Ashdone, sent ambassadors unto Cnute to offer unto him peace, with half the realm of England, that is to say, the north parts, with condition that king Edmund might quietly enjoy the south parts, and thereupon have pledges delivered interchangeably on either side.  
Cnute having heard the effect of this message, stayed to make answer till he heard what his council would advise him to do in this behalf: and upon good deliberation taken in the matter, considering that he had lost no small number of people in the former battle, and that being far out of his country, he could not well have any new supply, where the Englishmen although they had likewise lost very many of their men of war, yet being in their own country, it should be an easy matter for them to restore their decayed number, it was thought expedient by the whole consent of all the Danish captains, that the offer of king Edmund should be accepted.  
Hereupon Cnute calling the ambassadors before him again, declared unto them, that he was contented to conclude a peace upon such conditions as they had offered: but yet with this addition, that their king whatsoever he should be, should pay Cnutes soldiers their wages, with money to be levied of that part of the kingdom which the English king should possess. For (this saith he) I have undertaken to see them paid, and otherwise I will not grant to any peace. The league and agreement therefore being concluded in this sort, pledges were delivered and received on both parties, and the armies discharged. 
This is alleged touching the partition of the kingdom.  But God (saith mine author) being mindful of his old doctrine, that Every kingdom divided in itself cannot long stand, shortly after took Edmund out of this life: and by such means seemed to take pity of the English kingdom, lest if both the kings should have continued in life together, they should have lived in danger. And incontivenlie hereupon was Cnute chosen and received for absolute king of all the whole realm of England. Thus hath he written that lived in those days, whose credit thereby is much advanced.  
Howbeit the common report of writers touching the death of Edmund varieth from this, who do affirm, that after Cnute and Edmund were made friends, the serpent of envy and false conspiracy burnt so in the hearts of some traitorous persons, that within a while after king Edmund was slain at Oxford, 
K. Edmund traitorcuster slain at Oxford.  as he sat on a privy to do the necessaries of nature. The common report hath gone, that carl Edrike was the procurer of this villainous act, and that (as some writ) his son did it. 
Fabian. Simon. Dan.  But the author that wrote Encomium Emmae, writing of the death of Edmund, hath these words (immediately after he had first declared in what sort the two princes were agreed, and had made partition of the realm betwixt them:) But God (saith he) being mindful of his old doctrine, 
This is allged again for the proof of Edmund's natural death.  that Every kingdom divided in itself can not long stand, shortly after took Edmund out of this life: and by such means seemed to take pity upon the English kingdom, lest if both the kings should have continued in life together, they should both have lived in great danger, and the realm in trouble. With this agreeth also Simon Dunel. who saith, that king Edmund died of natural sickness, by course of kind at London, about the feast of saint Andrew next ensuing the late mentioned agreement. 
Fabian.   
And this should seem true: for whereas these authors which report, 
Ranul. Hig.  that earl Edrike was the procurer of his death, do also write, that when he knew the act to be done, he hasted unto Cnute, 
Hen. Hunt.  and declared unto him what he had brought to pass for his advancement to the government of the whole realm. Whereupon nut, abhorring such a detestable fact, said unto him: Because thou hast for my sake, made away the worthiest body of the world, I shall raise thy head above all the lords of England, and so caused him to be put to death. Thus have some books. Howbeit this report agreeth not with other writers, which declare how Cnute advanced Edrike in the beginning of his reign unto high honour, 
Some think that he was duke of Mercia before, and now had Essex adjoined thereto. diverse and discordant reports of Edmund's death. Ran. Higd. Will. Malm.  and made him governor of Mercia, and uled his counsel in many things after the death of king Edmund, as in banishing Edwin, the brother of king Edmund, with his sons also, Edmund and Edward.  
But for that there is such discordance and variable report amongst writers touching the death of king Edmund, and some fables invented thereof (as the manner is) we will let the residue of their reports pass; sith certain it is, that to his end he came, after he had reigned about the space of one year, and so much more as is between the month of june and the latter end of November. His body was buried at Glastenburie, near his uncle Edgar. With this Edmund, surnamed Ironside, fell the glorious majesty of the English kingdom, the which afterward as it had been an aged body being sore decayed and weakened by the Danes, that now got possession of the whole, yet somewhat recovered after the space of 26 years under king Edward, surnamed the Confessor: and shortly thereupon as it had been fallen into a resiluation, came to extreme ruin by the invasion and conquest of the Normans: as after by God's good help and favourable assistance it shall appear. So that it would make a diligent and marking reader both muse and mourn, to see how variable the state of this kingdom hath been, & thereby to fall into a consideration of the frailty and uncertainty of this mortal life, which is no more free from security, than a ship on the sea in tempestuous weather. For as the casualties wherewith our life is enclosed and beset with round about, are manifold; so also are they miserable, so also are they sudden, so also are they unavoidable. And true it is, that the life of man is in the hands of God, and the state of kingdoms doth also belong unto him, either to continue or discontinue. But to the process of the matter.    

Cnute undertaketh the total regiment of this land, he assembleth a council at London, the nobles do him homage, he divideth the realm into four parts to be governed by his assigns; Edwin and Edward the sons of Edmund are banished, their good fortune by honourable marriages, King Cnute marrieth queen Emma the widow of Egelred, the wise and politic conditions whereupon this marriage was concluded, the English blood restored to the crown and the Danes excluded, queen Emma praised for her high wisdom in choosing an enemy to her husband; Cnute dismisseth the Danish army into Denmark; Edrike de Streona bewrayeth his former treachery, and procureth his own death through rashness and folly, the discordant report of writers touching the manner & cause of his death, what noble men were executed with him, and banished out of England, Cnute a monarch. The xj. Chapter.  
CAnute, 
Canute, Knought or Cnute.  or Cnute, whom the English chronicles do name Knought, after the death of king Edmund, took upon him the whole rule over all the realm of England, in the year of our Lord 1017, 
1017  in the seventeenth year of the emperor Henry the second, surnamed Claudus, in the twentieth year of the reign of Robert king of France, and about the 7 year of Malcolme king of Scotland. Cnute shortly after the death of king Edmund, assembled a council at London, in the which he caused all the nobles of the realm to do him homage, in receiving an oath of loyal obeisance. He divided the realm into four parts, assigning Northumberland unto the rule of Irk or Iricius, Mercia unto Edrike, and Eastangle unto Turkill, and reserving the west part to his own governance. He banished (as before is said) Edwin, the brother of king Edmund; but such as were suspected to be culpable of Edmund's death, he caused to be put to execution: whereby it should appear, that Edrike was not then in any wise detected or once thought to be guilty.  
The said Edwin afterwards returned, 
Wil Malm.  and was then reconciled to the king's favour (as some writ) but shortly after traitorously slain by his own servants. 
Ran. Higd.  He was called the king of churls. Others writ, 
King of ch●rles. Wil Malm.  that he came secretly into the realm after he had been banished, and keeping himself closely out of sight, at length ended his life, and was buried at Tavestocke. Moreover, Edwin and Edward the sons of king Edmund were banished the land, and sent first unto Sweno king of Norweie to have been made away: 
Ran. Higd.  but Sweno upon remorse of conscience sent them into Hungary, where they found great favour at the hands of king Solomon, insomuch that Edwin married the daughter of the same Solomon, but had no issue by her. Edward was advanced to marry with Agatha, daughter of the emperor Henry, and by her had issue two sons, Edmund and Edgar surnamed Edeling, and as many daughters, Margaret and Christine, of the which in place convenient more shall be said.  
When king Cnute had established things, as he thought stood most for his surety, he called to his remembrance, 
Polydor. King Cnute married to queen Emma the widow of Egelred, in julie, anno. 1017.  that he had no issue but two bastard sons Harold and Sweno, begotten of his concubine Alwine. Wherefore he sent over to Richard duke of Normandy, requiring to have queen Emma, the widow of king Egelred in marriage, and so obtained her, not a little to the wonder of many, which thought a great oversight both in the woman and in her brother, that would satisfied the request of Cnute herein, considering he had been such a mortal enemy to her former husband. 
Polydor.  But duke Richard did not only consent, that his said sister should be married unto Cnute, but also he himself took to wife the lady Hestritha, sister to the said Cnute.  
¶ Here ye have to understand, that this marriage was not made without great consideration & large covenants granted on the part of king Cnute: for before he could obtain queen Emma to his wife, it was fully condescended & agreed, 
The covenants made at the marriage betwixt Cnute and Emma.  that after Cnuts' decease, the crown of England should remain to the issue borne of this marriage betwixt her & Cnute, which covenant although it was not performed immediately after the decease of king Cnute, yet in the end it took place, so as the right seemed to be deferred, and not to be taken away nor abolished: for immediately upon Harold's death that had usurped, Hardicnute succeeded as right heir to the crown, by force of the agreement made at the time of the marriage solemnised betwixt his father and mother, and being once established in the kingdom, he ordained his brother Edward to succeed him, whereby the Danes were utterly excluded from all right that they had to pretend unto the crown of this land, and the English blood restored thereto, chiefly by that gracious conclusion of this marriage betwixt king Cnute and queen Emma. 
The english blood restored. The praise of queen Emma for her wisdom.  For the which no small praise was thought to be due unto the said queen, sith by her politic government, in making her match so beneficial to herself and her line, the crown was thus recovered out of the hands of the Danes, and restored again in time to the right heir, as by an ancient treatise which some have entitled Encomium Emmae, 
Encomium Emmae.  and was written in those days, it doth and may appear. Which book although there be but few copies thereof abroad, giveth undoubtedly great light to the history of that time.  
But now to our purpose. 
Matth. West.  Cnute the same year in which he was thus married, through persuasion of his wife queen Emma, sent away the Danish navy and army home into Denmark, giving to them fourscore and two thousand pounds of silver, which was levied throughout this land for their wages. 
Wil Malm.  In the year 1018, 
1018  Edrike de Streona earl of Mercia was overthrown in his own turn: for being called before the king into his privy chamber, and there in reasoning the matter about some quarrel that was picked to him, he began very presumptuously to upbraid the king of such pleasures as he had before time done unto him; I did (said he) for the love which I bore towards you, forsake my sovereign lord king Edmund, and at length for your sake slew him. At which words Cnute began to change countenance, as one marvelously abashed, and straightways gave sentence against Edrike in this wise; Thou art worthy (saith he) of death, and die thou shalt, which art guilty of treason both towards God and me, sith that thou hast slain thine own sovereign lord, and my dear allied brother. Thy blood therefore be upon thine own head, sith thy tongue hath uttered thy treason. And immediately he caused his throat to be cut, and his body to be thrown out at the chamber window into the river of Thames. ¶ But others say, 
Edrike put to death.  that hands were laid upon him in the very same chamber or closet where he murdered the king, & straightways to prevent all causes of tumults & hurlieburlies, he was put to death with terrible torments of fierbrands & links; which execution having passed upon him, a second succeeded; for both his feet were bound together, and his body drawn through the streets of the city, & in fine cast into a common ditch called Hounds-ditch; for that the citizens threw their dead dogs and stinking carrion wish other filth into it, accounting him worthy of worse rather than of a better burial. In such haired was treason had, being a vice which the very infidels and gross pagans abhorred, else would they not have said, 〈…〉; Treason I love, but a traitor I hate. This was the end of Edrike surnamed de Stratten or Streona, a man of great infamy for his crafty dissimulation, falsehood and treason, used by him to the overthrow of the English estate, as partly before is touched.  
But there be that concerning the cause of this Edriks death, 
Simon D●n.  seem partly to disagree from that which before is recited, declaring that Cnute standing in some doubt to be betrayed through the treason of Edrike, 
〈…〉  sought occasion how to rid him and others (whom he mustrusted out of the way. And therefore on a day when Edrike craved some preferment at Cnuts' hands, & said that he had deserved to be well thought of, sith by his fight from the battle at Ashendon, the victory thereby inclined to Cnutes' part: Cnute hearing him speak these words, made this answer: And canst thou (quoth he) be true to me, that through fraudulent means did fiddest deceive thy sovereign lord and master? But I will reward thee according to thy deserts, so as from henceforth thou shalt not deceive any other, and so forthwith commanded Erike one of his chief captains to dispatch him, who incontinently cut off his head with his are or halberd. verily Simon Dunelmenfis saith, that K. Cnute understanding in what sort both king Egelred, and his son king Edmund Ironside had been betrayed by the saith Edrike, stood in great doubt to be likewise deceived by him, and therefore was glad to have some pretended quarrel, to dispatch both him and others, whom he likewise mistrusted, as it well appeared. For at the same time there were put to death with Edrike earl Norman the son of earl Leofwin, and brother to earl Leofrike: also Adelward the son of earl Agelmare and Brightrike the son of Alfegus governor of Devonshire, without all guilt or cause (as some writ.) And in place of Norman, his brother Leofrike was made earl of Mercia by the king, and had in great favour. This Leofrike is commonly also by writers named earl of Chester. After this, Cnute likewise banished Iric and Turkill, two Danes, the one (as before is recited) governor of Northumberland, and the other of Norfolk and Suffolk or Eastangle.  
Then rested the whole rule of the realm in the king's hands, whereupon he studied to preserve the people in peace, and ordained laws, according to the which both Danes and Englishmen should be governed in equal state and degree. 
Hen. Hunt. Lords put to death.  divers great lords whom he found unfaithful or rather suspected, he put to death (as before ye have heard) beside such as he banished out of the realm. 
A tax raised.  He raised a tar or tribute of the people, amounting to the summer of fourscore & two thousand pounds, besides 11000 pounds, which the Londoners paid towards the maintenance of the Danish army. But whereas these things chanced not all at one time, but in sundry Seasons, we will return somewhat back to declare what other exploits were achieved in the mean time by Cnute, not only in England, but also in Denmark, and elsewhere admonishing the reader in the process of the discourse following, that much excellent matter is comprehended, whereout (if the same be studiously read and diligently considered) no small profit is to be reaped, both for the augmentation of his own knowledge and others that be studious.   

Cnute saileth into Denmark to subdue the Vandals, earl goodwin's good service with the English against the said Vandals, and what benefit accrued unto the Englishmen by the said good service, he returneth into England after the discomfiture of the enemy, he saileth over again into Denmark and incountreth with the Sweideners, the occasion of this war or encounter taken by Ola●us, his hard hap, unlucky fortune, and woeful death wrought by the hands of his own unnatural subjects; Cnuts confidence in the Englishmen, his devour voyage to Rome, his return into England, his subduing of the Scots, his death and interrement. The twelfth Chapter.  
IN the third year of his reign Cnute sailed with an army of Englishmen and Danes into Denmark, 
1019  to subdue the Uandals there, 
King C●●●passeth into Denmark.  which then sore anncied and warred against his subjects of Denmark. 
Earl God when his service in Denmark.  Earl Goodwin, which had the sovereign conduct of the Englishmen, the night before the day appointed for the battle got him forth of the camp with his people, and suddenly assailing the Uandals in their lodgings, easily distressed them, slaying a great number of them, and chase the residue. In the morning early, when as Cnute heard that the Englishmen were gone forth of their lodgings, he supposed that they were either fled away, or else turned to take part with the enemies. But as he approached to the enemies camp, he understood how the matter went; for he found nothing there but blood, dead bodies, and the spoil. 
Cnute had the Englishman in estimation for their good seriuce.  For which good service, Cnute had the Englishmen in more estimation ever after, and highly rewarded their leader the came carl Goodwin. When Cnute had ordered all things in Denmark, as was thought be hoofefull, he returned again into England: and within a few days after, he was advertised that the Swedeners made war against his subjects of Denmark, under the loading of two great princes, Ulfe and Ulafe. 
1028  Wherefore to defend his dominions in those parts he passed again with an army into Denmark,, 
Cnute 〈◊〉 again into Denmark.  encountered with his enemies, and received a sore overthrow, losing a great number both of Danes and Englishmen. But gathering together a new force of men, 
Will. Male.  he set again upon his enemies, and overcame them, constreining the two foresaid princes to agree upon reasonable conditions of peace. Matth. West. 
Matth. West.  recounteth, that at this time earl Goodwin and the Englishmen wrought the enterprise above mentioned, of assaulting the enemies camp in the night season, after Cnute had first lost in the day before no small number of his people: and that then the foresaid princes or kings, as he nameth them Ulfus and Aulafus, which latter he calleth Eiglafe, were constrained to agree upon a peace. 
Albernus Crance.  The Danish chronicles allege, that the occasion of this war rose hereof. This Olanus aided Cnute (as the same writer's report) against king Edmund and the Englishmen. But when the peace should be made between Cnute and Edinund, there was no consideration had of Olaus: whereas through him the Danes chiefly obtained the victory. Hereupon Olanus was sore offended in his mind against Cnute, and now upon occasion sought to be revenged. But what soever the cause was of this war betwixt these two princes, the end was thus: that Olnus was expelled out of his kingdom, and constrained to flee to Gerithaslaus a duke in the parties of Eastland. and afterward returning into Norway, was slain by such of his subjects as took part with Cnute, in manner as in the history of Norway, appeareth more at large, with the contrariety found in the writings of them which have recorded the histories of those north regions.  
But here is to be remembered, 
Magnus Olaws.  that the fame and glory of the English nation was greatly advanced in these wars, as well against the Swedeners as the Norwegians, so that Cnute began to love and trust the Englishmen much better than it was to be thought he would ever have done. 
Fabian. Polydor. Hen. Hunt.  Shortly after that Cnute was returned into England, that is to say (as some have) in the 15 year of his reign, he went to Rome to perform his vow which he had made to visit the places where the apostles Peter and Paul had their burial, 
Other say, that he went forth of Denmark to Rome. Simon Dun.  where he was honourably received of pope john the 20 that then held the see. When he had done his devotion there, he returned into England. 
Anno 1013.  In the year following he made a journey against the Scots, which as then had rebelled; 
1032  but by the princely power of Cnute they were subdued and brought again to obedience: 
Wil Malm. Matth. West.  so that not only king Malcolme, but also two other kings Melbeath and jeohmare became his subjects. 
1033  Finally after that this noble prince king Cnute had reigned the term of 20 years currant, 
Scots subdued. Hen. Hunt.  after the death of Ethelred, 
Anno 1035.  he died at Shaftsburie, as the English writers affirm, 
Wil Malm. The death of king Cnute.  on the 12 of November, and was buried a Winchester. But the Danish chronicles record the he died in Normandy, and was buried at Rone (as in the same chronicles ye may read more at large.) 
Hen. Hunt. Alb. Crantz.    

The trespuissance of Cnute, the ampleness of his dominions, the good and charitable fruits of his voyage to Rome redounding to the common benefit of all travelers from England thither, with what great personages he had conference, and the honour that was done him there, his intolerable pride in commanding the waters of the floods not to rise, he humbleth himself and confesseth Christ jesus to be king of kings, he refuseth to wear the crown during his life, he reproveth a gentleman flatterer, his issue legitimate and illegitimate, his inclination in his latter years, what religious places he erected, repaired, and enriched; what notable men he favoured and reverenced, his laws; and that in causes as well ecclesiastical as tempoporall he had chief and sole government in this land, whereby the popse usurped title of universal supremacy is impeached. The xiii. Chapter.  
THis Cnute was the mightiest prince that ever reigned over the English people: 
The large dominion of K. Cnute. Hen. Hunt. Alb. Crantz.  for he had the sovereign rule over all Denmark, England, Norway, Scotland, and part of Sweiden. Amongst other of his royal acts, he caused such tolls and tallages as were demanded of way-goers at bridges and streets in the high way betwixt England and Rome to be diminished to the halves, and again got also a moderation to be had in the payment of the archbishop's fees of his realm, which was levied of them in the court of Rome when they should receive their palles, as may appear by a letter which he himself being at Rome, directed to the bishops and other of the nobles of England. In the which it also appeareth, that besides the royal entertainment, which he had at Rome of pope john, he had conference there with the emperor Conrad, with Ralph the king of Burgongne, and many other great princes and noble men, 
Grants made to the benefit of Englishmen. at the instance of king Cnute.  which were present there at that time: all which at this request, in favour of those Englishmen that should travel unto Rome, granted (as have said) to diminish such duties as were gathered of passengers.  
He received there many great gifts of the emperor, 
Fabian.  and was highly honoured of him, and likewise of the pope, and of all other the high princes at that time present at Rome: 
Polydor. Matt. West.  so that when he came home (as some writ) he did grow greatly into pride, insomuch that being near to the Thames, or rather (as other writ) 
He caused his chair to be set there, as Matth. West. saith. Hen. Hunt.  upon the sea strand, near to southhampton, and perceiving the water to rise by reason of the tide, he east off his gown, and wrapping it round together, threw it on the sands very near the increasing water, and sat him down upon it, speaking these or the like words to the sea: Thou art (saith he) within the compass of my dominion, and the ground whereon I sit is mine, and thou knowest that no wight dare disoboie my commandments; I therefore do now command thee not to rise upon my ground, nor to presume to wet any part of thy sovereign lord and governor. But the sea keeping her course, rose still higher and higher, and overflowed not only the king's feet, but also flashed up unto his legs and knees. Wherewith the king started suddenly up, and withdrew from it, saying withal to his nobles that were about him: 
The saying of king Cnute.  Behold you noble men, you call me king, which can not so much as stay by my commandment this small portion of water. But know ye for certain, that there is no king but the father only of our Lord jesus Christ, with whom he reigneth, & at whose beck all things are governed. Let us therefore honour him, let us confess and profess him to be the ruler of heaven, 
Zealously enough, if it had bm according to true knowledge.  earth, and sea, and besides him none other.  
From thence he went to Winchester, and there with his own hands set his crown upon the head of the image of the crucifix, which stood there in the church of the apostles Peter and Paul, 
Ran. Higd. Polydor. Matth. West.  and from thenceforth he would never wear that crown nor any other. Some writ that he spoke not the former words to the sea upon any presumptuousness of mind, but only upon occasion of the vain title, 
Polydor.  which in his commendation on of his gentlemen gave him by way of flattery (as he rightly took it) for he called him the most mightiest king of all kings, 
Flattery reproved.  which ruled most at large both men, sea, and land. Therefore to reprove the fond flattery of such vain persons, he devised and practised the deed before mentioned, thereby both to reprove such flatterers, and also that men might be admonished to consider the omnipotency of almighty God. He had issue by his wife queen Emma, a son named by the English chronicles Hardiknought, but by the Danish writers Canute or Knute: also a daughter named Gonilda, 
Polydor.  that was after married to Henry the son of Conrad, which also was afterwards emperor, 
Alb. Crantz.  and named Henry the third. By his concubine Alwine that was daughter to Alselme, whom some name earl of Hampton, he had two bastard sons, Harold and Sweno. He was much given in his latter days to virtue, as he that considered how perfect felicity rested only in godliness and true devotion 
Polydor. Fabian.  to serve the heavenly king and governor of all things.  
He repaired in his time many churches, abbeys, and houses of religion, which by occasion of wars had been fore defaced by him and his father, but specially he did great cost upon the abbeie of saint Edmund, in the town of Bury, as partly before is mentioned. He also built two abbeys from the foundation, as saint Benet's in Norfolk, seven miles distant from Norwich, and an other in Norway. 
Which is supposed to be Barelow: for A●hdone itself is half a mile from thence.  He did also build a church at Ashdone in Essex, where he obtained the victory of king Edmund, and was present at the hallowing or consecration thereof with a great multitude of the lords and nobles of the realm, both English and Danes. 
1020  He also holp with his own hands to remove the body of the holy archbishop Elphegus, 
Simon Dun.  when the same was translated from London to Canturburie. The royal and most rich jewels which he & his wife queen Emma gave unto the church of Winchester, might make the beholders to wonder at such their exceeding and bountiful munificence.  
Thus did Cnute strive to reform all such things as he and his ancestors had done amiss, and to wipe away the spot of evil doing, as surly to the outward sight of the world he did in deed; he had the archbishop of Canturburie Achelnotus in singular reputation, and used his counsel in matters of importance. 
Leofrike earl of Chester.  He also highly favoured Leofrike earl of Chester, so that the same Leofrike bare great rule in ordering of things touching the state of the common wealth under him as one of his chief councillors. diverse laws and statutes he made for the government of the common wealth, 
King Cnutes laws.  partly agreeable with the laws of king Edgar, and other the kings that were his predecessors, and partly tempered according to his own liking, and as was thought to him most expedient: among the which there be diverse that concern causes as well ecclesiastical as temporal. Whereby (as master Fox hath noted) it may be gathered, that the government of spiritual matters did depend then not upon the bishop of Rome, but rather appertained unto the lawful authority of the temporal prince, no less than matters and causes temporal. But of these laws & statutes enacted by king Cnute, ye may read more as ye find them set forth in the before remembered book of master william Lambert, which for briefness we here omit.   

Variance amongst the peers of the realm about the royal succession, the kingdom is divided betwixt Harold the bastard son and Hardicnute the lawfully begotten son of king Cnute late deceased, Harold hath the total regiment, the authority of earl Goodwin guardian to the queen's sons, Harold is proclaimed king, why Elnothus did stoutly refuse to consecrate him, why Harold was surnamed Harefoot, he is supposed to be a shoemakers son, and how it came to pass that he was counted king Cnutes bastard; Alfred challengeth the crown from Harold, Goodwin (under colour of friendly entertainment) procureth his retinues utter undoing, a tithing of the Normans by the poll, whether Alfred was interessed in the crown, the treacherous letter of Harold written in the name of queen Emma to her two sons in Normandy, whereupon Alfred cometh over into England, the unfaithful dealing of Goodwin with Alfred and his people, teaching that in trust is treason, a reservation of every tenth norman, the remanent slain, the lamentable end of Alfred, and with what torments he was put to death; Harold banisheth queen Emma out of England, he degenerateth from his father, the short time of his reign, his death and burial. The xiv. Chapter.  
AFter that Cnute was departed this life, 
Harold Matth. West. Wil Malm.  there arose much variance amongst the peers and great lords of the realm about the succession. The Danes and Londoners (which through continual familiarity with the Danes, were become like unto them) elected Harold the base son of king Cnute, 
Contro●e●s● for the crown●  to succeed in his father's room, having earl Leofrike, and diverse other of the noble men of the north parts on their side. But other of the Englishmen, and namely earl Goodwin earl of Kent, with the chiefest lords of the west parts, coveted rather to have one of king Egelreds' sons, which were in Normandy, or else Hardicnute the son of king Cnute by his wife queen Emma, 
Simon Dun.  which remained in Denmark, advanced to the place. 
The realm divided betwixt Harold and Harticnute.  This controversy held in such wise, that the realm was divided (as some writ) by lot betwixt the two brethren Harold and Hardicnute. The north part, as Mercia and Northumberland fell to Harold, and the south part unto Hardicnute: but at length the whole remained unto Harold, because his brother Hardicnute refused to come out of Denmark to take the government upon him.  
But yet the authority of earl Goodwin, 
The authority of earl Goodwin. H. Hunt.  who had the queen and the treasure of the realm in his keeping, stayed the matter a certain time, (professing himself as it were guardian to the young men, the sons of the queen, till at length he was constrained to give over his hold, and conform himself to the stronger part and greater number.) And so at Oxford, where the assembly was holden about the eelction, Harold was proclaimed king, and consecrated according to the manner (as some writ.) But it should appear by other, that Elnothus the archbishop of Canturburie, a man endued with all virtue and wisdom refused to crown him: 
The refusal of the archbishop Elnothus to consecrate king Harold.  for when king Harold being elected of the nobles and peers, required the said archbishop that he might be of him consecrated, and receive at his hands the regal sceptre with the crown, which the archbishop had in his custody, and to whom it only did appertain to invest him therewith, the archbishop flatly refused, and with an oath protested, that he would not consecrate any other for king, so long as the queens children lived: for (saith he) Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I keep my faith and loyal obedience. The sceptre and crown I here lay down upon the altar, and neither do I deny nor deliver them unto you: but I forbidden by the apostolic authority all the bishops, that none of them presume to take the same away, and deliver them to you, or consecrate you for king. As for yourself, if you dare, you may usurp that which I have committed unto God and his table.  
But whether afterwards the king by one mean or other, caused the archbishop to crown him king, or that he was consecrated of some other, he was admitted king of all the English people, beginning his reign in the year of our Lord a thousand thirty and six, 
1036  in the fouretenth year of the emperor Conrad the second, in the sixth year of Henry the first, king of France, and about the seven and twentieth year of Malcolme the second, king of Scots. This Harold for his great swiftness, 
Harold why he is surnamed Harefoot.  was surnamed Harefoot, of whom little is written touching his doings, saving that he is noted to have been an oppressor of his people, and spotted with many notable vices. 
Harold evil spoken of.  It was spoken of diverse in those days, that this Harold was not the son of Cnute, but of a shoemaker, and that his supposed mother Elgina, 
Ran. Higd. ex. Mariano.  king Cnutes concubine, to bring the king further in love with her, feigned that she was with child: and about the time that she should be brought to bed (as she made her account) caused the said shoemakers son to be secretly brought into her chamber, and then untruely caused it to be reported that she was delivered, and the child so reputed to be the king's son.  
Immediately upon advertisement had of Cnutes' 
Matth. West.  death, Alfred the son of king Egelred, with fifty sail landed at Sandwich, meaning to challenge the crown, and to obtain it by lawful claim with quietness, if he might; if not, then to use force by aid of his friends, and to assay that way forth to win it, if he might not otherwise obtain it. From Sandwich he came to Canturburie: and shortly after, earl Goodwin feigning to receive him as a friend, came to meet him, and at Gilford in the night season appointed a number of armed men to fall upon the Normans as they were asleep, and so took them together with Alfred, & slew the Normans by the poll, in such wise that nine were slain, & tenth reserved. But yet when those that were reserved, seemed to him a greater number than he wished to escape, he fell to and again tithed them as before. Alfred had his eyes put out, and was concueied to the isle of Elie, where shortly after he died.  
¶ How Alfred should claim the crown to himself I see not: 
●an. Higd.  for verily I can not be persuaded that he was the elder brother, though divers authors have so written, sith Gemeticensis, & the author of the book called Encomium Emmae, plainly affirm, that Edward was the elder: but it might be, that Alfred being a man of a stouter stomach than his brother Edward, made this attempt, either for himself, or in the behalf of is brother Edward, being as then absent, 
See master Fox acts and monuments, pag. 112. Simon Dun.  and gone into Hungary, as some writ: but other say, that as well Edward as Alfred am over at this time with a number of Norman knights, and men of war embarked in a few ships, only to speak with their mother, who as then lay at Winchester, whether to take advise with her how to recover their right here in this land, or to advance their brother Hardicnute, or for some other purpose, our authors do not declare.  
But the lords of the realm that bore their good wills unto Harold, and (though contrary to right) meant to maintain him in the estate, seemed to be much offended with the coming of these two brethren in such order: for earl Goodwin persuaded them, that it was great danger to suffer so many strangers to the enter the realm, as they had brought with them. Whereupon earl Goodwin with the assent of the other lords, or rather by commandment of Harold, went forth, and at Gilford met with Alfred that was coming towards king Harold to speak with him, accordingly as he was of Harold required to do. But now being taken, and his company miserably murdered (as before ye have heard) to the number of six hundred Normans, Alfred himself was sent into the isle of Elie, there to remain in the abbeie in custody of the monks, having his eyes put out as soon as he entered first into the same I'll. William Malmesburie saith, that Alfred came over, and was thus handled betwixt the time of Harold's death, & the coming in of Hardicnute. Others writ, that this chanced in his brother Hardicnuts days, which seemeth not to be true: for Hardicnute was known to love his brethren by his mother's side too dearly to have suffered any such injury to be wrought against either of them in his time.  
¶ Thus ye see how writers descent in this matter, but for the better clearing of the truth touching the time, I have thought good to show also what the author of the said book entitled Encomium Emmae writeth hereof, which is as followeth, When Harold was once established king, he sought means how to rid queen Emma out of the way, and that secretly, for that openly as yet he durst not attempt any thing against her. She in silence kept herself quiet, looking for the end oh these things. But Harold remembering himself, of a malicious purpose, by wicked advise took counsel how he might get into his hands and make away the sons of queen. Emma; & 〈◊〉 ●e out of danger of all annoyance that by them might be procured against him. Wherefore he caused a letter to be written in the name of their mother Emma, 
A counterfeit letter.  which he sent by certain messengers suborned for the same purpose into Normandy, where Edward and Alfred as then remained. The tenor of which letter here ensueth.  

The tenor of a letter forged and sent in queen Emmas name to her two sons.  
EMmatantùm nomine regina filijs Edwardo & Alfredo materna impertit salutamina. Dum domini nostri regis obitum separatim plangimus (filii charissimi) dúmque dietim magis magisque regno haereditatis vestrae privamini, miror quid captetis consilij, dum sciatis intermissionis vestrae dilatione invasoris vestri imperij fieri quotidiè soliditatem. Is enim incessanter vicos & urbes circuit, & sibi amicos principes muneribus, minis, & precibus facit: sed unum è vobis super se mallent regnare quàm istius (qui nunc ijs imperat) teneri ditione. unde rogo unus vestrum ad me velociter & privatè veniat, ut salubre à me consilium accipiat, & sciat quo pacto hoc negotium quod volo fieri debeat, per praesentem quóque internuncium quid super his facturi estis remandate. valet cordis mei viscera.   

The same in English.  
EMma in name only queen to her sons Edward and Alfred sendeth motherly greeting. Whilst we separatelie bewail the death of our sovereign lord the king (most dear sons) and whilst you are every day more and more deprived from the kingdom of your inheritance, I marvel what you do determine, sith you know by the delay of your ceasing to make some enterprise, the grounded force of the usurper of your kingdom is daily made the stronger. For incessantly he goeth from town to town, from city to city, and maketh the lords his friends by rewards, threats, and prayers, but they had rather have one of you to reign over them, than to be kept under the rule of this man that now governeth them. Wherefore my request is, that one of you do come with speed, and that privily over to me, that he may understand my wholesome advise, and know in what sort this matter ought to be handled, which I would have to go forward, and see that ye send me word by this present messenger what you mean to do herein. Far ye well even the bowels of my heart.  
These letters were delivered unto such as were made privy to the purposed treason, who being fully instructed how to bale, went over into Normandy, and presenting the letters unto the young gentlemen, used the matter so, that they thought verily that this message had been sent from their mother, and wrote again by them that brought the letters, that one of them would not fall but come over unto her according to that she had requested, and withal appointed the day and time. The messengers returning to king Harold, informed him how they had sped. The younger brother Alfred, with his brother's consent, took with him a certain number of gentlemen and men of war, and first came into Flanders, where after he had remained a while with earl Baldwine, he increased his retinue with a few Bullognes', and passed over into England, but approaching to the shore, he was streightwaies descried by his enemies, who hasted forth to set upon him; but perceiving their drift, he had the ships cast about, and make again to the sea; then landing at an other place, he meant to go the next way to his mother.  
But earl Goodwin hearing of his arrival, 
Goodwin was suspected to do this under a colour to betray him as by writers it seemeth.  met him, received him into his assurance, and binding his credit with a corporal oath, became his man, and therewith leading him out of the high way that leadeth to London, he brought him to Gilford, where he lodged all the strangers, by a score, a dozen, and half a score together in inns, so as but a few remained about the young gentleman Alfred to attend upon him. There was plenty of meat and drink prepared in every lodging, for the refreshing of all the company. And Goodwin taking his leave for that night, departed to his lodging, promising the next morning to come again to give his dutiful attendance on Alfred.  
But behold, after they had filled themselves with meats and drinks, and were gone to bed, in the dead of the night came such as king Harold had appointed, and entering into every inn, first seized upon the armour and weapons that belonged to the strangers: 
Not only Goodwin but other such as king Harold appointed, took Alfred with his Normans  which done, they took them, and chained them fast with fetters and manacles, so keeping them sure till the next morning. Which being come, they were brought forth with their hands bound behind their backs, and delivered to most cruel tormentors, who were commanded to spare none but every tenth man, as he came to hand by lot, and so they slew nine and left the tenth alive. Of those that were left alive, some they kept to serve as bondmen, other for covetousness of gain they sold, and some they put in prison, of whom yet diverse afterwards escaped. This with more hath the foresaid author written of this matter, declaring further, that Alfred being conveyed into the isle of Elie, had not only his eyes put out in most cruel wise, but was also presently there murdered. But he speaketh not further of the manner how he was made away, saving that he saith he forbeareth to make long recital of this matter, because he will not renew the mother's grief in hearing it, sith there can be no greater sorrow to the mother than to hear of her sons death.  
¶ I remember in Caxton we read, that cruel tormentors should cause his belly to be opened, & taking out one end of his bowels or guts, tied the same to a stake wh ich they had set fast in the ground; then with néedels' of iron pricking his body, they caused him to run about the stake, till he had wound out all his entrails, & so ended he his innocent life, to the great shame & obloquy of his cruel adversaries. But whether he was thus tormented or not, or rather died (as I think) of the anguish by putting out his eyes, no doubt but his death was revenged by God's hand in those that procured it. But whether earl Goodwin was chief causer thereof, in betraying him under a cloaked colour of pretended friendship, I cannot say: but that he took him and slew his company, as some have written, I cannot thinker it to be true, both as well for that which ye have he 〈◊〉 recited out of the author that wrote Encomium Em●●●, as also for that it should seem he might never be so● directly charged with it, but that he had matter to allege in his own excuse. But now to other affairs of Harold.  
After he had made away his half brother Alfred, 
Simon Dun. Queen Emma banished.  he spoilt his mother in law queen Emma of the most part of her riches, and therewith banished her quite out of the realm: so that she sailed over to Flanders, where she was honourable received of earl Baldwine, and having of him honourable provision assigned her, she continued there for the space of three years, till that after the death of Harold, she was sent for by her son Hardiknought, that succeeded Harold in the kingdom. Moreover, Harold made small account of his subjects, 
Polydor. Harold degenerateth from his father Hen. Hunt.  degenerating from the noble virtues of his father, following him in few things (except in exacting of tributes and payments.) He caused indeed eight marks of silver to be levied of every port or haven in England, to the retaining of 16 ships furnished with men of war, 
A name in a readiness.  which continued ever in a readiness to defend the coasts from pirates. To conclude with this Harold, his speedy death provided well for his fame, 
Evil men, the longer they live, the more they grow into misery.  because (as it was thought) if his life had been of long continuance, his infamy had been the greater. But after he had reigned four years, or (as other gathered) three years and three months, he departed out of this world at Oxford, 
Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Wil Malm.  & was buried at Winchester (as some day.) Other say he died at Meneford in the month of April, and was buried at Westminster, which should appear to be true by that which after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughts cruel dealing, and great spite showed toward his dead body, as after shall be specified.    

Hardicnute is sent for into England to be made king; alteration in the state of Norway and Denmark by the death of king Cnute, Hardicnute is crowned, he sendeth for his mother queen Emma, Normandy ruled by the French king, Hardicnute revengeth his mother exile upon the dead body of his stepbrother Harold, queen Emma and earl Goodwin have the government of things in their hands, Hardicnute levieth a sweet tribute upon his subjects; contempt of officers & denial of a prince his tribute sharply punished; prince Edward cometh into England; the bishop of Worcester accused and put from his see for being accessary to the murdering of Alfred, his restitution procured by contribution; Earl Goodwin being accused for the same trespass excuseth himself, and justifieth his cause by swearing, but specially by presenting the king with an inestimable gift; the cause why Goodwin purposed alfred's death; the English people's care about the succession to the crown, monk Brightwalds' dream and vision touching that matter; Hardicnute poisoned at a bridal, his conditions, specially his hospitality, of him the Englishmen learned to eat and drink immoderately, the necessity of sobriety, the end of the Danish regiment in this land, and when they began first to invade the English coasts. The xv. Chapter.  
AFter that Harold was dead, 
Hardicnute, or Hardiknought.  all the nobles of the realm, both Danes & Englishmen agreed to send for Hardiknought, the son of Canute by his wife queen Enma, and to make him king. Here is to be noted, that by the death of king Canute, the state of things was much altered in those countries of beyond the seas wherein he had the rule and dominion. 
Alteration in the state of things.  For the Norwegians elected oen Magnus, the son of Olaws to be their king, and the Danes chose this Hardiknought, whom their writer's name Canute the third, to be their governor. 
Simon Dun. ● Matt. West. say, that he was at Bruges in Flanders with his mother when he was thus sent for, being come thither to visit her.  This Hardiknought or Canute being advertised of the death of his half brother Harold, and that the lords of England had chosen him to their king, with all convenient speed prepared a navy, and embarking a certain number of men of war, took the sea, and had the wind so favourable for his purpose, that he arrived upon the coast of Kent the sixth day after he set out of Denmark, and so coming to London, was joyfully received, and proclaimed king, and crowned of Athelnotus archbishop of Canturburie, in the year of our Lord 1041, 
1041  in the first year of the emperor Henry the third, in the 9 year of Henry the first of that name king of France, and in the first year of Mag●●nloch, alias Machabeda king of Scotland. incontinently after his establishment in the rule of this realm, he sent into Flanders for his mother queen Emma, 
Queen Emma sent for.  who during the time of her banishment, had remained there. For Normandy in that season was governed by the French king, by reason of the minority of duke William, surnamed the bastard.  
Moreover, in revenge of the wrong offered to queen Emma by her son in law Harold, 
The body of king Harold taken up, and thrown into Thames.  king Hardicnute did cause Alfrike archbishop of York and earl Goodwin, with other noble men to go to Westminster, and there to take up the body of the same Harold, and withal appointed, that the head thereof should be stricken off, and the trunk of it cast into the river of Thames. Which afterwards being found by fishers, was taken up and buried in the churchyard of S. Clement Danes without Temple 
S Clement Danes.  bar at London. He committed the order and government of things to the hands of his mother Emma, and of Goodwin that was earl of Kent. He levied a sore tribute of his subjects here in England 
A tribute raised. Hen. Hunt.  to pay the soldiers and mariners of his navy, as first 21 thousand pounds, & 99 pounds, and afterward unto 32 ships there was a payment made of a 11 thousand and 48 pounds. 
Simo● Dun. Wil M●lm. Matth. West. Sim. Dun.  To every mariver of his navy he caused a payment of 8 marks to be made, and to every master 12 marks. About the payment of this money great grudge grew amongst the people, insomuch that two of his servants, which were appointed collectors in the city of Worcester, the one named Feader, and the other Turstane, were there slain. In revenge of which contempt a great part of the country with the city was burnt, and the goods of the citizens put to the spoil by such power of lords and men of war as the king had sent against them.  
Shortly after, Edward king Hardicnutes' brother came forth of Norman●ie to visit him and his mother queen Emma, of whom he was most joyfully and honourably welcomed and entertained, and shortly after made return back again. 
Matt. West. Ran. Higd. Marianus.  It should appear by some writers, that after his coming over out of Normandy he remained still in the realm, so that he was not in Normandy when his half brother Hardicnute died, but here in England: although other make other report, as after shall be showed. 
Polydor.  Also (as before ye have heard) some writers seem to mean, that the elder brother Alfred came over at the same time. But surly they are therein deceived: for it was known well enough how tenderly king Hardicnute loved his brethren by the mother's side, so that there was not any of the lords in his days, that durst attempt any such injury against them. 
The bishop of worcester accused for making away of Alfred.  True it is, that as well earl Goodwin, as the bishop of Worcester (that was also put in blame and suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alfred, as before ye have heard) were charged by Hardicnute as culpable in that matter, insomuch that the said bishop was expelled out of his see by Hardicnute: and after twelve months space was restored, by means of such sums of money as he gave by way of amends.  
Earl Goodwin was also put to his purgation, 
Earl Goodwin excuseth himself.  by taking an oath that he was not guilty. Which oath was the better allowed, 
The gift which earl Goodwi● gave to the king.  by reason of such a present as he gave to the king for the redeeming of his favour and good will, that is to say, a ship with a stern of gold, containing therein 80 soldiers, wearing on each of their arms two braceiets of gold of 16 ounces weight, a triple habergion guilt on their bodies, with guilt burgenets on their heads, a sword with guilt hilts girded to their wa●●es, a battle are after the manner of the Daues on the left shoulder, a target with bosses and nails guilt in their left hand, a dart in their right hand: and thus to conclude, they were furnished at all points with armour and weapon accordingly. 
Polydor.  It hath been said, that earl Goodwin minded to marry his daughter to one of these brethren, and perceiving that the elder brother Alfred would disdain to have her, thought good to dispatch him, that the other taking her to wife, he might be next heir to the crown, and so at length enjoy it, as afterwards came to pass.  
Also about that time, when the lineage of the kings of England was in manner extinct, the English people were much careful (as hath been said) about the succession of those that should enjoy the crown. Whereupon as one Brightwold a monk of Glastenburie, that was afterward bishop of Wincester, or (as some have written) of Worcester, studied oftentimes thereon: it chanced that he dreamt one night as he slept in his bed, that he saw saint Peter consecrate & anoint Edward the son of Egelred (as their remaining in exile in Normandy) king of England. And as he thought, he did demand of saint Peter, who should succeed the said Edward? Whereunto answer was made by the apostle; Have thou no care for such matters, for the kingdom of England is God's kingdom. Which surly in good earnest may appear by many great arguments to be full true unto such as shall well consider the state of this realm from time to time, how there hath been ever governors raised up to maintain the majesty of the kingdom, and to reduce the same to the former dignity, when by any infortunate mishap it hath been brought in danger.  
But to return now to king Hardicnute, 
The death of K. Hardicnute Sim. Dunel. Matth. West. 1042  after he had reigned two years lacking 10 days, as he sat at the table in a great feast holden at Lambeth, he fell down suddenly with the pot in his hand, and so died not without some suspicion of poison. This chanced on the 8 of june at Lambeth aforesaid, where, on the same day a marriage was solemnised between the lady Githa, the daughter of a noble man called Osgot Clappa, and a Danish lord also called Canute Prudan. His body was buried at Winchester besides his fathers. 
K. Hardicnute his conditions and liberality in housekeeping.  He was of nature very courteous, gentle and liberal, specially in keeping good cheer in his house, so that he would have his table covered four times a day, & furnished with great plenty of meats and drinks, wishing that his servants and all strangers that came to his palace, 
Hen. Hunt.  might rather leave than want. It hath been commonly told, 
Of whom the Englishmen learned excessive feeding.  that Englishmen learned of him their excessive gourmandizing & unmeasurable filling of their paunches with meats and drinks, whereby they forgot the virtuous use of sobriety, so much necessary to all estates and degrees, so profitable for all commonwealths, and so commendable both in the sight of God, and all good men.  
In this Hardicnute ceased the rule of the Danes within this land, 
The end of the Danish rulers.  with the persecution which they had executed against the English nation, for the space of 250 years & more, that is to say, ever since the tenth year of Brithrike the king of Westsaxons, at what time they first began to invade the English coasts. Howbeit (after others) they should seem to have ruled here but 207, reckoning from their bringing in by the Welshmen in despite of the Saxons, at which time they first began to inhabit here, which was 835 of Christ, 387 after the coming of the Saxons, and 35 near complete of the reign of Egbert.  
¶ But to let this piece of curiosity pass, this land felt that they had a time of arrival, a time of invading, a time of overrunning, and a time of overrunling the inhabitants of this main continent. Whereof manifest proofs are at this day remaining in sundry places, sundry ruins I mean and wastes committed by them; upon the which whensoever a man of a relenting spirit casteth his eye, he can not but enter into a doleful consideration of former miseries, and lamenting the defacements of this isle by the cruelty of the bloodthirsty enemy, cannot but wish (if he have but Minimam misericordiae guttam quae maiorest spatioso oceano, as one saith) and earnestly desire in his heart that the like may never light upon this land, but may be averted and turned away from all christian kingdoms, through his mercy, whose wrath by sin being set on fire, is like a consuming flame; and the sword of whose vengeance being sharpened with the whetstone of men's wickedness, shall hue them in pieces as wood for the furnace.   
Thus far the tumultuous and tyrannical regiment of the Danes, inferring fullness of afflictions to the English people, wherewith likewise the seventh book is shut up.   

THE EIGHT BOOK of the History of England.  

Edward the third of that name is chosen king of England by a general consent, ambassadors are sent to attend him homewards to his kingdom, and to inform him of his election, William duke of Normandy accompanieth him, Edward is crowned king, the subtle ambition or ambitious subtlety of earl Goodwin in preferring Edward to the crown and betraying Alfred; the Danes expelled and rid out of this land by decree; whether earl Goodwin was guilty of alfred's death, king Edward marrieth the said earls daughter, he forbeareth to have carnal knowledge with her, and why? he useth his mother queen Emma very hardly, accusations brought against her, she is dispossessed of her goods, and imprisoned for suffering bishop Alwine to have the use of her body, she purgeth and cleareth herself after a strange sort, her covetousness: mothers are taught (by her example) to love their children with equality: her liberal devotion to Winchester church cleared her from infamy of covetousness, king Edward loved her after her purgation, why Robert archbishop of Canturburie fled out of England into Normandy. The first Chapter.  
Immediately upon the death of Hardiknought, 
Edward. Hen. Hunt.  and before his corpse was committed to burial, 
Polydor.  his half brother Edward, son of king Egelred begotten of queen Emma, was chosen to be K. of England, by the general consent of all the nobles and commons of the realm. Thereupon where ambassadors sent with all speed into Normandy, to signify unto him his election, and to bring him from thence into England in delivering pledges for more assurance, that no fraud nor deceit was meant of the Englishmen, but that upon his coming thither, he should receive the crown without all contradiction. Edward then aided by his coosine William duke of Normandy, took the sea, & with a small company of Normans came into England, where he was received with great joy as king of the realm, & immediately after was crowned at Win●hester by Edsinus then archbishop of Canturburie, 
Hen●. Hunt. Wil Malm. The third of April. 1043  on Easter day in the year of our Lord 1043, which fell also about the fourth year of the emperor Henry the third surnamed Niger, in the 12 year of Henry the first of that name king of France, and about the third year of Macbeth king of Scotland.  
This Edward the third of that name before the conquest, was of nature more meek and simple than apt for the government of the realm, & therefore did earl Goodwin not only seek the destruction of his elder brother Alfred, but holp all that he might to advance this Edward to the crown, in hope to bear great rule in the realm under him, whom he knew to be soft, gentle, and easy to be persuaded. But whatsoever writers do report hereof, sure it is, that Edward was the elder brother, and not Alfred: so that if earl Goodwin did show his furtherance by his pretended cloak of offering his friendship unto Alfred to betray him, he did it by king Harold's commandment, and yet it may be that he meant to have usurped the crown to himself, if each point had answered his expectation in the sequel of things, as he hoped they would; and therefore had not passed if both the brethren had been in heaven. But yet when the world framed contrary (peradventure) to his purpose, he did his best to advance Edward, trusting to bear no small rule under him, being known to be a man more appliable to be governed by other than to trust to this own wit: and so chiefly by the assistance of earl Goodwin (whose authority, as appeareth, was not small within the realm of England in those days) Edward came to attain the crown: whereunto the earl of Chester Leofrike also showed all the furtherance that in him lay.  
Some writ (which seemeth also to be confimed by the Danish chronicles) 
Ran. Higd. ex Mariano. Alb. Crantz.  that king Hardiknought in his life time had received this Edward into his court, and retained him still in the same in most honourable wise. But for that it may appear in the abstract of the Danish chronicles, what their writers had of this matter recorded, we do here pass over, referring those that be desirous to know the diversity of our writers and theirs, unto the same chronicles, where they may find it more at large expressed. This in no wise is to be left unremembered, that immediately after the death of Hardiknought, it was not only decreed & agreed upon by the great lords & 
Polydor. Danes expelled.  nobles of the realm, that no Dane from thenceforth should reign over them, but also all men of war and soldiers of the Danes, which lay within any city or castle in garrison within the realm of England, were then expelled and put out or rather slain (as the Danish writers do rehearse.) 
Simon Dun.  Amongst other that were banished, the lady Gonild niece to king Swain by his sister, 
Goni●● niece to K. swain  was one, being as then a widow, and with her two of her sons, which she had then living; Heming and Turkill were also caused to avoid. Some writ that Alfred the brother of king Edward, came not into the realm till after the death of Hardiknought, 
Polydor.  and that he did help to expel the Danes, which being done, he was slain by earl Goodwin and other of his complices. But how this may stand, considering the circumstances of the time, with such things as are written by divers authors hereof, it may well be doubted. Nevertheless, whether earl Goodwin was guilty to the death of Alfred, either at this time, or before, certain it is, that he so cleared himself of that crime unto king Edward the brother of Alfred, that there was none so highly in favour with him as earl Goodwin was, 
K. Edward marrieth the daughter of earl Goodwin.  insomuch that king Edward married the lady Editha, the daughter of earl Goodwin, begotten of his wife Thira that was sister to king Hardiknought, and not of his second wife, as some have written. Howbeit, king Edward never had to do with her in fleshly wise. But whether he abstained because he had happily vowed chastity, either of impotency of nature, 
Polydor.  or for a privy hate that he bore to her kin, men doubted. For it was thought, that he esteemed not earl Goodwin so greatly in his heart, 
K. Edward abstaineth from the company of his wife.  as he outwardly made show to do, but rather for fear of his puissance dissembled with him, lest he should otherwise put himself in danger both of loss of life and kingdom.  
Howsoever it was, he used his counsel in ordering of things concerning the state of the common wealth, and namely in the hard handling of his mother queen Emma, 
K. Edward dealeth strictly with his mother queen Emma.  against whom divers accusations were brought and alleged: as first, for that she consented to marry with K. Cnute, the public enemy of the realm: again, for that she did nothing aid or secure her sons while they lived in exile, but that worse was, 
Queen Emma despoiled of her goods. She is accused of dissolute living.  contrived to make them away; for which cause she was despoiled of all her goods. And because she was defamed to be nought of her body with Alwine or Adwine bishop of Winchester, both she and the same bishop were committed to prison within the city of Winchester (as some writ.) 
Ran. Higd.  Howbeit others affirm, that she was strictly kept in the abbey of Warwell, till by way of purging herself, 
She purgeth herself by the law Ordalum.  after a marvelous manner, in passing barefooted over certain hot shares or plough-irons, according to the law Ordalium, she cleared herself (as the world took it) and was restored to her first estate and dignity.  
Her excessive covetousness, 
Wil Malm.  without regard had to the poor, caused her also to be evil reported of. Again, for that she ever showed herself to be more natural to the issue which she had by her second husband Cnute, than to her children which she had by her first husband king Egelred (as it were declaring how she was affected toward the fathers, by the love borne to the children) she lost a great piece of good will at the hands of her sons Alfred and Edward: so that now the said Edward enjoying the realm, was easily iuduced to think evil of her, and thereupon used her the more uncurteouslie. But her great liberality employed on the church of Winchester, which she furnished with marvelous rich jewels and ornaments, won her great commendation in the world, and excused her partly in the sight of many, of the infamy imputed to her for the immoderate filling of her coffers by all ways and means she could devise. Now when she had purged herself, as before is mentioned, her son king Edward had her ever after in great honour and reverence. 
Ran. Higd.  And whereas Robert archbishop of Canturburie had been sore against her, he was so much abashed now at the matter, that he fled into Normandy, where he was borne. But it should seem by that which after shall be said in the next chapter, that he fled not the realm for this matter, but because he counseled the king to banish earl Goodwin, and also to use the Englishmen more strictly than reason was he should.   

Why Robert archbishop of Canturburie (queen Emmas heavy friend) fled out of England, the Normans first entrance into this country, dearth by tempests, earl Goodwines son banished out of this land, he returneth in hope of the king's favour, killeth his cousin earl Bearne for his good will and forwardness to set him in credit again, his flight into Flanders, his return into England, the king is pacified with him; certain Danish rovers arrive at Sandwich, spoil the coast, enrich themselves with the spoils, make sale of their gettings, and return to their country; the Welshmen with their prince's rebelling are subdued, king Edward keepeth the seas on Sandwich side in aid of Baldwine earl of Flanders, a bloody fray in Canturburie betwixt the earl of Bullongne and the townsmen, earl Goodwin favoureth the Kentishmen against the Bullongners, why he refuseth to punish the Canturburie men at the king's commandment for breaking the king's peace; he setteth the king in a fury, his suborned excuse to shift off his coming to the assembly of lords convented about the foresaid broil; earl Goodwin bandeth himself against the king, he would have the strangers delivered into his hands, his request is denied; a battle ready to have been fought between him and the king, the tumult is pacified and put to a parliament, earl Goodwines retinue forsake him; he, his sons, and their wives take their flight beyond the seas. The second Chapter.  
YE must understand, 
Robert archbishop of Canturburie. Frenchmen or Normans first entered into England  that K. Edward brought diverse Normans over with him, which in time of his banishment had showed him great friendship, wherefore he now sought to recompense them. Amongst other, the forenamed Robert of Canturburie was one, who before his coming over was a monk in the abbeie of Gemeticum in Normandy, and being by the king first advanced to govern the see of London, was after made archbishop of Canturburie, and bare great rule under the king, so that he could not avoid the envy of diverse noble man, and 〈◊〉 of earl Goodw●●e, as shall appear. About the third year of king Edward's wigne, Osgot Clappa was banished the realm. And in the year following, that is to say in the year 1047, 
1047  there fell a marvelous great snow, 
〈…〉  covering the ground from the beginning of Ianuar●e until the 17 day of March. Besides this, there happened the same year such tempest and lightnings, that the corn upon the earth was burnt up and blasted: by reason whereof, there followed a great dearth in England, and also death of men cettell.  
About this time Swame the son of earl Goodwin was banished the land, and fled into Flanders. This Swain kept Edgiva, the abbess of the monasterue of Leoffe, 
〈…〉  and forsaking his wife, meant to have married the foresaid abbess. Within a certain time after his banishment, he returned into England, in hope to purchase the king's peace by his father's means and other his friends. But upon some malicious pretence, he slew his cousin earl Bearne, who was about to labour to the king for his pardon, 
This Bearne was the son of U●ius a Dane, uncle to this Swain up his mother, the ●●●ter of K. swain.  and so then fled again into Flanders, till at length Allered the archbishop of York obtained his pardon, and found means to reconcile him to the king's favour. 
H. Hunt.   
In the mean time, about the sixth year of king Edward's reign, certain pirates of the Danes arrived in Sandwich haven and entering the land, wasted and spoiled all about the coast. 
Hen. Hunt.  There be that writ, that the Danes had at that time to their leaders two captains, the one named Loather, and the other Irling. 
The Danes spoil Sandwich.  After they had been at Sandwich, and brought from thence great riches of gold and silver, they coasted about unto the side of Essex, and there spoiling the country, went back to the sea, and sailing into Flanders, made sale of their spoils and booties there, and so returned to their countries. After this, during the reign of king Edward, there chanced no wars, neither foreign nor civil, but that the same was either with small slaughter luckily ended, or else without any notable adventure changed into peace. 
Rise ● Gri●fin princes of wales.  The Welshmen in deed with their princes Rise and Griffin wrought some trouble, but still they were subdued, and in the end both the said Rise and Griffin were brought unto confusion: although in the mean time they did much hurt, and namely Griffin, who with aid of some Irishmen, with whom he was allied, about this time entered into the Severne sea, and took preys about the river of Wie: and after returned without any battle to him offered.  
About the same time, to wit, in the year 1049, 
1049  the emperor Henry the third made wars against Baldwine earl of Flanders, 
Simon Dun.  and for that he wished to have the sea stopped, that the said earl should not escape by flight that way forth, he sent to king Edward willing him to keep the sea with some number of ships. King Edward furnishing a navy, lay with the same at Sandwich, 
Hermanus. Contractus. ja. Meir.  and so kept the seas on that side, till the emperor had his will of the earl. At the same time, Swain, son of earl Goodwin came into the realm, and traitorously slew his cousin Bearne (as before is said) the which traveled to agree him with the king. 
Simon Dun.  Also Gosipat Clappa, who had left his wife at Bruges in Flanders, coming amongst other of the Danish pirates, which had rob in the coasts of Kent & Essex, as before ye have heard, received his wife, and departed back into Denmark wi●h six ships, leaving the residue, being 23 behind him.  
About the tenth year of king Edward's reign, 
Fabian.  Eustace earl of Bullongne, 
1051  that was father unto the valiant Godfrey of Bullongne, 
Matth. West.  & Baldwin, both afterward kings of Jerusalem, 〈…〉 England in the month of September, to 〈◊〉 his brother in law king Edward, whose sister named God●, he had married, she then being the 〈◊〉 of Gua●ter de Ma●●●t. He found the king at Gloucester, and being there 〈◊〉 received, 
〈…〉.  after he had once dispatched such matters for the which he therefore came, he took leave, and returned homeward. But at Canturburie one of his he●●ngers, 
〈…〉  〈◊〉 roughly with one of the citizens about a lodging, which he sought to have rather by force than by in treatance, occasioned his own death. 
〈…〉  Whereof when the earl was advertised, he hasted thither to revenge the slaughter of his servant, and five both the citizen which had killed his man, and eighteen others.  
The citizens héerewith in a great fury, got them to armour, 
〈…〉.  and set upon the earl and his return, of whom they slew twenty persons out of hand, & wounded a great number of the residue, so that the earl scarce might escape with one or two of his men from the fray, & with all speed returned back to the king, presenting grievous information against them of Canturburie, 
The earl 〈◊〉 to the king.  for their cruel using of him, not only in flaying of his servants, but also in putting him in danger of his life. The king crediting the earl, was highly offended against the citizens, and with all speed sending for earl Goodwin, declared unto him in grievous wise, the rebellious act of them of Canturburie, which were under his jurisdiction.  
The earl who was a man of a bold courage and quick wit, did perceive that the matter was made a great deal worse at the first in the beginning, than of likelihood it would prove in the end, thought it reason therefore that first the answer of the Kentishmen should be heard, before any sentence were given against them. Hereupon, although the king commanded him forthwith to go with an army into Kent, and to punish, them of Canturburie in most rigorous manner, yet he would not be too hasty, but refused to execute the king's commandment, 
Earl Goodwin offended with the king for favouring strangers.  both for that he bore a piece of grudge in his mind, that the king should favour strangers so highly as he did; and again, because hereby he should seem to do pleasure to his countrymen, in taking upon him to defend their cause against the rough accusations of such as had accused them. Wherefore he declared to the king that it should be convenient to have the supposed offenders first called afore him, and if they were able to excuse themselves, then to be suffered to departed without further vexation: and if they were found faulty, then to be put to their fine, both as well in satisfying the king, whose peace they had broken, as also the earl, whom they had in damaged.  
Earl Goodwin departed thus from the king, leaving him in a great fury: 
A council called at Gloucester. Siward earl of Northumberland, Leofrike earl of Chester, Ralph earl of Hereford. Will. Malmes.  howbeit he passed little thereof, supposing it would not long continue. But the king called a great assembly of his lords together at Gloucester, that the matter might be more deeply considered. Siward earl of Northumberland, and Leofrike earl of Chester, with Ralph earl of Hereford, the king's nephew by his sister Goda, and all other the noble men of the realm, only earl Goodwin and his sons meant not to come there, except they might bring with them a great power of armed men, and so remained at Beverstane, with such bands as they had levied, under a colour to resist the Welshmen, whom they bruited abroad to be ready to invade the marches about Hereford. But the Welshmen preventing that slander, signified to the king that no such matter was meant on their parties, but that earl Goodwin and his sons with their complices went about to move a commotion against him. Hereupon a rumour was raised in the court, that the king's power should shortly march forth to assail earl Goodwin in that place where he was lodged. Whereupon the same earl prepared himself, and sent to his friends, willing to stick to this quarrel, and if the king should go about to force them, then to withstand him, rather than to yield and suffer themselves to be trodden under foot by strangers. 
Earl Goodwin meaneth to defend himself against the king. Swain. Ran. Higd. Matth. West. Simon Dun. Harold.  Goodwin in this mean time had got together a great power of his countries of Kent, Southerie, and other of the west parts. Swain like wise had assembled much people out of his countries of Berkshire, Orfordshire, Summersetshire, Herefordshire, and Glocestershire. And Harold was also come to them with a great multitude, which he had levied in Essex, Norfolk, Sufforld, Cambridgeshire, & Huntingtonshire.  
On the other part, the earls that were with the king, 
Simon Dun.  Leofrike, Siward, and Ralph, raised all the power which they might make, and the same approaching to Gloucester, the king thought himself in more surety than before, in so much that whereas earl Goodwin (who lay with his army at Langton there not far off in Glocestershire) had sent unto the king, requiring that the earl of Bullongne, with the other Frenchmen and also the Normans which held the castle of Dover, might be delivered unto him. The king, though at the first he stood in great doubt what to do, yet hearing now that an army of his friends was coming, made answer to the messengers which Goodwin had sent, that he would not deliver a man of those whom Goodwin required, and héerewith the said messengers being departed, the king's army entered into Gloucester, and such ready good wills appeared in them all to fight with the adversaries, that if the king would have permitted, they would forth with have gone out and given battle to the enemies.  
Thus the matter was at point to have put the realm in hazard not only of a field, but of utter ruin that might thereof have ensued: for what on the one part and the other, there were assembled the chiefest lords and most able personages of the land. But by the wisdom and good advise of earl Leofrike and others, the matter was pacified for a time, and order taken, that they should come to a parliament or communication at London, upon pledges given and received as well on the one part as the other. The king with a mighty army of the Northumber's, and them of Mercia, came unto London, and earl Goodwin with his sons, and a great power of the Westsaxons, came into Southwark, but perceiving that many of his company stolen away and slipped from him, he durst not abide any longer to enter talk with the king, as it was covenanted, but in the night next ensuing fled away with all speed possible.  
Some writ, 
Wil Malm. swain eldest son to Goodwin banished.  how an order was prescribed that Swanus the eldest son of Goodwin should departed the land as a banished man to qualify the king's wrath, and that Goodwin and one other of his sons, that is to say, Harold should come to an other assembly to be holden at London, accompanied with 12 servants only, & to resign all his force of knights, gentlemen and soldiers unto the kings guiding and government. But when this last article pleased nothing earl Goodwin, and that he perceived how his force began to decline, so as he should not be able to match the king's power, he fled the realm, and so likewise did his sons. 
Earl Goodwin fled the realm.  He himself with his sons Swanus, Tostie, and Girth, sailed into Flanders: and Harold with his brother Leofwine got ships at Bristol, and passed into Ireland. Githa the wife of Goodwin, and judith the wife of Tostie, the daughter of Baldwine earl of Flanders went over also with their husbands.   

Goodwin and his sons are proclaimed outlaws, their lands are given from them, king Edward putteth away the queen his wife who was earl Goodwines daughter, she cleareth herself at the hour of her death from suspicion of incontinency and lewdness of life, why king Edward forbore to have fleshly pleasure with her; earl Goodwin and his sons take preys on the coasts of Kent and Sussex; Griffin king of Wales destroyeth a great part of Herefordshire, and giveth his incounterers the overthrow; Harold and Leofwine two brethren invade Dorset and Summerset shires, they are resisted, but yet prevail, they coast about the point of Cornwall and join with their father Goodwin, king Edward maketh out threescore armed ships against them, a thick mist separateth both sides being ready to grapple and fight, a pacification between the king and earl Goodwin, he is restored to his lands and liberty, he was well friended, counterpledges of agreement interchangablie delivered; Swanus the eldest son of Goodwin a notable rebel and pirate, his troubled conscience, his wicked life and wretched death. The third Chapter.  
THE king having perfect knowledge, that earl Goodwin had refused to come to the court in such order as he had prescribed him, and that he was departed the realm with his sons: he proclaimed them outlaws, and gave the lands of Harold unto Algar, the son of earl Leofrike, 
Goodwin and his sons proclaimed outlaws.  who guided the same very worthily, and resigned them again without grudging unto the same Harold when he was returned out of exile. Also unto earl Oddo were given the counties of Detionshire and Summersetshire.  
Moreover, about the same time the king put his wife queen Editha from him, 
The king put away his wife Editha.  and appointed her to streict keeping in the abbeie of Warwell. This Editha was a noble gentlewoman, well learned, and expert in all sciences, yet her good name was stained somewhat, as though she had not lived so continently as was to be wished, both in her husband's life time, and after his decease. But yet at the hour of her death (which chanced in the days of William Conqueror) she cleared herself, in taking it upon the charge of her soul, that she had ever lived in perfect chastity: for king Edward (as before is mentioned) never touched her in any actual manner. By this streict dealing with the queen that was daughter to earl Goodwin, now in time of her father's exile, it hath seemed to many, that king Edward forbore to deal with her in carnal wise, more for hatred of her kin, than for any other respect. But to proceed.  
In the second year to Goodwines' banishment, 
1052 Hen. Hunt.  both he and his sons having provided themselves of ships and men of war convenient for the purpose, came upon the coasts of England, and after the manner of rovers, took preys where as they espied advantage, namely on the coasts of Kent and Sussex. In the mean time also Griffin the K. of Wales destroyed a great part of Herefordshire, 
Griffin king of wales destroyeth Herefordshire.  against whom the power of that country, & also many Normans that lay in garrison within the castle of Hereford, coming to give battle, were overthrown on the same day, in the which about two and twenty years before, or (as some ropies have) thirteen years, the Welshmen had slain Edwine, the brother of earl Leofrike. Shortly after, earl Harold and his brother Leofwine returning out of Ireland, 
Harold invadeth the shires of Dorset and Summerset.  entered into the Severne sea, landing on the coasts of Summersetshire and Dorsetshire, where falling to spoil, they were encountered by a power assembled out of the counties of Devonshire and Summersetshire: but Harold put his adversaries to flight, and slew thirty gentlemen of honour, or thanes (as they called them) with a great number of others. Then Harold and his brethren, returning with their prey and booty to their ships, and coasting about the point of Cornwall, came and joined with their father & their other brethren, then sojourning in the isle of Wight.  
King Edward to withstand their malice, had rigged and furnished forth sixty ships of war, 
Simon Dun.  with the which he himself went to the water, not sticking to lie aboard at that season, although he had appointed for captains and admerals two earls that were his coosins, Odo and Ralph, who had charge of the whole army. Ralph was his nephew, as soon to his sister Goda by her first husband Gualther de Maunt. But although they were known to be sufficient men for the ordering of such business, yet he thought the necessity to be such, as his person could not be presently spared. Therefore he was diligent in foreseeing of things by good advise, although age would not give him leave to execute the same by his own hand and force of body. But as the navies on both parts were ready to have joined, they were severed by reason of a thick mist that then rose, whereby their furious rage was restrained for that time: and immediately thereupon, Goodwin and his complices were forced by a contrary wind, to return to the places from whence they came. Shortly after by mediation of friends, a peace was made, and earl Goodwin restored home, and obtained again both the king's savour, and all his former livings: for he was such an eloquent & wise man, that he cleared and purged himself of all such crimes and accusations, as in any sort had been laid against him. Thus have some written concerning this agreement betwixt king Edward and earl Goodwin, where other make somewhat larger report thereof, as thus.  
At the same time that the two sons of earl Goodwin Harold and Leofwine came forth of Ireland, and invaded the west country, king Edward rigged forth forty ships, the which throughly furnished with men, munition, and victuals, he sent unto Sandwich, commanding the captains there to wait for the coming of earl Goodwin, whom he understood to be in a readiness to return into England: but notwithstanding, there wanted no diligence in them to look to their charge, earl Goodwin secretly with a few ships which he had got together, arrived in Kent; and sending forth his letters and messengers abroad to the citizens of Canturburie, to them of Sussex, Southerie, & others, required aid of them, who with one consent promised to live and die with him.  
The captains of the navy at Sandwich advertised hereof, made towards the place where they thought to have found earl Goodwin: but he being warned of their coming, escaped by flight, and got him out of their danger, whereupon they withdrew to Sandwich, and after returned to London. Earl Goodwin advertised thereof, sailed to the isle of Wight, and wasted up and down those seas, till his sons Harold and Leofwine came and joined their navy with his, and ceasing from spoil, only sought to recover victuals to serve their turn. And increasing their power by such aid as they might any where procure, at length they came to Sandwich, whereof king Edward having knowledge, 
It seemeth that earl Goodwin was well friended.  being then at London, he sent abroad to raise all the power, he might make. But they that were appointed to come unto him, lingered time, in which mean while earl Goodwin coming into the Thames, & so up the river, arrived in Southwark, on the day of the exaltation of the cross in September, being monday, and their staying for the tide, solicited the Londoners, so that he obtained of them what he could desire.  
Afterwards, without disturbance, he passed up the river with the tide through the south arch of the bridge, & at the same instant, a mighty army which he had by land, mustered in the fields on that south side the same river, and herewith his navy made towards the north side of the river, as if they meant to enclose the king's navy, for the king had also a navy & an army by land: but yet sith there were few either on the one part or the other, that were able to do any great feat except Englishmen, they were loath to fight one against another, whereupon the wiser sort on both sides sought means to make an atonement: and so at length by their diligent travel, the matter was taken up, and the armies being dismissed on both parts, earl Goodwin was restored to his former dignity. Hereupon were pledges delivered on his behalf, that is to say, Wilnotus one of his sons, and Hacun the son of Swanus the eldest son of Goodwin. These two pledges were sent unto William duke of Normandy, to be kept with him for more assurance of Goodwines' loyalty.  
Some writ that Swanus the eldest son of Goodwin was not reconciled to the king's favour 
Ran. Higd. Matth. West. Simon Dun. Wil Malm.  at this time; but whether he was or not, this is reported of him for a truth, that after he had attempted sundry rebellions against king Edward, he lastly also rebelled against his father Goodwin, and his brother Harold, and became a pirate, dishonouring with such manifold robberies as he made on the seas, the noble progeny whereof he was descended. Finally upon remorse of conscience (as hath been thought) for murdering of his coosine (or as some say his brother) earl Bearne, he went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and died by the way of cold which he caught in returning homeward (as some writ) in Licia: but others affirm, 
Ran. Higd. Will. Malmes.  that he fell into the hands of Saracens that were robbers by the high ways, and so was murdered of them.   

At what time William duke of Normandy came over into England, king Edward promiseth to make him his heir to the kingdom and crown, the death of queen Emma, earl Goodwin being grown in favour again seeketh new revenges of old grudges, causing archbishop Robert and certain noble Normans his adversaries to be banished; Stigand intrudeth himself into archbishop Roberts see, his simony and lack of learning; what manner of men were thought meet to be made bishops in those days, king Edward beginneth to provide for the good and prosperous state of his kingdom, his consideration of laws made in his predecessors times and abused; the laws of S. Edward usually called the common laws, how, whereof, and whereupon instituted; the death of earl Goodwin being sudden (as some say) or natural (as others report) his virtues and vices, his behaviour and his sons upon presumption and will in the time of their authorities; his two wives and children; the sudden and dreadful death of his mother; her selling of the beautiful youth male and female of this land to the Danish people. The fourth Chapter.  
THe foresaid William 
William duke of Normandy cometh over into England.  duke of Normandy (that after conquered this land) during the time of Goodwines' outlawry, 〈…〉 to this land with 〈…〉 of men, and 〈…〉 received of the king, 〈…〉 great cheer. Now after he had tarried a season, hereturned into his country, not without great gifts of jewels and other things, which the king most liberally bestowed upon him. And (as some writ) the king promised him at that time, 
Polydor. K. Edward's promise to duke William.  to make him his heir to the realm of England, if he chanced to die without issue. ¶ Shortly after, or rather somewhat before, queen Emma the king's mother died, and was buried at Winchester.  
After that earl Goodwin was restored to the king's favour, because he knew that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie had been the chief procurer of the kings evil will towards him, he found means to wear him out of credit, and divers other specially of the Normans, bearing the world in hand, that they had sought to trouble the state of the realm, & to set variance betwixt the king and the lords of the English nation: whereas the Normans again alleged, that earl Goodwin and his sons abused the king's soft and gentle nature, & would not stick to jest and mock at his courteous and mild proceedings. But howsoever the matter went, archbishop Robert was glad to departed out of the realm, and going to Rome, 
The archbishop of Canturburie banished.  made complaint in the court there, of the injuries that were offered him: but in returning through Normandy, he died in the abbeie of Gemmeticum, where he had been monk before his coming into England.  
diverse others were compelled to forsake the realm at the same time, both spiritual men and temporal, as William bishop of London, and Ulfe bishop of Lincoln. 
Normans vanished the realm.  Osberne named Pentecost, and his companion Hugh, were constrained to surrender their castles, and by licence of earl Leosrike withdrew through his country into Scotland, where, of king Macbeth they were honourably received. These were Normans: for (as partly ye have heard) king Edward brought with him no small number of that nation, when he came from thence to receive the crown, and by them he was altogether ruled, to the great offending of his own natural subjects the Englishmen, namely earl Goodwin and his sons, who in those days for their great possessions and large revenues, were had in no small reputation with the English people.  
After that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie was departed the realm, as before ye have heard, Stigand was made archbishop of Canturburie, 
〈◊〉 archbishop of Canturburie.  or rather thrust himself into that dignity, not being lawfully called, in like manner as he had done at Winchester: for whereas he was first bishop of Shireborne, he left that church, and took upon him the bishopric of Winchester by force, and now attaining to be archbishop of Canturburie, 
Ranul. Hig. Fabian. Stigand infamed of simony.  he kept both Winchester and Canturburie in his hand at one instant. This Stigand was greatly infamed for his covetous practices in sale of possessions appertaining to the church. He was nothing learned: but that want was a common fault amongst the bishops of that age, for it was openly spoken in those days, that he was meet only to be a bishop, which could use the pomp of the world, voluptuous pleasures, 
What manner of men meet to be bishops in those days.  rich raiment, and set himself forth with a jolly retinue of gentlemen and servants on horseback, for therein stood the countenance of a bishop, as the world than went; and not in study how to have the people fed with the word of life, to the saving of their souls.  
King Edward now in the twelfth year of his reign, 
Polydor.  having brought the state of the realm quite from troubles of war both by sea and land, began to foresee as well for the wealth of his subjects, as for himself, being naturally inclined to wish well to all men. He therefore considered, how by the manifold laws which had been made by Britain's, Englishmen and Danes within this land, occasion was ministered to many, which measured all things by respect of their own private gain and profit, to pervert justice, and to use wrongful dealing in stead of right, clouding the same under some branch of the law naughtily misconstrued. Whereupon to avoid that mischief, he picked out a sum of that huge and unmeasurable mass and heap of laws, such as were thought most indifferent and necessary, & therewith ordained a few, & those most wholesome, to be from thenceforth used; according to whose prescript, men might live in due form and rightful order of a civil life. 
The laws of S. Edward. instituted.  These laws were afterwards called the common laws, and also saint Edward his laws; so much esteemed of the Englishmen, that after the conquest, when the Normans oftentimes went about to abrogate the same, there chanced no small mutinies and rebellions for retaining of those laws. But here is to be noted, that although they were called saint Edward's laws, they were for the more part made by king Edgar; but now by king Edward restored, after they had been abrogated for a time by the Danes.  
About this time, 
1053 or 1054 Hector Boet. Polydor. Will. Malmes. Matth. West.  earl Goodwin died suddenly (as some have recorded) as he sat at table with the king: and upon talk ministered of the death of Alfred the king's brother, to excuse himself, he took a piece of bread, and did eat it, saying; God let me never swallow this bread down into my chest, but that I may presently be choked therewith, if ever I was weetting or consenting unto alfred's death! and immediately therewith he fell down stark dead. Other say, 
Ran. Higd. ex Mariano.  that he ended his life at Winchester, where being suddenly surprised with sickness, 
Simon Dun. This is the likeliest tale.  as he sat at the table with the king upon an Easter monday; yet he lived till the Thursday following, and then died. His earldom was given unto his son Harold; and Harold's earldom, which was Oxford, was given unto Algar the son of Leofrike.  
This Goodwin, as he was a man of great power, wise, hardy, and politic; so was he ambitious, desirous to bear rule, and loath that any other person should pass him in authority. But yet, whether all be true that writers report of his malicious practices to bring himself and his sons to the chief seat of government in the kingdom, or that of hatred such slanders were raised of him, it may of some perhaps be doubted; because that in the days of king Edward (which was a soft and gentle prince) he bore great rule and authority, and so might procure to himself evil report for every thing that chanced amiss: as oftentimes it cometh to pass in such cases, where those that have great doings in the government of the common wealth, are commonly evil spoken of, and that now and then without their guilt. But truth it is, that Goodwin being in authority both in the days of king Edward and his predecessors, did many things (as should appear by writers) more by will than by law, and so likewise did his sons; 
Hen. Hunt.  upon presumption of the great puissance that they and their father were of within the realm.  
He had to wife Editha, the sister of king Cnute, of whom he begat three sons (as some writ) that is to say, Harold, Biorne, & Tostie: 
Polydor.  also his daughter Editha, whom he found means to bestow in marriage upon K. Edward, 
Will. Malm.  as before ye have heard. But other writ, that he had but one son by Cnutes' sister, the which in riding of a rough horse was thrown into the river of Thames, and so drowned. His mother also was stricken with a thunderbolt, & so perished worthily (as is reported) for her naughty doings. She used to buy great numbers of young persons, and namely maids that were of any excellent beauty and parsonage, whom she sent over into Denmark, and there sold them to her most advantage. After her decease (as the same author's record) Goodwin married another woman, by whom he had issue six sons, Swanus or swain, Harrold, Tostie or Tosto, Wilnot, Girth, and Leofrike; of whom further mention is & shall be made, as places convenient shall serve thereto.   

Edward earl of Northumberland discomfiteth Macbeth the usurper of the Scotish kingdom and placeth Malcolme in the same, a controversy whether Siward were at this discomfiture or no; his stout words when he heard that one of his sons was slain in the field, bishop Aldred is sent to fetch home Edward the son of K. Edmund Ironside into England; earl Algar being banished joineth with the Welshmen against the English and Normans, and getteh the victory; Harold the son of earl Goodwin putteth earl Algar & his retinue to their shifts by pursuit, pacification between the generals of both armies, their hosts, Siward earl of Northumberland dieth; his giantlike stature, his courageous heart at the time of his decease, why Tostie one of goodwin's sons succeeded him in the earldom. The fift Chapter.  
ABout the thirteenth year of king Edward his reign (as some writ) 
Matth. West. 1054 Hector Boet.  or rather about the nineteéenth or twentieth year, as should appear by the Scotish writers, Siward the noble earl of Northumberland with a great power of horsemen went into Scotland, and in battle put to flight Macbeth that had usurped the crown of Scotland, and that done, placed Malcolme surnamed Camoir, the son of Duncane, sometime king of Scotland, in the government of that realm, 
Simon. Dun. M. West.  who afterward slew the said Macbeth, and then reigned in quiet. Some of our English writers say, that this Malcolme was king of Cumberland, but other report him to be son to the king of Cumberland. But here is to be noted, that if Macbeth reigned till the year 1061, and was then slain by Malcolme, earl Siward was not at that battle; for as our writers do testify, he died in the year 1055, which was in the year next after (as the same writers affirm) that he vanquished Macbeth in fight, and slew many thousands of Scots, and all those Normans which (as ye have heard) were withdrawn into Scotland, when they were driven out of England.  
It is recorded also, that in the foresaid battle, in which earl Siward vanquished the Scots, one of Siwards sons chanced to be slain, whereof although the father had good cause to be sorrowful, yet when he heard that he died of a wound which he had received in fight stoutly in the forepart of his body, and that with his face towards the enemy, he greatly rejoiced thereat, to hear that he died so manfully. But here is to be noted, that not now, but a little before (as Henry Hunt. saith) that earl Siward went into Scotland himself in person, he sent his son with an army to conquer the land, whose hap was there to be slain: and when his father heard the news, he demanded whether he received the wound whereof he died, in the forepart of of the body, or in the hinder part: and when it was told him that he received it in the forepart; I rejoice (saith he) even with all my heart, for I would not wish either to my son nor to myself any other kind of death.  
Shortly after, Aldred the bishop of Worcester was sent unto the emperor Henry the third, 
Matth. West 105●  to fetch Edward the son of Edmund Iron side into England, whom king Edward was desirous to see, meaning to ordain him heir apparent to the crown: but he died the same year after he came into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his body was buried at Winchester, 
Hent Hunt. 1055  or (as an other saith) in the church of S. Paul's in London.  
¶ About the same time K. Edward by evil counsel (I wots not upon what occasion, but as it is thought without cause) banished Algar the son of earl Leofrike: whereupon he got him into Ireland, and there providing 18 ships of rovers, returned, & landing in Wales, joined himself with Griffin the king or prince of Wales, and did much hurt on the borders about Hereford, of which place Ralph was then earl, that was son unto Goda the sister of K. Edward by her first husband Gualther de Maunt. This earl assembling an army, came forth to give battle to the enemies, 
Matth. West Simon Dun.  appointing the Englishmen contrary to their manner to fight on horseback, but being ready (on the two & twentieth of October) to give the onset in a place not past two miles from Hereford, 
The welshmen obtain the victory against Englishmen and Normans.  he with his Frenchmen and Normans fled, and so the rest were discomfited, whom the adversaries pursued, and slew to the number of 500, beside such as were hurt and escaped with life. Griffin and Algar having obtained this victory, entered into the town of Hereford, set the minster on fire, slew seven of the canons that stood to defend the doors or gates of the principal church, and finally spoiled and burned the town miserably.  
The king advertised hereof, gathered an army, over the which Harold the son of earl Goodwin was made general, who followed upon the enemies that fled before him into North-wales, & stayed not, 
Stratcluid. Snowdon.  till having passed through Strat●luid, he came to the mountains of Snowdon, where he pitched his field. The enemies durst not abide him, but got them into Southwales, whereof Harold being advertised, left the more part of his army in North-wales to resist the enemies there, 
The city of Hereford fortified by Harold.  & with the residue of his people came back unto Hereford, recovered the town, and caused a great and mighty trench to be cast round about it, with an high rampire, and fenced it with gates and other fortifications. After this, he did so much, that coming to a communication with Griffin and Algar at a place called Biligelhage, a peace was concluded, and so the navy of earl Algar sailed about, and came to Chester, there to remain, till the men of war and mariners had their wages, while he went to the king, who pardoned his offence, & restored him to his earldom.  
After this, in the very same year, being the 15 of king Edward's reign, as some writers affirm, Siward the noble earl of Northumberland died of the slix, of whom it is said, 
The decease of Siward earl of Northumberland. Ran. Higd.  that when he perceived the hour of death to be near, he caused himself to be put in armour, & set up in his chair, affirming that a knight and a man of honour ought to die in that sort, rather than lying on a couch like a feeble and faint-hearted creature: and sitting so upright in his chair armed at all points, he ended his life, and was buried at York. [O stout hearted man, not unlike to that famous Roman remembered by Tully in his Tusculane questions, who suffered the sawing of his leg from his body without shrinking, looking upon the surgeon all the while, & having no part of his body bound for shrinking!] The said Siward earl of Northumberland was a man of a giantlike stature, & thereto of a very stout and hardy courage, & because his son Walteif was but an infant, and as yet not out of his cradle, the earldom was given unto earl Tostle one of goodwin's sons.   

Edward the son of Edmund Ironside is sent for to be made heir apparent to crown, his death, the decease of Leofrike earl of Chester, the virtues and good deeds of him and his wife Gudwina, Coventrie free from custom and toll, churches and religious places builded and repaired, Algar succeed his father Leofrike in the earldom, he is accused of treason and banished, he recovereth his earldom by force of arms; Harold is sent with a power against Griffin king of Wales; the country wasted, and the people forced to yield, they renounce Griffin their king, kill him, and send his head to Harold, Griffins brethren rule Wales after him by grant of king Edward; Harold's infortunate going over into Normandy, the earl of Ponthieu taketh him prisoner, and releaseth him at the request of William duke of Normandy, for whose use Harold sweareth to keep possession of the realm of England, the duke promiseth him his daughter in marriage. The sixth Chapter.  
NOt long after, in the year 1057, Aldred bishop of Worcester, was sent over unto the emperor Henry the third, to fetch Edward the son of Edmund Ironside into England, whom king Edward was desirous to see, meaning to ordain him heir apparent to the crown: but he died the same year, after that he was returned into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his body was buried at Westminster, 
Edward the outlaw departed this life.  or (as others say) in the church of S. Paul within London. The same year, that is to say, in the seventeenth year or in the sixtéenth year of king Edward's reign (as some writ) 
1057 Leofrike earl of Chester departed this life. Ran. Higd. Mat. West.  Leofrike the noble earl of Chester, or Mercia, that was son to duke Leofwine, departed this life in his own town of Bromelie on the last day of August, and was buried at Coventrie in the abbeie there which he had builded. This earl Leofrike was a man of great honour, wise and discreet in all his doings. His high wisdom and policy stood the realm in great steed whilst he lived.  
He had a noble lady to his wife named Gudwina, 
Coventrie made free of toll and custom.  at whose earnest suit he made the city of Coventrie free of all manner of toll, except horses: and to have that toll laid down also, his foresaid wife road naked through the midst of the town without other coverture, save only her hair. Moreover, partly moved by his own devotion, and partly by the persuasion of his wife, he builded or beneficiallie augmented and repaired many abbeys & churches, as the said abbey or priory at Coventrie, the abbeys of Wenlocke, Worcester, Stone, Euesham, and Leof besides Hereford. 
Churches in Chester built.  Also he builded two churches within the city of Chester, the one called S. john's, and the other S. Werbrough. The value of the jewels & ornaments which he bestowed on the abbeie church of Coventrie, was inestimable.  
After Leofriks' death, his son Algar was made earl, 
Hent. Hunt. Algar earl of Chester exiled. 1058  and entitled in all his lands and signiories. In the year following, to wit, 1058 the same Algar was accused again (through malice of some envious persons) of treason, so that he was exiled the land, whereupon he repaired again unto his old friend Griffin prince of North-wales, of whom he was joyfully received, 
Simon Dun.  & shortly after by his aid, & also by the power of a navy of ships that by chance arrived in those parts at that self same season unlooked for out of Norway, 
1063 Simon Dun. Mat. West.  the said Algar recovered his earldom by force, as some have written. King Edward about the twentieth year of his reign, as then remaining at Gloucester, appointed earl Harold to invade the dominions of Griffin king of Wales. Harold taking with him a power of horsemen, made speed, and came to Rutland, and there burned Griffins palace, and also his ships, and then about Midlent returned again into England.  
After this, about the Rogation week, Harold eftsoons by the king's commandment went against the Welshmen, and taking the sea, sailed by Bristol, round about the coast, compassing in manner all Wales. His brother Tostie that was earl of Northumberland, 
Wales destroyed and harried by the Englishmen. The welshmen agree to pay their accustomed tribute.  met him by appointment with an host of horsemen, and so joining together, they destroyed the country of Wales in such sort, that the Welshmen were compelled to submit themselves, to deliver hostages, and conditioned to pay the ancient tribute which before time they had paid. And moreover, they renounced their prince the forenamed Griffin, so that he remained as a banished person: and finally, 
1064 Wil Malm. Simon. Dun.  about the fift day of August, they slew him, and sent his head to earl Harold. Afterwards king Edward granted the rule of Wales unto Blengent or Blethgent, & Rival, Griffins two brethren, which did homage unto him for the same, and had served under Harold against their brother the foresaid Griffin. There be which writ, that not only Griffin, but also another of his brethren called Rice, 
Wil Malm.  was brought to his death by the manful means and politic order of earl Harold, & all the savage people of Wales reduced into the form of good order under the subjection of king Edward.  
Shortly after, 
Harold goeth over into Normandy. Polydor.  earl Harold chanced to pass over into Normandy, whither of hap or of purpose it is hard to define, writers do vary so much in report thereof. Some writ that he made earnest suit to king Edward, to have licence to go over to see his brother Wilnot, 
Edmerus.  and his nephew Hacune, which (as ye have heard) were delivered as pledges to king Edward, & sent into Normandy to remain there with duke William, and at length with much ado, got leave: but yet he was told aforehand of the king, that he would repent his journey, and do the thing that should be prejudicial to the realm. Other writ that Harold lying at his manor of Bosham, 
Mat. West. Wil Malm.  went aboard one day into his fisher's boat or craier, and caused the same to launch forth to the sea for his pleasure: but by misfortune at the same time, a contrary wind suddenly came about, and drove the vessel on land into France upon the coast of Ponthieu, where he was taken by the country people, & presented to the earl of Ponthieu named Guy or Guido, who kept him as prisoner, meaning to put him to a grievous ransom. But Harold remembering himself of a wile, dispatched a messenger forth with all speed unto William duke of Normandy, signifying unto him, that he being sent from king Edward to confirm such articles, as other mean men that had been sent unto him afore had talked of, by chance he was fallen into the hands of the earl of Ponthieu, and kept as prisoner against all order of law, reason, or humanity. Duke William thus informed by the messenger, sent to the earl of Ponthieu, requiring him to set earl Harold at liberty, that he might repair to him according to his commission. The earl of Ponthieu at the duke's request, 
Harold is presented to william duke of Normandy. Hen. Hunt.  did not only restore Harold to his liberty, but also brought him into Normandy, and presented him there to the duke, of whom he was most joyfully received.  
There be that agree partly with this report, and partly vary: for they writ, that earl Harold took the sea upon purpose to have sailed into Flanders, and that by force of w●●d he was driven to the coast of Pouthieu, and so after came into Normandy in manner as before is mentioned. But by what means or occasion soever he came thither, certain it is, that he was joyfully received, 
Harold was highly welcomed of duke William.  and had great cheer made him by the said duke William, who at that time was ready to make a journey against the Britain's, and took earl Harold with him to have his company in arms in that iournei, that he might have the better trial of his valiancy. Earl Harold behaved himself so, that he showed good proof both of his wisdom and policy, and also of his forwardness to execute that with hand, which by wit he had devised, so that duke William had him in high favour, and (as it hath been said) earl Harold (to procure him more friendship at the duke's hands) declared unto him, that king Edward had ordained him his heir if he died without issue, and that he would not fail to keep the realm of England to the duke's use, according to that ordinance, if K. Edward died without issue. 
Matth. West. Duke William promised to Harold his daughter in marriage.  And to perform this promise, he received a corporal oath, whether willingly to win the more credit, or forced thereto by duke William, writers report it diversly. At the same time, duke William promised unto him his daughter in marriage, whom Harold covenanted in like manner to take to wife.   

Harold at his return into England reporteth to K. Edward what he had done beyond the seas, and what the king said unto him in that behalf, who foresaw the coming of the Normans into this land to conquer it; when and why king Edward promised to make duke William his heir, (wherein note his subtlety) diffention betwixt Harold and Tostie two brethren the sons of earl Goodwin, their unnatural and cruel dealing one with another, specially of the abominable and merciless murders committed by Tostie, against whom the Northumber's rebel upon diverse occasions, and reward him with answerable revengement; Harold is sent against them, but prevaileth not; they offer to return home if they might have a new governor; they renounce Tostie and require Marchar in his room, Tostie displeased getteth him into Flanders; king Edward dieth, his manners and disposition note worthy, his charity and devotion, the virtue of curing the malady called the kings evil derived from him to the succeeding kings of this land, he was warned of his death by a ring, he is canonised for a saint, the last words that he spoke on his deathbed, wherein he uttered to the standers by a vision, prophesying that England should be inhabited with strangers, a description of the king's person, of a blazing star foretelling his death, the progeny of the Westsaxon kings, how long they continued, the names of their predecessors and successors; whence the first kings of seven kingdoms of Germany had their pedigree, etc. The seventh Chapter.  
NOw when Harold should return into England, duke William delivered him his nephew Hacune, 
Polydor.  but kept his brother Wilnote with him still as a pledge. Then went earl Harold into England, and declared unto king Edward what he had done, who said unto him; Did not I tell thee that thou wouldst do the thing whereof thou shouldest repent thee, and procure a mischief to follow unto thy country? But God of his mercy turn that evil hap from this realm, or at the least, if it be his pleasure, that it must needs come to pass, yet to stay it till after my days! Some by Harold's purposed going over into Normandy, do gather, that king Edward foresaw the coming of the Normans; and that he meant nothing less, 
When the promise was made by king Edward to make 〈◊〉 William 〈◊〉 heir.  than to perform the promise made unto duke William, as to adopt him his heir, which promise should seem to be made in time of his banishment, when he stood in need of his friendship; as the manner of men in such cases is, to promise much, how so ever they intent to fulfil. But rather it may be thought, that king Edward had made no such promise at all, but perceived the ambitious desire of duke William, and therefore would not that any occasion should be ministered unto him to take hold of. Wherefore, he was loath that Harold should go over unto him, lest that might happen, which happened in deed.  
In the four and twentieth and last year of king Edward his reign, 
Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Fabian. Falling out betwixt brethren.  or thereabout, there fell variance betwixt the two brethren, earl Harold and earl Tostie at Windsor, where the court then lay, in so much that earl Harold caught Tostie by the hair of the head in the king's presence, and struck him. hereupon, Tostie departing from the court in great anger, came to Hereford in the marches of Wales, where Harold's servants were preparing for the kings coming to their masters house, 
The cruel dealing of earl Tostie.  which servants he took and slew, chopping them in pieces, and threw into this hogshead of wine a leg, into that barrel of cider an arm, into this vessel of ale an head: and so into the lomes of m and tubs of brine and other liquor he bestowed the parts of the dead carcases of his brother's servants, sending the king word that he had provided at his brother's manor, against his coming, good plenty of souse & powdered meat, whatsoever he should find beside.  
The rumour of this cruel deed sprang over all the realm, whereupon the Northumber's, whom he had governed for the space of ten years very cruelly, took occasion to rebel against him, 
The Northumber's r●bell against Tostie their earl.  and slew his servants both Englishmen and Danes, spoiled his houses, and took away his horses, his armour, and all other his goods and household stuff. The chiefest cause (as is remembered by some writers) that moved the Northumber's thus to rise and rebel against Tostie, was for the detestable murder of certain gentlemen of their country, servants unto Gospatrike, whom the queen in behalf of her brother had caused to be slain in the court by treason, in the fourth night of Christmas last passed, and also in revenge of other noble men, which in the last year Tostie himself had commanded to be murdered in his own chamber at York, whither he had alured them to come under colour of concluding a peace with them. Also the grievous payments, wherewith he charged the people of that country, set them in a great rage against him.  
But the king advertised hereof, liked not their doings, for that they had done it without commandment or commission, and therefore sent earl Harold with an army to chastise them, 
Wil Malm.  but they were strong enough to withstand him, as those which were assembled in armour together with the people of Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, and Darbishire, and having with them Marcharus or Malcharus, the son of earl Algar, were come as far as Northhampton, doing much hurt in the parts thereabouts. Howbeit to have the king's peace, they offered to return home, so that they might have an other earl appointed them, for that they plainly protested, that they being freemen, borne and bred out of bondage, might not suffer any cruel governor to rule over them, being taught by their ancestors, either to live in liberty, or to die in defence thereof. If therefore it might please the king to assign Marcharus the son of earl Algar to be their ruler, he should see how obedient subjects they would prove & show themselves to be, when they should be used after a reasonable and courteous manner. All things considered, their request seemed reasonable, or at least it was thought necessary that it should be granted. And so was Marcharus or Malcherus made earl of Northumberland. 
Marcharus' made earl of Northumberland.  Tostie in great displeasure with his wife and children sailed over into Flanders, and there remained till after the deceasie of king Edward.  
Finally, 
It Edward departed this life.  after that this courteous prince king Edward had reigned three and twenty years, 
Simon Dun.  seven months, and odd days, he departed this life at London the fourth of januarie, and was buried in the church of Westminster, which he had in his life time roiallic repaired, after such a stately sort as few churches in those days were like thereunto within this realm, so that afterwards the same was a patorne for other to be built after the same form. This Edward was a prince of such a virtuous disposition of mind, 
K. Edward his manners and disposition of mind described.  that his fame of holiness sprang over all. He abhorred wars and shedding of blood, in so much that when he lived as a banished man in Normandy, he had this saying oftentimes in his mouth, that he had rather live a private life for ever, than to obtain the kingdom by the slaughter and death of any man. He could not abide to have the people oppressed with tributes or exactions, in so much that he caused the payment called Danegilt (which had continued for the space almost of forty years) to cease. It hath been said, that when the collectors of this money, or some other subsidy, had got an huge quantity of treasure together, they brought it unto him, and laid it altogether upon an heap, so to delight his eyes: 
A devil fetching gambols.  but he declaring that he saw a devil playing and fetching gambols about that heap of money, commanded that it should be had away, and restored again to them of whom it was levied.  
In diet and apparel he was spare and nothing sumptuous: and although on high feasts he ware rich apparel, as became the majesty of his royal parsonage: yet he showed no proud nor lofty countenance, rather praising God for his bountiful goodness towards him extended, than esteeming herein the vain pomp of the world. The pleasure that he took chiefly in this world for refreshing of his wits, consisted only in hawking and hunting, which exercises he daily used, after he had first been in the church at divine service. In other things he seemed wholly given to a devout trade of life, charitable to the poor, and very liberal, namely to hospitals and houses of religion in the parties of beyond the sea, wishing ever that the monks and religions persons of his realm would have followed the virtue and holiness of life used amongst them of foreign parties. As hath been thought he was inspired with the gift of prophesy, and also to have had the gift of healing infirmities and diseases. He used to help those that were vexed with the disease, commonly called the king's evil, and left that virtue as it were a portion of inheritance unto his successors the kings of this realm.  
He was warned (as hath been reported) of his death certain days before he died, 
A tale of a ring.  by a ring that was brought him by certain pilgrims coming from Jerusalem, which ring he had secretly given to a poor man that asked his charity in the name of God and saint john the Evangelist. 
King Edward canonised for a saint.  But to conclude, such was the opinion conceived of his holiness of life, that shortly after his decease, he was canonised amongst the number of saints, and named Edward the Confessor. Whilst he lay sick of that sickness, 
Wil Molms. Matt. Westm.  whereof at length he died, after he had remained for two days speechless, the third day after when he had lain for a time in a slumber or soft sleep, at the time of his waking, he fetched a deep sigh, and thus said; Oh Lord God almighty, if this be not a vain fantastical illusion, but a true vision which I have seen, grant me space to utter the same unto these that stand here present, or else not. And herewith having his speech perfect, he declared how he had seen two monks stand by him as he thought, whom in his youth he knew in Normandy to have lived godly, and died christianly. These monks (said he) protesting to me the they were the messengers of God, spoke these words; Because the chief governors of England, the bishops and abbots, are not the ministers of God, but the devils, the almighty God hath delivered this kingdom for one year and a day into the hands of the enemy, and wicked spirits shall walk abroad through the whole land. And when I made answer that I would declare these things to the people, and promised on their behalf, that they should do penance in following that example of the Ninivites: they said again, that it would not be, for neither should the people repent, nor God take any pity upon them. And when is there hope to have an end of these miseries said I? Then said they; When a green tree is cut in sunder in the middle, and the part cut off is carried three acre's breadth from the stock, and returning again to the stole, shall join therewith, and begin to bud & bear fruit after the former manner, by reason of the sap renewing the accustomed nourishment; then (I say) may there be hope that such evils shall cease and diminish. ¶ With which words of the king, though some other that stood by were brought in fear, yet archbishop Stigand made but a jest thereof, saying, that the old man raved now in his sickness, as men of great years use to do. Nevertheless the truth of this prophesy afterwards too plainly appeared, when England became the habitation of new strangers, in such wise, that there was neither governor, bishop, nor abbot remaining therein of the English nation. But now to make an end with king Edward, he was of person comely, & of an indifferent stature, of white hair, both head and beard, of face ruddy, and in all parts of his body fair skinned, with due state and proportion of limbs as was thereto convenient. In the year before the death of king Edward, a blazing star appeared, the which when a monk of Malmesburie named Eilmer beheld, he uttered these words (as it were by way of prophesying:) Thou art come (saith he) thou art come, much to be lamented of many a mother: it is long agone sith I saw thee, but now I do behold thee the more terrible, threatening destruction to this country by thy dreadful appearance. In the person of king Edward ceased by his death the noble progeny of the Westsaxon kings, which had continued from the first year of the reign of Cerdike or Cerdicius, the space of 547 years complete. And from Egbert 266 years.  
Moreover, sith the progeny of the Saxon kings seemeth wholly to take end with this Edward surnamed the Confessor, or the third of that name before the conquest, we have thought good for the better help of memory to refer the reader to a catalogue of the names as well of those that reigned among the Westsaxons (who at length, as ye have heard, obtained the whole monarchy) as also of them which ruled in the other seven kingdoms before the same were united unto the said kingdom of the Westsaxons, which catalogue you shall find in the description of Britain, pag. 17, 18, 19  
Here is to be remembered, that as partly before is expressed, 
Matt. West.  we find in some old writers, how the first kings of seven kingdoms of the German nation that bare rule in this isle, fetched their pedegrées from one wooden, who begat of Frea his wife seven sons, that is to say, 1 Uecta, of whom came the kings of Kent, 1 Fethelgeta, or Frethegeath, from whom the kings of Mercia descended, 3 Balday, of whose race the kings of the Westsaxons had their original, 4 Beldagius, ancestor to the kings of Bernicia, and the Northumber's, 5 Wegodach or Wegdagus, from whom came the kings of Deira, 6 Caser, from whom proceeded the kings of the Eastangles, 7 Nascad alias Saxuad, of whom the kings of the Eastsaxons had their beginning. And here you must note, that although the kings of the eight kingdom, that is, of the Southsaxons or Sussex, were descended of the same people, yet were they not of the same line. By other it should seem, that wooden had but five sons: as Uecta, great grandfather to Hengist; Wepedeg, ancestor to the kings of the Eastangles; Uiclac, from whom proceeded the kings of Mercia; Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came; and Beldag, of whose generation proceeded the kings of the Southsaxons, Westsaxons, 
Simon Dun. Io. Textor.  and the Northumber's. Moreover, there be that bring the genealogy from Noah or Noah, the son of Lamech, which Noah was the 9 in descent from Adam, and wooden the 15 from Noah, as you shall find in the history of England, lib. 6. pag. 141. col. 2. Noah was the father to Sem the father of Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Hathra, the father of Itermod, the father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, the father of Theathwtj alias Tadwa or Teathwy, the father of Geta, reputed for a god among the gentiles, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Godulph, the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Fr●uin, the father of Fr●olaf alias Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the aforenamed wooden or Othen.   

The peers are in doubt to whom the rule of the land should be committed, why they durst not that Edgar Edeling should undertake it though he was interessed to the same, how William duke of Normandy pretended a right to the crown, Harold the son of earl Goodwin crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated king; his subtle and adulatory means to win the people's favour; duke William sendeth ambassadors to Harold to put him in mind of a promise passed to the said duke for his furtherance to obtain the crown; Harold's negative answer to the said embassage, as also to the marrying of the duke's daughter which was Harold's own voluntary motion; he provideth against the invasions of the enemy as one doubting afterclaps, a blazing star of seven days continuance. The eight Chapter.  
KIng Edward being thus departed this life, 
Harold.  the peers of the land were in great doubt & perplexity to whom they might best commit the royal government of the realm. 
K. Edward departed this life An Christi 1065, after the account of the church of England.  For there was not any among them that had just title thereto, 
Matth. West. Polydor.  or able and apt to take the charge upon him. For although Edgar surnamed Edeling, the son of Edward the outlaw, 
Edeling, that is, a noble man, and such one as is come of the king's blood.  that was son of Edmund Ironside, was at the same time lately come into England, with his mother and sisters out of Hungary where he was borne: yet for that he was but a child, & not of sufficient age to bear rule, they durst not as then commit the government of the realm unto him, lest (as some have thought) his tenderness of age might first breed a contempt of his person, and therewith minister occasion to civil discord, whereby a shipwreck of the estate might ensue, to the great annoy and present overthrow of such as then lived in the same. But what consideration soever they had in this behalf, they ought not to have defrauded the young gentlemen of his lawful right to the crown. For as we have heard and seen, God, whose providence and mighty power is showed by overthrowing of high and mighty things now and then, by the weak and feeble hath governed states and kingdoms oftentimes in as good quiet and princely policy by a child, as by men of age and great discretion.  
But to the purpose, beside the doubt which rested among the lords, how to bestow the crown, the manifold and strange wonders, which were seen and heard in those days, betokening (as men thought) some change to be at hand in the state of the realm, made the lords a●raid, and namely because they stood in great doubt of William duke of Normandy, who pretended a right to the crown, as lawful heir appointed by king Edward, for that he was kin to him in the second and third degree. 
Dukes of Normandy.  For Richard the first of that name duke of Normandy, begot Richard the second, and Emma; which Emma bore Edward by her husband Ethelred. Richard the second had also issue Richard the third, and Robert, which Robert by a concubine had issue William, surnamed the bastard, that was now duke of Normandy, and after the death of his coosine king Edward, made claim (as is said) to the crown of England.  
Whilst the lords were thus studying and consulting what should be best for them to do in these doubts, Harold, the son of Goodwin earl of Kent, proclaimed himself king of England: 
Harold proclaimed king of England.  the people being not much offended therewith, because of the great confidence and opinion which they had lately conceived of his valiancy. Some writ (among whom Edmerus 
Edmerus.  is one) how king Edward ordained before his death, that Harold should succeed him as heir to the crown, and that thereupon the lords immediately after the said Edward's decease, crowned Harold for their king, and so he was consecrated by Aldred archbishop of York, according to the custom and manner of the former kings, or (as other affirm) he set the crown on his own head without any the accustomed ceremonies, 
Matth. West.  in the year after the birth of our saviour 1066, or in the year of Christ 1065, after the account of the church of England (as before is noted.)  
But how and whensoever he came to the seat royal of this kingdom, certain it is, that this Harold in the beginning of his reign, considering with himself how and in what sort he had taken upon him the rule of the kingdom, rather by intrusion than by any lawful right, studied by all means which way to win the people's favour, and omitted no occasion whereby he might show any token of bounteous liberality, 
Harold seeketh to win the people's hearts.  gentleness and courteous behaviour towards them. 
Sim. Dunel.  The grievous customs also and taxes which his predecessors had raised, he either abolished or diminished: the ordinary wages of his servants and men of war he increased, and further showed himself very well bend to all virtue and goodness, whereby he purchased no small favour among such as were his subjects.  
Whilst Harold went about thus to steal the people's good wills, 
An embassage from N●●mandie.  there came over unlooked for sundry ambassadors from William the bastard duke of Normandy, with commission to require him to remember his oath sometime made to the said William in the time of his extremity, which was, that he the said Harold should aid him in the obtaining of the crown of England, if king Edward should happen to die without issue. This covenant he made (as it is supposed) in king Edward's days, when (by licence of the same Edward, or rather (as Edmerus writeth) against his will) he went over into Normandy to visit his brethren, which lay there as pledges.  
Howbeit at this present, 
K. Harold's answer.  Harold's answer to the said ambassadors was, that he would be ready to gratify the duke in all that he could demand, so that he would not ask the realm, which already he had in his full possession. And further he declared unto them (as some writ) that as for the oath which he had made in times passed unto duke William, 
E●dmerus.  the same was but a constrained & no voluntary oath, which in law is nothing; 
Matth. West.  since thereby he took upon him to grant that which was not in his power to give, he being but a subject whilst king Edward was living. For if a promised vow or oath which a maid maketh concerning the bestowing of her body in her father's house, without his consent, is made void; much more an oath by him made that was a subject, and under the rule of a king, without his sovereigns' consent, aught to be void and of no value. He alleged moreover, that as for him to take an oath to deliver the inheritance of any realm without the general consent of the estates of the same, could not be other than a great piece of presumption, yea although he might have just title thereunto; so it was an unreasonable request of the duke at this present to will him to renounce the kingdom, the governance whereof he had already taken upon him, with so great favour and good liking of all men.  
Duke William having received this answer, 
Duke William eftsoons sendeth to king Harold.  and nothing liking thereof, sent once again to Harold, requiring him then at the leastwise, that he would take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise; in refusing whereof he could make no sound allegation, because it was a thing of his own motion, and in his absolute power, both to grant and to perform. But Harold being of a stout courage, with proud countenance frowned upon the Norman ambassadors, and declared to them that his mind was nothing bend as then to yield thereunto in any manner of wise. And so with other talk tending to the like effect he sent them away without any further answer. The daughter of duke William whom Harold should have married, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis saith, 
Gemeticensis.  and with her (as the same author writeth) it was covenanted by duke William, that Harold should enjoy half the realm in name of her dower. 
Wil Malm.  Howbeit some write that this daughter of duke William was departed this life before the coming of these ambassadors, and that Harold thereupon thought himself discharged of the oath and covenants made to duke William, and therefore sent them away with such an untoward answer.  
But howsoever it was, 
Polydor.  after the departure of these ambassadors, king Harold (doubting what would ensue) caused his ships to be newly rigged, his men of war to be mustered, and speedily put in a readiness, to the end that if any sudden invasion should be made and attempted by his enemy, he might be able to resist them. ¶ About the same time also, and upon the 24 of April (whilst Harold was making provision to withstand the Norman force) there appeared a blazing star, which was seen not only here in England, but also in other parts of the world, and continued the space of seven days. 
Rog. Houed. Simon Dun.  This blazing star might be a prediction of mischief imminent & hanging over Harold's head; for they never appear but as prognosticats of afterclaps. To be resolutely instructed herein, do but peruse a treatise entitled; A doctrine general of comets or blazing stars published by a bishop of Mentz in Latin, and set forth in English by Abraham Fleming upon the apparition of a blazing star seen in the south-west, on the 10 of November 1577, and dedicated to the right worshipful sir William Cordell knight, than master of her majesties rolls, etc.   

Earl Tostie afflicteth his brother Harold on sea and land, he taketh the repulse, and persuadeth Harfager king of Norweie to attempt the conquest of England against Harold, Harfager & Tostie with their powers arrive at Humber, they fight with the Northumber's under the conduct of Edwine and Marchar, and discomfit them; Harold levieth an army against them, the rare valiantness of a Norwegian soldier; Harfager and Tostie slain in battle; the Norwegians are foiled and fly; Harold's unequal and partial dividing of the spoil, he goeth to York to reform things amiss. The ninth Chapter.  
Whilst Harold desirous to retain, and very loath to let go his usurped royalty, had cracked his credit with the duke of Normandy, and by his lewd revolting from voluntary promises ratified with solemn oaths, had also kindled the fire of the duke's fury against him; it came to pass; that the proud and presumptuous man was (to begin withal) vexed in his own flesh, I mean his own kindred. For Tostie the brother of king Harold (who in the days of king Edward for his cruelty had been chased out of the realm by the Northumber's) 
Tostie seeks to disquiet his brother.  returning out of Flanders, 
Matt. West. saith but 40.  assembled a navy of ships from divers parts to the number of 60, with the which he arrived in the isle of Wight, & there spoiled the country, and afterward sailing about by the coasts of Kent, 
Polydor. Ran. Higd. Sim. Dun.  he took sundry preys their also, and came at the last to Sandwich: so that Harold was now constrained to appoint the navy which he had prepared against the Normans, to go against his brother earl Tostie. Whereof the said Tostie being advertised, drew towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, and there taking land did much hurt in the country, both with sword and fire, till at length Edwine earl of Mercia, 
Wil Malm.  and Marchar earl of Northumberland, aided with the king's navy, chased him from thence, 
Tostie repelled.  and caused him to fly into Scotland, 
Polydor. Ran. Higd.  not without some loss both of his men and ships.  
This trouble was scarce quieted, but streightwaies another came in the neck thereof, far more dangerous than the first. For Tostie, perceiving that he could get no aid in Scotland to make any account of, sailed forth into Norweie, and there persuaded Harold Harfager king of that realm, 
Harold Harfager king of Norweie.  to sail with an army into England, persuading him that by means of civil dissension lately kindled betwixt the king and his lords (which was not so) it should be an easy matter for him to make a conquest of the whole realm, and reign over them as his predecessors had done before. Some authors affirm, that Harold king of Norwey took this enterprise in hand of his own mind, and not by procurement of Tostie, 
Matt. West. Simon Dun.  saying, that Tostie meeting with him in Scotland, did persuade him to go forward in his purposed business, and that the said Harold Harfager with all convenient speed passed forth, & with a navy of 300 sail entered into the river of Tine, 
Simon Dun. saith 500  where after he had rested a few days to refresh his people, earl Tostie came also with his power (according to an appointment which should be made between them.) They add furthermore, 
The Norwegians arrive in Humber.  that they sailed forth alongst the coast, till they arrived in the mouth of Humber, & then drawing up against the stream of the river Owse, they landed at length at a place called Richhall, 
Richhall.  from whence they set forward to invade 
Hen. Hunt.  the country, & near unto York on the northside of the city, they fought with the power of the Northumber's, 
The English men discomfited.  which was led by the earls Edwine and Marchar (two brethren) and there discomfited and chased them into the city, with great slaughter and bloodshed.  
Harold king of England being advertised of this chance, 
This battle was fought on the the even of S. Matthew the apostle, as saith Si. Dun.  made the more hast forward (for he was already in the field with his army, intending also to come towards his enemies) so that upon the fift day after he came to Stamford bridge, finding there the said king Harfager and Tostie ready imbattelled, he first assailed those that kept the bridge, where (as some writers affirm) a Norwegian soldier with his axe defended the passage, 
Wil Malm.  maugre the whole host of the Englishmen, 
Hen. Hunt.  and slew forty of them or more with his axe, 
Matt. West.  & might not be overcome, till an Englishman went with a boat under the said bridge, and through and hole thereof thrust him up into the body with his spear: yet Matt. West. saith that he was slain with a dart which one of king Harold his servants threw at him, & so ended his life. Which bridge being won, 
The Norwegians discomfited.  the whole host of the Englishmen passed over, and joined with their enemies, and after a very great and sore battle put them all to flight.  
In this conflict Harold Harfager king of the Norwegians was slain, 
The king of Norway and Tostie slain.  & so was Tostie the king of England his brother, besides a great number of other, as well in the battle as in the chase: neither did the Englishmen escape all free, for the Norwegians fought it out a long time very stoutly, 
This battle was fought on the 25 of September as saith Si. Dun.  beating down and killing great numbers of such as assailed them with great courage and assurance. The residue of the Norwegians that were left to keep their ships under the guiding of Olaue son to the king of Norway, and Paul earl of Orkneie, after they understood by their fellows that escaped from the field, how the matter went with Harfager and Tostie, 
Matth. West.  they hoist up their sails and directed their course homewards, bearing sorrowful news with them into their country, of the loss of their king and overthrow of all his people. Some writ, that the king of England permitted them frankly to departed with 20 ships, 
Simon Dun.  having first caused them to deliver such hostages as they had received of the citizens of York. Harold rejoicing in that he had attained so glorious a victory, and being now surprised with pride and covetousness together, he divided the spoil of the field nothing equally, but to such as he favoured he distributed liberally, 
M. West.  and to other (though they had much better deserved) he gave nothing at all, 
Unequell dividing of the spoil.  retaining still the best part of all to himself, by reason whereof he lost the favour of many of his men, who for this his discourtesy, did not a little alienate their good wills from him. This done, he repaired to York, and there stayed for a time to reform the disordered state of the country, 
Wil Malm.  which by reason of those wars was greatly out of frame.  
¶ But Harold being more presumptuous and foolhardy, than provident and wise in his enterprise; bending all his force to redress enormities in those quarters of Yorkshire (much like unto him, whom the Comediographer marketh for a fool, Ea tantùm quae ad pedes jacent contemplans, non autem ventura praevidens) neglected the kingly care which he should have had of other parts of his realm, from the which he had withdrawn himself, and (as it is likely) had not left sufficiently provided of a convenient vicegerent to govern the same by his warranted authority, and such fortifications as might expel and withstand the enemy. Which want of foresight gave occasion to the enemy to attempt an invasion of the English coasts, as in the next chapped. shall be showed.   

William duke of Normandy prepareth to invade England and to conquer it, the earl of Flanders and the French king assist him, the number of his ships, his arrival at Pevensey in Sussex, upon what occasions he entered this realm; the pope liked well duke William's attempt, why king Harold was hated of the whole court of Rome; why duke William would not suffer his soldiers to waste the countries where they came; Harold goeth towards his enemies, why his unskilful espials took the Normans (being old beaten soldiers) for priests; Girth dissuadeth his brother Harold from present incountering with the duke; where note the conscience that is to be had of an oath, and that perjury can not scape unpunished. The tenth Chapter.  
WIlliam duke of Normandy having knowledge after what manner K. Harold was busied in the north parts of his realm, and understanding that the south parts thereof remained destitute of due provision for necessary defence, hasted with all diligence to make his purveyance of men and ships, that he might upon such a convenient occasion set forward to invade his enemy. 
ja. Meir.  And amongst other of his friends, 
Baldwine earl of Flanders aided duke William to conquer England.  unto whom he laboured for aid, his father in law Baldwine earl of Flanders was one of the chiefest, who upon promise of great sums of money and other large offers made, did aid him with men, munition, ships, and victuals, very freely. The French king also did as much for his part as lay in him to help forwards this so high an enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readiness, he came to the town of S. Ualerie, 
Wil Geme.  where he had assembled tigither an huge navy of ships (to the number (as some authors affirm) of three hundred sail; 
The chronicles of Normandy have 896 ships.  and when he had tarried there a long time for a convenient wind, at length it came about even as he himself desired. Then shipping his army which consisted of Normans, Flemings, Frenchmen, and Britain's, with all expedition he took the sea, and directing his course towards England, he finally landed at a place in Sussex, 
Duke william landed at Pevensey, now Pemsey.  anciently called Pevensey, on the 28 day of September, where he did set his men on land, & provided all things necessary to encourage and refresh them.  
At his going out of his ship unto the shore, one of his feet slipped as he stepped forward, but the other stack fast in the sand: the which so soon as one of his knights had espied, and seeing his hand whereupon he stayed full of earth, when he rose, he spoke aloud and said: Now sir duke, thou hast the soil of England fast in thy hand, & shalt of a duke yer long become king. The duke hearing this tale, laughed merrily thereat, and coming on land, by and by he made his proclamation, declaring upon what occasions he had thus entered the realm.  
The first and principal cause which he alleged, 
Hen. Hunt.  was for the challenge his right, meaning the dominion of the land that to him was given and assigned (as he said) by his nephew king Edward late ruler of the same land.  
The second was, to revenge the death of his nephew Alured or Alfred the brother of the same king Edward, whom Goodwin earl of Kent and his adherents had most cruelly murdered.  
The third was to be revenged of the wrong done unto Robert archbishop of Canturburie, who (as he was informed) was exiled by the means and labour of Harold in the days of king Edward.  
Wherein we have to note, that whether it were for displeasure that the pope had sometime conceived for the wrong done to the archbishop; 
Wil Lamb.  or at the only suit of duke William, 
The pope favoured duke William's enterprise.  certain it is that the pope, as then named Alexander the second, favoured this enterprise of the duke, and in token thereof sent him a white banner, which he willed him to set up in the deck of the ship, wherein he himself should sail. In deed (as writers report) the pope with his cardinals, and all the whole court of Rome had king Harold ever in great hatred and disdain, because he had taken upon him the crown without their consent, or any ecclesiastical solemnity or agreement of the bishops. And although the pope and his brethren the said cardinals dissembled the matter for the time, 
Matth. West.  yet now beholding to what end his bold presumption was like to come, with frowning fortune they showed themselves open adversaries, inclining streightwaies to the stronger part, after the manner of covetous persons, or rather of the réed shaken with a sudden puff of wind.  
Duke William at his first landing at Pevensey or Pemsey 
Gemeticensis.  (whether you will) fortified a piece of ground with strong trenches, and leaving therein a competent number of a men of war to keep the same, he sped him toward Hastings, and coming thither, he built an other fortress there with all speed possible, without suffering his soldiers to rob or harry the country adjoining, saying that it should be great folly for him to spoil that people, which yer many days to come were like to be his subjects. K. Harold being as yet in the north parts, and hearing the duke William was thus landed in England, 
Wil Malm.  sped him southward, and gathering his people together out of the countries as he went forwards, at length came near his enemies: and sending espials into their camp to understand of what strength they were; 
Matth. West.  the unskilful messengers regarding smallly their charge, brought word again of nothing else, but that all duke William's soldiers were priests. For the Normans had at that time their upper lips and cheeks shaven, 
Normans berds shaven.  whereas the Englishmen used to suffer to hair of their upper lips to grow at length. 
Wil Malm.  But Harold answered, 
Hen. Marle.  that they were not priests, but weather-beaten and hardy soldiers, and such as were like to abide well by their captain.  
In the mean season, Girth one of Harold's younger brethren (considering that perjury is never left unpunished) 
Girth would not have his brother king Harold fight himself.  advised his brother not to adventure himself at this present in the battle, 
Gemeticensis.  for so much as he had been sometime sworn to duke William, but rather to suffer him and other of the nobility to encounter with the said duke, that were not bound to him by former oath, or otherwise: but Harold answered that he was free from any such oath, and that in defence of his country he would fight boldly with him as with his greatest enemy. ¶ Where (by the way) would be noted the conscience which Girth a younger brother made of an oath, not concerning himself directly, but his elder brother Harold, who had sworn the same; meaning nothing less than the performance thereof, as the sequel of his doings to his discredit and undoing evidently declared, which events might seem countable to him as due punishments and deserved plagues inflicted upon him and others, for his same; sith he made no reckoning of violating a vow ratified with an oath to a prince of no small puissance, who afterwards became a whip unto him for his perjury; a sin detested of the heathen, and whereof the poet notably speaketh, saying: 
Ah miser, 
Tibul. lib. 1.  & si quis primò periuria celat,  
Sera tamen tacitis poena venit pedibus.    

After peace offered & refused on each side, both armies meet in the field, the order of the Englishmen'S attire & array, the manner how the Normans were placed to fight in battle; the dissolute and droonken behaviour of the Englishmen the night before the encounter far deffering from the Normans devout demeanour; duke William's speech vpon occasion of wrong putting on his armour, the battle, betwixt him and king Harold is valiantly tried, the English by duke William's politic strategem are deceived, king Harold slain, his army put to flight and many of them slain after a long and bloody encounter, many of the Normans, pursuing the English overhastilie procure their own death, they take the spoil of the English, the dead bodies of both armies are licensed to be buried; the differing reports of writers touching the manner of Harold's death, a description of his person, his ambition did him much hurt and hindrance, the number that were slain on both sides, his body buried at a Waltham, nothing dispraise▪ worthy in him but his ambitious mind, a view of his valiantness in a conflict against the Welshmen, his rigorous or rather pitiless handling of them, his severe law or decree touching their bounds, they are utterly subdued, and (by the king's leave) the Welshwomen marry with the Englishmen, the Saxon line ceaseth, how long it lasted, and how long it was discontinued by the invasion of the Danes. The eleventh Chapter.  
NOw it fortuned that both armies, 
Will. Malmes.  as well the kings as the earls, being prepared to battle, diverse offers were made on each side (before they fell to the conflict) for an unity to have been had betwixt the two princes: but when no conditions of agreement could take place, they forthwith prepared themselves to try the matter by dint of sword. And so on the 14 day of October, being saturday, both hosts met in the field, at a place in Sussex not far from Hastings, whereas the abbeie of Battle was afterward builded. 
The order of the Englishmen.  The Englishmen were all brought into one entire main battle on foot, with huge ears in their hands, and paled a front with paveises, in such wise that it was thought unpossible for the enemy to break their array. 
Matth. West.  On the other side, the Normans were divided into several battles, as first the footmen that were archers, and also those that bare gleives and axes were placed in the forefront, 
The array of the Normans  and the horsemen divided into wings stood on the sides in very good order.  
All the night before the battle, 
Hen. Hunt.  the Englishmen made great noise and slept not, 
Will. Malmes.  but sang and fell to drinking and making of revel & pastime, as though there had been no account to be made of the next days travel. But the Normans behaved themselves warily and soberly, spending all that night in prayer and confessing their sins unto God; and in the morning early they received the communion before they went forth to the battle. Some writ, that when duke William should put on his armour to go to the field, the back half of his curasses by chance was set on before by such as holp to arm him: at which chance he took occasion of laughter, saying merrily to them that stood by; No force, this is good luck, for the estate of my dukedom shall be yer night changed into a kingdom. Beside this, he spoke many comfortable words unto his men, to encourage them to the battle. Neither was Harold forgetful in that point on his part. And so at convenient time when both armies were ready, they made forward each encounter with other, on the foresaid fouretéenth day of October, with great force and assurance.  
In the beginning of the battle, 
Polydor.  the arrows slew abroad freshly on both sides, 
The battle betwixt king Harold and duke William is begun.  till they came to join at hand strokes, and then pressed each side upon his counterpart with swords, axes, and other hand weapons very eagerly. Duke William commanded his horsemen to give the charge an the breasts of his enemies battles: but the Englishmen keeping themselves close together without scattering, received their enemies upon the points of their weapons with such fierceness and in such stiff order, that many of the Norman horsemen were overthrown without recovery, and slain at the first brunt. When duke William perceived this inconvenience (as he that well and throughly understood the skilful points of war as well as the best) he gave a sign to his men (according to an order appointed before hand upon any such occasion) that they should give back, 
The policy of duke William to disorder his enemies.  and make a countenance as though they did flee, 
H. Hunt.  which was quickly done by the Normans, 
Will. Malm.  and withal they imbattelled their footmen in a new order, so that their horsemen shifted themselves on the wings, ready to rescue the footmen if their array should happen to be disturbed.  
By this wily stratagem and policy of war, the Englishmen were deceived: for they beholding the Normans somewhat shrinking back to bring themselves into the above said order, thought verily that they had fled, and thereupon meaning to pursue them before they should recover their ground, they broke their array, and began to follow the chase: whereupon the Normans (perceiving now that all things came to pass as they desired) speedily returned, and casting themselves together quickly into ar●●ie, began to charge them again afresh, and so having them at that advantage, they slew them down on every side. 
A sore fought battle. King Harold slain.  The Englishmen on the other part fought sore, and though their king was beaten down among them and slain, yet were they loath to flee or give over; so sharp was the battle, that duke William himself had three horses slain under him that day, and not without great danger of his person.  
Some of the Englishmen got them to the height of an hill, 
Wil Malm.  and beat back the Normans that forced themselves to win the hill of them, 
Matth. West.  so that it was long yer the Normans could prevail, being oftentimes driven down into the bottom of the valley beneath. At length the Englishmen, perceiving themselves to be overmatched and beaten down on every side, 
The Englishmen put to flight.  and thereunto greatly discouraged with slaughter of their king, began first to give ground, and after to scatter and to run away, so that well was he that might then escape by flight. When they had fought the most part of all that saturday, the Normans followed the chase with such eager rashness, 
Chron. de bello.  that a great number of them falling with their horses and armour into a blind ditch (shadowed with reed and sedges which grew therein) were smouldered and pressed to death, 
Wil Geme.  yer they could be succoured or get any relief. 
The Normans fall into a ditch.  The next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoil of the field, burying also the dead bodies of their people that were slain at the battle, giving licence in semblable manner to the Englishmen to do the like. 
Giral. Camb.  Of the death of Harold diverse report diversly, in so much that Girald Cambrensis saith, that after king Harold had received many wounds, and lost his left eye, he fled from the field unto the city of Westchester, and lived there long after, an holy life, as an anchoret in the cell of S. james, fast by S. john's church, and there made a godly end. But the saying of Girald Cambren. in that point is not to be credited, because of the unlikelihood of the thing itself, 
Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Matth. West.  and also general consent of other writers, who affirm universally that he was killed in the battle, first being stricken through the left eye by the skull into the brain with an arrow, whereupon falling from his horse to the ground, he was slain in that place, after he had reigned nine months and nine days, as Floriacensis doth report. He was a man of a comely stature, and of a haughty courage, 
Floriac.  & albeit that for his valiancy he was highly renowned and honoured of all men, 
Simon Dun.  yet through his pride and ambition he lost the hearts of many. There were slain in this battle, 
Henr. Hunt.  besides king Harold and his two brethren, 
Polydor.  
The chronicles of Normandy have of English men slain 67974, and of Normans 6013.  Girth and Leofrike, what on the one side and on the other, above twenty thousand men.  
The body of king Harold being found among other slain in the field, was buried at Waltham, within the monastery of the holy cross which he before had founded, and endowed to the behoof of such canons as he had placed there, with fair possessions. verily (as some old writers have reported) there was nothing in this man to be in any wise dispraised, if his ambitious mind could have been stayed from coveting the kingdom, and that he could have been contented to have lived as subject. Among other manifest proofs of his high valiancy, this is remembered of him, 
Ex 6. libro Polycraticon, sive de nugis curial●●m.  that being sent against the Welshmen (as before is partly mentioned) knowing their ready nimbleness in service, and how with their light armed men they were accustomed to annoy and distress those that should assail them, 
john Sa●ish.  he likewise (to match them) prepared light armed men for the purpose, & so being furnished with such bands of nimble men and light soldiers, entered upon the mounteins of Snowdon, and there remained amongst the enemies for the space of two years. He sore afflicted the Welsh nation, took their kings, and sent their heads unto the king that sent him about his business, and proceeding in such rigorous manner as might move the hearers to lament and pity the case, he caused all the male kind that might be met with, to be miserably slain: and so with the edge of his sword he array the country to quiet, and withal made this law; that if any Welshman from thenceforth should presume to pass the limits over Offas' ditch with any weapon about him, he should lose his right hand. To conclude, by the valiant conduct of this chieftain, the Welshmen were them so sore brought under, than in manner the whole nation might seem to fail, and to be almost utterly destroyed. And therefore by permission of the king of England, the women of Wales joined themselves in marriage with Englishmen. Finally, hereby the blood of the Saxons ceased to reign in England after they had continued possession of the same, from the first coming of Hengist, which was about the year of our Saviour 450, or 449, until that present year of king Harold's death, which chanced in the year 1069. 
1069  So that from the beginning of Hengist his reign, unto Harold's death, are reckoned 916 years, or (after some) 617, as by the supputation of the time will easily appear. By all the which time there reigned kings of the Saxons blood within this land, except that for the space of twenty years and somewhat more, the Danes had the dominion of the realm in their possession: for there are reckoned from the beginning of K. Swains reign (which was the first Dane that governed England) unto the last year of K. Hardicnute (the last Dane that ruled here) 28 years, in which mean space Egelred recovering the kingdom reigned 2 years, then after him his son Edmund Ironside continued in the rule one year; so that the Danes had the whole possession of the land but 25 years in all. Touching this alteration, and others incident to this Island, read a short advertisement annexed (by way of conclusion) to this history, comprising a short summary of the most notable conquests of this country one after an other, by distances of times successively.   

The rule of this realm by God's providence allotted to duke William, his descent from Rollo the first duke of Normandy downwards to his particular lineage, he was base begotten upon the body of Arlete duke Robert's concubine, a pleasant speech of hers to duke Robert on a time when he was to have the use of her person, a conclusion introductory for the sequel of the chronicle from the said duke of Normandies' coronation, &c: with a summary of the notable conquests of this Island. The twelve Chapter.  
NOw, forsomuch as it pleased God by his hid and secret judgement so to dispose the realm of England, and in such wise, as that the governance thereof should fall after this manner into the hands of William duke of Normandy, I have thought good before I enter further into this history (being now come to the conquest of the realm, made by the foresaid duke of Normandy) to set down his pedegrée, thereby to show how he descended from the first duke of that country, who was named Rollo, and after by receiving baptism called Robert.  
The said Rollo or Rou, was son to a great lord in Denmark called Guion, who having two sons, the said Rou and Gourin, and being appointed to departed the country, as the lots fell to him and other (according to the manner there used, in time when their people were increased to a greater number than the country was able to sustain) refused to obey that order, and made war there against the king, who yet in the end by practice found means to slay the foresaid Guion, and his son Gourin; so that Rou or Rollo, having thus lost his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the country, with all those that had holp his father to make war against the king. Thus driven to seek adventures, at length he became a christian, and was created duke of Normandy, by gift of Charles king of France, surnamed le Simple, whose daughter the lady Gilla he also married: but she departing this life without issue, he married Popée daughter to the earl of Bessin and Baieulx, whom he had kept as his wife before he was baptized, and had by her a son named William Longespée, and a daughter named Gerlota.  
William Longespée or Longaspata, had to wife the lady Sporta, daughter to Hubert earl of Senlis, by whom he had issue Richard the second of that name duke of Normandy, who married the lady Agnes, the daughter of Hugh le grand, earl of Paris, of whom no issue proceeded: but after her decease, he married to his second wife a gentlemwoman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danish line, by whom he had three sons, Richard that was after duke of Normandy, 
Ye must note that there was one Richard duke of Normandy before Rollo.  the third of that name, Robert and Maugre. He had also by her three daughters, Agnes otherwise called Emma, married first to Egelred king of England, and after to K. Cnute: Helloie, otherwise Alix, bestowed upon Geffrey earl of Britain: and Maud coupled in marriage with Euldes earl of Charters and Blais. Richard the third of that name married judith, sister to Geffrey earl of Britain, by whom he had issue three sons, Richard, Robert, and William, and as many daughters: Alix, married to Reignold earl of Burgogne, Elinor married to Baldwine earl of Flanders; and the third died young, being affianced to Alfonse king of Navarre. Their mother deceased after she had been married ten years, and then duke Richard married secondly the lady Estric, sister to Cnute king of England and Denmark, from whom he purchased to be divorced, and then married a gentlewoman called Pavia, by whom he had issue two sons, William earl of Arques, and Maugre archbishop of Roven.  
Richard the fourth of that name, duke of Normandy, eldest son to Richard the third, died without issue, and then his brother Robert succeeded in the estate, which Robert begat upon Arlete or Harlevina daughter to a burgess of Felais, William surnamed the bastard, afterward duke of Normandy, and by conquest king of England. Of whose father duke Robert, & his paramour Arlete, take this pleasant remembrance for a refection after the perusing of the former sad and sober discourses.  
In the year of Christ 1030, Robert, 
Wil Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1. Ranulph. lib. 6. cap. 19  the second son of Richard the second duke of Normandy, and brother to Richard the third duke of that name there having with great honour and wisdom governed his duke doom seven years, for performance of a penance that he had set to himself, appointed a pilgrimage to jerusalem; leaving behind him this William a young prince, whom seven years before he had begotten upon his paramour Arlete (whom after he held as his wife) with whose beautiful favour, 
Wil Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1. Ranulph. lib. 6. cap. 19  lovely grace and presence, at her dancing on a time then as he was tenderly touched, for familiar utterance of his mind what he had further to say, would needs that night she should be his bedfellow, who else as wifeless should have lain alone: where when she was bestowed, thinking that if she should have laid herself naked, it might have seemed not so maidenly a part▪ so when the duke was about (as the manner is) to have 〈◊〉 up her linen, the in an humble modesty stayed her lords hand, 
Ran. li. 6. ca 19  and rend down her smock asunder, from the collar to the very skirt. hereat the duke all smiling did ask her what thereby she meant? In great lowliness, with a feat question she answered again; My lord, were it meet that any part, of my garments dependent about me downward, should presume to be mountant to my sovereigns' mouth upward? Let your grace pardon me. He liked her answer: and so and so forth for that time.  
This duke before his voyage, 
Wil Malm. lib. 3. cap. 1.  calling at Fiscam all his nobility unto him, 
Ran. ibib.  caused them to swear fealty unto his young son william, whom he then at his journey betook unto the governance of earl Gilbert, and the defence of the governance unto Henry the French king. So Robert passing forth in his pilgrimage showed in every place and in all points a magnanimity and honour of a right noble prince, 
Ran. ibid.  and pleasant withal; who once in jury not well at ease, in a litter was borne toward jerusalem upon Saracens shoulders, & meeting with a subject of his that was going home toward Normandy: Friend (quoth he) if my people at thy return ask after me, 
Ran. ibid.  tell them that thou sawest their lord carried to heaven by devils. The Norman nobility during duke Robert's life, 
Wil Mal. idem. Ran. idem.  did their duty to the young prince faithfully, but after they heard of his father's death, they slackened apace, every one shifting for himself as he list, without any regard either of oath or obedience toward the pupil their sovereign. Whereby not many years after, as Gilbert the governor, by Ralph the child's coosine german, was slain; the dukedom anon, by murder and fight among themselves was sore troubled in all parts. Thus much a little of duke Robert the father, and of prince William his son for part of his tender years.  

A notable advertisement touching the sum of all the foresaid history, wherein the four great and notable conquests of this land are briefly touched, being a conclusion introductory, as is said in the argument.  
IN the former part of this history it is manifest to the heedful reader, 
Britain inhabited by Brute.  that (after the opinion of most writers) Brute did first inhabit this land, and called it then after his own name, Britain, in the year after the creation of the world 2855, and in the year before the incarnation of Christ 1108. ¶ Furthermore, the said land of Britain was conquered by C. julius Cesar, 
1 Britain conquered by the Romans.  and made tributary to the Romans in the 50 year before the nativity of Christ, and so continued 483 years. So that the Britain's reigned without tribute and under tribute, from Brute, until the fourth year of the reign of king Cadwalladar, which was in the year of our Lord 686. And so the Britain's had continuance of the government of this land the space of 1794 years. Then was the realm of Britain an heptarchy, that is, divided into seven kingdoms. And Britain received the faith of Christ in the 7 year of the reign of king Lucius, which was in the 187 year after the birth of Christ. 
2 Britain conquered and overcome by the Saxons.  ¶ Next after the Britain's entered the Saxons, in the third year of king Uortiger; and in the year of our Lord 450, and they governed until the last year of king Athelstane, which was in the year of Christ 938. So that the time of the Saxons first entrance into this realm, and the time of their regiment was the space of 487 years. ¶ Howbeit, in the time of their government, that is to say, in the 9 year of king Britricus, which was in the year of our Lord 387, the Danes entered into this land, 
3 Britain conquered and overcome by the Danes.  spoiling and persecuting the people therein most grievously. At the last, Sweno or swain the Dane obtained possession royal, in the year of Grace 1012, whose time of regiment lasted about three years. After whom his son Canutus succeeded, and reigned 19 years. After him Harold his son, who ruled three years: and after him Hardicnute the son of Canutus, whose government continued but three years. This Hardicnute was the last king of the Danes, at which time the Danes were expelled and hunted out of the realm, which was in the year of our Lord 1042. So that it may appear by this collection, that the Danes ruled as kings in this land by the space of 28 years. Hereby also it is evident, that from the time of the first entrance of the Danes into this realm, until their last expulsion & riddance, was 255 years. ¶ Finally the Normans entered this land likewise, and conquered the same as before is expressed, 
4 Britain conquered and possessed by the Normans.  in the year of our Lord 1067, which is since, until this present year of our Lord 1585., drawing near to the number of 600 and odd years.  
Now let these alterations of regiments be remembered [touching the which read a notable animadversion in the description of Britain, pag. 28, 29] and teach us that therein the judgements of God revealed themselves to special purposes. And whatsoever hath been mentioned before, either concerning the subversion of people, the desolation of provinces, the overthrow of nobles, the ruin of princes, and other lamentable accidents diversly happening upon sundry occasions: let us (I say) as many as will reap fruit by the reading of chronicles, imagine the matters which were so many years past to be present, and apply the profit and commodity of the same unto ourselves; knowing (as one wisely said) Post sacram paginam chronica viuum veritatis typum gerere, that next unto the holy scripture, chronicles do carit credit. But now to the sequel, and first to duke William of Normandy.    
Thus far the history of England from Noah and his sons, &c: to William duke of Normandy. Hereafter followeth a chronological continuation beginning at the first year of the said dukes reign over this land, until the 25 year of the Queen's most excellent majesty Elizabeth, &c: whose days God in mercy prolong (like the days of heaven) in peace and prosperity, etc.   

 

  

  

 
Twede.