HAKLVYTUS' POSTHUMUS or PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS. Containing a History of the World, in Sea voyages. & lande-travells, by Englishmen & others.  
Wherein Gods Wonders in Nature & Providence, The Acts. Arts. Varieties. & Vanities of Men, with a world of the World's Rarities, are by a world of Eywitnesse-Authors, Related to the World.  
Some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death Moore since added. His also perused, & perfected. All examined▪ abreviated, Illustrated with Notes. Enlarged with Discourses. Adorned with pictures, and Expressed in Mapps. In four Parts. Each containing five Books.  
By SAMVEL PURCHAS B.D.  
Imprinted at LONDON for HENRY FETHERSTON at the sign of the rose in Paul's Churchyard 1625    

PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS.  
IN FIVE BOOKS.  
The first, Containing the Voyages and Peregrinations made by ancient Kings, Patriarches, Apostles, Philosophers, and others, to and thorough the remoter parts of the known World: Inquiries also of Languages and Religions, especially of the modern diversified Professions of CHRISTIANITY.  
The second, A Description of all the Circumnavigations of the GLOBE.  
The third, Navigations and Voyages of Englishmen, alongst the Coasts of Africa, to the Cape of Good Hope, and from thence to the Read Sea, the Abassine, Arabian, Persian, Indian, Shore's, Continents, and Lands.  
The fourth, English Voyages beyond the East Indies, to the Lands of japan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinae with others, and the Indian Navigations further prosecuted: Their just Commerce, nobly vindicated against Turkish Treachery; victoriously defended against Portugal Hostility; gloriously advanced against Moorish and Ethnic Perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch Malignity; justly maintained against ignorant and malicious Calumny.  
The fifth, Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, Discoveries, of the English Nation in the Eastern parts of the World: continuing the English-Indian occurrents, and containing the English Affairs with the Great Samorine, in the Persian and Arabian Gulfs, and in other places of the Continent, and Lands of and beyond the Indieses: the Portugal Attempts, and Dutch Disasters, diverse Sea-fights with both; and many other remarkable RELATIONS.  
The First Part.  Vnus Deus, una Veritas. 
LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Rose. 1625.   

TO THE MOST HIGH AND EXCELLENT PRINCE, CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALES.  
Most Excellent Prince,  
MAy a poor Pilgrim salute Your Highness in the words of a better SAMVEL and SEER, 
1. Sam. 9.20.  On whom is the desire of all Israel? is it not on Thee and all thy Father's House? In this House we admire the innumerable Royal Ancestry, we triumph in His Majesty's present light, we praise God and pray for the two hopeful Columns, that they may be Pillars of Stability and Strength in the Lord's House, 
1. Kin. 7.21▪ Apoc. 3.12▪  firmer than SALOMONS JACMIN and BOAZ.  
SIR, having out of a Chaos of confused intelligences framed this Historical World, by a New way of Eye-evidence; Your Princely piety, innate clemency, and the Time itself (festival both in the ordinary season and extraordinary preparation) emboldened my obtrusion on Your Highness. The Magnificence of Your Princely Court hath entertained Men of many Nations, yea hath admitted (in Parks and Places fitting) Beasts, Fowls, Plants of remoter Regions: and now much more, in a World of acclamations to Your joyful designs, a world of Pilgrims seemed suitable; each of which presents one or other Country; and all, the rarities and varieties of all. Here also Your Highness may refresh Your weariness from State-affairs (if any of these Lines may at any time be ambitious of such lustre) in seeing at leisure and pleasure Your English Inheritance dispersed thorough the World, whereof these Twenty Books are the Evidence and Records: the English Martialist every where following arms, whiles his Country is blessed at home with BEATI PACIFICI; the Merchant coasting more Shores and Lands for commerce, than his Progenitors have heard off, or himself can number; the Mariner making other Seas a Ferry, and the widest Ocean a Straight, to his discovering attempts▪ wherein we joy to see Your Highness to succeed Your Heroic Brother, in making the furthest Indieses by a New Passage nearer to Great Britain. England's out of England are here presented, yea Royal Scotland, Ireland, and Princely Wales, multiplying new Sceptres to His Majesty and His Heirs in a New World. In all, the glory of His Majesty's happy Reign, and thereby of the English Name and Nation, by a poor Zealot of both, is truly and amply related, beyond the conjectures of the passed Ages, to the admiration of the present, and amusing (if not amazing) of the future. In which so long a Work humbly craveth pardon for other errors, for this presumption.  
Your Highness' most humbly devoted SAMVEL PURCHAS.   

To the Reader.  
WISDOM is said to be the Science of things Divine and humane. 
The profit to be reaped by this Worke. 1. Cor. 2.14. 2. Tim. 3.15.  Divine things are either natural or supernatural: these such, as the natural 〈◊〉 not, nor can know, because they are spiritually (with a spiritual Eye) discerned; called wisdom to salvation, the proper subject of Theology, and not the peculiar argument of this Work; which notwithstanding being the labour of a professed Divine, doth not abhor from the same; but occasionally ●a●●ry where by Annotations, and in some parts professedly by special Discourses, insinuateth both the History and Mystery of Godliness, the right use of History, and all other Learning.  
Natural things are the more proper Object, namely the ordinary Works of God in the Creatures, preserving and, disposing by Providence that which his Goodness and Power had created, and dispersed in the diverse parts of the World, as so many members of this great Body. Such is the History of Men in their diversified hues and colours, quantities and proportions; of Beasts, Fishes, Fowls, Trees, Shrubs, Herbs, Minerals, Seas, Lands, Meteors, Heavens, Stars, with their natural affections: in which many both of the Ancient and Modern have done worthily; but if nearness of the Object deceive me not, this surmounteth them all in two Privildges, the verity and variety, especially of things in this kind remotest and rarest.  
It is true, that as every member of the body hath somewhat eminent, whereby it is serviceable to the whole; so every Region excelleth all others in some peculiar Rarity, which may be termed extraordinary respectively, though otherwise most common and ordinary in its own place. So Our England in the natural temper, accidental want of Wolves, artificial Rings of Bells, Sheep not at all or seldom drinking, Lands and Waters turning Wood in some parts to Stone, 
See of the Wonders of England Harrisons Description of Brit. l. 2. c. 18. before Hol. Chron.  Wonders of the Peke and other parts, doth not degenerate from nature, but hath a peculiar nature, almost miraculous to other Countries, as the natural Wonders of their Regions are to us: so also Ireland's want of venom in Creatures, fullness of it, and barbarousness in many of her wilder Natives, after so long training in Civility, and so ancient Renown for Sanctity: and so each part is to other part in some or other part, and particular respect admirable.  
What a World of Travellers have by their own eyes observed in this kind, is here (for the most part in their own words transcribed or translated) delivered, not by one professing Methodically to deliver the History of Nature according to rules of Art, nor Philosophically to discuss and dispute; but as in way of Discourse, by each Traveller relating what in that kind he hath seen. And as David prepared materials for Salomons Temple; or (if that be too arrogant) as Alex. furnished Ariotle with Huntsmen and Observers of Creatures, to acquaint him with their diversified kinds and natures; or (if that also seem too ambitious) as Sense by Induction of particulars yields the premises to Reasons Syllogistical arguing; or if we shall be yet more homely, as pioneers are employed by Engineers, and Labourers serve Masons, and Bricklayers, and these the best surveyors and Architects: so here Purchas and his Pilgrims minister individual and sensible materials (as it were with Stones, Bricks and Mortar) to those universal Speculators for their Theorical structures. And well may the Author be ranked with such Labourers (howsoever here a Masterbuilder also) for that he hath been forced as much to the Hod, Barrow and Trowel, as to contemplative surveying: neither in so many Labyrinthian Perambulations thorough, and Circumnavigations about the World in this and his other Works, was ever enabled to maintain a Vicarian or Subordinate Scribe, but his own hands to work, aswell as his head to contrive these voluminous Buildings▪ except in some few Transcriptions or Translations, the most also of them by his son S. P. that one and the same name might both father and further the whole.  
As for Master Hakluyts many years Collections, and what stock I received from him in written Papers, in the Table of Authors you shall found: whom I will thus fare honour, that though it be but Materials, and that many Books have not one Chapter in that kind) yet that stock encouraged me to use my endeavours in and for the rest. I was therein a Labourer also, both to get them (not without hard conditions) and to form and frame those Materials to their due place and order in this Edifice, the whole Artifice (such as it is) being mine own. Traduce me not, nor let any impute to boasting what I have said of my sole working (I know there is a vae soli) but I am compelled to do it to prevent an Objection of my promised European supply to my Pilgrimage. I confess, I was too forward to promise', because others have been so backward to assist: which I have in former Editions signified, but to blind Eyes and deaf Ears. Whose Library, whose Purse hath been opened to me, let his mouth be opened against me also: Europe otherwise could not, nor now upon any price (it is too late) can be Purchased. I would not be misconstrued to ungratitude. Many have applauded my endeavours, but probitas laudatur & alget. If I had not lived in great part upon Exhibition of charitable friends, and on extraordinary labours of Lecturing (as the term is) the Pilgrim had been a more agreeing name to me, than Purchas. Yet let my name be for ever forgotten, if I remember not his, which the Adversaries have (seeking to steal him from us after his death) by their calumny made more memorable; I mean, my decessed Patron Doctor King, late Lord Bishop of London, to whose bounty under God, I willingly ascribe my life, delivered from a sickly Habitation, and consequently (as also by opportunities of a London Benefice) whatsoever additions in my later Editions of my Pilgrimage; these present Pilgrims also with their peregrinations. Yet such is ordinarily the greatness of the Epha, and smallness of the Shekel, in London Cures (especially within the walls) that we are enabled thereby to disabling for works of that kind, whiles we must preach in season and out of season, (I say not out of reason) that we may live.  
One wing that Reverend and bountiful hand gave in hope that some blessed hand would add the other, to fit me for an European flight, wherein not finding his hopes seconded, he promised to right me himself (these were his syllables) but death righted him, and I am forced to wrong the World. I speak not to accuse any, for of whom, to whom can I complain, but to plain and excuse myself, and withal to dedicated my thankfulness with the continuance of this Monument to that worthy Name.  
But to return to our Philosopher; I also have been an Athenian with these Athenians, 
Acts 17.21.  one delighting to tell, the others to hear some new thing. I have therefore either wholly omitted or passed dry foot things near and common; Far fetched and dear bought are the Lettuce suitable to our lips. Common and ordinary plants I remit to the Herbarists. European Rarities (except in the remoter Regions both from our habitation and knowledge, as Island, Norway, Sueden, Constantinople, the Mediterranean Lands, etc.) to the Historians peculiar to each Country therein. My Genius delights rather in byways than highways, and hath therein by Tracts and Tractates of Travellers made Causies and Highways, every where disposing these Pilgrime-Guides, that men without fear may travel to and over the most uncouth Countries of the World: and there be showed with others Eyes, the Rarities of Nature, and of such things also as are not against Nature, but either above it, as Miracles, or beside the ordinary course of it, in the extraordinary Wonders, which Gods Providence hath therein effected according to his good and just pleasure. And thus much for the works of God.  
Things humane, are such as Men are, or have, or have done or suffered in the World. Here therefore the various Nations, Persons, Shapes, Colours, Habits, Rites, Religions, Complexions, Conditions, Politic and Oeconomike Customs, Languages, Letters, Arts, Merchandises, Wares, and other remarkable Varieties of Men and humane Affairs are by Eye-witnesses related more amply and cetainly then any Collector ever hath done, or perhaps without these helps could do. And thus we have showed the scope of the Author, and profitable use of the Work: which could not but be voluminous; having a World for the subject, and a World of Witnesses for the Evidence: and yet (except where the Author or Work itself permitted not) these vast Volumes are contracted, and Epitomised, that the nicer Reader might not be cloyed. Here also both Elephants may swim in deep voluminous Seas, and such as want either lust or leisure, may single 〈◊〉, as in a Library of Books, what Author or Voyage shall best fit to his profit or pleasure. I might add that such a Work may seem necessary to these times, wherein not many Scholars are so studious of Geography, and of Natural and Universal knowledge in the diversified varieties which the various Seas and Lands in the World produce, seeming as exceptions to General Rules, which Aristotle the best Scholar in Nature's School and her principal Secretary could not so punctually and individually see in the Ocean, the Remoter Lands and New Worlds, none of which he ever saw, nor till this last Age were known. And for the most part, those which are studious know not either to get, or to read the Authors of this kind, of which so few speak Latin.  
As for Gentlemen, Travel is accounted an excellent Ornament to them; and therefore many of them coming to their Lands sooner than to their Wits, adventure themselves to see the Fashions of other Countries, where their souls and bodies found temptations to a twofold Whoredom, whence they see the World as Adam had knowledge of good and evil, with the loss or lessening of their estate in this English (and perhaps also in the heavenly Paradise) & bring home a few smattering terms, flattering garbs, Apish crings, foppish fancies, foolish guises and disguises, the vanities of Neighbour Nations (I name not Naples) without furthering of their knowledge of God, the World, or themselves. I speak not against Travel, so useful to useful men, I honour the industrious of the liberal and ingenuous in arts, blood, education: and to prevent exorbitancies of the other, which cannot travel fare, or are in danger to travel from God and themselves, at no great charge I offer a World of Travellers to their domestic entertainment, easy to be spared from their Smoke, Cup, or Butterfly vanities and superfluities, and fit mutually to entertain them in a better School to better purposes. And for the price, as I cannot set it, so I must acknowledge the adventurous courage of the Stationer Master Henry Fetherstone (like Hercules helping Atlas) so long to bear this my heavy World at such expenses.  
NOw for the METHOD, I confess, I could not be therein exact: 
The Method and order of this Worke.  first because I had such a confused Chaos of printed and written Books, which could not easily be ordered: partly because this Method by way of Voyages often repeats the same Countries and (though I have often pruned repetitions) yet, sometimes admitted for more full testimony) the same things, by diverse of our Authors travelling the same parts, observed, in which my Method brings in ordinarily the Authors whole Voyage there, where that part or Country, in which and for which we entertain him, principally occasioneth his memory; and partly because in this long space of imprinting (from August 1621.) many things have comen to my hand by diligent enquiry, which were not enroled, nor in possession to be mustered in their due file and rank; yea, diverse things have been done since our other passages of like nature were printed off: And thus diverse Dutch quarrels are related, which yet since the Impression of that part have been composed. Yet are we not altogether without Order.  
First, we have divided the World in our Method into the Old and New, allotting to each his own TOME, 
The first Part.  the first Ten Books to the former, the later to the other. But the Work growing more voluminous than was expected, we are forced to cut each of them asunder in the midst, the figures in the top and Alphabets in the bottom, and some marginal references and annotations intimating but two Tomes, which only the quantity hath made Four. Again in the Elder World, that is, Asia, Africa, and Europe, we observe Antiquities and Generalities in the First Book, one of the last printed, though first placed: universal Circumnavigations (all known in that kind) in the Second; which though they contain many things of America and the South Continent, yet being from and for Europe, and spending most of their time on the Asian and African Coasts, are thither referred: in the Third, Fourth, and Fifth, are Indian Voyages and Affairs of the English, with Portugal and Dutch intercourse; in which is observed a tolerable order of time from Queen Elizabeth's Times to the present.  

The Second Part.  In the Second Part you have first Africa in Two Books (the East Indie ships but touched on the Coasts) the Sixth Book handling the Northern parts, whatsoever of Africa is not termed Aethiopia, and the Seventh the Aethiopian part. The Eighth Book enters into the Continent of Asia; in the first Chapters relating the History of the Franks (as all Asia since calls the Western Christians) in the Holy Land Wars; in the later, some Pilgrimages thither and the parts adjoining, with diverse Turkish Observations. The Ninth proceedeth thorough the main Land of Asia into Persia, Arabia, India, taking large view of those and other Asian Regions, returning by Africa with later and larger intelligence of the Eastern, Western and Northern shores thereof; New view of the Turkish Dominion and Seraglio, as also of the Maldivae Lands: which and the whole Tenth Book came later to hand, and therefore is rather a Supply to all, than any well ordered part of the Work, being therefore printed after the rest.  
Now for the New World, we begin it at China, which the Ancients knew not, and take all the East and North parts of Asia from the Caspian Sea, the Arctoan Regions, all America and Terra Australis, comprehending all in that New Title. The First of those Books beginning our Third Part, delivereth especially the Authors of Tartary in the succession of about three hundred years, wherein the Second succeedeth, adding also japan, Corea and China, with the first Discoveries of the Northern and Caspian Seas by the English. This Arctoan Region containing Russia, Nova Zembla, the Samoyeds, Siberia, Island, Friesland, Norway, with the Neighbour Regions, Cherry Island, Greenland, Groenland, etc. the Third Book relateth; continued in the Fourth with further Discoveries intended for a North or Northwest Passage. The Fifth Book giveth general Relations of America, in her Mexican or Northerly, and Peruan or Southerly Moyties (with what we could found of the South Continent) their Antiquities and state before, and since the Spanish Conquest. The Sixth (which gins the Fourth Part) containeth English Voyages to America, the Great Bay especially and the Southern Moiety to the Magellan Straitss; which in the Seventh Book are more amplified, and further enlarged with the Creatures, and Countries within Land, the Peruan Antiquities related by one of the Inca Lineage, the Spanish Conquest, and other occurrents of the Peruan America, and Terra Australis. The Eighth Book comes homeward thorough the Mexican America and Florida unto Canada, relating the French Acts and English beginnings in those parts, touching in the way homeward at the Azores. Virginia is the Argument of the Ninth Book, in the succession and success thereof from the Plantation 1606. to 1624. whereto Summers Lands are added. The English Plantations in New England and New-foundland follow in the Tenth, with diverse Fleets set forth by Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, with whose blessing continued and confirmed by His Majesty, we commit you to God▪ and give you leave to rest at home in peace, under the shadow of your own Vine and Figtree, which God for his Christ's sake continued and confirm to us and our posterity. Amen.  
You have here a long Preface to a long Work, and yet you have a longer touching the utility thereof in the first Paragraphs of Salomons Ophir. It had not been possible for me in London distractions to have accomplished so great a Design, but for the opportunities of His Majesty's College at Chelsie, where these four last Summers I have retired myself (without Pulpit Nonresidence) to this Work: which as it one way furthered, so another way it occasioned many Errata, by my absence from the Press, as in the Body of the Work, so especially in the Titles over each page; half of which I think, are mine own, the other such as pleased the Corrector, needing correction enough, and sometimes not giving sufficient direction to the Reader; whom I entreat to accept of his Day and Night, Summer and Winter together, pardoning the one for the others sake. A Table had been necessary, if Time and assistance to a weary hand had permitted; I add, if some had not committed contrary to promise'. It is time to make an end of Prefacing. The Authors follow; such as have no letter annexed are Mine; such as have H. added, I borrowed from Master Hakluyts papers, and such as have H. and P. pertain to both, being otherwise printed or in my possession written, wherein yet I made use of some labour of his. Let the name and glory be to any other, so as above all and in all it be to God the Father of our Lord jesus Christ (who hath enabled my weak body beyond hopes; to so great a Work) and the profit to Thee Reader, whom in the Lord, I bid farewell.  

A Note touching the Dutch.  
THe necessity of a History is, as of a sworn Witness, to say the truth, all the truth (in just discretion) and nothing but the truth. This I have endeavoured in the whole Worke. But, veritas odium parit. Some perhaps will blame me for relating some Truths, specially the Dutch Zelots, in that I have related such abuses of some of that Nation in the East Indieses and Greenland to the English there, as if I sought like an unseasonable and uncharitable Tale-bearer to raise discord betwixt Neighbours. I answer that no Nation is in this World so pure, but hath both officious members, and some bad members also as Diseases thereof; which to impute to the whole, were as if a man should kill himself for a fellow in his Thumb, or Corn in his Toe: or as if he should therefore found fault with his own body because it hath not only a head, heart and hands, but excrements also▪ & a fundament, and other parts for evacuation; with a Palace for houses of Office, with a City for common Sewers, with the World which hath Devils and Hell in it. I question not, but that the English have also such, and such we have occasionally noted, Fugitives, Apostates, Thiefs, Murderers, etc. which yet are not Nationall faults, but person all, except the Nation doth justify such unjustice, as Troy the prithee 〈◊〉 Helena, and the Beniamites those Beasts of Gibeah, either by impunity or defence. Nor needed we good Laws, but for bad Subjects. If the Dutch have such also, in the History of both I must mention both, and yet protest before God (to whom I shall answer it with the burning of body and soul, not these Books alone, if I be perfidious) that I am not guilty to myself of hatred to that Nation, yea in these Discourses I have honoured it with and before others, following them round about the World to that purpose. And for this cause I have omitted some odious Greenland Relations, have altered and reprinted some more offensive general speeches disgorged by the passionate loser's, with Titles on the tops of pages, intended to Offenders, but in such unwary terms as might by ill willers be extended to the whole Nation: yea, I had purposed to omit many things printed already, rather leaving a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, then causing a Chaos, but that since the sore hath broken out by that terrible Tragedy at Amboyna. I could have wished that such things had never been told in Gath, nor published in the streets of Askalon, jest any enemy of our State and Religion should rejoice. But seeing the necessities of the English East Indian Society have forced such a publication, my sparing purpose had been in vain to conceal the Shilling where the Pound was made manifest. I might also have been accounted partial against mine own Nation. This I have done; I for the most part, do but publish others Relations, (and Losers perhaps will speak the most) and by Annotations dispersed intimate that these are personal faults of that East Indie Company, or some Commanders there, not of the whole Nation; and if any Marginal Notes with Dutch Epithets seem to speak more, yet are they but directions to the Reader to show what in that page or place is handled without further intent; so with my Prayers for Peace on both sides I commend both to the God of Peace.   
AMEN.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS AND PARAGRAPHS IN THE FIRST BOOK OF THE FIRST PART OF PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS.  


CHAP. I A Large Treatise of King Salomons Navy sent from Eziongeber to Ophir: Wherein besides the Typical Mysteries briefly unuailed, and many Moral speculations observed; the Voyage is largely discussed out of Divine, Ecclesiastical and Human Testimonies: Intended as an historical Preface to the Histories following. pag. 1. 

§. 1. The Allegorical and Anagogical sense or application of Salomons Ophirian Navigation. pag. 3.  
§. 2. The Tropological use of the Story; and of Discoveries and negotiations by Sea. pag. 4.  
§. 3. The Tropological or Moral use enlarged and amplified; and a view taken of Man's diversified Dominion in Microcosmicall, Cosmopoliticall, and that Spiritual or Heavenly right, over himself and all things, which the Christian hath in and by Christ. pag. 6.  
§. 4. The Christian and Philosopher compared in that challenge to be rich, free, a King; that this hinders not but furthers Political subjection: and of the happy combination of wisdom and royalty in Solomon, as likewise in our days. pag. 10.  
§. 5. Of the propriety which Infidels have in their lands and goods: of propriety in the Sea, and of Salomons propriety of the Sea and Shore at Ezion Geber. pag. 14.  
§. 6. The commendations of Navigation, as an Art worthy the care of the most Worthy; the Necessity, Commodity, Dignity thereof. pag. 17.  
§. 8. Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Read Sea: that of Edom it received that name, and communicated it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician Navigations frequent in those times to India. pag. 21.  
§. 8. Of Ophir, diverse opinions weighed and censured; whether the Compass was known to the old World; that the remote parts were lately inhabited, the new World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet. pag. 25.  
§. 9 joctans posterity seated in the East parts of Asia, amongst them, Ophir in India ultra Gangem, where Chryse was of old, and now is the Kingdom of Pegu, and the Regions adjoining. pag. 31.  
§. 10. Of the Gold, Silver, Gems, ivory, Almug trees, Apes and Peacocks, which Salomons Fleet brought from Ophir, with diverse other profitable observations inserted. pag. 35.  
§. 11. Probable conjectures of the course taken in the Ophirian Voyage, and accounts given of the three years time spent there: also of the course taken in like Voyages by the Romans: and the diverse Ports whereto the Spices and riches of India have in diverse Ages been brought, and thence dispersed to the several parts of Europe. pag. 39  
§. 12. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it be the same with Ophir, and both, some indefinite remoter Country; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, or any place in Spain. Of the ancient Navigations about Africa, and of the Phoenician Antiquities. pag. 44.    
CHAP. II. Man's life a Pilgrimage. The Peregrinations of Christ, and the first Encompassing the habitable or then inhabited World by the holy Apostles and first Planters of the Gospel. pag. 49. 

§. 1. Man by sin becomne a Worldly Pilgrim; Christ's Pilgrimage in the Flesh to recover him: Man's Spiritual Pilgrimage in and from the World. ibid.  
§. 2. How Apostles differed from Bishops: their preaching the Gospel to all Nations. pag. 50.  
§. 3. The Peregrination of S. Peter. pag. 51.  
§. 4. Of Saint Andrew, john, the two jacobi, Philip and Simon Zelotes. pag. 53.  
§. 5. Of S. Thomas, Bartholomew, Matthew, jude, Mathias: and of sergeant Writings in the Apostles names. pag. 55.  
§. 6. Of Saint Paul: Of Apostolical Assistants: some doubts discussed. pag. 56.  
§. 7. Of America, whether it were then peopled. pag. 58.  
§. 8. The glory of Apostolical Conquests: the hopes of enlarging the Church in this last Age, by knowledge of Arts and Languages through the benefit of Printing and Navigation. pag. 61.    
CHAP. III. Of diverse other principal Voyages, and Peregrinations mentioned in holy Scripture. Of the travels and dispersions of the jews; and of Nationall transmigrations. pa. 66.  
CHAP. FOUR Fabulous Antiquities of the Peregrinations and Navigations of Bacchus, Osiris, Hercules, the Argonauts, Cadmus, the Grecian Navy to Troy, Menelaus, Ulysses, Aeneas, and others. pag. 68  
CHAP. V A brief recital of the famous expeditions mentioned in ancient Histories, of the Assyrians, Egyptians, Scythians, Ethiopians, Persians', and others. pag. 72.  
CHAP. VI The travels of the ancient Philosophers and learned men briefly mentioned. pag. 74.  
CHAP. VII. Phoenician Voyages, and especially that of Hanno, a Carthaginian Captain. pag. 77.  
CHAP. VIII. jambulus his Navigation to Arabia, and Ethiopia, and thence to a strange Island, from whence be sailed to Palimbothra in India. pag 79.  
CHAP. IX. Great Alexander's Life, Acts, Peregrinations and Conquests briefly related. pag. 81.  
CHAP. X. The travels of Musaeus, Thebaeus, and others mentioned by Saint Ambrose; of others also mentioned in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Eusebius, Ruffinus, Socrates, and Sozomen. pag. 89.  
CHAP. XI. A brief and general consideration of Europe. pag. 90. 

§. 1. Of Europe compared with the other parts of the World. ibid.  
§. 2. The names of Europe. pag. 91.  
§. 3. The Quantity and Bounds. pag. 92.  
§. 4. The Quality and Excellencies. ibid.  
§. 5. Of the Languages of Europe. pag. 93.    
CHAP. XII. Inquiries of Languages by Edw. Brerewood, lately professor of Astronomy in Gresham College. pag. 95.  
CHAP. XIII. Master Brerewoods' Inquiries of the Religions professed in the World: Of Christians, Mahometans, jews, and Idolaters; with other Philosophical speculations, and diverse Annotations added. pag. 112.  
CHAP. XIIII. Relations of diverse Travellers, touching the diversities of Christian Rites and Tenants in diverse parts of the World. pag. 147. 

§. 1. Tecla Maria an Abassine, his answers to questions touching the Religion of the Abassines and Cophti. ibid.  
§. 2. Relations of the jacobites and Armenians, written by Leonard Bishop of Sidon, Pope Gregory the 13. his Nuncio to the Eastern parts. pag. 150.  
§. 3. Of Simon Sulaka a Papal Eastern Patriarch amongst the Chaldaeans: and of diverse others thither sent. Of Abdesu, Aatalla, Donha his successors. pag. 151.  
§. 4. Of the Cophti, their Synod at Cairo, the jesuites being the Pope's Agents, and of Stephen Colinzas message to the Georgians, and two jesuites sent to the Maronites. ibid.  
Errores ex libris Maronitarum excerpti 1580 sunt autem huiusmodi. pag. 152.  
§. 5. Of the condition of life in which the Greeks now live, and of their Rites of Fasts, Feasts, and other observations, gathered out of the book of Christopheros Angelos, a Greekish Monk and Priest. pag. 154.    
CHAP. XV. Collections out of Peter Stroza, Secretary to Pope Paul the Fifth, his Treatise of the Opinions of the Chaldaeans, touching the Patriarch of Babylon, and the Nestorians in Asia. pag. 163.  
From the patriarchal Chamber, Prayers and Blessings be given to you. pag. 164.  
CHAP. XVI. A brief Survey of the Ecclesiastical Polity ancient and modern, or of the several Patriarches, Archbishops and Bishops Sees thorough the Christian world: also of the jesuites Colleges and numbers, and of other Monastical Orders. pag. 166.  
CHAP. XVII. A Discourse of the diversity of Letters used by diverse Nations of the world: the Antiquity, manifold use and variety thereof: with exemplary descriptions of very many strange Alphabets. pag.    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the second Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I. OF the improvement of Navigation in later Times, and the means whereby the world in her old Age hath been more than ever discovered. pag. 1. 

§. 1. Of Magnetical and Astronomical Instruments, first applied to Navigation. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Henry, third son to john the first King of Portugal by an English woman, the Prince of later Discoveries: and of the helps both against the Moors, and in their Discoveries which the Portugals have received of our Nation. pag. 4.  
§. 3. Of King john the second his Discoveries, and advancement of the Art of Navigation. pag. 7.  
§. 4. Of the conjectures touching a new World by Christopher Colon or Columbus, and his manifold difficulties therein. pag. 8.  
§. 5. Columbus his first Voyage, and improvement therein of the Mariners Art. pag. 10.  
§. 6. The Pope's Bull made to Castille, touching the New World. pag. 13.  
Animadversions on the said Bull of Pope Alexander. pag. 18.  
§. 7. Of the Portugals discontent and compromise with the Spaniard, and their first Discoveries of the East Indies. pag. 26.  
§. 8. Of Gamas Acts at Calicut, and his return. pag. 28.  
§. 9 The second Fleet sent to the East Indies: Their discovery of Brasil, and other Acts. pag▪ 30.  
§. 10. Albuquerques exploits, and the first knowledge of the Molucca's. pag. 32.    
CHAP. II. Of Fernandus Magalianes: The occasion of his Voyage, and the particulars of the same, with the compassing of the World by the ship called San Victoria; gathered out of Antonio Pigafetta, an Italian of Vicenza, who was one in the said Circum-navigation, as also from diverse other Authors. pag. 33.  
CHAP. III. The second Circum-navigation of the Earth: Or the renowned voyage of Sir Francis Drake, the first General which ever sailed about the whole Globe, begun in the year of our Lord 1577. heretofore published by Master R. Hackluyt, and now reviewed and corrected. pag. 46.  
CHAP. FOUR The third Circum-navigation of the Globe: Or the admirable and prosperous voyage of Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the County of Suffolk Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole Earth, begun in the year of our Lord 1586. and finished 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolk, a Gentleman employed in the same action, published by Master Hakluyt, and now corrected and abbreviated. pag. 57  
A Letter of Master Thomas Candish to the Right Honourable the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, one of her Majesty's most Honourable Privy Counsel, touching the success of his Voyage about the World. pag. 70.  
CHAP. V The Voyage of Oliver Noort round about the Globe, being the fourth Circum-navigation of the same, extracted out of the Latin Diary. pag. 71.  
Of Sebald de Wert his voyage to the South Sea, and misery in the Streights nine Months, wherein William Adams Englishman was chief Pilot. pag. 78.  
CHAP. VI The voyage of George Spilbergen, General of a Dutch Fleet of six ships, which passed by the Magellane Streights, and South Sea, unto the East Indies, and then●e (having encompassed the whole Circumference of the Earth) home: gathered out of the Latin journal, being the fift Circum-navigation. pag. 80.  
A discourse of the present state of the Molucco's, annexed to the former journal, extracted out of Apollonius Schot of Middleborough. p. 86.  
A brief description of the Forts, Soldiers, and Military provision, as also of their Trade and Shipping in the East Indies, under the service of the General States of the united Provinces, and his Excellency, as it was in july, 1616. extracted out of the Author of the journal. pag. 87.  
CHAP. VII. The sixth Circum-navigation, by William Cornelison Schouten of Horn: Who Southwards from the Streights of Magellan in Terra Del-fuogo, found and discovered a new passage through the great South Sea, and that way sailed round about the World: Describing what Lands, Countries, People, and strange adventures he found in his said passage. pag 88    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the third Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I. OF the first English Voyages to the East Indies, before the establishment of the East Indian Company. pag. 109. 

§. 1. Of Sighelmus, Mandevile, Stevens, Fitch, and diverse other English men, their Indian Voyages. ibid.  
§. 2. The Voyage of Master Benjamin Wood into the East- Indieses, and the miserable disastrous success thereof. H. pag. 110.  
§. 3. The travails of john Mildenhall into the Indieses▪ and to the Countries of Persia, and of the Great Mogor or Mogul (where he is reported afterwards to have died of poison) written by himself in two Letters following. H. pag. 114.  
The second Letter of john Mildenhall to Master Richard Staper, written from Casbin in Persia, the third day of October, 1606. H. ibid.  
§. 4. The Voyage of Captain john Davis', to the Eastern India, Pilot in a Dutch ship; written by himself. H. pag. 116.  
§. 5. William Adams his Voyage by the Magellan Streights to japon, written in two Letters by himself, as followeth. H. pag. 125.  
A Letter of William Adams to his wife from japan. pag. 129.  
§. 6. The third Voyage of john Davis' with Sir Edward Michelborne Knight, into the East Indies, in the Tiger, a ship of two hundred and forty Tons, with a Pinnace called the Tigers whelp: which though in time it be later than the first of the East Indian Society, yet because it was not set forth by them, here placed. H. pag. 132.    
CHAP. II. A privilege for fifteen years granted by her Majesty to certain Adventurers, for the discovery of the Trade for the East Indies, the one and thirtieth of December, 1600. H. pag. 139.  
CHAP. III: The first Voyage made to East India by Master james Lancaster, now Knight, for the Merchants of London, Anno 1600. With four tall ships, (to wit) the Dragon, the Hector, the Ascension and Susan, & the Guest a Victualler. H. p. 147. 

§. 1. The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell them in the way till they departed from Saldania. ibid.  
§. 2. Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at Saint Maries, Antongill, Nicubar: the strange plant of Sombrero, and other occurrents. pag. 150.  
§. 3. Their entertainment and trade at Achen, and Queen Elizabeth her Letter to that King. pag. 152.  
§. 4. Portugal wiles discovered, a Prize taken near Malacca. pag. 156.  
§. 5. Their Present to and from the King: his Letters to Queen Elizabeth: Their departure for Priaman and Bantam, and settling a Trade there. pag. 159.  
§. 6. Their departure for England, and occurrents in the way. pag. 162.    
CHAP. FOUR A Discourse of java, and of the first English factory there, with diverse Indian, English, and Dutch occurrents, written by Master Edmund Scot, containing a History of things done from the eleventh of February, 1602. till the sixth of October, 1605. abbreviated. H. P. pag. 164. 

§. 1. The description of java maior, with the manners and fashions of the people, both javans and Chynaesses, which do there inhabit. ibid.  
§. 2. A true and brief discourse of many dangers by fire, and other perfidious treacheries of the javans. pag. 167.  
§. 3. Differences betwixt the Hollanders (styling themselves English) the javans, and other things remarkable. pag. 171.  
§. 4. Treacherous undermine, with other occurrents. pag. 173.  
§. 5. General Middleton's arrival, the sickness and death of many. Quarrels 'twixt Ours and the Hollanders, begun by Captain Severson, a Dutch man, and the King of Bantams circumcision, and pompous triumphs. pag. 179.  
§. 6. Further quarrels betwixt the English and Dutch, with other accidents. pag. 183.    
CHAP. V The second Voyage set forth by the Company into the East Indies, Sir Henry Middleton being General: wherein were employed four ships; the Read Dragon, Admiral; the Hector, Vice-admiral; the Ascension with the Susan: written by Thomas Clayborne in a larger Discourse, a brief whereof is here delivered. H. pag. 185.  
CHAP. VI A journal of the third Voyage to the East India, set out by the Company of the Merchants, trading in those parts: in which Voyage were employed three ships, viz. the Dragon, the Hector, and the Consent, and in them the number of three hundred and ten persons, or thereabouts: written by William Keeling chief Commander thereof. H. pag. 188. 

§. 1. Their disasters and putting back for Sierra Leona, and what happened till they departed from Saldania. ibid.  
§. 2. Their departure from Saldania, and what happened after till the ships parted company. pag. 190.  
§. 3. Instructions learned at Delisa of the Moors and Gusarates touching the Monsons', and while they road there. Their coming to Priaman and Bantam. pag. 193.  
§. 4. Their Voyage to Banda, Observations by the way, Actions there. pag. 196.    
CHAP. VII. Captain William Hawkins his Relations, of the occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in India, in the County of the Great Mogoll, and of his departure from thence; written to the Company. H. P. pag. 206. 

§. 1. His barbarous usage at Surat by Mocrebchan: The Portugals and jesuites treacheries against him. ibid.  
§. 2. His journey to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertainment at Court. pag. 209.  
§. 3. The Mogul's inconstancy, and Captain Hawkins departure with Sir Henry Middleton to the Read Sea: Thence to Bantam, and after for England. pag. 212.  
§. 4. A brief Discourse of the strength, wealth and government, with some Customs of the Great Mogoll: which I have both seen, and gathered by his chief Officers, and Overseers of all his estate. pag. 216.    
CHAP. VIII. The Voyage of Master David Middleton in the Consent, a ship of an hundred and fifteen tons, which set forth from Tilburie Hope, on the twelfth of March, 1606. H. pag. 226.  
CHAP. IX. A brief Narration of the fourth Voyage to the East Indies, with the two good ships, the Ascension being Admiral, and the Union Vice-admiral, under the command of Alexander Sharpey General, and Richard Rolls Lieutenant General, with the Discovery of the Read Sea in the Ascension. H. pag. 228. 

§. 1. Relations of the said Voyage, written by Thomas jones. ibid.  
§. 2. The report of William Nicols a Mariner the Ascension which traveled from Bramport by land to Masulipatan, written from his mouth at Bantam by Henry Moris, the twelfth of September, 1612. The former and greater part is the same in substance with that of Thomas jones, and therefore omitted. pag. 232.  
§. 3. The unhappy Voyage of the Vide-admiral, the Union outward bound, till she arrived at Priaman, reported by a Letter which Master Samuel Bradshaw sent from Priaman, by Humphrey Bidulphe, the eleventh day of March, 1609. written by the said Henry Moris at Bantam, the fourteenth of September, 1610. ibid.  
§. 4. The Voyage of Master joseph Salbanke through India, Persia, part of Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, 1609. Written unto Sir Thomas Smith. pag. 235.    
CHAP. X. The Voyage of Master David Midleton to java, and Banda, extracted out of a Letter written by himself to the Company, this being the fifth Voyage set forth by them. H. pag. 238. 

§. 1. Their affairs at Bantam, Botun, Bengaia. ibid.  
§. 2. Occurrents at Banda; Contesting with the Dutch: Trade at Puloway, and many perils. pag, 240.  
§. 3. His departure for Bantam, escape from the Hollanders, and return home. pag. 245.    
CHAP. XI. The sixth Voyage, set forth by the East Indian Company in three ships; the Trades Increase, of one thousand Tons, and in her the General Sir Henry Middleton, Admiral; the Peppercorn of two hundred and fifty, Vide-admiral, the Captain Nicholas Dounton: and the Darling of ninety. The Bark Samuel followed as a Victualler, of burden one hundred and eighty: written by Sir H. Middleton. H. pag. 247. 

§. 1. The proceeding of his Voyage till he came to Moha in the Read Sea. ibid.  
§. 2. Turkish treachery at Moha and Aden with the English. pag. 251.  
§. 3. Sir Henry Middleton, and four and thirty others, sent to the Bassa at Zenan. Description of the Country, and occurrents till their return. pag. 254.  
§. 4. Indian shipping at Moha; Sir Henry Middleton's escape from the Turks, and enforcing satisfaction. pag. 261.  
§. 5. Their departure from Surat, and what happened there with the Cambayans and Portugals. pag. 266.  
§. 6. His going to Dabul, & thence to the Read Sea, and enforced trade with the Guzerates. p. 271.    
CHAP. XII. Nicholas Dounton Captain of the Peppercorn, a ship of two hundred and fifty tons, and Lieutenant in the sixth Voyage to the East Indies, set forth by the said Company, his journal, or certain Extracts thereof. H. pag. 274. 

§. 1. Their coming to Saldania, and thence to Socatora. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Abbadel Curia, Arabia Felix, Aden and Moha, and the treacherous dealing of both places. pag. 280.  
§. 3. Their departure from Moha to Assab, and after that, higher into the Read Sea, thence to the Socatora, and after to Surat. pag. 292.  
§. 4. Many proud affronts of the Portugals. Disgusts from the Indians. pag. 294.  
§. 5. Their departure to Dabul, Socatora, the Read Sea, and Acts there. pag. 302.  
§. 6. Their barter with the Indian ships, and departure to Sumatra. pag. 308.    
CHAP. XIII. The seventh Voyage; made in the Globe into East India, set out under the command of Captain Anthony Hippon, observed and written by Nathaniel Marten, Master's Mate in the said ship. pag. 314.  
CHAP. XIIII. Extracts of Peter Williamson Floris his journal, for the seventh Voyage, (in which he went Cape Merchant) translated out of Dutch. He arrived in England, 1615. and died two months after in London. pag. 319. 

§. 1. The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan, Bantam, Patania, and Siam. ibid.  
§. 2. Relations of strange occurrents in Pegu, Siam, joor, Patane, and the Kingdom's adjacent. pag. 322.  
§. 3. Their Voyage to Masulipatan; accidents during their long stay there, and their return. pag. 325.    
CHAP. XV. A journal of a Voyage made by the Pearl to the East India, wherein went as Captain, Master Samuel Castelton of London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant: written by john Tatton, Master. pag. 328.    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the fourth Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I THe eighth Voyage set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three ships, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the command of Captain john Saris: His Course and Acts to and in the Read Sea, java, Moluccas, and japan (by the Inhabitants called Neffoon, where also he first began and settled an English Trade and factory) with other remarkable Rarities, collected out of his own journal. pag. 334. 

§. 1. Their sailing about Africa, visiting diverse Lands thereof, and coming to Socatora. ib.  
§. 2. Occurrents at Socatora, and in the Read Sea, with diverse Eastern Letters, and the Great Turk's Patent and Seal. pag. 339.  
§. 3. Their Adventures with Sir Henry Middleton, with other observations of those parts, and arrival at Bantam. pag. 348.  
§. 4. The Voyage of Captain Saris in the Clove, to the I'll of japan, what befell in the way, Observations of the Dutch and Spaniards in the Moluccas. pag. 354.  
§. 5. Further observations touching the Molucca Lands, and their proceeding on their Voyage to japan. pag. 361.  
§. 6. Their arrival at Firando: the Habit, Rites, and Customs of the japonians. pag. 366.  
§. 7. Captain Saris his journey to the Court of the japonian Emperor, and observations there, and by the way. His Letter to the King, and japonian Privileges to the English Company. pag. 370.  
§. 8. Accidents after his return to Firando, the settling of a factory there, departure for Bantam, and thence for England. King of Firandos Letter to His Majesty. pag. 378.  
§. 9 Intelligence concerning Yedzo, delivered in the City of Edoo in japan, by a japanner who had been there twice. pag. 384.    
CHAP. II. Observations of the said Captain john Saris, of occurrents which happened in the East Indies during his abode at Bantam from October 1605. till October 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of those parts; observed by his own experience, or relation of others, extracted out of his larger Book, and here added as an Appendix to his former greater Voyage; and may serve as a continuation of Master Scots premised Relations. To which are added certain Observations of the said Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of principal Trade in these parts of the World. pag. 384. 

Certain Rules for the choice of sundry Drugs, as also from whence they may be had, as followeth. pag. 389.  
Of all the chief and principal Towns for Trade in these parts, with their several names and situations, and also what commodities they do afford, and what is there desired. pag. 390.  
A note of requestable Commodities vendible in japan, together with their prices there current, being Masses, and Canderines', each Canderine containing the ½. of a Mass: viz. pag. 394.  
A memorial of such merchandise as are to be bought in japan, and the prices as they are there worth. pag. 395.    
CHAP. III. Relation of Master Richard Cocks Cape Merchant, Of what past in the General's absence going to the Emperors Court. Whereunto are added diverse Letters of his and others, for the better knowledge of japonian affairs, and later Occurrents in those parts. ibid. 

§. 1. The King's care, unreadiness of ours, japonian superstitions, strange tempest. ibid.  
§. 2. Lies of or on the Devil, and uproars about fire. Deceit of Nangasack. Suspicions, Feasts, Spanish occurrents. pag. 399.  
§. 3. A strange Comedy acted by Kings and Nobles: Preventions for Night-cries and fires; Return of the General from Court. pag. 403.  
The Copy of a Letter sent by the Emperor of japan, unto the King of Holland, by the ship called the Read Lion, with Arrows, which arrived in the Texel, the two and twentieth of july, 1610. And diverse Letters written from the English in japan to their friends in England. pag. 406.  
Firando in japan, the tenth of December, 1614 ibid.  
A piece of another letter of M. Cocks. p. 410.    
CHAP. FOUR Observations of William Finch, Merchant, taken out of his large journal. pag. 414· 

§. 1. Remembrances touching Sierra Leona, in August 1607. the Bay, Country, Inhabitants, Rites, Fruits and Commodities. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Saint Augustine and Socotora, like observations, with other notes taken out of his journal. pag. 417.  
§. 3. Occurrents in India touching the English, Dutch, Portugals, and the Mogul's dealing with the English. pag. 420.  
§. 4. His journey to Agra: Observations by the way, and there; and of the Decan wars there. pag. 424.  
§. 5. Description of Fetipore, Byana; the way thither; of the Nill or Indigo, and of diverse Mogoll affairs, Cities, and Castles. pag. 428.  
§. 6. Description of La●or, and of the Kings h●●se there: how the Mogolls entered India: Of diverse strong holds, strange Beasts, and Plants; fond superstitions: Of the Ways, Thecues, Outlaws, Cities, Buildings, adjoined and intermixed: Princes not subject: Agra and Echebars Sepulchre described. pag. 432.  
Of diverse ways in the Mogul's Kingdom, to and from Lahor and Agra, and places of note in them. pag. 434.  
Lands lying Easterly from Lahor with their Lords. pag. 437.    
CHAP. V The ninth Voyage of the Indian Company to the East Indies, in the james, whereof was Captain, Master Edmund Marlowe of Bristol, and the Master, john Davy, which wrote this journal. pag. 440.  
CHAP. VI A Ruter, or brief direction for ready sailing into the East India, digested into a plain method by Master john Davis' of Lime house, upon experience of his five voyages thither, and home again. pag. 444. 

§. 1. Nautical observation of places betwixt the Lizard and Saint Augustine, in the I'll of Saint Laurence. ibid.  
§. 2. A note for finding out of the River of Saint Augustine in Saint Laurence, of diverse small Isles in the way thence to Achen, and of many Ports and passages in and about Sumatra. pag. 448.  
§. 3. The way from Bantam to the Strait of Palimbon, upon the East-side of Sumatra, of Banca, Bintam, straits of Sincapura, and Sunda, with other places. pag. 452.  
Certain principal Notes, gathered by mine own experience, in my three voyages into these parts: wherein the true course, and distances, with shoalds and rocks is showed: and on which side you may leave them: as hereafter followeth. pag. 453.  
Certain Notes from Bantam Road to the Lands of the Maluccaes', with the course and distances: as hereafter followeth. pag. 454.  
Notes of Botun. pag. 455.    
CHAP. VII. A journal of the tenth Voyage to the East India, with two ships, tha Dragon, and the Hosiander (accompanied with the james and Solomon, but those for other voyages) and in them three hundred and eighty persons, or thereabout: Written by Master Thomas Best, chief Commander thereof. pag 456. 

§. 1. Observations in their way to Surat. ibid.  
§. 2. Their Acts with the Mogul's Subjects, and fights against the Portugals: settling a factory, and departure to Achen. pag. 458.  
Captain Best his entertainment at Achen. pag. 462.  
§. 3. Trade at T●coo and Passaman: their going to Bantam, and thence home. pag 464.    
CHAP. VIII. Certain observations written by others employed in the same voyage, Master Copland Minister, Robert Boner Master, Nicholas Withington Merchant. pag. 466. 

§. 1. Remembrances taken out of a Tractate written by Master Patrick Copland, Minister in the former voyage. King of Achens letter to His Majesty; and notes of N. Salmon's journal. ibid.  
§. 2. Notes taken out of Master Robert Boners journal, who was then Master in the Dragon. H. pag. 479.  
§. 3. Extracts of a Tractate, written by Nicholas Withington, which was left in the Mogul's Country by Captain Best, a Factor, his adventures and travels therein. pag. 482.    
CHAP. IX. The eleventh Voyage to the East India in the Solomon, begun in the year of our Lord 1611. after the account of the Church of England, and ended in the year 1613. Written by Ralph Wilson, one of the Mates in the said ship. H. pag. 486.  
CHAP. X. A journal of all principal matters passed in the twelfth Voyage to the East India, observed by me Walter Payton, in the good ship the Expedition: the Captain whereof was M. Christopher Newport, being set out, Anno 1612. Written by Walter Payton. H. pag. 488. 

§. 1. Their coming to Saint Augustine, Mohelia, and diverse parts of Arabia. ibid.  
§. 2. Their coming on the Persian Coast: the treachery of the Baluches. pag. 491.  
§. 3. Their coming to Divulginde landing the Ambassador, seeking Trade, and crossed by the slanderous Portugals, going to Sumatra and Bantam; and return. pag. 495.    
CHAP. XI. Extracts of the journal of Captain Nicholas Downton, who was employed chief Commander in the second Voyage set forth for the joined Stocks in the East Indies, by the Governor, Deputy, and Committees of that Society. Wherein is related their happy success against the Viceroy, and all the Indian Sea forces of the Portugals, by force and cunning attempting their destruction. pag. 500 

§. 1. Their coming to Soldania, Socatora, Swally: Disagreements between the Mogoll and Portugals, and the Nabob and us. ibid.  
§. 2. The Portugals Forces, Acts, Attempts, Fight with the English, and disgraceful Repulse. pag. 505.  
§. 3. Portugal supplies, Fire-boates frustrated, seek peace and refused, their departure: Interview of the Nabob and General: departure of the English. pag. 509.    
CHAP. XII. Relations of Master Elkington and Master Dodsworth, touching the former voyage. p. 514. 

§. 1. Collections taken out of the journal of Thomas Elkington, successor to Captain Nicholas Downton in the voyage aforesaid, written by himself. ibid.  
§. 2. A Brief of Memorials observed and written by Master Edward Dodsworth, Merchant in the former voyage, which returned in the Hope. pag. 516.  
The examination of Domingo Francisco, taken in Swally Roade, aboard the Gift. February 20. 1614 pag. 518.    
CHAP, XIII. A journal of the journey of Richard Steel, and john Crowther, from Azmere in India, the place of the Great Mogul's residence, to Spahan the Royal Seat of the King of Persia, in the affairs of the East Indian Society. Anno 1615. 1616. pag. 519.  
CHAP. XIIII. Memorials of a voyage, wherein were employed three ships, the Samaritan, Thomas and Thomasine, 1614 written by john Milward Merchant, who went in the Thomas. pag. 524.  
CHAP. XV. The second voyage of Captain Walter Peyton into the East Indies, in the Expedition, which was set forth by the East India Company, together with the Dragon, Lion, and Peppercorne, in januarie 1614 gathered out of his large journal. pag. 528. 

§. 1. Occurrents at Soldania, Mohelia, Socotora, Surat, with diverse other Intelligences. ibid.  
§. 2. Prizes taken, factory at Calicut, Observations of diverse places of Sumatra: the English ships miscarry. Dutch Abuses, Factories in India. pag. 531.  
§. 3. A brief Declaration of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited and traded unto by the Portugal, betwixt the Cape of Good Hope and japan, as I could learn by diligent enquiry. pag. 534.    
CHAP. XVI. Observations collected out of the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Ambassador from His Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great mogul: Of matters occurring worthy memory in the way, and in the Mogul's Court. His Customs, Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Indian affairs. pag. 535. 

§. 1. Occurrents and observations, in, and touching the voyage to Surat. ibid.  
§. 2. His journey to the Court, and entertainment there, and customs thereof. pag. 540.  
§. 3. Occurrents happening in june, july, August 1616. and diverse passages of speech and action, whence the Nature, Arts, and disposition of the King and his Subjects may be observed. pag. 546.  
§. 4. The King's birth day, and manner of the observation, with other accidents in September. pag. 550.  
§. 5. The broils about Abdala Chan, and Chan Channa; Sultan Caroones ambition, his policies to subvert his elder brother: fight with a Portugal Carrack: distaste about the Prince: Persian Embassage, Presents and entertainment. pag. 552.  
§. 6. The Prince's bravery; the Persian Ambassador's behaviour, the manner and effects of Drinking, of the King and his Nobles; the King's remove, his super-exceeding pomp, wealth, magnificence therein: Portugal fray: relations of Sultan Corsoroone: Persian news. pag. 556.  
§. 7. Sir Thomas Roes following the Court in this Progress, description of the Kings Lescar, and some places which they passed: the King's superstition, drink, and dealing about the Present. pag. 561.  
§. 8. The Newyears Feast: Suspicions of the English: Trade of Dabui, distaste of the Persian, English men of war in the Indian Seas. pag. 566.  
§. 9 Asaph Chan seeketh to further us for hope of gain, so also Normahal: Master Steeles arrival: Danger to the public, by private trade: Stirs about a Fort. pag. 572.  
§. 10. The Map and description of the several Kingdoms and Provinces subject to the Great Mogoll Shakstone Selim Gehangie●, with the principal Cities and Rivers, the situation and borders, and extent in length and breadth. Letters of the Mogoll to His Majesty, and of S. T. Roe to di●ers his honourable friends in England. pag. 578.    
CHAP. XVII. A Letter of Master Thomas Coryat, which traveled by Land from jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogoll, written to Master L. Whitaker. To which are added pieces of two other. pag. 592.  
Certain observations written by Thomas Coryat. pag. 600.    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the fift Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I Memorials taken out of the journal of Roger Hawes, touching the proceed of the factory at Cranganor under the Great Samorine. pag. 603.  
CHAP. II. Notes taken out of the journal of Alexander Child, from England to Surat, and thence to jasques in Persia, and of the fight by the way with the Portugals, in which General joseph was slain. pag. 606. 

The Voyage to jasques. pag. 607.    
CHAP. III. A Letter of Master Thomas Spurway Merchant, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders. Written in a Letter to the Company. pag. 608.  
CHAP. FOUR Relations and Remembrances, taken out of a large journal of a Voyage, set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed, the james, the Anne, the Newyears Gift, the Bull, & the Bee; written by john Hatch, Master of the Bee, and after in the Newyears Gift; and lastly, came home in the james. pag. 618.  
CHAP. V The Voyage of the Anne Royal from Surat to Moha, in the Read Sea, for settling an English Trade in those parts: Anno Dom. 1618. extracted out of Master Edward Heynes his journal, written thereof. The Copies of diverse Firmans. pag. 622.  
CHAP. VI Brief Notes of two Voyages of Master Martin Pring into the East Indieses; the first with Captain Nicholas Downton, General of four ships, in which he went Master in the Newyears Gift Admiral. pag. 629.  
GHAP. VII. The second Voyage of Captain Pring into the East Indies. Or a Relation of the fifth Voyage for the joint Stock, set forth by the Honourable and Worshipful of the East Indie Society: consisting of fine ships, viz. the james Royal, of burden a thousand Tons, Rowland Coytmore Master: the Anne Royal, nine hundred Tons; Andrew Shilling Master: the Gift, eight hundred Tons; Nathaniel Salmon Master: the Bull four hundred Tuns; Robert Adams Master: the Bee, one hundred and fifty Tons; john Hatch Master. All under the government of Martin Pring. pag. 631. 

§. 1. Occurrents in the way, at Surat, Bantam, and jacatra. ibid.  
§. 2. Dutch wrongs, and the fights betwixt Sir Thomas Dale and them. pag. 634.  
§. 3. Their departure for Coromandell: Occurrents there: Sir Thomas Dales death. English ships taken by the Dutch. Consultation and 〈◊〉 at Teco, and departure thence. pag 6●7.  
§. 4. News of the peace betwixt English and Dutch: the mutual congratulation: Voyage to japan, return thence and home. pag. 640.  
§. 5. The Voyage from Bantam to Patania, and thence to japan, with his return to jacatra; set by itself for the use of Mariners. pag. 645.  
Their return. pag. 653.    
CHAP. VIII. William Hores discourse of his voyage in the Dragon and Expedition, from Surat to Achen, Teco and Bantam; and of the surprising the Dragon, Bear, Expedition, etc. in a Letter to the Company. pag. 656.  
CHAP. IX. The journal of Master Nathaniel Courthop, his voyage from Bantam to the Lands of Banda, being chief Commander of the two ships, the Swan, Admiral; Master Davis', Master: and the Defence, Vice-admiral; Master Hinchley, Master: together with his residence in Banda, and occurrents there; containing the differences in those parts betwixt the English and Hollanders contracted. pag. 664. 

§. 1. English kindnesses to the Dutch: the surrender of Poolaroone to His Majesty, and the fortifying there by the English: Dutch hostility, their taking the Swan, Solomon, and Attendance, and keeping the Defence betrayed by Fugitives. ibid.  
§. 2. The manner of taking the Solomon and Attendance, in diverse Letters described, Dutch abusive devices by lies to delude and dishearten our men: diverse Extracts of Letters of M. Courthop, with other occurrents. pag. 667.  
§. 3. Other Acts of the Hollanders in diverse places of the Indieses: Encouragements from Sir Thomas Dale, Master jordan and others, and various events in those parts till his death. pag. 675.  
Sir Thomas Dales Letter. ibid.  
The Precedents Letters. pag. 676.    
CHAP. X. The continuation of the former journal by Master Robert Hayes, containing the death of Captain Courthop, succession of Robert Hayes, surrender of Lantore to His Majesty, news of the peace, and after the peace Lantore and Poolaroone seized by the Dutch. pag. 679.  
CHAP. XI. A Letter written to the East India Company in England, from their Factors. pag. 684.  
CHAP. XII. The Hollanders declaration of the affairs of the East Indies: faithfully translated according to the Dutch Copy, printed at Amsterdam, 1622. written in answer to the former reports, touching wrongs done to the English. And an answer written by certain Mariners lately published: with Depositions further opening the iniquity and cruelty of the Dutch. pag. 687. 

§. 1. A true Relation of that which passed in the Lands of Banda, in the East Indies, in the year of our Lord God 1621. And before printed at Amsterdam, 1622. ibid.  
§. 2. An answer to the Hollanders declaration concerning the occurrents of the East India, contracted somewhat briefer than in the former Impression. pag. 690.  
§. 3. Relations and Depositions touching the Hollanders brutish and cruel usage of the English. pag. 693.    
CHAP. XIII. A pithy Description of the chief Lands of Banda and Moluccas, by Captain Humphrey Fitz-Herbert, in a Letter to the Company. pag. 697.  
CHAP. XIIII. Three several Surrenders of certain of the Banda Lands made to the King's Majesty of England, faithfully translated out of Malahan into English; with a voyage also annexed of Sir Henry Middleton. pag. 701.  
The Contents of the Surrender of the Lands of Pooloway, and Poolaroone, in Banda, to His Majesty. ibid.  
The Surrender of Rosinging and Wayre to his Majesty. pag. 702.  
Translation of the Surrender of Lantore, Cont. in the paper N. D. pag. 703.  
The voyage of Master Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, (having sent Captain Colthrust in the Ascension to Banda) with Letters of the Kings of those parts to his Majesty. ibid.  
The King of Tarnatas Letter to the King. p. 704.  
The King of Tydores Letter to the King's Majesty of England. pag. 705.  
The King of Bantam to the King of England. ibid.  
CHAP. XV. The Dutch Navigations to the East Indies, out of their own journals and other Histories. pag. 706.  
The gains which the Hollanders had gotten by the East India trade, taken out of a Book translated out of the Dutch, persuading to a West Indiae Trade. pag. 718.  
The Relation of the Priest of Poolaroone, touching the beginnings and occasions of quarrels betwixt the Dutch and Bandaneses, written in the Malayan language with his own hand, in a very fair Arabic letter. pag. 7●0.  
A discourse of those wars by the Author. ibid.  
CHAP. XVI. Extracts of a journal of a voyage to Surat and to jasques in the Persian Gulf, set forth by the East India Society of Merchants: wherein were employed four new ships; the London, of eight hundred Tons, and therein Andrew Shilling chief Commander of the whole Fleet; William Baffin Master; the Hart, of five hundred Tons, Richard Blithe Master; the Roe Bucke, of three hundred, Richard Swan Master; the Eagle, of two hundred and eighty, Christopher Browne Master. Written by Richard Swan. pag. 723.  
Relation of the fight of four English ships with four Portugal ships, two Galliats, and ten Frigates in the Gulf of Persia, in the months of December and januarie, 1620. pag▪ 728.  
Part of a Letter written from Master Robert Smith to his brother Henry Smith, relating of a rare attempt and exploit of a small English Pinnace, in taking a Portugal ship. pag. 729.  
Giles Hobbs his travail from Musco to Spahan, written in a Letter by himself to the East Indian Company. ibid.  
CHAP. XVII. A discourse of Trade from England unto the East Indies: Answering to diverse objections which are usually made against the same. Written by T. Mun. pag. 732.    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the sixth Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I. Observations of Africa, taken out of john Leo his nine Books, translated by Master Pory, and the most remarkable things hither transcribed. pag. 749. 

§. 1. Collections out of the first Book of john Leo, touching the People, Tribes, Languages, Seasons, Virtues, Vices, and other more general considerations of Africa. ibid.  
§. 2. Collections of things most remarkable in john Leo his second Book of the History of Africa. pag. 768.  
§. 3. Collections of things most remarkable in john Leo his third Book of the History of Africa. pag. 781.  
§. 4. The most remarkable things of john Leo, in his fourth Book of the History of Africa. pag. 810.  
§. 5. The most remarkable things in john Leo his fifth Book of the History of Africa, and a description of the Kingdoms of Bugia and Tunis. pag. 815.  
§. 6. Collections taken out of john Leo his sixth Book of the History of Africa. pag. 822.  
§. 7. Extracts taken out of john Leo his seventh Book of the History of Africa, wherein he intreateth of the Land of Negro, and of the Confines of Egypt. pag. 826.  
§. 8. Notes of principal things in john Leo his eight Book of the History of Africa. pag. 831.  
§. 9 Principal occurrents in john Leo his ninth Book of the History of Africa. pag. 844.    
CHAP. II. Collections of things most remarkable in the History of Barbary, written by Ro. C. pag. 851. 

§. 1. How the Kingdom of Barbary came to Muley Hamet Xarif, the late deceased King, and the course of his government; of his sons and their behaviour: Shecks misgovernment and imprisonment▪ Hamets' death. ibid.  
§. 2. Muley Sidan proclaimeth himself king in Fez. Muley Boferes in Moruecos. Muley Nassar would have done the like in Taradant, but is hindered. The death of Nassar. War between Sidan and Boferes. Sheck set free. Fokers employed. The battle. Sidans flight. Feuds and robberies. pag. 855.  
§. 3. Muley Sheck proclaimeth himself king in Fez. Sidan goeth to Tafilet, from thence into Sus. Peace concluded between Muley Boferes, and Muley Sidan. Abdela Shecks son escapeth. Sir Anthony Sherley's Embassage, Bounty and State. pag. 861.  
§. 4. Muley Abdela goeth in person against Muley Boferes; driveth him out of Moruecos; Putteth to death Bassa Sidar, and other Noblemen; Sidan expelleth him, and killeth three thousand Fezans perfidiously; requited by Abdela. Shracies treachery unjustly punished. Sidans flight. Many Englishmen employed in these wars, and slain. pag. 864.  
§. 5. Muley Hamet Bosonne cometh against Abdela, and causeth him fly to his Father. Boferes like to be taken, flieth to Salie. Muley Sidan cometh against Muley Hamet Bosonne; who flieth, and is poisoned by old Azus. Muley Sheck sendeth into Spain. Some observations of their Policy, and Trade to Gago. pag. 868.  
The Policy of Barbary. pag. 870.  
The trading of the Moors into Guinee and Gago for gold Over, or sandy Gold. pag. 872.    
CHAP. III. The African possessions of the King of Spain, and the Turk. pag. 873. 

§. 1. The Dominions and Fortresses which the King of Spain hath upon the Isles and main Lands of Africa, and of the Great Turks. ibid.    
CHAP. FOUR The Description of the City of Alger, written by Nicholas Nicholay, and how it came into the possession of Barbarossa, and also of Malta and Tripoli. pag. 874.  
CHAP. V A large Voyage in a journal or brief Repertory of all occurrents, happening in the fleet of Ships sent out by the King his most excellent Majesty, as well against the Pirates of Algiers, as others; the whole body of the Fleet consisting of eighteen sail. Six of his Majesty's ships, ten Merchants ships, two Pinnaces. Under the command of Sir Robert Mansel Knight, Vice-admiral of England, and Admiral of that Fleet: and a Counsel of War appointed by his Majesty. Written by one employed in that Voyage, formerly published, and here contracted. pag. 881.  
The names of the Captains, Ships, their burdens, number of men, and Ordnance in his Majesty's six Ships. ibid.  
In the Merchant's ships. pag. 882.  
CHAP. VI The Relation of the jacob, a ship of Brisholl, of one hundred and twenty Tons, which was about the end of October 1621. taken by the Turkish Pirates of Argier: and within five days after, four English youths did valiantly overcome thirteen of the said Turks, where they sold nine of the Turks for Gallie-slaves: with mention of some other like English adventures. pag. 887.  
CHAP. VII. The wonderful recovery of the Exchange of Bristol, from the Turkish Pirates of Argier, published by john Rawlins, here abbreviated. pag. 889.  
CHAP. VIII. Relations of Africa, taken out of George Sandys his larger discourse observed in his journey, begun Ann. 1610. Lib. 2 pag. 896. 

§. 1. His Voyage from Rhodes to Alexandria, observations there, of Egypt in general, and of Nilus. ibid.  
§. 2. His journey to Cairo, the things remarkable there, and by the way. pag. 902.  
§. 3. The Pyramids viewed, Sphynx and other Antiquities. journey from Cairo to Gaza. pag. 907.  
§. 4. Arrival at Malta, and observations there. pag. 905.      


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the seventh Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I A True Relation of Master Richard jobsons' Voyage, employed by Sir William Saint john, Knight, and others; for the Discovery of Gambra, in the Zion, a ship of two hundred tons, Admiral; and the Saint john of fifty, Vice-admiral. In which they passed nine hundred and sixty miles up the River into the Continent. Exracted out of his large journal. pag. 921,  
CHAP. II. A description and historical declaration of the golden Kingdom of Guinea, otherwise called the golden Coast of Myna, lying in a part of Africa, showing their belief, opinions, traffiquing, bartering, and manner of speech; together with the situation of the Country, Towns, Cottages, and Houses of the same; with their Persons and Properties, Havens and Rivers, as they are now found out and discovered: all perfectly viewed and curiously discovered, and written by one that hath oftentimes been there. Translated out of Dutch, conferred also with the Latin Edition, and contracted. H. P. pag. 926. 

§. 1. What course the ships hold which seek to go to the Gold Coast of Guinea. Of Cape Verde, and the course from thence. ibid.  
§. 2. How they marry each with other, and what goods their Fathers give with their Children; their House-keeping together; the woman's lying in; education of their Children: Their proportions, industry, and conditions. pag. 929.  
§. 3. Of their Apparel, Customs within doors, manner of diet, Merchandising, the use of Dache; Wares carried thither. pag. 933.  
§. 4. What Cushome the Merchants pay to their Kings. Their Measures, Weights, Scales, Markets: Also their Sabbath, Fetissos, and superstition. pag. 939.  
§. 5. Of their houses, towns, country ways, wars, arms, state of their Kings, judgements, laws, justice, thefts, promises, oaths, and other rites. pag. 944.  
§. 6. Of their Summer and Winter; And of their manner of Tilling and Sowing the Land; Their Corn, Rents, Raines; Beasts and hunting: Fowls, Trees, and Fruits. pag. 952.  
§. 7. Of their Gentlemen, and how they are made; Their Dance, Sports, Diseases, Cures, Visitations, Mournings, Funerals: and of their Gold. pag. 958.  
§. 8. The passage from the golden Coast to the Kingdom of Benni, or Rio de Benni, and Rio Floreado: The City, Court, Gentry, Apparel: also other places adjoining described. pag. 964.    
CHAP. III. The strange adventures of Andrew Battle of Leigh in Essex, sent by the Portugals prisoner to Angola, who lived there, and in the adjoining Regions, near eighteen years. pag. 970. 

§. 1. Andrew Battle, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the Coast of Brasil, was sent to Angola. ibid.  
§. 2. His trading on the Coast, offer to escape, imprisonment, exile; escape, and new imprisonment: his sending to Elambo, and Bahia Das Vaccas; Many strange occurrents. pag. 971.  
§. 3. Discovery of the Gagas; Their Wars, Man-eating: Ouerrunning Countries: His Trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and living with them, with many strange adventures. And also the Rites and manner of life observed by the jags or Gagas, which no Christian could ever know well but this Author. pag. 974.  
§. 4. His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse Countries, abuse, flight from them, and living in the Woods diverse months: His strange Boat, and coming to Loango. pag. 978  
§. 5. Of the Province of Engoy, and other Regions of Loango, with the Customs there observed by the King and people. pag, 979.  
§. 6. Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, Motimbas: of the Ape-monster Pongo, their hunting, Idolatries, and diverse other observations. pag. 981.  
§. 7. Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus: The Portugals Wars in those parts: The Fishing, Grain, and other things remarkable. pag. 983.    
CHAP. FOUR A report of the Kingdom of Congo, a Region of Africa, gathered by Philippo Pigafetta, out of the Discourses of Master Edward Lopes a Portugal, translated out of Italian into English, by Master Abraham Hartwell, and here abbreviated. pag 986. 

§. 1. The journey by Sea from Lisbon to the Kingdom of Congo: Of the Air, Winds, Raines, Temperature thereof. pag. 986.  
§. 2. Of the circuit of the Kingdom of Congo, and of the borders and confines thereof; As also of diverse bordering Nations, and remarkable rarities therein. pag. 989.  
§. 3. Of Angola, the Wars between Congo and Angola: their manner of warfare. The present Kingdom of Congo bounded. Of Banba, one of the six Provinces of Congo, and the Creatures therein. pag. 994.  
§. 4. Of the five other Provinces of Congo, to wit, Sogno, Sundi, Pango, Batta, and Pemba. pag. 1003.  
§. 5. Of the situation of the Royal City of the Kingdom of Congo: of their first conversion and War, thence arising betwixt the King's two Sons. pag. 1006.  
§. 6. The death of the King Don Alfonso, and the succession of Don Piedro. How the Island of S. Thomas was first inhabited, and of the Bishop that was sent thither: The King's Image extinct▪ Invasion of the jags: Their savage conditions. pag. 1013.  
§. 7. Of the Court of the King of Congo. Of the apparel of that people before they became Christians and after. Of the King's Table, and manner of his Court. pag. 1018.  
§. 8. Of the Countries that are beyond the Kingdoms of Congo, towards the Cape of Good-Hope: of the River Nilus, and of Sofala, Monomotapa, the Amazons, Saint Laurence, and other Aethiopian Countries. pag. 1021.    
CHAP. V The Voyage of Sir Francis Aluarez, a Portugal Priest, made unto the Court of Prete janni, the great Christian Emperor of Ethiopia. pag. 1026. 

§. 1. Matthew the Ambassador of Prete janni, is conducted by the Portugals unto the Haven of Maczua in the Read Sea, and what happened to his death. pag. 1027.  
§. 2. Of the manner and situation of the Monasteries, and of their holy Rites, Times, Places, and Things: And first of this of Saint Michael. pag 1031.  
§. 3. Of the Husbandry of this Country, and how they preserve themselves from wild beasts, and of the Revenues of the Monastery. Their departure, strange Rivers, Mountains, Apes: Barnagassoes entertainment. Barua. Polygamy, Marriages, Divorces, Baptism, and Circumcision. Their Branding, and Burying. pag. 1036.  
§. 4. Of the situation of Barua, the chief Town of the Kingdom of Barnagasso, and of their Houses, and of the wild Beasts, and Fowls. Of his Dominion and Government; of their two Winters, Churches, Churchyards, and Priests marriages: Their departure to Timei, and quality of that place. pag. 1041.  
§. 5. Of the infinite number of Locusts, and of the harm which they do, and how we made a Procession, and the Locusts died. The incredible hurts done by them. Of Tigremahon, Marabon, and of Charuma, the Queen of Sheba, and the Eunuch. The rare Buildings and Pillars at Caxumo. pag. 1046.  
§. 6. Departure from Saint Michael, to a place called Bacinete: Their visiting Tigremahon. Of diverse Monasteries and other places in the way which they passed. pag. 1053.  
§. 7. Departure from Corcora, the pleasant Country which we passed through, and of another Forest: how the Tigers set upon us. Dofarso, the Moors of Dobas: Ancona, Angote; Salt, and Iron money. Other Monasteries and Churches. pag. 1056.  
§. 8. Of the stately buildings of the Churches which are in the Countries of Abugana, which King Lulibella made, and of his Tomb in the Church of Golgota. Angoteraz his entertainment. pag. 1061.  
§. 9 Of the exceeding huge Mountain, whereupon the Son of Prete janni are kept, where we were almost stoned to death: The greatness, guard, manner of sending, punishments: Of the Pretes Kindred. pag. 1064.  
§. 10. Of the end of the Kingdom of Angote, and of the beginning of the Kingdom of Amara, and of diverse Lakes; the Church Machan Celacen; Endowments of Churches: of Abraham. Strange trenches and gates in the entrance to Xoa: and what happened before the Prete called for them. pag. 1067.  
§. 11. How the Ambassador and we were called for by the commandment of Prete janni, and of the order which we found, and of the State and Majesty of Prete janni. His conference, allowance, remove. The Ambassador's Audience. pag. 1070.  
§. 12. Of the Questions moved to the Ambassador, by the appointment of Prete janni, at several times by Interlocutors, and lastly, in presence wherein many points of their Religion are opened. pag. 1066.  
§. 13. Of the Progress of Prete janni. Their Wrestling, Baptism, Mass passage: of the dangerous Straitss coming to Saint George's Church. Many other Questions. The Pretes preparations in his Travel. pag. 1081.  
§. 14. How the Prete came to the Church of Machan Celacem, and of the Procession wherewith they received him: divers Messages: Their twelfth Baptism of the Abunas' Circumcision, Orders, Consecration of the Church and Translation of Nahu. divers Questions and Discourses. pag. 1084.  
§. 15. A Discourse of Peter Covillan: of the Pretes gifts and presents, and the Portugals quarrels, and their licence to departed out of the Country. pag. 1091.  
§. 16. Of the time and day when their Lent beginneth in the Country of Prete janni; and strange abstinences, and other bodily exercises, with other their holies. Of the Troglodytes, and Goraises. pag. 1094.  
§. 17. Don Lewis de Meneses Letters: King Emanuels death: Their Rites of mourning, Fatigar and Xoa. Mafudi his many mischiefs and death in battle. pag. 1099.  
§. 18. Death of Queen Helena. Tributes of Goiame, and other Provinces. Succours given to the Queen of Adea. Apprehension of the two Betudetes and Tigremahon: their sentence, and the execution. Expedition of the Negus to Adea. Strange Oxen. The Pretes Tent-court, and manner thereof; Places, Courts, and courses of justice, with other parts thereof described. His Treasuries. pag. 1103.  
§. 19 Pilgrimage to jerusalem. Of the Countries which border on Prester john, Moors, Gentiles, amazons, Cafates, Damute, Goiame, Bagamidri, Nubia. Of Salomons Officers. pag. 1110.  
§. 20. The Frier-Ambassadours Signiories. Their departure and arrival at Ormuz, & after at Goa▪ at Lisbon. Brief Notes of Ethiopia. p. 1113.  
A Copy of the Letter which Prete janni writ to Don Diego Lopez de Sequiera, which was delivered to Lopez Vaz of Saint Paul, his successor in the government of the Indieses. pag. 1114.  
The Letters of David, the mighty Emperor of Aethiopia, unto Emanuel King of Portugal, etc. Written in the year 1521. as also to King john and Pope Clement. pag. 1118.    
CHAP. VI A Rutter of Don john of Castro, of the Voyage which the Portugals made from India to Zoez, Dedicated to the most Illustrious Prince, the Infant Don Luis, and ●ere abbreviated: showing the state of Socatora, and the parts on both sides the read Sea, as they were above eighty years since, with the Harbours, Lands, Depths, Shelves, & other things pertaining to the History of the Sea, Land, and People. The original of which is reported to have been bought by Sir Walter Raleigh, at sixty pounds, and by him caused to be done into English out of the Portugal. pag. 1122. 

§. 1. The sailing from Goa to Socatora, and into the read Sea, as fare as Mazua. pag. 1122.  
§. 2. Relations of Ethiopia sub Aegypto, and Prester john: of Nilus, and the Abassine Customs and Neighbours. The cause and means of the decay of that great Empire, never since recovered. Of Marate and Suaquen. pag. 1127.  
§. 3. Mountains of Sand on the Coasts of Dradate, Doroo, Fuxaa, Arequea, Farate, Quilfit, and Igidid. 1132.  
§. 4. A description of the Coast, that is contained from the Port of Igidid unto Comol, Raselnaxef, Xuarif, Gadenauhi, Xermeelquiman, Gualibo, Tuna, Alcocer, and Toro. pag. 1135.  
§. 5. A Description of the Nook or Bay beyond Toro, and how by it is understood the Gulf Elaniticus. Of Soez, and of their return homewards. Of the Badois, and of their customs, and why this Sea is called Red. pag. 1142.    
CHAP. VII. A brief Relation of the Embassage which the Patriarch Don john Bermudez brought from the Emperor of Ethiopia, vulgarly called Presbyter john, to the most Christian and zealous of the Faith of Christ, Don john, the third of this Name, King of Portugal: Dedicated to the most High and Mighty King of Portugal, Don Sebastian of most blessed hope, the first of this Name. In the which he reciteth also the death of Don Christopher of Gama: and the successes which happened to the Portugals that w●nt in his Company. H. pag. 1149. 

§. 1. Don john Bermudez elected Patriarch of the Presbyter, and sent to Rome: His return into Ethiopia: Arrival at Maczua; the death of the Negus, entertainment of him and Christopher of Gama, with the Portugal Forces by the Queen Regent. ibid.  
§. 2. Don Christopher and the Portugals War on the King of Zeila, and having in two Battles prevailed, in the third are overthrown. A new Captain appointed. Don Christopher's resolution and death. Mountain of the jews. pag. 1152.  
§. 3. Coming of Gradeus the young Negus, his rejecting the Patriarch and Pope: their reconciliation and battle with the Moors, in which Gorania was slain, and after him the King of Aden. pag 1157.  
§. 4. Disgusts betwixt the Negus, and the Portugals: Arias Diz his treachery. Battle betwixt the Abassines and Portugals. Their exile; Arias his death. pag 1162.  
§. 5. The coming of another Patriarch. The Calide killed. Of the Gallas and other Provinces, subject and bordering on the Negus, and rarities there observed. The escape and return of the Author. pag. 1165.    
CHAP. VIII. Late changes of State and Religion in Ethiopia, with other remarkable Observations. pag. 1174. 

§. 1. Relations of john Nunnez (or Nonius) Baretus sent for Patriarch of Ethiopia, and Andrea Oniedo his Successor. ibid.  
§. 2. Description of the Countries, and the several Regions, Religions, and Abassine Opinions. pag. 1181. 

An Armenian his report of Sussinus, the Emperor of the Abaxins, by us vulgarly called Prester john, who came from the said Emperor's Court twelve days since. H. pag. 1187.        


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the eight Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I THe History of the first Expedition to jerusalem, by Godfrey of Bullen, Robert of Normandy, and other Christian Princes: written by Robert, whom some call the Englishman, a Monk of Saint Remigius, which was present both at the Council of Claremont, and in the said Expedition: translated and abbreviated. pag. 1189.  
CHAP. II. The Acts of the Pilgrims in their Expedition to jerusalem, before and after the taking thereof, extraected out of Fulcherius Carnotensis, which went thither with Robert, Earl of Normandy. pag. 1201.  
CHAP. III. A supplement of the Holy Land Story, gleaned out of the large History of William Archbishop of Tyrus. pag. 1210.  
CHAP. FOUR The Continuation of the jerusalem Expedition and other Additions, gathered out of Matthew Paris, chief relating the Acts of English Pilgrims in that Employment. pag. 1215. 

§. 1. Templars beginning and degeneration. Huge slaughters of Christians. Saladines' taking jerusalem and the Holy Land. ibid.  
§. 2. The Emperor and two Kings take the Crosse. King Richard the First his Expedition, his Noble Exploits in Sicil, Cyprus, and the Holy Land. His imprisonment: and the great miseries which happened to England, generally by that Expedition. pag. 1218.  
§. 3. Prosecution of the Holy Land wars: English Nobles crossed: Richard Earl of Cornwall his Acts there: William de longa Spata. and other English men. King or Saint Lewis of France his doings and sufferings: Prince Edward. pag. 1224.    
CHAP. V Pilgrimage to jerusalem, written in very old English Rhyme. pag. 1230,  
CHAP. VI The Church's Peregrination by this H. Land way, and war into mystical Babylon: or a Mystery of Papal iniquity revealed, how the Papal Monarchy in and over Christendom, was advanced in that Age and the following, and principally by this Expedition into the H. Land. pag. 1245. 

§. 1. The History of the Normans, and their proceed. Of urban and Boamunds' policy, abusing the zeal of Christendom in these wars: and of Satan's losing after one thousands years. ibid.  
§. 2. Of the four means which Popes have to get moneys: Of the two first, their Temporalties and Collations of Benefices. pag. 1254.  
§. 3. Of Dispensations. pag. 1256.  
§. 4. Of Indulgences. pag. 1261.  
§. 5. Superstition advanced in and by the Holy Land Expeditions, and the Christians Christianity in those parts worse than in other. divers Sects of Christians in the East. pag. 1269.    
CHAP. VII. Monuments of Antiquity, taken out of ancient Records, to testify the quondam commerce betwixt our Kings and their Subjects, and th●se Eastern Princes. pag. 1271.  
CHAP. VIII. A Relation of a journey begun, Anno Dom. 1610. written by Master George Sandys, and here contracted. pag. 1274. 

§. 1. His journey from Venice to Constantinople, and observations by the way. ibid.  
§. 2. Constantinople described, the Turks Seraglio, Pera; the Turkish Empire and Government: Some observations of the Turkish Religion. pag. 1282.  
§. 3. The Mufti, Cadileschiers, Divans: Manners and attire of the Turks. The Sultan described, and his Customs and Court. The Customs of the Greeks'. Sir Tho. Glover. p. 1293.  
§. 4. The Holy Land described, the Country, Cities, Inhabitants, holy Places, and memorable rarities of jerusalem. pag. 1306.  
§. 5. Visiting of Emaus and Bethlehem, and other places: Also other observations of the jerosolymitan Holies. pag. 1317.  
§. 6. His return. Observations of memorable places by the way. Of Mount, Carmel, Acon, Sidon, Tyrus; of Facardin, Emer of Sidon his Greatness. pag. 1327.    
CHAP. IX. Part of a Letter of Master William Biddulph from Aleppo. pag. 1334.  
Part of another Letter of Master William Biddulph, from jerusalem. pag. 1343.  
CHAP. X. The journey of Edward Barton Esquire, her Majesty's Ambassador with the Grand Signior, otherwise called the Great Turk, in Constantinople, Sultan Mahumet Chan. Written by Sir Thomas Glover then Secretary to the Ambassador, and since employed in that Honourable Function by his Majesty, to Sultan Achmet. Two Letters are also inserted, written from Agria, by the said Ambassador Barton. pag. 1354.  
A Letter written by Master Edward Barton Ambassador, to Master Sanderson; inscribed All Molto Mag. Sig. Gio. Sanderson, etc. p. 1358  
Part of another Letter written likewise by the said Ambassador from Agria, to Master Sandy the English Consul at Aleppo. ibid.  
CHAP. XI. The Travels and Adventures of Captain john Smith, in diverse parts of the World, begun about the year 1596. pag. 1361. 

§. 1. His travels thorough France, Italy, and on the Sea coasts of Europe, Africa, and Asia: His entertainment and exploits in the Emperor's wars against the Turk: his subtle stratagems, valorous combats, applause, advancement, honour. ibid.  
Extracts of Captain Smiths Transyluanian Acts, out of Fr. Fer. his story. pag. 1364.  
§. 2. divers valiant English men in this battle. Captain Smith taken, sold, sent into Turkey, and over the Black Sea to Tartary. His admirable escape and other travels in diverse parts of Christendom. pag. 1356.    
CHAP. XII. The death of Sultan Osman, and the setting up of Mustafa his Uncle, according to the Relation presented to His Majesty. pag. 1370,  
CHAP. XIII. Mount Sinai, Oreb, and the adjoining parts of Arabia, described out of the four journals of Breidenbach, Baumgarten, Bellonius, and Christopher Furer of Haimendorf. pag. 1376.    


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the ninth Book of the First part of Purchas his PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I A Brief Compendium of the History of Sir Anthony Sherley's travels into Persia: And employed thence Ambassador to the Christian Princes; penned by himself, and recommended to his brother Sir Robert Shirley, since that sent on like Ambassage by the King of Persia. pag. 1383. 

§. 1. The Causes of his going to Persia, and strange accidents in the way. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Abas King of Persia, his Person, virtues, perils, escapes, advancement, government, and conquests. pag. 1389.  
§. 3. The King's triumphant entry into Casbin, entertainment of the Author and his company. Other remarkable observations of the King's justice, bounty, treaty of war, and Mustapha's embassage. pag. 1397.  
§. 4. The Kings condescending to Sir Anthony's motion, employing and furnishing him in Ambassage to Christian Princes. Two Friars. p. 1404.    
CHAP. II. Sir Anthony Shirley his Voyage over the Caspian Sea and thorough Russia: taken out of W. Parry his discourse of the whole voyage of Sir Anthony, in which he accompanied him; published 1601. pag. 1407.  
CHAP. III. Two voyages of Master john Newberie, One, into the Holy Land, The other to Balsara, Ormus, Persia, and back thorough Turkey. pag. 1410.  
CHAP. FOUR Observations of Master john Cartwright in his voyage from Aleppo to Hispaan, and back again: published by himself, and here contracted. pag. 1422. 

§. 1. Of Euphrates, Orpha, Caraemit, the Curdi, Armenians, Bithlis, Van, and Arraret. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Araxis, Chiulfal, Sumachia, Derbent, Sechieres, Aras, Tauris, Soltania, Casbin, Argovil, and Gilan. pag. 1427.  
§. 3. Of Cassan and Hispaan. Of the Persian King and government. Of Sir Anthony Shirley. pag. 1432.  
§. 4. The return of the Author by the way of Persia, Susiana, Chaldaea, Assyria, and Arabia. pag. 1434.    
CHAP. V The Peregrination of Benjamin, the son of jonas, a jew, written in Hebrew, translated into Latin by B. Arias Montanus, discovering both the state of the jews, and of the World, about four hundred and sixty years since. pag. 1437. 

§. 1. Of the jews and their Synagogues, Schools, or Universities, and other his observations in Europe. pag. 1438.  
§. 2. The estate of the jews, and relations of the World in the higher parts of Asia, Syria, Palaestina, Damascus, and the parts adjoining. pag. 1442.  
§. 3. Of Mesopotamia, Mosul, Bagdat; the Calipha; the numbers, Synagogues, and Privileges of the jews in it, and the places adjoining. pag. 1449.  
§. 4. Strange reports, if true, of the Aliman jews. Of Persia, and David Elroi. Of the Nisbor jews, and some places of India. p. 1453.  
§. 5. Of India, Ethiopia, Egypt, his return into Europe: Sicilia, Germany, Prussia, Russia, France. pag. 1458.    
CHAP. VI A Relation of a Voyage to the Eastern India. Observed by Edward Terry, Master of Arts and Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. p. 1464. 

§. 1. Things remarkable observed in his Voyage to the Indieses. Sea fight with the Portugals. ibid.  
§. 2. Description of the Mogul's Empire, and the most remarkable things of Nature and Art therein. pag. 1467.  
§. 3. Of the people of Indostan, their stature, colour, habit, diet, women, language, learning, arts, riding, games, markets, arms, valour, Mahumetane Mesquits, burials, opinions, and rites of Religion. pag. 1473.  
§. 4. Of the Gentiles Sects, Opinions, Rites; Priests, and other observations of Religion and State in those parts. pag. 1478.  
Sultan Achmet Chan, Son unto the Sultan Mehemet Chan most invincible, his Letter to King james. H. pag. 1482.    
CHAP. VII. The travels of Lewis Barthema or Vertoman into Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, and India, heretofore published in English by R. Eden, and here corrected according to Ramusios' Copy, and contracted. pag. 1483. 

§. 1. His travel thorough the Desert of Medina and Mecha, and their profane holies. ibid.  
§. 2. Two Unicorns. His passage by the Read Sea to Aden. Imprisonment and counterfeiting himself mad. Escape and visiting other parts of Arabia, Zeila, Cambaia. pag. 1489.    
CHAP. VIII. Collections of Asia, especially of Arabia, gathered out of an Arabike book of Geography, written by a Nubian, four hundred and seventy years ago, and translated into Latin by Gabriel Sionita, and johannes Hesronita, Maronites of Mount Libanus, the one Professor, and both Interpreters to the French King, of the Arabike and Syriake Tongues. pag. 1495.  
CHAP. IX. Collections of diverse Mahometan Authors in their Arabic Books, by the said Maronites, Gabriel and john, touching the most remarkable things in the East, especially of the Mosleman superstitions and rites, and the places of chief note. pag. 1499.  
CHAP. X. Don Duart de Meneses the Viceroy, his tractate of the Portugal Indieses, containing the Laws, Customs, Revenues, Expenses, and other matters remarkable therein: here abbreviated. H. pag. 1536. 

§. 1. A Register or Collection of the Uses, Laws, and Customs of the Canarins, or Inhabitants of this Island of Goa, and of the Towns thereunto belonging. ibid.  
§. 2. A Copy of the Order that the Viceroy of the Estate of India shall hold in matters of justice, as also of the other Magistrates, in the diverse places holden by the Portugals in India. pag. 1512.  
§. 3. The Receipt of the Revenues of the State of India: as also the Expenses public therein. pag. 1521.  
The enclosing of all the Rent of the Estate of India. pag. 1523.  
A Copy of all the ordinary expenses that are made in the City of Goa, at His Majesty's charges. ibid.  
Officers belonging to justice. pag. 1524.  
Officers belonging to the City of Goa; her Fortresses and Pases, or Ports. pag. 1525.  
The Galleon of the Traffic and Voyage of Ceilaon, hath the Officers and Men as followeth. pag. 1527.  
Parishes within the City of Goa. pag. 1528.  
Parishes that are in this Island of Goa. ibid.  
Officers belonging to the H. Inquisition. p. 1531.  
Expenses made with the Fortresses of Sofala, Mosambique, and Sena. ibid.  
Ordinary expenses that are made in the Fortress of Ormus. pag. 1532.    
CHAP. XI. A Letter from Don Garcia Silua Figueroa Ambassador from Philip the third King of Spain to the Persian, written at Spahan, or Hispahan, Anno 1619. to the marquis of Bedmar, touching matters of Persia. pag. 1533.  
CHAP. XII. Collections out of the Voyage and History of Friar joano does Sanctos his Aethiopia Orientalis, & Varia Historia, and out of other Portugals, for the better knowledge of Africa and the Christianity therein. pag. 1535. 

§. 1. The Author's Voyage and Acts in those parts; Sea accidents, Moorish fooleries, English Ships: Of Sofala, the Fort; the Fruits and Plants of those parts. ibid.  
§. 2. Of Quiteve King of that Country, with the strange customs observed in those parts, in Court, City, and Country. pag. 1537.  
§. 3. Of the River Cuama, and the adjacent Country; the Beasts, Fowls, Fishes of those parts: the Hills of Lupata; of the Mongas, Rufumba, Sena, Tete, Massapa, and of the Kingdom of Manamotapa; Also of Ophir, and of the Golden Ours of Fura. pag. 1543.  
§. 4. Of the Manamopata his customs and of his Vassals; and of the adjoining Kingdoms, (wherein other Authors have erred) of Mosambique, Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinde, Magadoxo: of the Mombos and Zimbas, cruelties. Of Quilimane, the Lands on the Coast; the Macuas, and other African observations. pag. 1550.  
§. 5. The jesuites glean in Africa to Christian Religion, gathered out of their own writings. pag. 1556.  
§. 6. Relations of the Christianity of Africa, and especially of Barbary, and Algiers; written by I B. Gramaye. pag. 1561.    
CHAP. XIII. Larger observations of Master Richard jobson, touching the River Gambra, with the people, merchandise, and creatures of those parts, then in his journal is contained, gathered out of his larger Notes. pag. 1567. 

§. 1. Of the River Gambra, the reinss, and land-flouds, the cause and time of their contagion: the Beasts, Fish, and Fowl of the River; of the Portugals, Mandingoes, and Fulbies there living. ibid.  
§. 2. Of their Marybucks, and religion: Merchandise; Fiddlers, Instruments, Trades, Husbandry, with a further History of the Creatures in those parts. pag. 1572.    
CHAP. XIIII. A Letter containing the admirable escape and glorious victory of Nicholas Roberts Master, Tristram Stevens his Mate, and Robert Sucksbich Boatson of a ship of Dover, taken by Algiers Pirates: which three men being carried as slaves by eleven Turks in the same ship, partly killed, and partly sold them all, and returned free and safe home into England. pag. 1577.  
CHAP. XV. The Grand Signiors Seraglio: written by Master Robert Withers. pag. 1580. 

§. 1. Description of the place, partitions, and manifold conveniences. ibid.  
§. 2. Of the Divan Days, judges, Session, judicature, Diet, Accounts. pag. 1583.  
§. 3. Of Ambassador's entertainment and audience. pag. 1585.  
§. 4. Of the persons which live in the Seraglio: and first of the Women and Virgins, their manner of life there. pag. 1586.  
§. 5. Of the Agiamoglans, how taken, distributed and employed. pag. 1590.  
§. 6. The choice Agiamoglans, severe discipline and education in four Subordinate Schools, and their after-aduancements. p. 1592.  
§. 7. Of inferior persons, as Buffoons, Mutes, Musicians; of white Eunuches, and of the grand Officers of the Seraglio. pag. 1595.  
§. 8. Of black Eunuches and Black-Moore Girls and Women Of Physicians, and of the King's Children. pag. 1597.  
§. 9 Provisions of Victuals, Cooks, Kitchens, Diet of the King, Queen, and others, and of their manner of Service. pag. 1599  
§. 10. Apparel, Bedding, Sickness, Hospitals. Inheritance; Kings expenses, Recreations, receiving Petitions, Stables; Ramazan Solemnities. pag. 1602.  
§. 11. The old Seraglio, and women's lives therein: Of their marriages and children, slave-selling, Witnesses. pag. 1605.  
§. 12. Of their religion, opinions, persons, times, places, and rites sacred. pag. 1607.  
A Letter sent by Sultan Osman the late murdered Emperor, to His Majesty, by Husein Chiaus. pag. 1612.  
A Letter written by Halil Bashaw, chief Vizir and General in the Persian Expedition, at his return, in April, 1618. to Sir Paul Pindar, Ambassador for His Majesty. ibid.    
CHAP. XVI. Sundry the personal Voyages performed by john Sanderson of London Merchant, begun in October, 1584. ended in October, 1602. With an historical description of Constantinople. pag. 1614 

§. 1. His first Voyage to Constantinople, and thence to Cairo, and to Tripoli. ibid.  
§. 2. His second Voyage to Constantinople, with other his Travels. pag. 1618.  
§. 3. The third Voyage of Master john Sanderson to Constantinople. pag. 1622.  
§. 4. A Discourse of the most notable things of the famous City Constantinople: both in ancient and late time. pag. 1624.  
§. 5. The Pilgrimage of john Sanderson from Constantinople, to the Holy Land, and so to Tripoli in Syria, begun the fourteenth day of May, 1601. ended the fourteenth of August, with diverse Certificates and Letters. pag. 1629.    
CHAP. XVII. A Report of the Voyage of Master Henry Timberley from Cairo in Egypt, to jerusalem, in fifty days, 1601. pag. 1640.  
CHAP. XVIII. Two Letters of Master john Nuberie, relating his third and last Voyage into the Eastern parts of the World: with three other Letters from Master Eldred, etc. concerning the same affairs; found amongst the Papers of Master William Hareborne, Her Majesty's Ambassador to the Grand Signior at Constantinople, communicated to me by Master john Sanderson. pag. 1642.  
Letters of Master john Eldred and William Shales. pag. 1644.  
In Balsara the two and twentieth of januarie, 1583. pag. 1645.  
Commands of the G. S. to the Cadilesquire of Egypt. ibid.  
To the Beglerbie of Cairo. ibid.  
To the Cadilesquire of Egypt. pag. 1646.  
CHAP. XIX. The Voyage of Francois Pyrard de Laval, to the East Indieses (an English man being Pilot) and especially his observations of the Maldives, where being ship-wracked he lived five years. Translated out of French, and abbreviated. pag. 1646. 

§. 2. Description of the Maldives, their thirteen Cantons, twelve thousand Isles, Sea-changes, strange Currents, Monsons', Maine-Inlets, black boiling Sea, Heat, Seasons, civility, and hair ceremoniousness. pag. 1648.  
§. 3. Their Cocos and other fruits and food, their Trades and trading, creatures profitable and hurtful. Of Male the principal Island. Their Houses, Candou, Languages, Apparel. pag. 1652.  
§. 4. Rites of Meat and Drink, Bathing, superstitious observations: Diseases, Education of children. Fishing, Fashions, Lusts. pag. 1657.  
§. 5. Their government described. The judges, Officers, Gentry, Commonalty. The King his Palace, Guard, Nobility, Robes, Attire, Attendance, Exercises, Richeses; slain by the Bengalans. pag. 1661.  
§. 6. A larger discourse of their religion, manifold ceremonies, and absurd opinions. The Author's departure and return. pag. 1667.      


The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in the tenth Book of the first part of Purchas his. PILGRIMS.  
CHAP. I Brief Collections of Voyages, chief of Spaniards and Portugals, taken out of Antony Galuanos' Book of the Discoveries of the World. pag. 1671.  
CHAP. II. The sum of a Letter of Nicholas Trigautius a jesuite, touching his Voyage to India, and of the state of Christianity in China and japan. A Letter also of Captain R. Cock, and Relations of Master Robert's wrack on the Coast of China in the Unicorn. pag. 1693.  
Extracts out of Trigautius his martyrologue, or five Books of Christian Triumphs among the japonians, before mentioned. pag. 1694.  
A Letter concerning later Occurrents in japon from Master R. Cock to Captain Saris, written at Firando in japon, the thirteenth of December 1622. pag. 1695.  
A note of the Unicorn's company in China. pag. 1696.  
CHAP. III. Letter touching japon with the Government, Affairs and later Occurrents there; written to me by Master Arthur Hatch Minister, lately returned thence. pag. 1696.  
CHAP. FOUR Extracts of Master Caesar Fredrick his eighteen years Indian Observations. pag. 1702.  
CHAP. V Gasparo Balbi his Voyage to Pegu, and observations there, gathered out of his own Italian Relation. pag. 1722.  
CHAP. VI The Voyage of Master Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, Ganges, Bengala; to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to jamahay in the Kingdom of Siam, and back to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the Coast of the East India: begun in the year of our Lord 1583. and ended 1591. pag. 1730.  
CHAP. VII. Indian Observations gathered out of the Letters of Nicholas Pimenta, Visitor of the jesuites in India, and of many others of that Society, written from diverse Indian Regions; principally relating the Countries and accidents of the Coast of Coromandel, and of Pegu. pag. 1744.  
CHAP. VIII. john Huighen van Linschoten his Voyage to Goa, and observations of the East Indies, abbreviated. pag. 1750.  
Of the Town and Island of Goa, chief City of India. pag. 1751.  
CHAP. IX. Relation of Ormuz, and of the late taking thereof by the English and Persians'. pag. 1785. 

§. 1. A Relation of the Kings of Ormuz, and of the foundation of the City of Ormuz, taken out of a Chronicle which a King of the same Kingdom composed, called Pacaturunxa, written in Arabic. H. ibid.▪  
§. 2. Relation of Ormuz business by Master W. Pinder. pag. 1787.  
§. 3. Part of a Letter written to Sir john Wostenholme by T. Wilson Chirurgeon; containing many particulars of the Ormus war, and cause thereof; as also of the most most admirable taking of a great Portugal Ship well manned, by a small English Pinnace. pag. 1790.  
§. 4. Relation of the late Ormuz business, gathered out of the journal of Master Edward Monoxe the Agent of the East Indian Merchants trading in Persia. pag. 1793.  
A Certificate from the Portugals, of their kind usage, wherein was performed more than was promised them. p. 1803.  
The Vice-admiral his second Letter. ibid.  
A Certificate made by sundry Portugals, how the Treasure, jewels, etc. belonging to the King and his Vizeer of Ormus, which were secretly conveyed out of the Castle of Ormus by the Persians'. ibid.  
A Letter written from Ruy Frera Dandrada, and sent aboard the jonas, by one of his Captains, named Alfonso Borgea, at our first arrival near the Castle of Keshme. pag. 1804.  
Another Certificate of the kind usage of the Portugals. ibid.  
A third Certificate. ibid.    
CHAP. X. A brief memorial of the travels of the Right honourable Sir Robert Shirley Knight, Count and Knight of the Sacred Empire, now Ambassador from the Persian King to His Majesty and other Christian Kings. pag. 1805.  
CHAP. XI. The Epitaphs on the Tomb of jacob Almansor the Saracenicall Emperor, under whose reign Spain was subdued to the Moors, written by Mahomet Algazeli a learned Arabian, and graved in the four stones of his sumptuous Monument. pag. 1809.  
CHAP. XII. Master Thomas Coryates Travels to, and Observations in Constantinople, and other places in the way thither, and his journey thence to Aleppo, Damascus and jerusalem. pag. 1811.  
Master Coryates Oration. Purus, putus Coriatus, Quintessence of Coryat. pag. 1817.  
Master Coryats' Constantinopolitan Observations abridged. pag. 1820.  
CHAP. XIII. Relations of the Travels of W. Lithgow Scot in Candie, Greece, the Holy Land, Egypt, and other parts of the East. pag. 1831.  
CHAP. XIIII. Later Intelligence out of Turkey, touching the resignation of Mustapha, and the advancing of Amurath a younger brother of the lately murdered Osman; with other later occurrents. p. 1848.  
CHAP. XV. Brief Extracts of a journal of Arnold Brown his Indian Voyage, sailing diverse times and courses in five years space to Bantam, Patanie, japan, the Manillas, Macau, and the coast of China, with other Indian Ports. pag. 1851.  
CHAP. XVI. The Dutch late proceed at Amboyna in cruel torturing and executing of diverse English men; with other their like Acts to the Natives in Banda; published lately by the English-East- Indian Society; here much abbreviated: p. 1853.  
CHAP. XVII. A true Description of the Bay Todos los Santos in Brasil, and taking the Town Saluador by the Admiral Master jacob Wilkins, 1624. pag. 1859.    
  

Maps and Pieces cut in Brass or Wood in the former ten Books.  

AENeas his navigation. p. 71.  
Africa. p. 768  
Alexander's expedition. p. 85  
Alphabets and hieroglyphicals cut in many pieces, Lib. 1. cap. 17.  
Map of Asia p. 1188  
Asia minor p. 1192  
Barbary, Egypt, and Carthage 817  
Candie and Mediter. Lands 1384  
Ceilan Insula p. 712  
Cyprus p. 1221  
Historical Column at Constantinople p. 1285  
East Indian writing & seals 343, 351, 352.  
Sir Tho. Roes Map of East India p. 579  
Lands of the East Indies p. 700  
Hondius his Map of East India p. 732  
Egypt p. 831  
Egyptian Pyramids and Colossus p. 908, 909  
Egyptian Hieroglyphics p. 911  
Europe p. 1369  
The Kingdom of Fez p. 781  
France p. 1362  
Germany p. 1244  
Guinea p. 1558  
Hungary p. 1355  
japonian Charter p. 357  
Map of japan p. 413  
Italy p. 1235  
Great Mogul's Seal 591, 592  
Great mogul, etc. pictured 1474  
Kingdom of Morocco p. 768  
King of Moyelas Letter p. 337  
S. Paul's Peregrination p. 57  
Paradise p. 1436  
Israelites Peregrination in the Deserts p. 24, 1378  
Persia p. 732  
Roman Empire p. 74  
Sicilia p. 1220  
Spain p. 1231  
Terra Sancta p. 1204  
Transyluania p. 1363  
Great Turks Seal and Patent p. 344  
Turkish Empire p. 1288  
Turkish Woman pictur. p. 1298  
Map of the World p. 65  
Christian World p. 115  
Zebra described in picture p. 984   
A Table of the other Cuts and Maps you shall find after the Contents of the second Part.   

THE VOYAGES AND PEREGRINATIONS MADE BY ANCIENT KINGS, PATRIARCHES, APOSTLES, PHILOSOPHERS, AND OTHERS, TO AND THOROUGH THE REMOTER PARTS of the known World: Inquiries also of Languages and Religions, especially of the modern diversified Professions of CHRISTIANITY. THE FIRST BOOK.  

CHAP. I A large Treatise of King SALOMONS Navy sent from Eziongeber to Ophir: Wherein, besides the Typical Mysteries briefly unuailed, and many Moral Speculations observed; the voyage is largely discussed out of Divine, Ecclesiastical and Human Testimonies: Intended as an historical Preface to the Histories following.  
INtending to present the World to the World in the most certain view, I thought a world of Author's fit for that purpose, than any One Author writing of the World: whose discourse might haply be more even, facile, methodical, and contracted to a more compendious form; but could not avoid to be dispendioas (if I may so speak) in the matter, and to suspend the Readers judgement for the authority. Oculatus testis unus praeestat auritis decem. 
Plaut.  I had rather hear the meanest of Ulysses his followers relating his wander, then wander from the certainty with Homer after all his readings and conjectures. Lo here then (after my Pilgrimage of the former Nature, for such as better like that course) in open Theatre presented a Show of Discoveries on an English Stage, wherein the World is both the Spectacle and Spectator; the Actors are the Authors themselves, each presenting his own actions and passions in that kind, kindly (in generous and genuine History) acting their acts; 
Terent.  not affectedly straining, or scenic-all-ly playing their part; the Arts indeed of the Poet, Maker, or Composer, aiming at delight more than truth (Populo ut placerent, quas fecisset Fabulas) seeking to please the vulgar with fabulous wonders, and wonder-foole fables.  
And for a Prologue, behold Salomons Ophirian Navigation, that Worthy of Men, being most worthy to be Our Choragus, whose aim is in this long Work to fetch from Ophir Materials for the Temples structure, and to edify Christ's Church, with more full and evident knowledge of God's Works in the World, both of Creation and Providence, than any one Natural or Human Historian, yea (absit invidia verbo) then all hitherto in this (perhaps in any) course have done. I compare not with Aristotle, Pliny, and others in philosophical and learned speculation of Reason, but in evident demonstration of Sense, and herein (not to us Lord, not to us, but to thy Name be given the glory) it exceedeth not modesty to speak thus much in behalf of this cloud of witnesses which we bring, testifying what they have seen, that these exceed the former in certainty (relating what they have seen) and in fullness (by advantage of New Worlds found in, and besides the World known to them) no less than they are exceeded in Antiquity and learning.  
For me, I say with Agur, surely I am more foolish than any man, and have not the understanding of a man in me; 
Prou. 30.2. 2. Kin. 6.5.  Alas Master (I may proclaim to each Reader) all is borrowed: I never traveled out of this Kingdom (ingenuously I confess, it is the total sum of all my Travell-reading) the Centre of the World's good things, and Heart of her happiness; and yet (yea thereby) have, as thou seest, conceived (where Dinahs gadding gained only loss) and traveled of a Gad, 
Gen. 34.2. Gen. 30.11.  a Troup of Travellers; So said Leah, A troup cometh, and she called his name Gad. And seeing we have stumbled on that Word, let it be ominous, so others read it Foeliciter, Bagad, being by the Hebrews resolved into 
* See M Sel●en Syntog. 1. De D. Syris.  Basilius Mazal tob, that is; Good fortune cometh. I am not Leah, I take no such authority on me, but when she hath left bearing (when better leisures, quicker wits, sounder health, profounder learning, and all abler means look on) let not jacobs' Bed, for the propagation and edification of the Church, be envied to Zilpah, Leahs maid; And let this my Service in conceiving and nursing up this Gad be accepted of all jacobs' Friends. And that it might be accepted, I have begun (Dimidium facti qui bene cepit habet) with the most acceptable Voyages mentioned in the Old and New Testaments; the one a Type of the other; those of Solomon to Ophir, and of the Apostles about the World.  
Solomon was first in time, and shall be first here; the first in all things which usually are accounted first, Royalty, Sanctity, Wisdom, Wealth, Magnificence, Munificence, Polity, Exploits, Renown: Solomon in all his glory, is proverbial, and He first in these by the first and greatest of testimonies; 
Matth. 6.29.  the particulars of Salomons voyage are recorded in the first, best, and more than humane Histories; Yea the things recorded, are first indeed, before other things, yea before and greater than themselves, and that which the First and Last hath said, is true of them all in typical relation, A greater than Solomon is here. 
Apoc. ●.  Let Solomon then, as elsewhere, so here also have the preeminence; let Salomons name as the Character of peace and happiness, bode holy, happy, and peaceable success to this Work; and let Thy Name, O thou Greater than Solomon, grant protection, assistance, & some part of Salomons wisdom and prosperity to our Ophirian voyage, that we may buy of thee Gold tried in the fire to make us rich in grace, so to prepare us to that holy jerusalem, 
Apoc. 21.10, 11, 18, 22, 23.  descending out of Heaven from God, having the Glory of God; a City of pure Gold like unto clear glass, where the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb are the Temple, and the Glory of God doth lighten it, and the Lamb is the light thereof. Be thou, O Christ, in this our Navigation both Lodestar and Sun, for direction of our course, and knowledge of our true height and latitude: Let our Sails hoist up in thy Name, be filled with inspiration of thy Spirit, and aspiration of thy favour, till they arrive in the Fairhavens of humane Pleasure and Profit, 
Ac. ●7.  thy Church's service and edifying, Divine acceptance and glory. Amen, O Amen.  
O● S●lomon the holy Scriptures ●aue thus recorded. 1. Kings 9.26, 27, 28. And King Solomon made a Navy of Ships in Fzion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Read Sea in the Land of E●o●. A●d Hiram sent in the N●u●e his servants, Shipmen that had knowledge of the Sea with the servants of Solomon. And they came to Ophir and fet from thence Gold 420. Talents, and brought it to King Solomon. And Cap. 10.11. The Navy also of Hiram, that brought Gold from Ophir brought in from Ophir great plenty of Almug trees and precious stones; 12. And the King made of the Almug trees, Pillars for the house of the Lord, & for the King's House; Harps also and Psalteries for Singers: there came no such Almug Trees, nor were seen unto this day. 13. Now the weight of Gold that came to Solomon in one year was 666. Talents of Gold. 15. Besides that he had of the Merchantmen, and of the traffic of the Spice-Merchants, and of all the Kings of Arabia, and of the Governors of the Country. V 21. And all King Solomons drinking Vessels were of Gold, and all the Vessels of the House of the Forest of Lebanon were of pure Gold: none were of Silver, it was nothing accounted of in the days of Solomon. For the King's Ships (the cause is added, 2. Chro. 9.21.) went to Tarshish with the servants of Hiram: every three years once came the Ships of Tarshish, bringing Gold and Silver; ivory, and Apes, and Peacocks. 22. And King Solomon passed all the Kings of the Earth in Richeses and Wisdom. 26. And he reigned over all the Kings, from the River, even unto the Land of the Philistines, and to the border of Egypt. 27. And the King made Silver in jerusalem as Stones, and Cedar Trees made he as the Sycomore Trees, that are in the Low Plains in abundance.  

§. I. The Allegorical and Anagogical sense or application of SOLOMON'S Ophirian Navigation.  
THis is an extract of Solomon's Story, so much as concerns our present purpose, the authority whereof is Sacred, a Divine, infallible, inviolable, and undeniable verity; the fit ground for many high and worthy consequences hereafter to be delivered. I shall here leave to the Divinity Schools, in more leisurely contemplation to behold the Allegorical sense (shall I say, or application?) wherein Solomon seems to signify Christ, 
Whitak. descrip. q. 5.  his Navy the Church, (long before lively represented in that first of Ships, the Ark of Noah) which in the Sea of this variable World seeks for the golden Treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge, with (that plentiful riches) the rich plenty of good Works. The Servants of Hiram, 
Hieron. Ep. 84. August. de doc. Christ. l. 2. c. 40. Basil. hom. 24. the legend. lib. Gentil. Greg. Nyssens in vit. Mosis. 1. Co. 2.14. 1. T. 3.16.  the Doctors chosen out of the Gentiles, with the learned Christian jews (the servants of Solomon) employed jointly in this Ophirian Discovery, thence bring the rich materials (as the Israelites the Egyptian spoils for the Tabernacle, so these) for building and adorning the Temple (the true sense of Scripture) after long absence by a troublesome Navigation (in the search of Authors Divine, Ecclesiastical and Human, an Ocean of toil) from their homes. For the natural man, that abides at home in himself, and hath not traveled from his own Wisdom and Self-conceit, knows not the things of God, nor the great Mysteries of Godliness; he must leave the Land, his Earthly Wisdom (Terraeque urbesque recedant) and launch into the deep, there having his sails filled with the wind, the illumination of that Spirit, which leads into all truth; the Scriptures being their Card, the faithful heart the Loadstone, Christ himself the Lodestar and Sun of Truth, as before is intimated. Thus shall the Temple, and Church of God be edified, enriched, adorned, after we have arrived at Ophir, and have seen our own weakness, and taken pains in myning Gods Treasures, and undermining our own hearts, searching and trying our own and Gods ways; casting off, and purging from us all superfluous Earth, and detaining the Gold and richer Mettle, which we may carry and present, as the Talents gained by our Talents, in the best improvement of God's graces, when we shall return to our Solomon, the judge of quick and dead, after our Navigation and earthly Pilgrimage ended. But alas how many make shipwreck of Faith by the way, and either are split on the Rocks of enormous crying Sins, or sink in the smaller innumerable sands of habitual Lusts, covered with the shallowss (mere shadows) of civil Righteousness.  
Or if you had rather adjoin to the Allegory, the Anagogical sense and use; this History will appear also a Mystery and Type of Eternity. Every Christian man is a ship, a weak vessel, in this Navy of Solomon, and dwelling in a mortal body, is within less than four inches, than one inch of death. From jerusalem the Word and Law of our Solomon first proceeded, by preaching of Solomons and Hirams servants, the Pastors and Elect vessels to carry his Name, gathered out of jews and Gentiles, which guide these Ships through a stormy Sea, beginning at the Read Sea, Christ's bloody Cross, which yielded Water and Blood, till they arrive at Ophir, the communion of Saints in the holy Catholic Church. Thither by the water of Baptism first, and by the waters of Repentance, drawn out of our hearts and eyes in manifold Mortifications after; (the fear of God beginning this Wisdom, the windy lusts of concupiscence, and unstable waves of the world in vain assailing) they attain in the certainty of Faith and assurance: 
Col. ●. Prou. 1.  where seeking for Knowledge as for Silver, and searching for her as for hidden Treasures, they do as it were labour in the Ours for Gold, which they further purify by experimental practice and study of good Works: yet not in such perfection, but that to this foundation, Gold, Silver, precious Stones, 
1. Co. 3.12.  some Almug trees are added for the Temples Pillars, oftentimes also of our own, Hay and Stubble, as worse and more combustible matter joined; the ivory, being a dead Bone may serve for a secular Throne and worldly use; but here death is dead; the Apes and Peacocks lively express Hypocrisic and worldly pomp, which in the best of Saints usually leave some tincture in their voyage for Heaven. In the return to Solomon, these shall be burnt (as those were by Nebuzaradan) but he himself shall be saved; 
jer. 5●.  and the former admitted by that Prince of Peace, the Heavenly Solomon to the building of that Temple in the new jerusalem, for charity never falleth away. This is that holy City figured by that of Palestina, where all is brought to Solomon, that God may be all in all, as the Alpha which set them forth, so the Omega, who hath made all things for himself, 
Ap. 21.24.  for whose will and glories sake, all things are and were created: And the Kings of the Earth bring their glory and honour unto this City. Not that he needs any thing, but that we need the same, who in seeing him as he is, do all partake of his glory. Happy are thy men (may more truly be said of this Solomon's servants) happy are these thy servants which may stand in thy presence and hear thy wisdom: 
1. Reg. 10.8.  which may enjoy eternity, signified by Gold, which alone of metals neither fire, nor rust, nor age consumeth (and this City is pure Gold) and that Inheritance of the Saints in light, 
Apoc. 21.18. Vi. P. Pil. l. 8▪ c. 1  figured by Silver, the most lightsome and delightsome of metals to the eye. As for precious Stones, the foundations of the Wall of the City are garnished with all manner of them. 
Apoc. 3.12 & 7 11. c. 15.11.  And touching the Almuggim Trees, whereof Solomon made Pillars for the Temple and Psalteries, every Tree which here beareth good fruit, and every one that overcometh, will this Solomon there make a Pillar in the Temple of his God, and he shall go no more out. And they shall serve him Day and Night in his Temple, and he that sitteth on the Throne shall devil among them. These have also the Harps of God, And they sing the Song of Moses, and the Song of the Lamb, nay these are the Psalteries and Harps, which filled with all fullness of God, always resound praises & thanks unto the King of Saints, 
Ps. 16.  and with everlasting harmony in that angelical Choir, are tuned with Alleluiah, and Te Deum, and Holy, holy, holy, in fullness of joy at his right hand, 
Ap. 21 22. e. 3.1.15.  and pleasures for evermore. Thus in diverse respects are they both the City, and Temple, and Kings and Priests, and Instruments, and all these, and none of these: For I saw no Temple therein, saith that Seer, for the Lord God Almighty, and the Lamb are the Temple of it. Even God himself shall be with them, and God shall be all in all: and as he is incomprehensible, so Eye hath not seen, nor ear hath heard, nor can the heart of man conceive what God hath prepared for them that love him: Coeli coelorum Domino, terram dedit Filijs Hominem. And unmeet is it for me to attempt so high climbing.  
Not so the Tropology or Moral use, not so the History, for our learning wherein the same is written. And although the History in Nature should precede, yet because we intent the Tropological sense or application of this History, as a kind of Preface or preamble to the many Histories ensuing, we have here given it the first place.   

§. II. The Tropological use of the Story; and of the lawfulness of Discoveries and Negotiation by Sea.  
HErein therefore Solomon may become a wise guide unto us, and first by his example teach us the lawfulness of Navigation to remote Regions. His particular Dominion is Palestina, his subject Provinces added, extend not beyond Egypt and the River Euphrates, as is before delivered. But God which had enlarged Solomon's heart with Wisdom, did not enlarge it to injustice by an overlarge conscience: and he which renounced the price of a Dog and a Whore in his offerings, would not permit the Temple, which sanctifieth the offerings, to be built and adorned with robbery and spoil. It remains then that Solomon had a right, not extraordinary as the Israelites to spoil the Egyptians, by Divine especial Precept; but such a right wherein Hiram was interessed also. 
Philo de vita Mo●. l. 1. Aug. quaest. 39 in Exod d●o i●benti ministerium praebuerunt. Tho. 2.2. q. 104. ar. 4.  The hebrews might both at God's command, who is Lord of all, and in Equity demand wages of the Egyptians for so long and tedious service; which ●ad not Divine Precept and power interposed, the same tyranny which had imposed the one, would have denied the other. But what had the Ophirians wronged Solomon, of whom and whose Country they had not ●eard, that thus by a numerous and strong Fleet he should enter on their Coasts? We must not think godly Solomon to be Alexander's predecessor, whom the Poet calls Terrarum fatale malum & sidus iniquum Gentibu●: whom the Pirate accused as the greater, 
* Aug. de Ciu. D. l. 4 c. 4.  finding no other difference betwixt them, but a small Ship and a great Fleet. Remote iustitia, quid sunt regna saith Augustine, nisi magna latrocinia, quia & ipsa latrocinia quid sunt, nisi parua regna? And before him Cyprian, 
* Cyp. Ep. ad Donat. l. ●. Ep. ●. Ac. 17.26.  Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, crimen est, virtus vocatur cùm publicè geritur. Impunitatem acquirit saevitiae magnitudo. Surely Solomons right was his being a Man, which as a wise & a mighty King of Men, he might the better exercise and execute. For howsoever God hath given to every man & to every Nation, a kind of propriety in their peculiar possessions; yet there is an universal tenure in the Universe, by the Laws of God and Nature, still remaining to each man as he is a Man, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the common or Royal right of the King or State is neither confounded nor taken away by the private propriety of the Subject.  
True it is that God, which hath made of one blood all Nations of men for to devil on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times appointed, hath also determined the bounds of their habitation. But not so straight of Negotiation. In Habitation propriety is requisite, that every man may sit under his own Vine, and under his own Figtree, and drink the waters out of his own Cistern and running waters out of his own Well, and that they be only his own, and not the strangers with him. 
Prou. 5.15, 17.  But he that hath made all Nations of one blood, would still they should be as fellow members one of another; (a shadow of which was in the Law, permitting to eat in the neighbour's Vineyard, 
Deut. 23.  but not to carry forth;) and that there should still remain mutual Necessity, the Mother of mutual Commerce, that one should not be hungry, and another drunken, but the superfluity of one Country, should supply the necessities of another, in exchange for such things, which are here also necessary, and there abound; that thus the whole World might be as one Body of mankind, 
Virg.  the Nations as so many members, the superabundance in each, concocted, distributed, retained or expelled by merchandising (as by the Natural bodily Offices and Faculties in nourishment) whereby not without mutual gain One may relieve others Wants. Non omnia possumus omne●▪ may be said of Arts; Nec vero terra ferre omnes omnia possunt, may be added of Regions, 
Ez. 27. & 28.  each Country having her own, both Artificial and Natural Commodities, whereby to enrich themselves with enriching of others. Thus in old times, Tyrus chief Staple of the world's Merchandise, and consequently chief Storehouse of the world's Treasures; (see the same elegantly & particularly deciphered by the holy Ghost) as it received from all parts, 
Ez. 27.33.  so when her wares went forth out of the Seas, she filled many people, and did enrich the Kings of the Earth, with the multitude of her riches and merchandise.  
And because no one National Law could prescribe in that wherein all are interessed, God himself is the Law giver, and hath written by the style of Nature this Law in the hearts of men, called in regard of the efficient, the Law of Nature, in respect of the object, the Law of Nations, whereto all Men, Nations, Commonwealths, Kingdoms and Kings are subject. And as he hath written this Equity in man's heart by Nature, so hath he therefore encompassed the Earth with the Sea, adding so many inlets, bays, havens and other natural inducements and opportunities to invite men to this mutual commerce. Therefore hath he also diversified the Winds, which in their shifting quarrels conspire to humane traffic. Therefore hath he divided the Earth with so many Rivers, and made the shores conspicuous by Capes and promontories; yea, hath admitted the Sun and Stars in their direction and assistance unto this General Council, 
Virg. Ae●.  wherein Nature within us and without us, by everlasting Canons hath decreed Community of Trade the world thorough. And thus hath she taught them who had no other instructor, 
Sunt autem privata nulla natura. Cic.  with dislike and disdain to admire at such immanity & inhumanity, Quod genus hoc hominum, quaeve hunc tam barbara morem, Permittit patria? hospitio prohibemur arena! yea whereas by Nature the Earth was common Mother, and in equal community to be enjoyed of all hers. 
Horat.  
Nam propriae telluris herum Natura nec illum,  
Nec me, nec quenquam statuit:  and howsoever this case is since altered in this element, jest the idle should live on the sweat of others brows: yet the other and nobler elements still remain in greatest part in their original community, 
Auienus.  and cannot so fully be appropriated to privare possession, since the supposed Golden age is vanished, and this Iron (or golden in another sense) hath succeeded. Yea, then also the house, wife, children, 
Omnia rerum usurpantu erant Aurenus.  and such things as are wasted or grown worse in the use, as meat, drink, apparel, were appropriate and private chattels to the possesser, howsoever things immoveable continued the freehold of every man in the common tenure of common humanity, as still in the life of Brasilians and other Savages in the following relations is to be seen. By humane 〈◊〉 and divine dispensation the Earth was divided among the Sons of Noah.  
Communemque prius ceu lumina solis & aurae. 
Ou. Met. l. 1.   
Cautus humum longo signavit limit messor.  
Thus some things became public, that is, proper to the Kingdom, State, or Nation: 
Ou. Met. l. 6▪  other things private, as each man's possession, and that also in differing degrees, as the Commons, and Champain Countries with us in their differing tenure from grounds enclosed, do manifestly enough argue. But since that division of Languages and Lands; the Poet still proclaims Nature's right, 
Quid prohibetis aquas? usus communis aquarum est.  
Nec solem proprium Natura nec Aera fecit,  
Nec tenues undas. In publica munera veni.  and another: — Cunctis undamque auramque patentem.  
These so fare as they have not by possession of other men before, 
Virg. Aen. ●.  or otherwise by their own Nature cannot be appropriated, are Nature's Commons, which both Freeholders' as Men, and Coppie-holders', as other living creatures, Beasts, Fishes, Fowls, and creeping things according to their several kinds do communicate in. If any quarrel this poetical Proof; I answer that they were Nature's Secretaries in the cases of Reason, and the Common Law of Humanity, which having not the Law, were a Law to themselves, 
Rom▪ 2.  and in like cases therefore produced as good evidence by the Planter of the Gospel, and Doctor of the Gentiles. And if we will surmount Reason, and appeal to divine censure, 
Rom. 2. Acts 17. 1. Cor. 15. Tit. 1.  what need we other testimony than this of Solomon in his best times, and for his best act, imitated herein (though with unlike success) by godly jehoshaphat? These things are also written for our learning to the ends of the World, that wise, magnanimous, fortunate, peaceable and godly Kings might propound this pattern to their industries. Yea, more than in Salomons time is this lawful to Christian Kings, in regard that the jewish Pale is down, and the Church is Catholic, not appropriated to One people, or circumscribed in a circumcised corner, or swaddled in a small Cradle, as in that infancy of the Circumcision; but open and common to the Community of Mankind, to which in this last Age no better mean is left then Navigation and commerce; wherein though the most aim at gain, yet God that can raise of stones children to Abraham, and made David's Conquests and Salomons Discoveries serviceable to the Temple, can n● less convey the Gospel than other Wares into those parts, to whom he hath given such rich attractives in the East and West, perhaps that this negotiation might further another, in barter and exchange of richer treasures for their temporal.  
He which brought the Northern people being then Pagans', into the Roman Empire, to make them Lords of it and Subjects to him, can of Merchants alured with Gold, make, or at lest sand with them, Preachers of his Son. And if the Devil hath sent the Moors with damnable Mahumetism in their merchandizing quite thorough the East, to pervert so many Nations with thraldom of their states and persons, out of the frying pan of Paynim Rites, into the fire of Mahumetrie: Shall not God be good to Israel, and gracious to the ends of the earth, so long since given in inheritance to his Son?   

§. III. The Tropological or Moral use enlarged and amplified; and a view taken of Man's diversified Dominion in Microcosmicall, Cosmopoliticall, and that spiritual or heavenly right, over himself and all things, which the Christian hath in and by Christ.  
General Rules have exceptions. Solomon was just and wise, well knowing the difference of Ezion-Geber and Ophir, and that difference of Dominion which God (that made Man after his Image) hath given us over the Creatures, diversified both in the subject and object. E Coelo descendet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was written in Adam by Creation, in Solomon by Revelation, before Nature suggested that sentence to Chilo, or the Delphian Devil (the Ape of Divinity) had caused it to be written in Golden Letters on the Frontispiece of that Temple. To know a man's self aright is annexed to the knowledge of God (in whom we live, move, and are, of whom and for whom are all things) not his essence, but his expressed Image thereof in his works, of which, Man is in this World the principal; what he hath received, what he hath lost, what he retaineth by Nature, and what he recovereth, and more than recovereth by grace, in and of that divine resemblance. In the first state all men had a natural right in common over the creatures. 
Man in his fall was rob of supernatural, wounded in his natural gifts. Supernatural we call those gifts which now are not obtained but by Gods free gift, and called the now man in righteousness & h●l●nesse, Eph. 4. Naturall, whose which r●maine to and in dec●yed nature.  But the Devil (the greatest Encloser) by sin enclosed these Commons of Humanity, and altered their tenure from Fee Simple, to mere Villeinage: yet so (God in justice remembering mercy) that some ruins remain since the fall, not only in the faculties and substance of body and soul, but in the personal rights also over torpid, vegetative, and all unreasonable creatures, continued to him by that Charter of Reason, which in so well ordered furniture, and so well furnished order as the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and mundus import, could not but have been confounded, if both the immortal and spiritual part in himself, should not have exercised dominion in some kind over the mortal and bodily; and if in the greater World, the reasonable should not have disposed of the unreasonable. As for the conformity of man's will and actions to God and right, using of that right over the creature, to the sole glory of the Creator (to whom man is subordinate, as the creature to him) this was by the crack of our earthen Vessel in Man's Fall lost, and as a more subtle and spiritual liquor, ran out. Yet still remain in this defaced Image some obscure lineaments, and some embers raked up in the ashes of Man's consumption, which being by natural diligence quickened, give lively expressions of God; and where supernatural work recovereth, are more than recovered, internally and inchoatively in the state of grace, externally also and eternally in that perfection of glory.  
Hence ariseth to a man a threefold tenure, more and more excellent than any which Littleton hath related▪ 
Fou●e kinds of 〈…〉.  a Microcosmicall in respect of ourselves; a Cosmopoliticall in regard of the World; a Catholic, Spiritual, and Heavenly in relation to Christ the Head, his Body the Church, and that everlasting inheritance; besides that (which is the last and lest of all) in reference to Political Law and Society. The first original of all dominion and right is GOD, who is Lord of all, whose Image as is said is imprinted on and in Man, as otherwise so in this Lordship or right, which he hath first in and on himself Microcosmically in the members of his body, 
See my Microcosm or Pilgrim.  as the Regions of this Selfe-kingdome; where the continual Court of Conscience, the large jurisdiction of Reason (without which a man is, as suspended from the power of himself, termed impoes sui, besides himself, as in drunkenness and madness) the freedom of the Will (which is no longer will, then willing and cannot be constrained) the Natural, and Vital actions wrought within us, (and yet without us, without our own knowledge or direction, and much less subject to the correction of others) the Animal also in external and internal senses, which cannot but exercise their faculties upon their due objects: these all proclaim that the poorest Slave is Lord by divine grant, even since the fall, of no less than this little-World; yea, while he obeyeth others, he commands himself to that obedience; in which selfe-commands is the true exercise of virtue or vice. This Inheritance and Dominion is so natural that it cannot be alienated, without confiscation of the whole to the eternal giver of whom he holds it. For even in and by his eternal Law, is this made the rule of all righteousness, to do as we would be done to, to love our Neighbours as ourselves; and if there were no power in and of ourselves, there could neither be virtue nor vice in loving or hating our Neighbour: if no freedom of will and affections, no reward with God or man; if no government of man's self reserved, Martyrs of all men were the most monstrous, which for obeying God rather than man, are the most honoured and admired. Once; subjection to God is absolute; to Princes as they are called Gods, and yet die like men, with reservation; for conscience of God's Commandment, where his revealed will to the contrary frees not; and yet even then we must by suffering do the will of Superiors, thereby to show our fidelity in keeping God's Proviso, though with loss, of our Wills where we love, and our lives where we fear; showing that we love & fear him most of all, which yet were neither love, nor fear, nor virtue, 
Pro. 16.31.  without this liberty of will and power in ourselves. He that ruleth his own mind is better than he that w●nneth a City. This is the greatest conquest, the greatest possession to be master of thyself. Nor is this power absolute to ourselves over ourselves: We are not our own, we are Gods who hath created us; our Parents which have procreated us, our Countries which sustaineth us, our Kings which maintaineth us; our Neighbours in common humanity: to neglect a Man's fame or life, (much more prodigally to reject them) is to rob all these of their due in us. 
1 Cor. 6.20. & 7.23. Lu. 11. Psa. 2.   
But in Christians it were a deeper Sacrilege: they are not their own, they are bought with a price (the greatest of prices, the blood of God) they are gained by conquest, Christ having bound the strong man and spoiled his goods; they are given by the Father for the Son's Inheritance, and in Baptism have by mutual Covenant, 
Christian liberty.  given over themselves to his service. The freedom which Christ hath purchased for us, doth yield Liberty, not Licentiousness; frees not from duties, to do what we lust, but makes us have a lust to do our duties; sweetly inclining the Will, and renewing the Mind to esteem the Service of God, and of men for his sake, the greatest freedom. He then that is Christ's, is a new Creature, to which, bondage or freedom and other worldly respects, 
Gal. 5. 1 Cor. 7. The Pope denies his baptismal name, the other is rebaptised.  are mere respects and circumstances. For he that is bond, is the Lords freeman, and he that is free, is the Lords Servant. It is the Devil's Sophistry, as to separate what he hath joined, so to confounded what he hath distinguished; and it is observable, that the Pope and the Anabaptist, which are brethren in this Iniquity, have first denied their Baptism, the Seal of their Christianity. For these many rights do not subject us to many Masters, but subordinate our subjection in the beauty of order. Even in Political or Civil right One may be Lord of the Fee; another of the Soil; a third of the way by ingress, egress, regress; a fourth, hath right in the same ground, in time of Fair or Market; the whole Vicinity in Commoning 
* A● is the use of some Parishes after Lamas, etc.  times; and others other ways: all whose Rights, are subject to the Right Royal, and Sovereign.  
And if in propriety of strictest Nature, there may be such community of subordinate rights without tumultuous crossing or pernicious confusion, how much more in things more spiritual, and more easily communicable? In which respect, the Philosophers, held themselves of themselves complete, and (in whatsoever state) sapientem seipso contentum esse, not dependant (where he is properly a man) of other men of the World: 
Sen Epist. 9  not contracting him intra cutem suam (to use Senecaes' words) in this Microcosmicall happiness, but needing the Cosmopoliticall help ad vivendum, not add beat vivendum; to live at lest, howsoever to live well, 
Ad vivendum multis reb opu● est, ad bene vivendum ●nimo sanc & ●rocto & despiciente 〈◊〉.  a sound heart and good conscience are sufficient; to the other food and raiment are necessary, to this ex te nescentia bona: the best society is of virtuous thoughts which make men, as Scipio said, nunquam minus solos quam cùm soli, nec minus otiosos quàm cùm otiosi sint, but vicious company (as the company of Vices) are the most horrid and desolate Wilderness. No exile can deprive a man of this City, no Prison of this Society, no Pillage of these Richeses, no bondage of this Liberty.  
In this sense Socrates said he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all places his Country, all men his Countrymen; in this, Bias, when he had lost all by fortune of war, carried all his away with him: in this, Zeno, marvelled at nothing neither in Nature, whose depths cannot be searched, nor in Fortune, whose possibility of most licentious effects must be the glass to view our own fortune, 
Laert. in Zen.  and to make that light by long premeditation, which others do by long suffering: in this, Seneca, Coelo tegitur qui non habet urnam; in this, another Seneca teacheth, Cum Orientem Occidentemque Instraneris animo, cum tot animalia, tantam copiam rerum quas Natura beatissime fundit, aspexeris; emittere hanc Dei voce in omnia mea sunt; in this, Diogenes when Pirates exposed him to sale, professed his art was to rule men, and bade them cell him to Xeniades, for he needed a Master; from whom when his friends would have redeemed him, he refused, saying, Lions were Masters, and not servants of them which fed them; 
Laert. in Diog.  in this, the Stoics called their poorest Wiseman, rich, free, a King, in this sense Socrates with whom we began, said if his fortune would not suit and sort to him, he would make himself suitable to his fortune.  
So long as life lasteth and humanity continueth, they are universal possessors of the Universe, in which kind, Aristotle ha●h left more memorable Monuments of Contemplation, than Alexander of Conquest: Natures commons, the Sun, Stars, Heavens, Air, are common, at lest to their minds in utmost of miseries, and with internal plenty they supply all external defects. In this Miscrocosmicall and Cosmopoliticall Wealth, consisted all the Philosopher's estate and revenue, which they called Virtue and Morality: which made them Masters of themselves, and thereby of the World, the just Circle of the Centre of Humanity, for which it was created. These things (me thinks) I see not without pity, nor can resemble Them more fitly then to Horses of excellent courage; but hood-winked so, that some little transparence of light makes them more importunate to others mischiefs, and their own precipice (whence Philosophers have been called Patriarches of Heretics) or else like Mil-horses to compass with this World's Wheel the immoveable Centre of Nature's corruption, 
Tertul.  to which they are subject, no less than others which work at a Querne, and stand still at their Hand-mill, by a larger circumference always moving, 
joh. 8.  promovendo nihil, proceeding in true freedom nothing at all. If the Son make you free, you shall be free indeed. These, to make the noblest comparison may seem stars, children of the night, which in their Morality gave rays of light that to the World made them eminent Ornaments, 
Tertul. de Pat. faith of the Philosopher, caecae viwnt. Ma●. 4. Col. ●. 1. Th●s. 5.  and may make many of us ashamed, which in the Days Sunshine of the Gospel's love and live darkness, and like Owls, Bats, and wild Beasts, hide ourselves studiously from the Sun, fly abroad and prey in the dark, fashioning ourselves to this World, have our cogitations and conversations darkened. CHRIST is nevertheless to all that have eyes to see, the Sun of Righteousness, by whom we are by Regeneration translated from the power of darkness, and made the children of the day; that we may know what we worship, and whom we have believed, not so much talking as walking, even in this bodily prison, these liberties of the Gospel, being truly (though yet in the imperfect growth of infancy) restored to ourselves, to the World, yea to a more glorious state, whereof Nature could not so much as dream; that whereas Man had lost both the former by suggestion of Evil, Devil-angels, Christ hath exalted fare above all Heaven's visible, to supply these Thrones of Dominion, which those rebellious Thrones and Dominions lost. The evidence whereof we have by Faith and Hope, our Head already having taken Livery and Seisin, and from thence living in us, actuating and moving us by his Spirit, preparing us in this fight of militant grace to that light of triumphant glory.  
Even these first fruits are sweet and solid; I have learned (saith our Apostle) in whatsoever state I am, 
Ph. 4.11, 12, 13. Disciplina, Scien●i●, Mysterium Imperium est 〈◊〉 ista, Regina artium, quod e●verbis Paulinis apparet 1. C●r. 2.14.  therewith to be content. And I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound, every where and in all things, I am instructed both to be full and to be hungry, and to abound and have need. I am able to all things through Christ strengthening me. This was the true riches not in the Chest, but in the heart, which therefore neither men nor Devils could take a way. And see his Degrees in this School; first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have learned this Discipline, not in the School of Nature but of Grace, for we are all taught of God: secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Science, I know: whereas the wisest of Philosophers professed to know but this one thing that he knew nothing: thirdly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and without all controversy this is a great mystery of godliness, in which the natural man is not initiated, he knows not the things of God, nor can know them, for they are foolishness to him; but the unction of the Spirit only enters men in these mysteries (which the word signifieth) after which follows in due order, 
joh. 15. 1. Cor. 15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I am able to all things, to do, to suffer all things, (and therefore Lord of himself and of the World) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Christ enabling; without me saith Christ, ye can do nothing; and not I, saith Paul but the grace of God in me: whereas those Philosophers having no stock, but their own, were poor Pedlars, not Royal Merchants, which would seem to fly but wanted wings, yea life.  
And as for this CHRISTIAN self and World, and Heaven-interest, it troubles not, intermedles not, 
Luk. 22. 2 Cor 6.10. 1. Cor. 9.4. Verse 19  disturbs not Earthly possessions and powers, for the greatest is a servant of all, and he is often poor in secular sense which makes many rich, as having nothing, even then when he possesseth all things. Am I not free? have we not power? saith Paul, Who when he was free from all, made himself the servant of all that he might gain the more; not (as they) running quasi in incertum, and fight quasi aerem verberans, 
●. Cor. 9.26, 27.  but in this freedom and rule of the Spirit, beating down and subduing the body of flesh and mortifying his earthly members, not seeking his own but the good of others: As I please all men in all things (lawful, for of other things he saith, if I should please men, 
& 10. ●4, 33. Gal. 1.10.  I should not be the servant of Christ) not seeking mine own profit, but of many, that they may be saved. The contempt of riches and greatness is the most compendious way to be rich and great (the contempt I mean, which proceeds from content, not that of the unthankful prodigal, nor of the desperate beggar) and he can never be poor that hath Christ, himself, and all things in present possession; God and Heaven in reversion. This, this is that which lifts up his thoughts, and so fills them with the fullness of God, that he neglects these bas●r and truly inferior matters; and, 
Ephes. 3.  that which others are viciously, he is (and it is his virtue to be) covetous, voluptuous, ambitious, but the objects are righteousness, joy in the Holy Ghost, and the Kingdom of Heaven. 
Rom. 14.17.   
This whole Globe of Earth and Waters, seems great to them that are little, but to thoughts truly great and like to God, it holds its true place, price, quantity, that is, the lowest, basest, least. Quid e● potest videri magnum in rebus humanis, cui aeternitas omnis, totiusque Mundi nota sit magnitude? said the Orator. Hoc est p●nctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro & igni dividitur. O quàm ridiculi sunt m●rtalium termini? said Seneca. 
Som. Scip▪ Plin. l. 2.  Scipio was ashamed of the Roman Empires point of this point: and another (haec est materia gloriae nostrae, hic tumultuatur humanum genus, etc.) is ashamed of this stir for earth by foolish man, not considering quota terrarum parte gaudeat, vel cùm ad mensuram avaritiae suae propagaverit, quam tandem portionem eius defunctus obtineat. Horum agrorum possessione te effers, qui nulla pars sunt terrae? said Socrates to Alcibiades bragging o● his lands, which yet in an universal Map he could not show: whereas the Universe itself is not large enough to be the Map of the Christians inheritance, whose are the world, and life, 
1. Co. 3.22▪ Heb. 2.  and death, and things present and things to come, all are theirs; the third Heaven and Paradise of God their Patrimony; the Angels their Guard (are they not all ministering spirits sent forth for their sakes that are heirs of salvation?) the Devils, the World, Sin, Death and Hell their triumph; Paul, Apollo, Cephas, all the Worthies, Elders, Senators & Patres Conscripti of the celestial jerusalem, those firstborn, whose names are written in Heaven, their Kindred, Brethrens, 
Heb. 12.  fellow Citizens, fellow members; Christ himself their head, their life; and God their portion, their exceeding great reward, their own God amongst them, in a tenure like himself, 
Apoc. 21.  eternal and unspeakably glorious. The degrees of this Scala Coeli, are mentioned by Paul, 
b 1. Cor. 3. Ps. 39.20.4. v●t.  All are yours, and you Christ's and Christ Gods, and this the descent of our right, God, Christ, all things; God gave all to his Son, his Son with all to us. Christ with his body is the Centre, and God the Circumference of this mystical Corporation.  
Rouse up then thy thoughts, O my Soul, let these worldly Pismires toil about their Hills, and busy Bees about their Hive; and let them in Courts and Suits, where Forum 
c Cyprian▪  litibus mugit insanum, contest about the shadow of the Ass. Shadows; obscure & dark shadows are Time of Eternity, Motion of immutability, Earth, of Heaven; and in a vain show or shadow walks he, disquieting himself in vain, that heaps up riches and knows not who shall gather them. All that I see is mine, said the Philosopher: Foolosopher! that I see not is mine, things seen are temporal, things not seen are eternal; my faith is the evidence of things not seen, my hope were not hope if seen, 
Heb. 11.1. Rom. 8. Col. 3.1.  and my Charity mind the things above, & out of sight, where Christ my love (so Ignatius called him) sits at the right hand of the God of love, which is love. And yet if I affect shadows, this Sun yields so fare to my yet weaker and grosser bodily affects, and whiles it thus shines on my soul, by grace it makes the shadows as moving indices of time attend my body, this being the prerogative of Christian godliness, to have the promises of this life, and that which is to come. Sure if I were in the starry Heaven, with mortal eyes I could not thence in such distance be able to see this small Globe, whence I see so small the greatest stars, 
D. Dee in a M. S.  whence the light of the World and King of stars (so much nearer in place, greater 
d The Sun is, if Art hath rightly measured, above 166. times; the greatest stars, about 100 greater than the earth. Rom. 10.  in quantity, more visible in quality) seems as little, as the head that views it. And should this Earth which cannot there be seen, so Eclipse my lower Moon-like borrowed beams by interposition, that all should be shadow in a double night and twofold darkness? Not, Not, I will get up thither, even far●e above myself, fare above all Heavens, (say not in thine heart, who shall ascend into Heaven? that is to bring Christ from above) and thence with a spiritual and heavenly eye look on earth, and not here and hence with a carnal and sensual eye look on Heaven (this makes the heavenly bodies little, the great light of Heaven eclipsed, not in itself, but to me by every interposed Moon, and the Heaven of Heavens wholly, invisible) so shall it not annoyed my sense; so shall not my sense of earth annoyed my reason; so shall not my reason perplex my faith, but I shall use it as not using, as not abusing it, to help and not to hinder my present Pilgrimage.  
And think not that we speak impossibilities: of every Christian it is said, conresuscita●it & consedere fecit in coelestibus in Christo jesu; and we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1. Cor. 7. Ephes. 2.6. Rom. 6.5.  planted together into the similitude of his resurrection by Baptism, both in regard of the imputation and infusion. If this high Mystery be hid, yet, as when thou hast viewed the Sun, it makes thee uncapable of seeing the earth, either at that time or for a space afterwards: so the soul that often by devout contemplation is accustomed to view this Sun, neither can then equally, nor cares much to fix his eyes on earthly delights after, but having drunk of these heavenly waters, is not very thirsty of these muddy Springs, and of troubled Ale after such generous Wines. These things are indeed effected by degrees, nor can we at once leap from the Cradle to the Saddle, and I suspect the forward Herculean hands that can so soon with newborn gripes strangle old Serpents: yet is not the Christian always a Dwarf, but still grows up in grace, and is ever growing into him which i● the head, 
Ephes 4.  CHRIST. He is the Alpha and Omega, he is Lord of all as the Son and Heir, of Man, the World and Heaven; and he with all this right is given unto us, inhabiting, purifying, quickening Man's heart by faith; whence he also is Microcosmically Master of himself, Cosmopolitically of the World, in Catholic Christianity heir of Heaven; All, of, in, by and for Christ, to whom be glory for ever. Amen.   

§. FOUR The Christian and Philosopher compared in that challenge to be rich, free▪ a King▪ that this hinders not but furthers Political subjection: and of the happy combination of wisdom and royalty in SALOMON, as likewise in our days.  
ALL Arts are but the supply of Nature's defects, to patch up her ragged and worn rents, to cover rather than to cure or recover Man's fall; even that King of Arts, the Political Art of Kings, is not heir by whole blood; but the gift of God, begotten since the fall, and abundantly argues our unruliness otherwise, which must have Lords and Laws to rule us. By like favour of God, lest man's dissolution should bring a desolation, came in Political tenure and Civil state and Right amongst men. The jest possession is this, which we call our proper, as being no part of ourselves, and a small part of the smallest part of the Universe: greater is the Universe itself, and the greatest right thereto is that which is most universal, whereof the soul is only capable; greater than the greater World is this Little, for whom that was made, yea, for whom the Word, the maker of both was made flesh; and as in itself, so also to us, 
Psal. 16,  whom little it advantageth to win the whole world and lose our own souls: greatest of all and Greatness itself is God, the lot of the Christians inheritance and the portion of his cup, to whom the Father hath given the Son, and with him all things. These things may concur and did in Solomon, without confusion; that the three last may also be separated from the first, and that subsist without the lest knowledge of these last, is a true conclusion. And how many have much in Political and Civil possession, which are had and held of the things they have and hold, as the price of their freedom, not so much as dreaming of any other tenure but propriety, laughing at the Philosopher, 

Sen. de benef. l. 7 c. 4. ad reges potestas pertinet, ad singulos dominium. Laert. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
See Laert. in vit. Diog. & Amb. Ep. 7. where you may read Calanus whole Epistle, and in the end of this Book.   and raging at the Christians farther challenge, which yet disturbs not (as not a worldly tenure) Propriety but that positive sicut erat in principio, (in the fuit of man's incorrupted nature) is now comparatively more certain, more ample by faith, and shall be in saecula saeculorum a superlative of fullest happiness. Even still propriety in strictest sense, is the Subject's state and that with many subdivisions and diversifications; a higher and universal right appertaineth in each man's propriety to the King, as Lord of all. That naked Cynic, that neither had house nor dish, not only compared himself with Alexander, (in emulation of his great Titles, proclaiming I am Diogenes the Dog) but even great Alexander, had he not been Alexander, professed he would wish to be Diogenes. Neither fear nor desire could any whit dazzle him in that Royal lustre, but being questioned by Alexander, if he feared him not, asked if he were good or bad; being answered, good; and who (saith he) is afraid of good? being bidden ask, he desired nothing but the restitution of the Sun which his interposition had taken from him; insinuating a greater riches in Nature's inheritance, then in the greatest Kings beneficence; and in his own mind, then in the Others spacious Empire. Plus era● quod hic nollot accipere, (saith Seneca) quam quod ille posset dare. Nor had Greece alone such spirits: Calanus in India was more admired of Alexander, than the King of him. Corpora, saith he in his Epistle to Alexander, transferes de loco ad locum, animas non coges facere, quod nolunt, non magis quam saxa, & ligna vocem emittere. I speak not, as approving these men in all their speeches and actions: 

Cuncta cupit Croesus, Dio●enes nihilum. Eum maximè diuitys frui qui minimè divitijs indiget.  
Animus oportet se iudicet divitem, n●n hominum sermo, etc. Cic. Coe●o ●egitur qui non habit vr●a●.   but if they could do so much in that twilight of Nature, how much more may Christians aspire unto, on whom, as is said before, the Sun of righteousness is risen? These indeed are Children of the day, which know how to honour the King, in that fear of God, which is the beginning of wisdom; which the Cynikes, Gymnosophists and Sto●kes, not having attained, dreamt in their night, and did those things rather as men talking and walking in their sleep, then as men truly knowing what they said and did. Like these Ophyrians we writ of, which possessed much Gold, but Solomon alone knew how to bestow it on the Temple, which sanctifieth the Gold. And yet how fare did these Philosopher's Dreams exceed the seeming waking and watchful cares of Croesus and Crassus (which rather in troubled, feverous, frenzy, or Opium sleeps were more fatally perplexed) esteeming Virtue the truest treasure; and Richeses rather to consist in needing little, then holding much, and a contented mind to be a surer Cosser; then the bottomless Bags of insatiate Avarice; and Nature's commons of the Heavens and Elements to be greater possessions, than a few handfuls of enclosed dust; more admiring the Physicians skill, 
Omnia eius sunt non occupatione sed animo: & universalitas illi, non haec singula mancipantur. Tuetur hoc ipso quod intu●tur: Vid. Lip. Manud. ad Stoic. Phil. l. 3. diss. 11. & seq. Cyp. Ep. ad Don●t. l. 2. Ep. 2. Gen. 25.6. Cic Parad. 5. 1. Tim. 1.8. Amb. Ep. 7. handles this Theme lagely, learnedly, godly▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Laert. in Zen●ne.  than the Druggist's shop full of simples, or the Apothecaries of medicines; more joying in, more enjoying (as the members of the body) the public than the private wealth, more the contemplation, whereby the mind reasonably useth all things, even those of others, without further cares, than that propriety whereby the sense distinguisheth the owner, and adds to this little own, the great cares of getting▪ keeping, spending, and no less fears of losing, yea (in many a Tantalus) of using, as if he were the Gaoler rather than Owner of that wealth which he jades with Irons and strangles in his Iron Chest, for no other fault, but calling such a Miser, Master. Quibus hoc sordibus emit ut fulgeat? vigilat in pluma; Nec intelligit miser speciosa esse sibi supplicia, & possideri magis quàm possidere divitias. The wise man is like Isaac in whom Abraham's seed is called, whom he makes his heir: but these which are called rich, are sometimes like Ishmael, thrust out of all; at the best, like the Sons of the Concubines, to whom Abraham gave gifts and sent them away: the Mind, as that which alone is immortal, hath state of perpetuity and inheritance, the Sense in her propriety is capable only of gifts and moveables.  
From this glimpse of reason did those Philosophers the sons of Nature (how much more should we the Sons of the free women?) attribute liberty and a Kingdom to their Wise man. Saint Paul more fully, justo non est lex posita. Saint Ambrose laden with the spoils of these Egyptians, therewith adorns the Christian Tabernacle. He is a free man saith he, which doth 
a Epictetus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 may be said of a good man, and his affections as Virgil of Augustus, Victorque volentes, Per populos dat iura utamque affectat Olympo. Ep●ct. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Subducit se custodiae in qua tenetur & Coelo reficitur. Sen. joh. 14.23. Gal. 2.2.20. joh. 6. Cant. 1. Bern. in Cant. 21 Sat●●s est ut me trahas ut vim qualiter comque mihi aut terrendo, etc. trahe quodammodo in vital ut fa●ias voluntariam; trabe, torpentem ut reddas currentem, etc. Pro. 16 32. Suis ea cuique fing●●ur moribus Ci●. par. 5. 1. Cor. 7. 3●. Ps. 62. job. 24.  what he w●ll, ᵇ and lives as he pleaseth, nor can be forced to any thing: now the wise man wils that which is good, hates the evil; not for fear but for love, obeyeth the commandment; seeks not to please the uncertain vulgar, but his mind hangs evenly in the balance poized with the sheckle of the sanctuary; not forced by Law, but he is la● to himself, and hath the same written not in tables of stone, but in fleshy tables of the heart,; not fearing the Law, because his debts are acquitted, and cannot therefore be arrested; not servant to any, yet making himself the servant of all, for their good; whose service to God doth not consume but consummate his liberty, for God's service is perfect freedom; to whom when all things are lawful, yet nothing is lawful that is not expedient, that edifies not; who abides founded and grounded on Christ the rock, and therefore fears not the swelling waves, nor raging winds, fluctuates not with every blast of doctrine: is not puffed with prosperity, dejected with adversity, but like joseph (which bought those that bought him, even all the land of Egypt beside, for Pharaoh, after himself had been sold for a slave) abides himself in whatsoever changes of fate and state. He hath subordinated his will to Gods will, and if he will have him do or suffer any thing, possess or lose either himself or aught he hath, it shall be his will also. This made job abide himself, when he was shaken, and as it were thunderstricken out of all at once: yea, by a sacred antiperistasis he gathered his spirits together and not only not blasphemed, but blessed; then and therefore blessed God, who is no less good in taking then in giving, who hath loved us and given himself for us, before he takes aught from us, yea therefore takes this that he might give that (both himself and ourself) to us. He that looseth his life finds it, and he that denieth himself and his own will, pu●● of the chains of his bondage, the slavery to innumerable tyrants, impious lusts, and is thus a free man indeed, freed from the devil, the world, himself, breathing the free air of heaven in the lowest and darkest dungeon, yea in the closest of prisons (his own body) closely by contemplation conue●es himself forth to fetch often walks in the Paradise of God. Once, he love's Christ, he life's Christ, and therefore cannot be compelled by another, will not be compelled and mastered by Himself, longs to be more and more impelled by that Spirit (which sweetly forceth into the desired haven) and to be drawn by the Father that he may be enabled to follow the Son, with whom he is unable to hold pace; and fearing because he love's, thus desires help, that (be it by stripes, or threats, or other tentations) his feet may be made more sure, more swift. He fears God, and therefore fears nothing. And whereas he that committeth sin is the servant of sin, he is thus not only set free by Christ, but more highly dignified and made a King and Priest to God. He daily sacrificeth prayers, praises, good works, his own living body in reasonable service, not the bodies of dead and unreasonable beasts; hath always the door of the heavenly palace, the ear of the heavenly King open to his intercessions. He is also a King over himself (a little world, a great conquest) over Fortune the magnified Lady of the greater World (which he frames to his own manners; and if he cannot bend it to h●s will, knows how to bend his will to it) over the Devil, the God of the World; over Death, which he makes (as Sapores did the Roman tyrant Valerian, and Tamerlane the Turkish Bajazeth) his footstool, or stirrup to mount up to a higher and better life, and like David cuts off the head of this Giant (which hath defied all the army of Mankind) with his own sword: he is (a King) over the world, which he neither love's (for his heart and treasure is in heaven) nor fears (for what can it do at the worst, but further his heavenly happiness) nor fashions himself to it, but it to himself, using it as not using it, not setting his heart on it, for the fashion of this world passeth away, as a Scene, where he but acts a while his part; and a strange Country thorough which he traveleth to his true home; where his King is gone before to prepare a place for him, and leaving the earnest of his spirit with us, hath taken our earnest, our flesh, there to take possession, to make intercession in the presence of God for us. Our Head is there already which cannot so fare degenerate as to neglect his body, the real and living parts of Himself, the fullness of him that fills all in all things: 
Eph. 1. vlt. Pro. 14.17. Lips. Manuduct. li. 2. d. 1●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laert. in Zen●reguum potestas nulli obnoxia.  This Kingdom is not meat and drink, pomp and splendour, and much less intruding into the secrets, obtruding on the sceptres of their sovereigns, but righteousness, peace, and joy in the holy Ghost, which the Philosophers knew not, and whatsoever they have challenged (as à Ratione Reges) yet in comparison of true Christian● they were but as Kings in a Play (as Plutarch said of the Stoics) which talked, stalked, walked on their Stage, and acted that part which in deed and in spiritual right is our real part and inheritance. And if a Kingdom be a power subject to none, than every true Christian is a King (not in anabaptistical frenzy to cast off all yokes of loyalty, to cast out all States and Royalty, and like their john of Leyden to make himself a licentious Monarch, pressed down mean while with so many envies, vices, miseries, but) in this, that pectore magno, Spemque metumque domat, vicio sublimior omni, Exemptus fatis: in that he obeyeth his sovereign not so much of his slavish fear, as because he love's him, and love's that God which hath given him sovereignty, and therefore as to the living image of God yields obedience to him, not grudgingly or of necessity but cheerfully, and with a willing heart, making his superiors will to be his own (because it is Gods) william. And if he commands that which he finds countermanded by the highest Law, 
Senec.  he rebels not, reviles not, Rex est qui posuit metus, Et diri mala pectoris, where he cannot be willing to do, he will yet be willing to suffer the will of his sovereign, Occurritque suo libens Fato, nec queritur mori. Thus is this man spiritually a King and Infra se videt omnia, beholds all things beneath him, by suffering, overcoming; by obeying, ruling, himself if not others. In this sense Christ saith of the Church of Smyrna, I know thy poverty, but thou art rich: 
Apoc. 2. & 3. Act. 3.  and of the Laodiceans which esteemed themselves rich, increased with goods, and needing nothing, that they were wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked. Silver and Gold have I none, said that rich Apostle, whose pretended successors, out of a will to be rich, have fallen into tentation, and a snare, and many foolish and noisome lusts: For the love of money is the root of all evil, which while these covet after, 
Tim. 6.  they have erred from the faith: and instead of Apostolical, have proved Apostatical, with babylonical mysteries confounding things spiritual and external, enclosing all the commons of the Church and the Spirit, to the only use of the Vatican; and then with the spoil of all Christians This spiritual man must judge all, and be judged of none, usurping the rights of, and right over Kings, not considering the diversity of these tenors.  
But yet (to return to our Solomon▪ if a man by this Christian wisdom becomes free, rich, a King; what shall a King of men be (with addition of this wisdom) but heroical, 
How good a good and wise King.  and if not more than a man, yet a worthy of men, and nearest to God? This appears in David and Solomon, two learned, no less than potent Kings, the one gaining greatness at home, the other dispersing those rays beyond their own Orb, to remotest Ophir. This we see in Philip and Alexander, in Caesar and Augustus. Learning is the best jewel in a King's Crown, and Christian wisdom like the vertical cross upon it; which both in Books (by King Alphonsus called his faithfullest Counselors) and in their bosoms, speaks that without fear or flattery, which servants cannot or dare not; makes them to see with their own eyes, and not only by experience of others; yea with the eyes of the Worthies of former times, and to converse with the Ancients of all ages: and searching into the causes of things to penetrate seasonably into affairs which suddenly assault others. But especially in Marine discoveries, we are not so much indebted to the power as the learning of Kings, and both together make a blessed match, and have produced to the world the best knowledge of itself. Solomon is example, who in the writings of Moses, being instructed of Ophir, attempts the discovery. How little knowledge had the Greeks' of Asia till Alexander employed both Aristotle with great costs, and Himself also in discovery of the Lands and Seas, besides Nearchus and other his Captains,? julius and Augustus opened the first lights in manner to the Romans, the one in discovery of the world and thk parts adjoining, the other also unto the Indieses. How little of the world hath been discovered for want of learning by the Turk, Mogoll, Persian, Chinois, and Abassine, howsoever called great? how little are most of them all? But what need I foreign examples? How little in comparison hath our Nation (the Ocean's darling, hugged continually in her bosom) discovered and made use of (yea they were the prey of the Easterlings and Lumbards', scarcely knowing their neighbour Seas) before the late eruption of captived learning in the former age, and more especially in the glorious Sunshine of Queen Elizabeth, and (after that Sunset, Sol occubuit nox nulla secuta est) in the succeeding, that I say not in Ophyrian regions, exceeding times of King james? I dare not presume to speak of his Majesty's learning which requires a more learned pen, and where to speak the truth would seem flattery; nor yet of that learned Queen, who sometime broke in pieces the artless pictures made to represent her (for Apelles is only fit to paint Alexander, Homer to sing Achilles, and Virgil his Augustus.) Thus a more learned witness hath said, and I will recite: that to the last year of her life duly and daily she observed her set hours for reading; 
Sir F. Bacon Aduanc. of Learn. l. 1.  that this part of the Island never had 45. years of better times, and yet not through the calmness of the season, but through the wisdom of her regiment: the truth of religion established, the constant peace and security, the good administration of justice, the temperate use of the prerogative not slacked nor much strained, the flourishing state of learning, the convenient state of wealth and means both of Cowne and Subject, the habit of obedience, and moderation of discontents, notwithstanding the differences of Religion, her single life, Rome's alarms, and the neighbour Countries on fire. Hence that felicity of the State, of Religion, and especially of Navigation, now in threescore years continuance, grown, almost cut of the cradle and swaddling clothes, to the present ripeness amongst us. That our Virgin-mother, in her preparation to the Crown by the Cross and in happy exploits, another David; in ●are of just judges and justice jehosaphat, in reformation H●zekiah, in restoring the Law that was lost josiah, in peace, plenty, success, magnificence, and (the pillar of all this) Navigation, another Solomon, and (with greater happiness than his) leaving her Name without Salomons imputation of falling to Idolatry, to survive her person, and to become her heir and successor in them all: dying in a good age (as is said of David) full of days, riches, and honour. In these times Britain hath recovered her eyes and spirits, and hath discovered the Western Babylon and her labyrinthian mazes and gires of superstition, first of all European Kingdoms: and in maturest order casting off that yoke, which ignorance (caused by irruption of barbarians 
c The Saxons expelled the Britain's with their learning. The Danes (after learning had blessed the Christian Saxons) drowned all learned men, books, schools, arts, with a ●loud, that in K. Alfreds time himself writes there was not one Priest could understand his Latin Service; and till the conquest this mist continued in great part, that Priest then being a wonder that knew his Grammar. Alfredi epist ●p. Asser. Men. Mat. Paris, An. 1067 Clerici ad●o lit. carebant ut caeteris st●pori esset qui gram. didicisset.  into all parts of the Roman Empire had brought in as a mist, whereby that Romish mystery of iniquity might work unespied) had put on the necks and veiled hearts of our forefathers, which by the light of learning was now espied and exiled: and this freedom maintained mangres all the gates and forces of Rome and Hell. Yea, he that commanded Honour thy Mother, made her sex honourable, and caused that a Woman had the honour over that Sisera, that Abimelech, that Holofernes; the sword of a woman prevailed, not by close advantages but in the sight of the Sun, in the world's amphitheatre, all Europe looking on and wondering (yea the most, still giddy with that cup, interposing against her.) This Christian Amazon overthrew those Romish both gladiatores & sicarios and (as they writ of the Rhinoceros) tossed those Bulls (which had thought to have pushed her by their horns of deprivation and invasion, and the close fights of treason and insurrection, out of England and Ireland) to the admiration of men, the joy of Angels, and acknowledgement in all of the sword of the Lord and of Gedeon, the power of the highest perfected in her weakness. And (which more fits our Navigation treatise) this virago (not losing her own virgin-zone) by her General 
* Sir F. Drake was the first General that swum about the Globe, Candish the next.  first loosed the virgin zone of the earth, and like another Sun twice encircled the Globe. Learning had edged her sword then, but the successor of this our Deborah, like Achilles in the Poets, hath a panoply, a whole armour of learned devise; and like Apollo in the mids of the Muse●, so have we seen him in the learned disputations of both Universities; such an Apollo whose Oracle discovered the Devil's Master piece and Papal monster piece of powder treason, and brought it to powder, by the light of his wisdom preventing those infernal lightnings and sulfurous hellish thunders: whose learned writings as the arrows of Pythius have given the deepest 
* In the question of Antichrist in his Majesty's Monit. preface  and most fatal wounds to this misty mystical Python: whose birth hath made him a great King, whose great learning hath purchased another Kingdom, and made the Schools to admire him in Divinity, the Tribunal in Law, the Senate and Counsel table as the table of Counsel and Map of humane wisdom: whose arms! but blessed are we that his learning and wisdom keep us from their dreary noise and dismal experiments; that we in the tragedies of so many Nations are spectators, that the God of peace hath with the Gospel of peace given us a Solomon, truest type of the Prince of peace, whose days are days of peace at home, whose treaties propound ways of peace abroad, whose sunlike rays have shined not by bore discoveries, but by rich negotiations to this our Salomons Ophir in what part of the world soever the quarrelsome wits of men have placed it. If you look near hand, Scotland is added, and Ireland now at last made English, dispersing fears by English Cities, and plantations: If you look further, 
* In the Mogul's Country (whose Seas were the stage of this war) as I had by relation of Sir Tho. Roe Ambassador there.  with those which seek for Ophir in the West Indies, there may you see English Plantations and Colonies in Virginia and other parts of both those supposed Perus, the Northern and Southern America: if to Sofala on the South of Africa, or to the East of Asia, there also have the English fleets passed, traded (and if you think nothing complete without arms) surpassed, the most advantageous assailants: that even the Indians (which yield commonly in martial, always in Neptunian affairs to the Moors) have a proverb, three Moors to a Portugal, three Portugals to an Englishman: whose happy times have exceeded Salomons and H●rams discoveries; even where no writing hath mentioned any name of Noah's Sons, where none of Noah's Sons ever yet inhabited, where the Sun itself seems afraid of uncouth Seas, horrid lands, and marine monsters, hiding himself diverse months in the year together, and but peeping when he doth appear, as it were fearfully prying and compassing about with obliquer beams, there have the beams of our British Sun descried. 
b King james his Newland.  named, and exhaled profits from those portentous 
c The Whale fishing.  Dragons of the Sea (lo these the happiest wars against the beasts by Sea and Land, not like Nimrods' hunting of men) and sought new 
d 
In the Northwest discovery by Hudson, Button, Baffin etc. Boe●.  
Mari magno▪ &c See Bests voyage.   discoveries, notwithstanding the Ocean's armies of icy Land's affronting, till the Sea itself (fearing total subjection) hath embaied itself and locked up all passages by unknown lands. And (not to mention the New Wales there discovered) England hath her Virginia, Bermuda, New England; Scotland, a New Daughter of her own Name; yea, Ireland by the care of the present Deputy is now multiplying also in America, and his Majesty hath sown the seeds of New Kingdoms in that New World.  
Let not the severer sort censure me of presumption, if I thus embellish my ruder lines with these glorious names, wherein I communicating in the public benefit, at once testify my fear of God the Author, with mine honour to these two great lights of heaven to our Britain- World, as actors, autors, instruments, mortal images of the immortal. He alone it is qui tempus ab aevo ire iubet, and makes our King a defender of the faith by which eternity flows from time well husbanded, & to resemble herein also, 〈…〉 c●ncta moveri. In this tranquillity we may employ our industry in painful and gainful labours. I also in this peace, under Israel's Solomon, can from the shore behold with safety, with delight, & in this glass let others see, the dangerous Navigations and Ophyrian expeditions of our Country men, & view their warlike fights in the watery plain as from a fortified tower (so the Mogul's did the battle of the English and Portugals) not only free from peril, but enjoying, some the gains of their pains▪ others the sweet contemplations of their laborious actions, all of us the fruits of our labours and negotiations at home and abroad, which grow from that jacobaean tree: whose blossoms are inscribed Beati pacifici. This Work is the fruit of that Peace, and my Song may be, Deus nobis haec otia fecit, that I may writ with Ink at leisure, and (under the shadow of this tree) you read with pleasure, what these Pilgrims have written with hazard, if not with blood in remote Seas and Lands.  
I flatter not the present, I devote to future posterity, this monument of praise to the Almighty, who hath given us this Solomon, if not in all dimensions, (never was there, or shall be such) yet herein like, that we enjoy under his wings (in the combustions of neighbour Countries) this our peace, plenty, learning, justice, religion, the land, the sea voyages to Ophir, the world, new worlds, and (if we have new hearts) the communton of Saints, 
Psa. 144. vlt. Psa. 118.  guard of Angels, salvation of Christ, and God himself the portion of our Cup, and lot of our inheritance. Blessed are the people that be in such a case, yea blessed are the people that have the Lord for their God, This is the day that the Lord hath made, let us rejoice and be glad in it. And if our times yield some exceptions also, and the Traducer impute it to flattery that I bring not evils on the stage: I say that blessed and loyal Shem and japheth bid from themselves & others that which cursed Cham and Canaan quarrelled: Salomons times yielded grievances, and we live on earth, not in heaven; there is the perfection of wisdom, holiness, happiness, whereof Salomons times were a complete type: we have the truth in part, but all fullness is in him, in whom dwelleth all the fullness of the Godhead bodily, 
Col. 1. & 2.  which to expect here were Epicurism and state-Puritanisme. Quis me constituit vel iudicem vel indicem▪ Malcontent, I am no Lord of times, nor Prince of Princes (they are both Gods peculiar) I endeavour to keep me in the offices of my calling, to choose the good part, and in conscience towards God to acknowledge God's works in all, and specially in those of whom he hath said, Ye are Gods: To be an accuser is the Devil's office, and they which be evil themselves will only see evil in others.   

§. V Of the propriety which Infidels have in their Lands and Goods: of propriety in the Sea, and of Salomons propriety of the Sea and Shore at Ezion Geber.  
THus have we discoursed of the prerogative of God's peculiar, the right which the true Children of the Church have in Christ and by him in all things: but what shall we say of propriety? of propriety of Infidels? Christ's Kingdom is not of this world, and properly neither gives nor takes away worldly proprieties, civil and political interests; but adds to his subjects in these things a more sanctified use, all things being pure to the pure, impure to the impure; for they are sanctified by the word and prayer, which Infidels know not. In that interior court of conscience (which in the wicked is defiled) the just have before God a juster use, 
Tit. 1 vlt. 1 Tim. 4.  using the world as not abusing it, not being high minded, nor trusting in uncertain riches: not setting their heart on them, 
1 Cor. 7. 1 Tim. 6. Psa. 62. Mat. 6. Luk. 12.  though they increase, nor losing their hearts with them in their decrease or loss: not laying up to themselves treasures on earth where rust and moth and thief have power: not singing a requiem, soul take thine ease, thou hast laid up treasure for many years, when this fool's soul itself is the worst thing it hath, and may be turned this night out of that secure body and secured state. But in the outward civil Court, and before Men, the Gospel altars not, removes not the land mark of the law, but as well bids Give to Caesar that which is Caesar's, as to God that which is Gods. And therefore the rights of men by the royal or common laws established (all derived from that, of Nature, and consequently from God, who is Natura naturans, the creator of Nature) are in conscience of God's commandment to be permitted to them. Neither without Gods special command might the Israelites spoil (as they did) the Egyptians, or invade the Canaanites. It is Saint judes' note of filthy Sodomites, fleepers, ignorant, beasts, disciples of Cham, Balaam, and Core, rocks, clouds without water, corrupt trees twice dead, raging waves, wand'ring stars, to despise government: 
jud. Ep.  natural bruit beasts (saith Saint Peter prophesying of his pretended successors) spots and blots, wells without water, clouds carried about with a tempest, to whom the black darkness is reserved for ever: 
2 Pet. 2▪  promising to others liberty, and are themselves the servants of corruption (in this sense the servants of servants.) Neither could the Devil device a greater scandal to the Gospel, then that it should rob Kings of their supremacy and pre-eminence, subjects of their lands and state, as if to convert to Christ were to ever out of their possessions, and subvert states: which is the cause of so few jews converted, and so perverse conversions in America, as I have elsewhere showed. The Gospel is not a sword to take away earth, but to destroy hell, and adds the Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, not a hammer to break in pieces the doors of earthly Kingdoms: and lest of all making instead of Keys, Picklock's (the note of a thief, even though he should enter at the door and lawfully succeed lawful Bishops) which open and shut all at pleasure; against which there is but one word of force, and that is, force itself and power which their faction cannot overthrew, the Romish conscience being Lesbian and leaden, or Iron and running compass and variation, as the Needle of that See hath touched it to observe the Pope as the magnetical Pole, which Philosophers say is not that of heaven but of the earth. God hath made us men, his Son hath called us to be Christians, and this opinion doth turn men into Beasts, yea Christian men into wild Beasts without all propriety, or any thing proper to humanity, which with the rights thereof extends to Infidels.  
These hold not Christ, nor hold of him, as joint heirs: yet are they not without all right, 
Infidel's propriety. joh. 8.35.36.  yea of him also they hold in another tenure, not as sons, but as servants (and the servant abideth not in the house for ever, but the Son abideth ever: but if the Son make them free they are free indeed?) These hold, in a tenure of villainage not in state of spiritual inheritance, which yet warrants a just title for the time, contra omnes gentes, against all men (as servants use their Master's goods) but being called by death to give account to their Lord, are dispossessed of all and themselves also for ever: whereas the children here seem in wardship, and to receive some short allowance in the nonage of this life, but in the day of death (the birth day of true and eternal life) as at full age, enter into full possession of heaven and earth for ever. That tenure yet of godless men (which are without hope, without Christ, without God in the world) is a tenure from God, 
Eph. 2.10. Col 1.16.17.1  though as is said in a kin●e of villainage; and warrants against all men, as holden of and at the will of the Lord Christ, by whom and for whom all things were created, and he is before all things, and in him all things consist. And he is the Head of the Body the Church. This tenure in capite is the Church's jointure; that of humane nature, from him whose all things are iure creationis, remains to foreigners, 
Eph 2. Col. 1.  which are strangers from the Commonwealth of Israel, and from the privileges of the Holy City the New jerusalem. For after the Image of God, by this Image of the invisible God were all Men created▪ which though it be in part by sin defaced, yet through the mercy of God in part remaineth in the worst of men, which still retain an immortal reasonable spirit endued with understanding, will, and memory (resembling the unity and Trinity) animating and ruling (how imperfectly soever) the organical body, and with it the inferior creatures: which dominion over the creatures is by God himself reckoned to the image of God; infected with sin, and infested with a curse; but God even in the sentencing that judgement remembering mercy, added thorns, and ihistles, and sorrow, 
Gen. 1.26. & 3●. 17.18▪ 19  and sweat, but took not away the use; yea he renewed the blessing to all the Sons of Noah, and enlarged their commission, indenting in man's heart this natural right, and in the Beasts this natural awe and subjection, by Natures own hand writing.  
He that then blessed them with, Replenish the earth, did confounded their Babel building, 
Gen. 1.7 8.  and scatter them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth, to put it in execution, and hath made of one blood all Nations of men (as is said before) to devil on all the face of the earth, 
Act. ●7 26.  and hath determined the times and bounds of their habitation. 
〈…〉 19.20. ●1. 22. 1 ●eg. ●. Gen 47.20. Da●. 4. Ioh● ●9 11.  Thus he that gave Canaan to the Israelites is said (in a proper sense though differing manner) to have given Are unto the children of Lot for a possession, the land of the Emims, and the land of the Zamzummims which he destroyed before them: as he did that of the Horims to the children of Esau, that as the former generations entered by the Law of Nature, as first finders, so these by the law of War, as confounders of the former, and founders of a second state and succession, both guided by the hand of divine providence. Solomon gave Hiram twenty Cities in recompense of Cedars, and Firre-trees and Gold: and innumerable are the compacts and contracts mentioned in Histories, whereby the rule of Countries and States have been made over to new Masters, or to the old in a new tenure, as joseph bought all Egypt, their land● and persons to Pharaoh. But in all these works of Me●, God is a coworker; the most high ruleth in the Kingdoms of Men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, was verified both actively and passively in Nabuchadnezzar: Cyrus is called his servant pilate's power is acknowledged by the Lord of power to be given from above, and to that Roman sovereignty (how unjust soener their conquest was) he submitted himself in his birth (occasioned at Bethlehem by the decree and taxation of Augustus) in his life by payment of tribute, and in his death by a Roman both kind and sentence. Per me reges regnant is his Proclamation, whether 
*  by divine immediate vocation as in Moses, or mixed with Lot, or mere, or free choice, or inheritance, or conquest of war, or exchange, or gift, or session, or marriage, or purchase; or titles begun in unjust force, or fraud at first, yet afterward acknowledged by those whom it concerned, and approved by time, which in temporal things proscribeth, and prescribeth: by this King of Kings do Kings reign, and the powers that be are ordained of God, to which every soul must be subject, even for conscience sake, & propter Deum; Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordnance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.  
This was written when all Kings were Idolaters and Infidels, nor had the World many Ages after ever heard, that Infidelity, Heresy, or Idolatry were causes sufficient for rebellion in Subjects or invasion of Neighbours, as in the many examples of the Israelitish and jewish Kings, which nei●her invaded others for Infidelity, nor were at home deprived for Heresy, though all the neighbours were Infidels, and most of those King's Idolaters. To usher Religion by the Sword is scarcely approved amongst Mahumetans, which permit men liberty of soul, though not of body: but to turn all the World into Timars, and Knights or Soldiers fees, is more intolerable. It was barbarous Latin to turn fides into feodum, the title of all, free lands of Subjects holden in fide, in 
* 
Hence came the Law●ers 〈◊〉 vid S.T. Smith● common wealth. l 3. c. 10.  
See this question handled more largely in baiting P. Alex his bull. l. 2. c. 1. Read also a Spanish divine Fr. à Victoria in his Relect. de pot. Ecc. & de Indis, He with many arguments confuteth this pretended power of the Pope. Ca●e●an also 2.2. q. 66. a. 8. T. Aq. 2.2. q. 10. ar. 1. vid. vict. de Ind. n 31. & pertotam●ela. in which he proveth the Pope's gift, etc. could not give just title to the Indieses, and confuteth 7 titles as unjust. 1 King. 2.35. Vict. ubi sup. Barbari sunt veri domini & publicè & privatim. Ius autem gentium ot quod in nullius bonis est, occupanti cedat. d §. fere best. 1 Chro. 18.13. 2 Cro. 21. Rom. 5. & 6 & 7 Gen▪ 4. Gen. 10. Act. 4 32.34. & 45. Luk. 12.14.   trust of performing rents, services, and other conditions annexed to the first Donation by the superior Lord: but this more barbarous Divinity, to dipossesse Barbarians of their Inheritance, and by their want of Faith to increase our fees of Inheritance, as if all the world were holden of the Pope in Catholic fee, obtruded on us for Catholic Faith: Christ came not to destroy the Law but to fulfil it; and therefore did not disannul by the Gospel, that natural Commandment of Allegiance and Obedience to Princes, the Honour due to the Parents of our Country. Neither doth Religion make a Father or Mother, but Nature; and it is said, Honour thy Father and Mother, without annexion of quality good or bad. Nor could jonathan deny filial observance, or loyal subjection to Saul with such excuse; nor could the Keys that came later expel Sceptres, which were of more ancient foundation: nor heavenly Keys open or shut earthly Doors: nor can Infidelity which concerneth Divine Law, yea in matters supernatural, take away that right which Positive or Natural Law hath given; nor exclude from just title on Earth, which some hold poena, rather than peccatum, in such as have not heard: nor can a pretended Vicar challenge justly, what his Lord never claimed, what he also disclaimed: nor did he sand Soldiers but Preachers, to convert the World to the Faith truly Catholic, and therein showed himself a true Solomon, a Prince of Peace, figured by this our Solomon who sent Ships of Merchandise and not of War to Ophir. And as for any High Priest's Bull (whose roaring might conjure the spirits of Princes, within the circle of Pontifical censure) those days knew no such brutish dialect, yea wise and just Solomon was so fare from fearing or desiring the Bulls of Abiathar, that he put him out of the High Priests place for intermeddling with the Crowne-succession, and set Zadok in his room. And for Ophir, long before inhabited (as appeareth, Gen. 10.) he did not for the discovery thereof, then new, challenge jurisdiction or Sovereignty, as Lord of that Sea or Region by him discovered (not more than the Ophirians had been Lords of Israel, if they had then discovered it) but left things as he found them, the Country appropriate to the Inhabitants, the Sea open to such as would and could in like manner adventure. Otherwise it was with him and his right in Ezion Geber, on the shore of the Read Sea in the land of Edom. For this was peculiar (both the shore and sea adjoining) unto Solomon, chief Lord of Edom: which David had before conquered, and so it continued under the Kings of juda till the evil days of jehoram the son of good jehoshaphat, who made like use of this Haven, but with unlike effect.  
True it is that if Man had continued in his first integrity, M●um & Tuum had never proved such quarrelling Pronouns, to make war more than Grammatical, in setting all the Parts of Speech together by the ears. But sin entering into the world, yea as an invading tyrant ruling, it was necessary that propriety should prevent rapine of the idler and mightier, and encourage the industry of the just labourer, which for the sweat of his brows might earn and eat his own bread. Thus had Cain and Abel their proper goods, he the fruits of the earth, this of his cattles, the proper Objects of their labour. And when the whole earth was filled with cruelty, God cleansed the confusion of those Fence-breakers by a general deluge. After the Flood, Noah's Posterity had the earth divided amongst them. And in that renovation of the world, in the Golden Age of the Church, when they had all things common; the reason was, as many as were possessors of lands sold them and brought the price: so that they had a just propriety of those their own possessions, and conferred the same to others, and after it was sold the money was their own, and remained in their own power. He that refused to divide the inheritance to brethren, would not dissolve and dissipate it to strangers, and abolish one of the precepts 
* Thou shalt not steal: this some borderers are reported to hold first put into the decalogue by King Hen. 8. They sure are borderers, that is, thiefs in divinity which will t●ke it out of the decalogu  of the Decalogue; for stealing in properest sense cannot be, if there be no propriety. Wickedly therefore do the Anabaptists in general, the Papists for their own advantage; the one by confusion, the other by combustions, deprivations, and depravations of estates, remove the Landmark. Nor do others well to take away all Sea-marks and right of Marine propriety.  
The contrary we see in Salomons Ezion Geber. Thorough other Seas he sailed by universal and natural right, in this as his own propriety, he builded his Fleet, prepared, victualled, manned his Navy, and altogether used the Sea and Shore's, and Port, as is his proper and just Inheritance.   

§. VI The commendations of Navigation, as an Art worthy the care of the most Worthy; the Necessity, Commodity, Dignity thereof.  
MAn that hath the Earth for his Mother, Nurse, and Grave, cannot found any fit object in this World, to busy and exercise his heavenly and better parts then in the knowledge of this Earthly Globe, except in his God, and that his heavenly good and Inheritance; unto both which this is also subordinate, to the one as a Book set forth by himself, and written of his Wisdom, Goodness, Power and Mercy▪ to the other as a way and passage, in which Man himself is a Pilgrim. Now, though I might borrow much from Ptolemey, Strabo, and others in Geographies praise, yet will I rather fix myself on Solomon and his Ophir.  
If We should respect persons, and be moved by authority, we have in this Ophirian Navigation, the pattern of two most worthy Kings, as two witnesses beyond exception, jews and Gentiles conspiring; we have Reverend Antiquity of Time, Sanctity of Sociall leagues, Holiness of sacred Designs, Greatness of highest Majesty, Magnificence of brightest Splendour, Munificence of rarest Bounty, Wisdom of justest Temper, Provisions of maturest Prudence; all these in this Expedition of Solomon proclaiming, that there is no way by Land alone to the top, of humane Felicity (wherein Solomon also was a type of a Greater) but as God hath combined the Sea and Land into one Globe, so their joint combination and mutual assistance is necessary to Secular happiness and glory. The Sea covereth one half of this Patrimony of Man, whereof God set him in possession when he said, replenish the earth and subdue it, 
Gen. 7.22.  and have dominion over the fish of the Sea, and over the fowl of the Air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the Earth. And when the Sea had, as it were, rebelled against rebellious Man, so that all in whose nostrils was the breath of life, and all that was in the dry Land died, yet then did it all that time endure the yoke of Man, in that first of ships the Ark of Noah; and soon after the Goad also, when God renewed the former Covenant, and imposed the fear and dread of Man upon every beast of the Earth, and upon every foul of the Air, upon all that moveth upon the Earth, 
Gen. 9.2.  and upon all the fishes of the Sea.  
Thus should Man at once lose half his Inheritance, if the Art of Navigation did not enable him to manage this untamed Beast, and with the Bridle of the Winds, and Saddle of his Shipping to make him serviceable. Now for the services of the Sea, they are innumerable; it is the great Purveyor of the World's Commodities to our use, Conueyor of the Excess of Rivers, 
Vid. D. Amb. Hexa●m. l. 3. c. 5.  Vniter by Traffic of all Nations; it presents the eye with diversified Colours and Motions, and is as it were with rich Brooches, adorned with various Lands; it is an open field for Merchandise in Peace, a pitched Field for the most dreadful fights of War; yields diversity of Fish and Fowl for diet, Materials for Wealth, Medicine for Health, Simples for Medicines, Pearls and other jewels for Ornament, Amber and Ambergrise for delight, the wonders of the Lord in the Deep for instruction, variety of Creatures for use, multiplicity of Natures for Contemplation, diversity of accidents for admiration, compendiousness to the way, to full bodies healthful evacuation, to the thirsty earth fertile moisture, to distant friends pleasant meeting, to weary persons delightful refreshing; to studious and religious minds (a Map of Knowledge, Mystery of Temperance, Exercise of Continence, School of Prayer, Meditation, Devotion, and Sobriety: refuge to the distressed, Portage to the Merchant, passage to the Traveller, Customs to the Prince, Springs, Lakes, Rivers, to the Earth; it hath on it Tempests and Calms to chastise the Sins, to exercise the faith of Seamen; manifold affections in itself, to affect and stupefy the subtlest Philosopher; sustaineth movable Fortresses for the Soldier, maintaineth (as in our Island) a Wall of defence and watery Garrison to guard the State; entertains the Sun with vapours, the Moon with obsequiousness, the Stars also with a natural Looking-glass, the Sky with Clouds, the Air with temperateness, the Soil with suppleness, the Rivers with Tides, the Hills with moisture, the Valleys with fertility; containeth most diversified matter for Meteors, most multiforme shapes, most various, numerous kinds, most immense, difformed, deformed, unformed Monsters: Once (for why should I longer detain you?) the Sea yields Action to the body, Meditation to the Mind, the World to the World, all parts thereof to each part, by this Art of Arts, Navigation.  
Neither should we alone lose this half of Nature's dowry, without the benefit of this Art, but even the Earth itself would be unknown to the Earth; here immured by high impassable Mountains, there inaccessible by barren wayless Deserts; here divided and rend in sunder with violent Rivers, there engird with a straight siege of Sea; here possessed with wild devouring beasts, there inhabited with wilder man-devouring men; here covered with huge Worlds of Wood, there buried in huger spacious Lakes; here losing itself in the mids of itself, by showers of Sand, there removed, as other Worlds out of the World, in remotes Lands; here hiding her richest Ours and Treasures in sterile Wildernesses, which cannot be fed but from those fertile Soils, which there are planted, & as it were removed hither by help of Navigation. Yea, whereas otherwise we reap but the fruits of one Land, or the little little part thereof which we call our own lands, hereby we are enriched with the commodities of all Lands, the whole Globe is epitomised, and yields an Abridgement and summary of itself in each Country, to each man. Nor should we alone lose the full moiety of our Demesnes by Sea, and a great part of that other moiety the Land, but the Heavens also would show us lesser stars, nor should we grow familiar with the Sun's perambulation, to overtake him, to disappoint him of shadow, to run beyond him, to imitate his daily journey, and make all the World an Island, to beguile this Time-measurer in exact reckonings of Time, by adding 
* This is effected by such as sail about the World, as is known of all such as know the Sun's course.  or losing a day to the Sun's account. Nor could we know the various Climates, with their differing seasons, and diversified affects and effects of the Heavens and Elements. Nor could we measure the Earth's true Dimensions and Longitudes, nor know many creatures both vegetable and sensitive therein (which are our Chattels) nor her high prized Minerals and Gems; nor yet could we know and use the variety of Fowl, or (like inferior Gods) dispose of the winds in the Air, bringing constant effects, out of their variety, and observe their Seasons to fly with them about the World, had we not these Sayle-wings of shipping; whereby we outrun the wildest beasts, out-swimme the swiftest fish, out-flie the lightest Fowls, outstretch the fiercest Winds, out-set the strongest Currents, outpass most spacious Seas, and tame all Nature to the nature of Man, and make him capable of his Natural Patrimony.  
What shall I say of other men? The holiest, the wisest, the Greatest of Men, of Kings, of Kings of Kings (Salomons example speaks all this) hereby honour God, hereby have made themselves to all Posterities honourable. Will you have all commendations at once? Solomon the Epitome of all human worth and excellence, promised by Prophecy before his birth, named by special appointment of God when he was borne, founder of (that Miracle of Earth, and mystical Mirror of Heaven) the Temple; glorious in his other Erections, Customs, Tributes, Richeses, Government, and in (that Soul of happiness) the happy endowments of the Soul in Visions, Wisdom and Holiness, in his Fame exceeding Fame itself, his Renown attracting all the Kings of the Earth to seek his presence, in his Writings elected a Secretary of God to record wisdom to salvation, to all Ages and places of the World, in these things passing others, yea surpassing himself (even here may we say, 
2. Chron. 8.  as before is said, is a greater than Solomon) typing the Great Creator and Saviour of the World; This first, and most eminent of men, is ●y the first, and best of Stories, set forth as the first Founder of Long and Fare Navigations, and Discoveries. As for Noah's Ark, it was intended rather to cover and secure from that tempestuous Deluge, and to recover that handful, the Seed of a New World, from the common destruction, then to discover New Worlds, or to make Voyages into any parts of the old: though if we should yield This the beginning of Navigation (as indeed it was, though not of Discovery) we have hereof a greater than Solomon, God himself the Institutor and Author, Christ's Cross typed in the matter, Man's Baptism in the special, and Salvation in the general scope and event. But for Heathens, josephus hath showed that Solomon was ancienter than their Gods, not their Navigations alone; and that Carthage was conceived many years after Salomons death: and for Greece, Plato hath recorded that Egyptian testimony, that they in all things were children, which yet doted with age, when the Romans were in the vigour of their youth. The Tyrians indeed were supposed Authors of this Art, but neither could they make this Voyage, but passing over Land through the Countries of others, there to build a Navy, (as in this case they did with Solomon) nor is there record or likelihood of any fare Navigation of theirs till this, yea, it is likely, that here and hence began the greatness and supereminent lustre of their Name; the Art which they exercised at, and near home before, being thus brought out of the Nest, and by Salomons wisdom taught such remote flights.  
Thus the Author, and thus Antiquity commends Navigation: and no less the ends which moved Solomon thereto, which were to get Gold, Silver, Iu●●y, precious Wood and Stones, and other Rarities, which gave such lustre to his State, ●ewel to his Magnificence, glory to his Name, Ornament to the Temple, splendour to Religion, Materials to the exercise of his Body and Mind, that I mention not the Customs increased, others by the King's example, adventuring the Seas, and Merchandise quickened. This also he makes the fit Object of his Royal thoughts and unmatchable wisdom; not trusting others care, he went himself to Ezion-Geber, to make provisions for his Navy; yea, and not leaning to his sole Wisdom, Power, and Success, entered into league with Hiram, and employed his Ships and Mariners, as he, which hath proclaimed to the World, vae Soli, and esteemed two better than one, and to have better wages for their labour, and a threefold cord not easily broken. 
Ecc. 4. job 40.  He was not like Behemoth, to trust that he could draw up jordan into his mouth, much less to make a Monopoly of the Ocean as if the whole East had been created for Eziongeber: but amidsts his incomparable Designs framed of Greatness, clothed with Wealth, enliued with Wisdom, attended with Success and Glory, disdains not, yea, seeks assistants, and admits a Heathen King's Society in this, in the Temple's Negotiation; inferring that they neither mind the good of the true Temple, or the Catholic Church, which will not endure Christian compartners in the Voyage to Ophir, which impound the World in a corner, and entile a corner to the World.  
And as he sought not to prejudice Egypt, or any of his Neighbours, if out of their own Ports they intended to seek the World abroad, no more did he prove injurious to the Ophirians, with whom he dealt, either in their Wealth, hindered, by prohibiting all others to trade with them; or (among his many cares of building) by erecting Forts against their wills, as Prisons of their Liberty, and Fetters of their Captivity.  
For if to do as we would be done to, be the Law and Prophets, this Prophet of the Law would not seek his own profit, by invading the public of whole Nations remote and to him innocent, and force upon them so unwelcome knowledge of God and his people Israel, that through their injuries his Name might be blasphemed amongst the Heathen: 
Rom. 2.  but as he might use his own right where were no people, so in places inhabited, not to neglect the security of his own, nor to usurp the Sovereignty of the Natives, or prevent and interuert the Rights of common humanity. God that would not (as before is intimated) the price of a Dog or a Whore, nor the Patrociny of a lie, would not by public Latrociny have his Temple adorned, nor suffer his House to be built with blood, nor the holy City with iniquity. Righteousness and Peace kiss each other in God's Kingdom, 
Ab. ●.  and acts of War though just, excluded David from the honour of building the Lords House. It follows then that Solomon was in this Ophyrian business, a man of peace, and thereof an example to all following Discoverers, according to that Christian Rule, as much as is possible to have peace with all men. 
Rom. 12.   
As SALOMON'S justice, so his Wisdom and Prudence is exemplary, which though in him supereminent, yet found (as is already observed) no means at home to maintain the glory of Solomon, no means by Land correspondent to such Magnificence and Munificence, but addresseth himself by Sea and long Voyages to seek it: nor doth he esteem others eyes enough, nor others assistance too much, but surveys his Navy himself, & is glad of Hirams help? Nay, this was not only the subject of his wisdom, but the furtherer and Purveyor, by new experiments in Minerals, Gems, Beasts, Fowls, Fishes, Serpents, Worms, Trees, Fruits, Gums, Plants, Men; Climates, Winds, Seasons, Seas, Lands, Soils, Rivers, Fountains, Heavens, and Stars; and a World of the World's Varieties; of all which howsoever he had received the main stock of Wisdom by immediate Gift of God, yet did he frugally employ his Talon, and thriftily improve that Revenue, labouring to be more wise, and travelling in Wisdom and Knowledge, 
Ecc. 2.13.21.  and Equity; and 
* Ecc. 1. 13.1●.  gave his heart to search and found out wisdom by all things that are done under the Heaven, God humbling him with this s●re travel, although he excelled in wisdom, all that were before him in jerusalem. Thus Homer's Ulysseses in the Schools of diverse Nations & Navigations is trained to that peerless wisdom, & thus Aristotle the chiefest of Nature's Scholars, traveled with Alexander's Purse and Experience to furnish himself, and succeeding Ages with Natural Science and Wisdom. And our Age which God hath blessed beyond many former, produced as Twins Navigation and Learning, which had been buried together in the same Giave with the Roman Greatness, and now are as it were raised again from the dead.  
Hence it is that barbarous Empires have never grown to such glory, though of more Giantlike stature, and larger Land-extension, because Learning had not fitted them for Sea attempts, nor wisdom furnished them with Navigation. Thus the Persian, the Mogoll, the Ab●ssine, the Chinois, the Tartarian, the Turk, are called GREAT, but their greatness is like Polyphemus with one eye, they see at home like purblind men near to them, not fare off with those eyes of Heaven, and lights of the World, the Learned knowledge, whereof is requisite to Navigation. The Chinois at home, is hereby stronger, and so is the Turk: but the other are braved by every pett●. Pirate on their own shores: the rest like Ostriches spread fair plumes, but are 〈…〉 themselves from the Land: yea, their Lands also (as hath happened ●o the Abassine) and Sea-townes taken from them to the downfall of their estate. One Solomon left greater testimonies of greatness, by this his wisdom and help of Navigation, t●en many of the later Ottomans, which possessed all Salomons Territories, and perhaps a hundred times so much added. But as God gives huge strength and vast bodies to beasts, yet makes Man by art and reason secure from them, if not wholly their Masters; so to the good of Christendom, hath he denied Learning to those Barbarians, and skill or care of remote Navigations, which how otherwise they might infested the World, appears by their Christian Slaves and unchristian Pirates, whereof they make use against us, and whereby their Mediterranean is guarded. But on the Arabian, the Portugals before, the English since have put a bridle into the mouth of the Ottoman Horse, 
Accost. hist. Ind. l. 3. c. 15.  and shown how easy it is to intercept his Maritime incomes, and if not to smother him (as the Floridans serve the Whale by stopping the two holes, whereby he breath's) yet to impoverish him by diverting the riches of the Persian and Arabian Gulfs.  
And hereby is evident that as we have observed in Salomons justice, and Wisdom, so Forti●de itself here is exercised, hence increased: nor did Alexander think it enough to have overcome men, but would also encounter the unknown Ocean. Salomons riches made him eminent and secure, his Navigations rich. But besides the necessary exercise of Fortitude in the Mariner exposed and opposing himself to Stepdame Elements, to Shelves and Rocks from the Earth, Whirlpools, Currents, Billows and Bellowss of the Sea, Tempests, Huricanos, Tufons, Water-spouts, and dreadful Meteors from the Air: by Sea-fights is the safest defence of our own (as the Oracle instructed the Grecians by Wooden-castles, to fortify against that World of men in Xerxes his Army) and surest offence to the Enemy. What reputation of courage, what increase of State, did the Portugals hereby attain in Africa and Asia? cooping up the Natives within ●heir shores, possessing themselves of diverse petty Kingdoms, enriching themselves with the richest Trade in the World, and that maugre the force of the Moors, of the Egyptian and Turkish Sultan's? The Sea was the Workhouse, and Navigation the Anuile, whereon the fortitude of a Woman, wrought the safety of her Subjects, and hammered the terrors of that enemy, which was called, Omnium aetatum & totius orbis ampl●ssimi Imperij Monarcha. Nor need I name the Belgian United Provinces, whose Free estate like another Venus arose out of the Sea, and hath forced Mars to woe this Lady's love and amity, when force could not ravish her; which seems since not only to contemn that force, to neglect this love, but almost wantonly in many of hers, remembers to forget herself in some respects to her quondam best friends, by whose help this Neptunian Amazon was secured at home, by whose aid and example, that I add not their Name, her Fortune and Fortitude hath attempted bo●h East and West, yea, hath taken away the name of East and West out of the World, and three times compassed the Compass. Thus hath a little remnant of Land by Sea-assistance, swelled to this present greatness, and filled the remotest Indieses with her Marshal and Mercurial Designs.  
Now for Temperance, Solomon himself stumbled and fell at that stone; neither are Seà-men usually on Land the most temperate: Ulysses had not heard of Cyrce or the sirens, had he not adventured the Sea. Yet let this be a commendation of the Marine art, how ever the Mariner be to blame. It is the excellency of the thing that makes it a strong temptation; strong and sweet wines are commended, though weak brains and distempered heads be justly blamed for their intemperance; in the good gifts of God, beauty, wealth, and honour (as the worms breed in best fruits) are the lists of the lust of the flesh, 
2. joh. 2.  the lust of the eyes and pride of life, which are not of the Father but of the world. Nor was Heaven to blame for the fall of Angels, or Paradise for that of Men; nor the Sea if her riches make men's minds sea-sick, wavering, inconstant, distempered, and like the Sea, subject to tempestuous temptations. Yea, if you look nearer, you shall see, as men blame and fear death for the last fatal pains, which yet are not properly of death (which is not in possession till pain and sense be quite dispossessed) but of the remainders of life; so deal they with Navigation in this case, whereas the Sea holds them in good temper, and is a correction house to the most dissolute; but the Land makes them forget the Sea and temperance together. Salomons uxoriousnesse and idolatries were Land beasts, not Sea-fish: nor could his Apes and Peacocks, the vainest of his Sea wares, teach him that vanity. The wonders of the Lord in the Deep teach many, 
Psal. 107.  no doubt, deepest Divinity and profoundest Temperance, though some froth swims on the top of the Sea, and beats on every shore where the wind drives it, carried about with every blast of tentation, to the death of more in the wrongly-accused voyage of the East Indies by Bacchus and Venus, than Neptune and Mars, and all such orher supposed Deities, and perhaps (I will not speak Dutch) that scurvy Sea-devill too. Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. They carry their vices with them, which because the Sea, a School of sobriety and temperance, permits not to practise, break out on them aland in greater fury. And as Ouied● tells of Lice, hat they leave men a little past the Açores, as they sail to the West Indies, and die and vanish by degrees, nor trouble them in the country, but at their return about the same height (as if they had waited all that while for them) breed afresh; so is it with vices, which being 〈…〉 Land, do find men on every shore, where people and plenty offer opportunity. Once, Earth is predominant as in our complexions, so in our conditions.  
Now for the virtues called Theological, Faith, Hope, and Charity, the Sea is a great Temple not to contemplate their theory, but really to practise them. Faith hath her greatest eclipse by interpo●●tion of Earth, as we see in the Moon; but at Sea, Coelum undique, & undique pontus, no Earth is seen, only the Heaven (the walls of our father's Palace) and the inconstant shifting Elements, which constantly put us in mind of our Pilgrimage, and how near in a thin ship, and thinner, weaker, tenderer body we devil to death, teaching us daily to number our days, and apply our hearts to wisdom. And what can more lively train us in Hope then Sea-navigation, where the life we live is hope, where as David's former deliverance confirmed him against the uncircumcised Philistine, 
1. Sam. 17.  so daily deliverances from death in so few inches distance by winds and waves, which like the Bear and the Lion always assault us, may the better train us to the fight with Goliath himself, and as I have said (by death escaping death) to cut off Goliahs' head with his own sword. But the chiefest of these is Charity, and the chiefest charity is that which is most common; nor is there any more common than this of Navigation, where one man is not good to another man, but so many Nations as so many persons hold commerce and intercourse of amity withal; Solomon and Hiram together, and both with Ophir; the West with the East, and the remotest; parts of the world are joined in one band of humanity; and why not also of Christianity? Sidon and Zion, jew and Gentile, Christian and Ethnic, as in this typical story? that as there is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, one Body; one Spirit, one Inheritance, one God and Father, so there may thus be one Church truly Catholic, One Pastor and one Sheepfold? And this also we hope shall one day be the true Oph●rian Navigation, when Ophir shall come into jerusalem, as jerusalem then went unto Ophir. Mean while, we see a harmony in this Sea-trade, and as it were the consent of other Creatures to this consent of the Reasonable, united by Navigation, howsoever by Rites, Languages, Customs and Countries separated. Heaven conspires with the inferior Elements, and yields, as it were, a Sea Card in the Sun and Stars. The Elements which every where else are at open wars, herein agreed in sweetest symphony; the Earth yeeding Shores, Capes, Bays and Ports, as nests; the Air winds as wings to these artificial Sea-fowles (so esteemed at their first sight by the Americans, and by the Negroes) and the Sea admitting strange Children into her Family, and becoming a Nurse against her Nature, to the Earth's generation. What shall I say more? Omne tulit punctum qui miscun utile dulci. To the many profitable effects of Navigation, many pleasures may be added both of Reason in speculation, and of Sense in more than sensual delight. Solomon in his Ophirian voyage furnished himself with Gold and Silver, and other solid commodities: with Almugg●● trees also, yea with Apes and Peacocks, the one for the musical delights of the Temple, the other domestical and natural. But I am plunged in an Ocean, when I go about the Ocean's praise, which goes about all things: I shall sooner drown myself in these Deeps, then measure the true depth of the Seas commendations, or Navigate thorough the commodities of Navigation by commerce abroad by his own, or by Customs at home by others employments. The Text itself is a Sea, and needs a better Steeresman to instruct in these Points of Salomons Compass, which saith more for Navigation than I can, who yet to show my love and honour of that Noble Science have adventured to say this, to pay this as Custom for the whole Work, wherein are returned so many returns from Sea. And now it is high time we come to the History itself, and historical or literal sense; the first in our intention, howsoever last in execution.   

§. VII. Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Read Sea: that of Edom it received that name, and communicated it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician Navigations frequent in those times to India.  
ANd King Solomon made a Navy of Ships in Ezion Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Read Sea in the Land of Edom, etc. 
1. Reg. 9.26.   
This is the first and best testimony of a holy Navy. Noah had by Divine Wisdom and Precept built a Ship, which preserved the remainders of the Old, and beginnings of the New World, a figure of that Baptism which now saveth us by the resurrection of jesus Christ. The Temple, a later and livelier figure of Heaven and Salvation itself, 
1. Pet. 3.21.  must be furnished with due materials by a whole Fleet of Ships, which shall not save alone from dangers, but crown with fullness of joy and glory; this typically then renewed by Solomon for new supplies every Trinity of years; but there the Eternal Trinity shall at once be the Temple, the Sun, 
Apoc. 21.22, 23. Gen. 15.1. 1. Cor. 15.  the exceeding great reward, and all in all for ever. No passage was found for Israel out of Egypt to the Wilderness (a type of the life by Faith) nor for abundance of the Temples riches the shadow of glory, but by the Read Sea; so meritorious is the blood of our Redeemer, which, by bloody sweat, whip, and a thorny Crown, welled Springs of the water of life out of all parts of his body; out of his hands and feet yielded the four Rivers which watered the Paradise of God; out of his pierced side and heart flowed a sea, a Read Sea of water and blood to save, to enrich us, to purchase our justification by Grace, and beginnings of Sanctification growing unto perfect Glory.  
But as all fair things are fare from easy possession, so is it with Heaven, and all her mysteries, so is it with us in this Voyage of Solomon, to know where this Eziongeber was, from whence he set sail, and to come to that Ophir, where he made his Voyage: touching both which, things otherwise enough difficult are made the harder by those mists, which disagreeing opinions have raised in our way. The Text giveth three marks to know the first, that it was beside Eloth, on the shore of the Read Sea, and in the Land of Edom. This third mark of Eziongeber is delineated by Moses, Deut. 2.8. and before in Num. 33.35. made the two and thirtieth Station of the Israelites removing, or march in the Wilderness. And herein our Maps of that Chapter, were in the former Bibles much to blame, which are in that and other respects much amended, in the Map of the Holy Land added to the last Translation. Now that it was on the shore of the Read Sea, and not on the Mediterranean, this Text proveth: 
I. G●rop Bec●●. Hispanic▪ l. 5.  and the conceit of Goropius in this kind that denieth Idu●●aea to extend to the Read Sea, and averreth that this Fleet was set forth from the dumaean Mediterranaean shore, it is as many other disputations of his, more full of industry than wit, of wit then learning, of learning than judgement. Strange are his conceptions, and strong his disceptations▪ but having weak foundations (grounded commonly on names and words buried under succession of rubbishes) they prove in the end (as joseph Scaliger speaketh) but Doctae nugae, more wordy than worthy guides, 
josep· Antiq. l. 8. c. 2.  which do but verba dare. Again, that josephus placeth Esiongeber at Berenice, is either a marginal note of some novice Geographer crept into the Text, or else an old error; for Bere●ice is on the Egyptian shore, Esiongeber on the Arabian, josephus placeth it near Elana: and in the Text Eloth is set a guide to Esiongeber. Now Eloth being written in the holy tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was by transmigration shifted and removed to diverse pronuntiations, a thing usual in Hebrew names, both of places and persons. He that seethe how john or james are transported in such unlike sounds from the Original, in Greek, Latin, French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, English, and other languages, in all so unlike and diversified, would scarcely acknowledge them brothers, or to have any kindred either to the mother tongue, or in th●se many sister languages: and so is it commonly with other names.  
Strabo calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, josephus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Elana, and the Gulf or Bay near to it is termed Elaniticus. 
Str. l. 16.  O● this place how it lieth▪ and how the Ancients were deceived, you have the Relations of Don john Diego Castro, from his own eyes and learned judgement, supposed to be the same which is now called El Tor, 
See li 7. c. 6 §. 4.5▪ lib. 8. c. 13.  or Toro. Yea the Read Sea is likeliest to have received that name from Edom, as the Pamphilian, Ionian, Tyrrhene, British, and other Seas are ordinarily so named of the Principal shores they wash. 
See li. 7. c. 6. in fine.  Castro hath better examined the redness than any man, and compared the Modern and Ancient opinions with his own eyes. And for a Booke-traveller, I must needs applaud Master Fuller, Our Countryman, who in the last Chapter of the fourth Book of his Miscellanea Sacra▪ hath mustered the testimonies of the Ancients together, and ascribeth the name of Red-sea to Edom, 
Goe 25.25, 30.  of whom Idumaea took name, and of him and it, this Sea. For Ptolemey's Idumea is fare short o● the Ancient, which contained also Nabathaea and their City Petra, 
 whence Arabia Petrea received the name; Esau's Sword, (of which his Father had prophesied) conquering to both Seas.  
This Edom or Esa● was that Erythras, which the Grecians mention to have given name to that Sea, 
P●st. de Origini●us.  by translating Edom into Erythras or Erythraeus, as Cephas into Petrus. Postellus had stumbled on this Note, which Fuller more fully and learnedly hath opened, as other things also pertaining to our purpose. That there is a redness in some parts of that Sea, by reason of the clearness of the water, and abundance of a kind of read Coral, branching itself on the transparent bottoms, Castro hath made evident, but that in a small part of that Sea; the like whereof happeneth in other Seas of clearest waters, which show white from sands, green from weeds, particoloured with pleasant diversified hue, as Pineda citeth the testimony of Ferandez observed near to Carthagena in America, every Stone, Shell, or whatsoever else was in the bottom, in those liquid waves yielding so pleasant and various a tincture, 
See Satis his voyage l. 4. c. 1. §. 3.  as his many Navigations had no where else observed; an● Captain Saris in this Sea, called anciently Erythraean (which name, besides the Arabike and Persian Gulfs, contained the Indian Ocean, so named as it seemeth, from the frequent Navigations out of Eloth and Esion Geber in Edom unto India) was one night almost terrified with a glare yielding light to discern Letters, 
Phot. Bib. Co. 1322. & seq. Mela de siti● orbis 3.7. P●in. l. 6. c. 23. Strab. 16  suspected to be some breach, and proved nothing but Cuttle Fish in the bottom.  
But to return to our Read Sea, Agatharchides in Photius his Bibliotheca, saith it is not called Read of the colour, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of some man which there ruled. The Scriptures call it Siph, Suph, or Souph, translated algosum, caricosum, iuncosum, (to which accordeth Marshal's Verse; Quicquid Erythraea niger invenit Indus in alga) it seems of the abundance of Rushes and Weeds there growing. The Moors, Turks, and Traders thereof in later times call it the Sea of Mecca: Mela mentioneth the colour, and the King Eryhras there reigning; Pliny adds for the name, The Sun's repercussion from the Sand and Land; Strabo cities the same out of Eratosthenes, with a tale of Ctesias of a Fountain emptying his red-okerie waters thereinto, and the Relation of Boxus a Persian, that Erythras a Persian planted a Persian Colony in an Island thereof. Ouranius in Stephanus tells of the read adjoining Mountains: the Poets have their Perseus, and others their other conceits and deceits, which I leave to their Authors, as also Pinedas 
* Pineda de reb. Salom. li. 4. c. 10. thinketh this Read Sea to be so named of Read Weeds growing therein, so joining Suph and Erythraeum in one speculation. But those read Herbs are his creatures: or neither he citeth, not can I found any authentic Author for them. Agatharchides in Phot●us hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  later device. The nature of that Sea is better delivered in the voyages of Castro, Midleton, Saris, Dounton, Haines, and others in these our Navigations. But for Eloth and Esiongeber, Master Fuller is of opinion that Solomon in his great Wisdom, wanting fit Mariners, sent to Hiram for Tyrians and Phaenicians, and that a large Colony was sent by Hiram to inhabit those parts, then subject to King Solomon, by which means Solomon and Hiram enter into society for the Indian traffic by that Sea of Edom, so to get the riches of the East in possession. This Colony numerous and strong he placeth at Esiongeber the Arsenal, or fittest place of building Ships, and at Eloth the fittest Port, Mart, and Staple for the Indian merchandise. Thus he, and very probably: adding that the Hebrew Aelath in the singular▪ and Aeloth in the plural number, was by the Phoenicians turned into Ailath, whose singular is Aila, and plural Ailan: thence the Greeks' Ailae, Ailana, Eilane, Elana, and the Lati●s Aelana, and by inversion Laeana. This Phaenician Colony he observeth to have been of most name of all other the Inhabitants thereof. For the jewish yoke was soon shaken off by the Edomites themselves, after Iehoshaphats death, Iehoram rebelling against God, 
2. Chron▪ 21.8. 2 Re●. 14.22. 2 Reg. 16.6.  and the Edomites against him. After that Azariah recovered Elath and built it. It continued not long, but Rezin King of Syria recovered Elath to Syria, and drove the jews from Elath, and 
* The Edition of Brix●●nus hath Idumae: & Sylli venerunt, etc. to which a Manuscript of M. Fuller agreeth.  the Syrians came to Elath, and dwelled there to this day. Thus the jews which were the Lords, and received the Customs, were expelled; but the Idumaean Natives and Phaenicians, which might be useful to the conquerors remained, the Tyrians being Syrophaenicians, and speaking the Syrian language, and by their merchandising so profitable to their Kings.  
This Elath was after called Albu● Pagus, by Strabo called the chief Mart of the Nabataeans, whence the Indian and Arabian Merchandise was carried to Petra, thence to Rhinoculur● in Phoenicia near Egypt, and thence dispersed to other places. Thus in the times before the Ptolemeys. But in Salomons time, and whiles the jews ruled there, 
S●r. l▪ 16.  they were brought to jerusalem and to Tyrus; and after that to Myos Hormos' and Berenice, Egyptian Ports on the other side of the Read Sea, to be thence conveyed to Alexandria. 
Arriani Periplus  Arrianus in his time mentioneth the Garrison at Albus Pagus and Custom there taken, the transporting of wares thence to Petra, notwithstanding the Egyptian flourishing. Saint jerom also placeth Ailat In extremis finibus Palestinae, adjoining to the Wilderness and the Read Sea: 
Hier. de loc. Heb.  Vnde ex Aegypto in Indiam & inde ad Aegyptum navigatur. Sedet-autem ibi legio Romana cognomento Decima; Et olim quidem Ailat à veteribus dicebatur, nunc vero appellatur Aila.  
Ptolemey placeth Phaenicum oppidum, not far from Elana; 
He which will see more of these Antiquities let him read M. Fuller.  the Isle Astarte is a Phaenician memorial also; Pliny mentioneth Gens Tyra, and Herodotus the Syrians on the Read Sea shore; that I pursue no other Antiquities. These Tyrians it seemeth first began the sailing of the Indian Seas, and Habitation on the Arabian shores, instructed by the Wisdom, and procured by the Friendship of Solomon with Hiram: which they continued under many State-changes, till the Mahometan times, the Staple of those Indian Merchandises being altered after the jewish times, with the chief Monarchies, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Ptolemaean, Roman. 
Mystery of the Phoenix.  And this is the only Phoenix-neast made of sweet Spices, in Nature false (for God made all Fowls at first, and after brought to, and out of the Ark, in both sexes, male and female) but true in this Allegory, the Phaenicians of all the Nations known, being the only skilful Mariners in the Arabian and Indian seas, and from the one, by the other, bringing the Spices and Richeses of the East into the West, that skill being ever communicated not by Generation, but by Industry; 
Ezek. 27. & 28.  which made Tyru● (as Ezekiel describeth it) the Phoenix indeed of all Cities of Trade in the World. Master Fuller learnedly addeth the Fables of Bacchus and Hercules their Indian Expeditions, to this of Solomon and Hiram, 
Original of the ●ables of Bacchus and Hercules.  Hercules being adored of the one, and jehova of the other, which name by Heathens was perverted to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 names of Bacchus in Hesychius; which agreeth to Plutarch's conceit, that the jews worshipped Bacchus on their Sabbaths, and deriveth the name Sabbatum from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* Take away the Greek termination and it is evident. P●ut. Symp●s l. ●▪ One makes it 157. & a half, the other 150.  and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a name of Bacchus, as his Priests were termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now for that Gulf in which Strabo placeth Elana, and calls it therefore Elaniticus, and another towards Egypt, I refer you to Castros following relations, which better knew those parts than Strabo could; Gaza by Strabo and Pliny's reckoning seemeth to be about one hundred and fifty of our miles or more from thence. Solomon went in Progress to take care of this his Ophirian Fleet from jerusalem to Esion-geber, almost as fare as from London to York.  
Asion Geber in Saint Ieroms interpretation signifieth ligna viri, aut lignationes viri, aut dolationes hominis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Hieron. Epist. ad Fabiol.  whence some gather that much Timber grew there useful for building of Ships: perhaps, and I rather believe, for the Timbers brought thither as to an arsenal or store-yard for that purpose. For as Woods agreed not with Moses his Wilderness, so I found little mention of Wood in all the Arabike shore; at least, later times have known none there. And Soliman the Great Turk, A. 1538. is said to have brought the materials of the great Fleet which he built at Sues in the Read Sea, to invade Dium and expel the portugals out of India, from remote Regions, Materiam ex longinquis colligi iussit (Damianus à Goes is our Author) illamque sumptu inaestimabili ad mare rubrum vebi curavit. Comito Venetiano, who with other Venetians were forced to that service out of their Ships at Alexandria to go to Cairo and Sues, 
Co●. Venet. Ram. To. 1. See inf. l. 8. c. 1● of th●se Deserts and of Sues. Satalia is in Pamphil●a and another (some say) in Cilici●▪  more particularly rela●eth that Sues is in a Desert place where no Herb of any sort groweth, where the Armada for India was made, and all the Timbers, Ironworkes, Tackling, Munitions were brought from Satalia and Constantinople by Sea to Alexandria, and thence carried on the Nile by Zerme (Boats, or Rafts) to Cairo, and thence on Camels to Sues. This Voyage is eighty miles▪ in which is neither habitation, nor water, nor any thing for life: they carry Nilus' water on Camels when the Carovans go thither. In the Pagan's times, it was a great City and full of Cisterns, and had a trench from Nilus which filled all their Cisterns, destroyed by the Mahumetans▪ so that now they fetch their water six miles off from brackish Wells. There the Turk built a Fleet of seventy six Vessels of all sorts, etc.  
HONDIUS his Map of the Deserts and Israel's Peregrination therein.   

§. VIII. Of Ophir, diverse opinions weighed and censured; whether the Compass was known to the old World; that the remote parts were lately inhabited, the New World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet.  
THis Golden Country is like Gold, hard to found and much quarrelled, and needs a wise Myner to bring it out of the Labyrinths of darkness, and to try and purify the Miners themselves and their reports. And here our best Athenians seem Owls indeed, which dazzled with Salomons splendour hide themselves affarre off, and seek for Eastern Ophir in Peru, and the West Indies. Such conceits have transported Postellus, Goropius Becanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, Possevinus, Genebrard, Marinus Brixianus, Sa, Eugubinus, Auenarius, Garcia, Noble Morney, and many others by their authority. Their reason is spelled out of the Letters of Ophir and Peru, so near of Kinne. Arias Montanus in his Phaleg is both large and little in this point, saying, both much and nothing; for from the Scriptures styling the Ophirian Gold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paruaim, he gathereth that it was brought from the two Perues, one of which he maketh new Spain, and the other that which now is called Peru; or the Northern and Southern moyties of America; and that those parts were commonly traded in ancient times. He maketh the row of hills which run from Panama, to the Magellan Straitss to be Mount Sephir: 
Gen. 10.26, 27, 28, 29, 30.  for so it is said Gen. 10. speaking of joktans' Sons, the brother of Peleg or Phaleg; And joktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaveth, and jerah And Hadoram, and Vzal and Diklah, and Obal and Abimael and Sheba. And Ophir and Havilah and jobab: all these were the sons of joktan. And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a Mount of the East; or as Tremellius, ad montes orientis usque.  
If learned Montanus had viewed his own Map only, he should have seen his Ophir in the West, and not in the East: and if it be said Salomons fleet went by the East to the Western parts of the World, as the Philippinae and Moluccan ships of the Spaniards use to do, yet Moses speaks of the dwelling and habitations (not of journeying and Navigations) which God after the Babylonian conspiracy had allotted to the generations of men; their dwelling must then be in regard of Moses when he wrote this in the Desert, or of the scattering from Babylon, whereof he wrote. But these parts of America, are more th●n half the Globe distant from those places Eastward, and much nearer by the West.  
Again, the name Peru or Piru is a vain foundation, for diverse places (see Ortelius his Thesaurus Geograph.) have like, or the same names, 
Sepharuaim. 2. Reg. 17. is a name as like, and true, adding but a Samech to Paruaim a name of a place subdued by the Assyrians▪ Vega. come. reales l. 1. c. 4.5. See his story Tom. 2. l. 7. c. 13.  neither is any part of America by the Inhabitants called Peru, but this name was accidentally by the Spaniards ascribed to those beginnings of their Discoveries on the South Sea, and continued to that great Kingdom of the Incas found by Pizarro. Garcilasso de la Vega of the Inca blood Royal by his mother, son to one of the Spanish Conquerors, borne and brought up at Cozco, chief City of Peru, saith that they had no general name for the Kingdom, but Tavantin Suyu, that is, the four parts of the World; nor acknowledge the appellation of Peru: but the first Discoverers seizing on a fisherman in a River, asked him of the Country, and he amazed and not understanding them, answered Beru, and anon added Pelu, as if he should say, my name (if you ask me thereof) is Beru, and I was fishing in the River, Pelu being the common name of a River. The Spaniards, as if he had answered directly, corrupted a name of both those words, which they understood not, and called the Region Peru, a name which the Natives had never heard. The like they did in another Province, where ask a Native what was the name of the Country, he answered, Tectetan, Tectetan, that is, 
Lopez de Gomara Gen. hist. c. 52  I understand you not, which they corruptly called jucatan and Yucatan, as if the Indian had affirmed that to be the name of the Region. The like casual names he observeth of other American places.  
The jesuite Blas Valera, in his History of Peru affirmeth the same, 
Blas Val. hist. Peru. Accost. hist. l. 1. cap. 13.  that Peru is not the proper name but accidental, which the Natives know not. Acosta acknowledgeth it unknown to the Naturals, and an occasioned name from a small River, which Vega saith was called so first by those Spaniards, which there took the fisherman. Thus the name which they would make as old as Solomon, began but Anno 1515. at the most, and that which is extended to New Spain, and Peru, was known in neither, nor in any place else of the World.  
Thirdly, I answer that Peru was not inhabited, nor yet New Spain, one thousand years after Salomons time; of which I shall speak more anon, and in my following Discourse of the Apostolical peregrinations.  
Fourthly, neither could so long a Voyage then have been performed in three years, being fare more than to have compassed the Globe, which hath cost Drake and others three year's work: where their work was not in Mynes but in quick fights.  
Fiftly, this could not then be done without the Compass. Pineda may conceit him●elfe that those times knew it, but the Phoenicians have in no Story left any such memorial; nor others of them, yet these were Salomons Sea men. Levinus Lemnius, and Master Fuller would have us believe that the Ancients had the Compass within the compass of their art, 

Lem. de Occultis Nat. mirac. l. 3. c 4.  
Full. Miscel. l. 4. c 19 Ec. 1.10.   by reason of the Phaenicians Marine skill and experience, which we say might be as much as it was, by the Stars, the Monsons', the Soundings, and Shores. Another reason is, the Learning and skill of those times, whereof Solomon saith, Is there any thing whereof it may be said, this is new? it hath been already of old time which was before us. It might therefore be known in those times, and by barbarous invasions be after lost, and by better times restored: I answer that the times were learned before and after Solomon, but when that learning should by Barbarian incursions be lost, I know no●. The Egyptian, Assyrian, Chaldaean invasions might rather increase and disperse, than eclipse and abolish learning, being then more learned than the Greeks', who borrowed their very Letters from the Phaenicians. The Persian times are known, and the Greek Learning then grew to the highest pitch, when their Empire succeeded, and in love of Learning exceeded the other. Hypocrates, Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and before them Pythagoras and other Philosophers flourished before the Persian ru●nes, and traveled into the East for that Learning, which they brought into Greece and Italy.  
The Romans borrowed their Arts from the Greeks', neither do we read of Learning evaporated in Barbarian flames, till the Deluges of those Savages in the Roman Empire, which yet continued both Empire and Learning in the East, till the West had in good measure recovered itself out of those Mists, and the Barbarous Saracens had grown lovers of Learning, and our Teachers. 

joseph count. Appionem.  
See Voss. de hist. graecis in four Bookes·s  
Solomon had all knowledge necessary to Moral, Politic and saving wisdom, and to the ends for which God gave him so large a heart. But the Sea ha●h bounds, & so had Salomons wisdom. Somewhat was left for john Baptist to be greater than he, or any borne of wom●n. Neither was the knowledge of the Compass necessary to Solomon, who without it could and did compass the Gold of Ophir.   And yet, had there been such Barbarians which had rooted that skill out of the World (which is unlikely, that Marine skill being the best means to increase their Empire, to enrich their Costers, to do them other services in War and Peace, the ancient Conquerors using Fleets also to their purposes) yet some of the Books and Monuments of all Ages, from Salomons time being left to that of the Romans, as appeareth by josephus so well acquainted in the Tyrian Libraries, and other Authors of diverse Nations, and by the fragments which are comen to our hands, and by whole Books of Voyages in the Indian and Mediterranean Seas, as this Book will declare; it cannot be but some mention of the act, if no description of the Art, would have remained to Posterity.  
Now for Salomons testimony, it confuteth those which make him the author and first founder of the Loadstone (which to M. Fuller and others seemeth probable) if nothing were then new; it may aswell be alleged for many Generations before, that they also made ships at Esion-geber, to go to Ophir for like Rarities; and against all new Inventions in any Age: which sense is also contradicted by Solomon in the same Chapter, Verse 16. Where he saith, that he had more wisdom than all they that had been before him in jerusalem: and 1. Reg. 3.12. There was none like before thee, nor after thee shall arise any like unto thee. This was then a new thing under the Sun, this his wisdom, which brands us for Fools, if we make him contradict himself and divine Verity.  
The Scripture would go one mile with them and show the vanity both of men and other creatures, and they post and force it two, applying what Solomon spoke of kinds, to individual acts and events; which might aswell enforce Plato's great year, and a personal revolution of each man withal his conceits, words and acts. The Magnete is no new thing, but this use of the Magnete was newly known two thousand years after Salomons death. The Argument to me seemeth a merry one, rather than serious, and I will answer it accordingly with a jest. The jesuite Pineda (which out of Lemnius citeth these Arguments to prove that the Compass is ancient) is no new thing as a Man; but as a person, as a jesuite (a new order which began 1540) as an Author which conceiteth that that great fish which took up jonas carried him in three days quite thorough the Mediterranean, and round about the African vast 
* Above 13000 mile's space. Perhaps the Whale-constellation took up this Sea Whale into his Chariot, some p●rt of the way.  Circumference (statim atque deglutitur jonas, revertitur coetus velocitate incre●ibili ad mare Indicum & Sinum Arabicum, per Mediterraneum & Gaditanum fretum, imma●i totius Africae circuitu, these are his own words) these a●e new things under the Sun, and this a new interpretation, which himself prefaceth with Papae! novam & inauditam exponendi rationem! These particulars are new, and yet that text is true. I will not add (that were too serious and severe) that all jesuitism is new, and their Expositions of Scriptures, Counsels, Fathers for the Roman Monarchy, are all new, New-gay-nothings, Vanity of vanities and vexation of spirit; yet to lie (the genus generalissimum of jesuitical tenants, as they are jesuites; CHRISTIANS is a name too old for them) is as old as the old Serpent.  
But jest I be overbold with our Author, and may seem to pass from a new argument to an old quarrel, and from jesting to jerking; I contain myself, jest any Veterator take me for a Novelist; and with reverence and thanks for his better pains, crave pardon for this iocoserium, and come to his third Argument out of Plautus, where in speech of sailing, he hath these words, 

Pl●●ti Mer●●●.  Huc secundus ventus nu●c est, cape modo versoriam,  
Hic Fauonius serenus est, isthic A●ster imbricus.   
Here Lemnius, Giraldus de Navigijs, and Calcagninus with others mentioned by him, do interpret Versoria of the Compass: whom Pineda believeth not, and yet saith, he hath quod nostro Acostae reddere possimus requirenti aliquod idoneum ex antiquitate huins aciculae testimonium: notwithstanding, he conjectureth it to be some pole to thrust the Vessel (if any Instrument) and acknowledgeth that the Oars and Rodder might be Versoriae, in regard of turning the ship, and lastly concludeth it to be spoken without respect to any Nautike Instrument, interpreting Cape Versoriam to return: and that Pl●utus his actor did point to the Heavens, not to any Instrument, when he said, huc secundus ventus est, hic Favonius, etc. which seemeth to be the Poets true sense.  
Pineda adds, that we aught not to doubt but that Solomon knew this of the Loadstone aswel as other Stones and Herbs. I answer we have a better Loadstone and Leadstone for one then for the other; the Scripture speaking of him more as a Herbarist, then as a Lapidary and Mariner. He allegeth, that the attractive faculty would reveal that Polare. I answer, that experience hath produced many Ages to testify the contrary; which knew the one, not the other. His Argument from the store of Loadstones in those Eastern parts, concludes nothing for the skill, any more than that the naked artless Indians in Hispaniola were better Goldsmiths than the Europaeans, because they had more Gold. His last Argument is lest, from the Divine Providence which would not permit men so many Ages to be ignorant hereof. For here we come to an, O altitudo! O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God, how unsearchable are his judgements, and his ways past finding out? For who hath known the mind of the Lord, 
Rom. 11.33, 34.  or who hath been his Counsellor?  
I like much better that which Pineda adds of the Ancients ability to sail without ken of the shore, without Magnetical help, which Strabo, Arianus and Pliny acknowledge: and Aratus saith, that the Phaenicians followed the Lodestar (not the Loadstone) which Tully citeth also out of him. 
Cic. Acada. Ego meas cognitiones sic dirigo, non ad illam par●ulam Cynosuram, Qua fidunt duce nocturna Phaenices in altum. ut ait Aratus etc. Certior est Cynosura tamen sulcantibus aequor, etc. Arat. In the beginning of the second books. The sixth reason.   
Arrianus mentioneth the help of the Monsons' (as now they term them) or seasons of the Winds, observing a constant course in the Indian Ocean, which with experience of the frequented Coast, might easily teach Mippalus a compendious passage thorough the Main, or at lest further from ken of Land. Whereupon Pliny having related the former course, adds Secuta aetas propiorem cursum tutioremque etc. Compendia invenit Mercator, Lib. 6. cap. 23. They also observed the flying of certain Birds which they carried with them. But all these could nothing help to a Peruan Voyage from the Read Sea, where the known Stars were laid asleep in Te●hys lap; where neither Birds carried with them, could instruct to any near shore, nor any Birds in the main Ocean were to be seen; where the Monsons' and Seasons of the wind are so diversified; where without the Compass all things are out of compass, and nothing but miracle or chance (which never produce Arts) could save or serve them. I have spoken of the Loadstone in another place to which I refer the Reader, lest that makes me wander and drown, which directeth and saveth others.  
Lastly, Peru could not be Ophir, if we conceive that SALOMON brought thence ivory; and Peacocks. For Peacocks they read Parrots, and for ivory they are forced to take it up by the way in some place of Africa or India, which distraction must needs prolong the Voyage, which without such lets could not (as before is observed) in three years be performed. As for such (Ass for such, I might have said) which think so huge and vast a tract of Land as that New World, might be now empty of Elephants which then it had (for it is confessed by all Classike Authors, that America never saw Elephant) as England is rid of Wolves, wherewith it hath sometimes abounded; Why should not other kinds of Creatures be utterly destroyed aswell as these, being more hurtful to the Inhabitants? I mean, Tigers, Leopards, and other ravenous beasts whereof America hath more than a good many. And if they should destroy Elephants for their ivory, what piece of ivory was ever found in Peru or all America, before our men came there? If Salomons men had destroyed all, it were inhuman to interuert after-ages. The hunting of Wolves in the North of Scotland at this day, and the hunt used by many Nations, Tartars, Cafres', &c. easily tell us how England was cleared of Wolves; Armies, or Multitudes in a large Ring, encircling the beasts, & with Fire, Waters, Dogs, Arms, etc. bringing all into a narrow Compass, and there killing them. But in the New World that would have required another World to have done it. I add that no Elephant could come into Peru but by Miracle, the cold and high Hills every way encompassing, being impassable to that Creature, as we shall see in our Spanish entrance with Horses. Yea, I aver further, that an Elephant could not live in Peru, but by Miracle. For the Hills are cold in extremity, and the Valleys, till the Incas made artificial Rivers were without water, it never raining there, whereas the Elephant delights in places very hot and very moist. But I deserve blame to fight with Elephants in America, which is with less than a shadow, and to lay siege to Castles in the Air.  
These arguments have no less force against Columbus and Vatablus their Ophir in Hispaniola: 
A second 〈◊〉 on for Hispaniola.  which from the Read Sea makes a farther fetch with like or greater improbabilities. This error was more fortunate than learned. For out of a right rule that the World is round, and that therefore men might sail to the East by the West, Columbus first, and presently after him Sir Sebastian Cabot made their Discoveries, 
Colon a happier Discoverer of the new World then the old.  and stumbled on a New World by the way, whereof they had not dreamt.  
Cabots' Voyage was to seek Cathay or China. Columbus his intent was for the East Indies, and finding much Gold in Hispaniola, without examining other difficulties, and falsely supposing himself to have attained the East Indies, he called that Island Ophir; which conceit Francis Vatablus received.  
Now for Sofala or Cefala, many arguments are alleged by Ortelius (who here placeth Salomons Ophir) and others. 
Third opinion for Soph●la.  And indeed the abundance of Gold, and the excellency thereof, as likewise of Silver, there taken out of the Ours; Peacocks, or Parrots, whether you choose to interpret; Elephants, Apes, (Monkeys and Baboons) excellent Woods for such uses as the Almuggim Trees were applied; all these, together with the easy Navigation from the Read Sea thither alongst the African shore; and lastly the name itself may seem to pled for a Sofalan Ophira, or Sophira (as josephus calls it) in this place. joaon does Santos lived eight years in those parts, 
See inf. l. 9 c. 12  and allegeth many things to this purpose. He saith that near to Massapa, is a great high Hill called Fura, in the Kingdom of Monomotapa, to which he will not suffer the Portugals to pass jest the rich Ours should 'cause their too potent Neighbourhood. On the top of that Hill are old ruinous walls of lime and stone. Barrius saith, their are also unknown Letters over the gate: 
Barros Dec. 1. l. 10.  the people ignorant of such works, say they were built by Devils, thinking them impossible to men, judging others by themselves. They are five hundred and ten miles from Sofala, in one and twenty degrees of Southerly latitude. He conjectureth it to be Ptolemeys' Agysimba, 
T. Lopez ap. Ramusium Tom. 1.  the buildings being still called Simbaon●. Thomas Lopez adds, that the Moors affirmed, that their Books and ancient Writings contained, that King Solomon fetched his Gold in his three year's Voyage from thence.  
At that time 1502. there were wars, but formerly the Moores of Mecca and Zidem, used to carry two Millions of Mitigals (which are about eight shillings a piece) yearly from thence. But to return to Santos, he allegeth a Tradition of the Natives, that these Ours and Buildings belonged to the Queen of Saba, and that others ascribe them to Solomon, making this Fura or Afura to be Ophir, See the place, 
* Infra Tom. 1. pag. 1549.  and his pleading of this point, wherein I could be persuaded to be of his mind, if that Moses did not place Ophir Eastward, Gen. 10.30. Who (it is likely) gave name to this golden Region.  
There are that seek for Tarshish at Carthage, and some I have known which place Ophir near Gambra. 
A fourth and fifth opinions.  Of this mind was Captain jobson, which traveled up that River, nine hundred and sixty miles, and heard such golden reports of the Inland Countries, as this Work will from him deliver to you. And indeed I do easily persuade myself, that the richest Ours of Gold in the World are in Africa; especially in the heart of the Land from the Line to the Tropic of Capricorn. (See our Relations out of Bermudez, jobson, Battle and others) and I cannot but wonder, that so many have sent so many, and spent so much in remoter Voyages to the East and West, and neglected Africa in the midst; which perhaps might prove as much richer as nearer, than both the Indieses. But Rectum est index sui & obliqui: if we show Ophir to be in the East Indies, it cannot be in America or Africa, unless we be of Acostas' opinion, who howsoever he thinketh that Salomons Gold, 

A sixth opinion.  
jos. Accost. l. 1.14.   etc. came from the East Indies, yet conjectureth that Ophir and Tharsis signify no certain Regions, but are taken in a general sense, as the word India is with us, applied to all remoter Countries. Ophir might be any of the former, remote fare from the Read Sea.  
But I can tell that India received his name from the River Indus, still called Sinde, (which hath also foiled all our Geographers hitherto, 
Inf. l. 4. c. 16.  making it to pass thorough Cambaya, which Sir Thomas Roes Voyage will confute, that it is less marvel if Ophir trouble us so much) and because the Countreves beyond India, were so meanly known by their true names, and Indus came from so remote Regions, they continued and extended that name to them: and (as even now you heard) Colon by misprision called America, India, not dreaming of a Western, but supposing that by the West, 
See §. 12. for Accost. opinion. Other opinions.  he had arrived in the Eastern India. Now, why Ophir should be so dilated, I see no such reason. Tarshish we shall better examine after. And for others opinions of Ophir to be an Island in the Read Sea called Vrphe, or Ormus in the Persian, they are not worth examining: being not able to yield Gold, and the other Commodities which Solomon sought.  
The truth of Ophir must as from a deep Mine bee drawn out of Moses, Gen. 10. Wherein although we cannot approve the opinion of those which conceive Moses in that Chapter, to have set down the just number of Languages and Nations, as if there were seventy two of each▪ and neither more nor lesser; yet it must needs be granted, and the Text plainly averreth, These are the Families of the sons of Noah after their generations, in their Nations, and by these were the Nations divided in the Earth after the Flood: 
Gen. 10.31.32.  and particularly of the Sons of Shem (here questioned) These are the sons of Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after their Nations. So that we gather that the first originals of Nations are there mentioned, such especially as concerned his Ecclesiastical story, or was necessary for the Church to take knowledge of. For neither were they all differing Nations and Languages which he mentioneth, nor are all Nations or Languages there mentioned. For eleven of them are the sons of Canaan, which all peopled that little region, which Israel after by joshuas conduct possessedial which also spoke one language, or else Abraham & the Patriarches must have learned many tongues in their frequent perambulations; which some think the same which the Israelites spoke, & judge it evident in the History of the first Spies, and of Rahabs entertaining of the later Spies; and that it is called by the Prophet, The language of Canaan, Es. 19.18, and carried thence into Egypt before by the Patriarches, to whom joseph spoke first by an Interpreter, but in revealing himself, he with his own mouth (that is, in their tongue) spoke unto them, when the Interpreter and all others were excluded. And in the whole story of the Old Testament, no difference of language is notified in all the commerce and cohabitations of all sorts of both Nations. 
* Prisc. l. 5. Hie●on. ad jer. 5▪ A●nob. in Ps. 104. Aug de verb. Dom●s 25 cont. 〈◊〉. P●t. l. 3. De C.D. 16.6. &c Ber. A●d●●ie Anteg. l. 2 c. 2.  Priscian saith, Lingua Poenorum Chaldaeae vel Hebraeae similis: and Saint jerom, Poeniquasi Phoeni, quorum lingua Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Saint Augustine often saith as much; and diverse words of the language confirm it. As for a Shiboleth, and Siboleth, or some difference of Dialect (which we see with us almost in every Shire) we make not that a difference of, but in the Language. And so it seemeth it was in the first Ages, before Conquest and Commerce brought in so many new words to the Punic language. The Punic Scene in Plautus his Poenolus, by 
* Scalig. in ●rolegom. vlt. edit. Emend. Temp. Selden. de D. S. prolegom. c. 2. The Spies having such servile education in Egypt had no means ●o learn tongues▪ Gen. 45.12.  Scaliger, M. Selden and others is found a kind of Hebrew, after all those ages and changes. I will not herein contend with M. Fuller and others which have written contrary. But either they were the same, or not much differing: and (which I principally aim at) all these eleven Nations had the same language at jest in the Patriarches times, and not unlike the Hebrew, which was so little altered, after such alterations of time and place.  
Now because that Country was given to Abraham's posterity, Moses is more exact in bounding the places, & intimating the peoples, then ●n all joktans posterity (which it seemeth peopled one hundred times so much Country) as not pertaining to Israel's Inheritance▪ and not much to their neighbourhood or knowledge. And if Solomon employed above eight score thousands in continual works so many years for the Temple, how many shall we think employed themselves in that Babylonian structure, which occasioned that diversifying of languages; and which is therefore likely to have happened long after Pelegs birth, by which time the world could not likely be so peopled? Neither may we deny more than ordinary multiplication in those first Ages after the Flood: though we grant a good space after Pelegs birth, for how else could such a multitude have assembled so soon to such a purpose? We see the like admirable increase of the Israelites in Egypt, in despite of bloody butchery and slavery, which yet asked above two hundred years, from seventy persons. And can any man think that where a World was multiplied, that the Fathers had no more Sons than are there mentioned? especially seeing of Sems' line, Gen. 11. it is said they begat other sons: and of them are expressed five generations, of the other but two or three, and most of them omitted, except such as most concerned Israel in neighbourhood or other affairs. How could jocktan yield thirteen Nations then, when Peleg gives name to none, till of Abraham, six generations after, some were derived? I suppose therefore that Moses there names not all Nations, as writing not a Story of the World, but those principally which by vicinity or Inheritance, or future commerce (as this Ophir and his brethren) it behoved the Israelites to take notice of; especially Him, who was to altar Moses his Tabernacle into so glorious a Temple, and to be so lively a figure of a greater than Moses and Solomon both. Nor is it likely but that there was a greater confusion of languages, then into so many as can be gathered in the tenth of Genesis; or that all there mentioned differed in tongue from each other; for so Shem, Cham, and japheth should never have understood each other, nor their posterity. It is probable therefore, that God multiplying the World in so short a space (which, as I said, I rather think to have happened some good while after Pelegs birth, then at that very time) almost to a miracle, most men of most families were there, and their languages also miraculously multiplied; (The jewish tradition is that it happened a little before Pelegs death, as Genebrard observeth out of them) but being a conspiracy against God, many others were not there and retained their ancient Hebrew; especially the pious and religious Patriarches. Such perhaps was Peleg himself, than a man of years, and therefore his name given him of that division in others. For if any think that Pelegs name intimates the building of Babel at his birth, we see that Abraham, Sarah, and jacob had their names changed in their riper years.  
This division of languages caused that dispersion, Therefore is the name of it called Babel (or Confusion) because the Lord did there confounded the language of all the Earth: and from thence did the Lord scatter them abroad upon the face of all the Earth. Yet cannot we say that presently this was wholly executed; but even then so many as spoke one language, dwelled together in one Region: Other Persons and Families in other Regions, which then were thinly planted, and in process of time more fully peopled, and Colonies also derived to people remoter Regions. For although Man, (that is Mankind) hath a right to all the Earth, yet here there was a very great part of the Earth unpeopled in Moses time, yea to these days of Ours. And if we mark all the Heads of Families mentioned by Moses, we shall see none, which at that time had inhabited so fare as this our Britain: but how much nearer the Regions were to the Arkes resting, and Babel's confusion, so much sooner were they peopled. Sure it is that some Ages after, the best and most frequent Habitations, and nearest those parts were but meanly peopled, as appeareth by Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, Lot, Laban, and their children wand'ring and removing from place to place with their great Flocks and Herds, as if Grounds and Pastures had then even in the Regions of Syria and Canaan been of small value. Compare Abraham's time with joshua, and you shall see a great difference, more Cities and Villages seeming then builded, then before were Families of note, and that in four hundred years space. Ammon, Moab, Ishmael, all the Families of the sons of Keturah, and that of Edom, with innumerable other were not in rerum natura, neither the language (which it seems by mixture with others was altered) nor the Nation.  
Yea how poor a thing was our Britain in Caesar's time, either for the numbers or civility? How thinly is all the Northern America, from thirty degrees upwards towards the Pole inhabited? a world of Continent by no probability, containing in the whole so many people as some one small Region in Asia or Europe. All Virginia, New-England, and Newfoundland, cannot have (notwithstanding such commodious habitations and innumerable commodities) so many Inhabitants, so fare as my industry can search, as this one City with the Suburbs containeth, though we add all even to the Pole, and take one hundred miles within Land alongst the Coast all the way; which easily argueth the later peopling thereof. Neither is there any thing in all America which doth not indeed proclaim it a New World. 
America newly inhabited.  For as in the Old World, first there was simplicity of Herdsmen, Shepherds, and Husbandmen; and after that Trades, Merchandise, Richeses, Cities, Kingdoms, more curious Rites Civil and Religious, and some Monuments of them (which those which had, esteemed others for the want thereof Barbarians & Savages, as a wilder kind of men) and this Civility, Cities, Populations and Kingdoms began in Assyria, Egypt, and other places nearer the first confusion, and after proceeded to Greece (whom the Egyptians called children, 
Chaldaea, Syria,  as is before said, for their later Civility, Arts, and Histories) and thence to Italy, which was long swaddled in Roman rusticity, and later attained to politer Sciences; and thence into France (as we now call it) and after that into Britain, and later into Germany, all by Roman Conquests and imparting Arts with their Arms: so may we judge of the New World, wherein two Empires were grown great, civil, rich, and potent, after their manner, as our Mexican and Inca stories will show in due place. This their greatness produced stories of their Acts by Quippos, Pictures and other Monuments, which derived to posterity the knowledge of former times and acts. 
See Acosta, and the Picture story To. 2. l. 5. c. 7. & Vega his Inca story, l. 7 c. 13.  By which we may gather that the Northern America was first peopled, and that probably from the Eastern or Northern parts of Asia; and communicated people to the Southern parts, the Northern Antiquities of Mexico, being ancienter than those of Peru. Those first stories also (see them in the Picture-Booke, and in Vega and Acosta following) how raw and infantly beginnings and proceed do they show? What barbarism? Yet neither containing memorials of one thousand years: So that allow six hundreth years to mere breed and barbarous infancy, with creeping in dispersions, as out of the cradle of American humanity amongst them, till they were fuller of People and Towns, where one wit whetts another to new devices, yet we scarcely come to the times of Christ and his Apostles. I may add, that till about one thousand two hundred years after Christ, neither of those Empires were worthy the names of petty Kingdoms, and even then had scarcely crept out of the shell.  
Now for Lands in the Seas betwixt Asia and them, as also along the North Sea, as they call it, on the Eastern shore of America, in the North and South parts thereof also, these Relations will show you Worlds of them not yet peopled. The Southern Continent is yet but saluted on the Shores and Lands, of which we may no less conjecture much emptiness. For the fullness of the Continent disburthens itself into Lands; and fullness of the first peopled parts, Asia, Africa, and Europe, made them seek to root out one another by the Sword, or to possess vacant places by Sea or Land, which either chance or industry had found. But except Deucalion and Pyrrha had sown stones to procreate Men, or Cadmus his swoon teeth had procreated Armies, or the Clouds had reigned Peoples, as they are said to do Frogs, I know not how wise and learned men (by their leaves inconsiderately enough) fill China and America with people in those days before Moses and Abraham, and found great commerce and knowledge of the New World, when the Old was but yesterday begun. So necessary to Human and Divine knowledge is Geographie and History, the two Eyes with which we see the World, without which our greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, but in this part blind and not able to see fare off. If any deride this as paradoxical and new, I say again, that in America alone, so much as hath been discovered, and whereof knowledge from eye-witnesses hath comen to my hand, partly in the Continent, partly in Lands, as much (and in great part as commodious for man's use) as all Europe, is either wholly habited, or so thinly inhabited, that men rogue rather than devil there, and so as it would feed and sustain a hundreth, perhaps a thousand times as much people by due husbandry.   

§. IX. JOCTANS Posterity seated in the East parts of Asia, amongst them, Ophirin India ultra Gangem, where CHRYSE was of old, and now is the Kingdom of Pegu, and the Regions adjoining.  
AFrica fell to Cham's part, with some adoyning Regions of Asia; Asia itself in greatest part to Shem, and Europe with Asia Minor, and the Northern parts of Asia to japheth. Their very names have left memorials of them, as Arias Montanus, junius, 
Montan● Phaleg. Broughtons' Consent. see my Pilg. l. 1.  Broughton, and others have observed, to whose Commentaries I refer the Reader. But for joctans sons, we found in and near to India, the prints of all their names. Elmodad hath left his name in the Hill Emodus, whence the Indian Rivers flow, and Comedus, the greatest Hills of Asia, elsewhere called Taurus, and by diverse names as it runneth thorough diverse Countries, from the one end of Asia to the other: also in the Themeotae or Thetmontae in Sarmatia. Of Sheleph are the Mountains Sariphi, whence Oxus floweth. Seilon is a famous Island in these days. Of Hazarmaveth, Sarmatia; of jerah, Aria and Arachosia; of Hadoram the Ori, Oritae, Oxidraca; also the Adraistae, Andresti, Adrestae: Of Vzal, Muziris, Musopalle, Ozoana, Oxus, Vdi●, or Odia a City, and Vdezza a Kingdom, in India; Auzacia, a City extra Imaum, and Auxacitis. Of Diklah, Delly, Dankalee, Tacola and Tagola; also Dela, Dekaka, the Laos, Bacola, Bengala, and (by conversion of D into R, not unusual) Rhacan and Arracan, Orixa; Dandagula and Daedala. Of Obal, the Bolitae and Cabolitae near Paraponisus; of Abimael the Mount Imaus, and the Malli in India mentioned by Curtius.  
Now for Sheba and Havilah; Cush had Seba and Havilah, and his son Raamah had also Sheba▪ all mentioned in the same Chapter: and jokshan Abraham's son by Keturah, begat Sheba. 
Gen. 10.  Chush his two sons, were Authors of the Sabaeans in Arabia, so famous for the Merchandise of Myrrh and Frankincense; 
Gen. 25.  some distinguish the Sabaei in Arabia deserta (whose posterity rob job) from the richer Sabaeans of Sheba in Arabia Foelix, 
job. 1.15.  whence that rich Queen called of the South (that Country is called Alieman, that is, the South, to this day) came to visit Solomon. Abraham's Sheba had his habitation Eastward in the Northerly parts of Arabia deserta; 
1. Reg. 10.  as if his kindred by the flesh, the sons of Keturah and Hagar (the carnal Israelites, 
Gal. 4.  and such which insist on justification by their own Works of the Law) should never have to do with Canaan's fertility and felicity, the type of Heaven, Righteousness, Peace and joy in the Holy Ghost; 
Rom. 14.17. Gal. 4.  but distracted themselves in wand'ring errors, & a disconsolate miserable estate, as those Arabians do to this day.  
joktans Sheba was Author of the Sabae beyond Ganges; of Sabana, Sabara, Sobanus; and now Siam, Champa, Camboia, are famous in these parts.  
Havila of Chus is he which planted that Country, at the entrance of Susiana in Persia, commended, Gen. 2. for the Gold. And of him also might Abila in Syria, and Aualites, a Bay and Port on the Read Sea, and the Aualitae p●puls, which thence removed into Aethiopia, and the Chalybes among the Troglodytae bore names.  
joctans Havila might give name to the I'll Sundiva, the Gulf Tavai, to Avarice, Martavan, Cavelan also, and Cublan all Kingdoms lately subject to the King of Pegu. The Auares in the Northern parts might be a deduction from him, Chaberis also and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Bactrian Nation, by some called Savadij, and the Auchaetae, where Hipanis springeth; the Abij and Indian Abali, and Zebae; Abarimon also in Scythia, and jesual, a Kingdom in these days. Of jobab came the jabadij, the Ibi, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (an Indian Nation) the Sobi, and Sarmatian Ibiones; jacubel also in the Kingdom of Pegu, the I'll java, jamba, and in old times Barebe and Bepinga.  
Some impression of the name of Ophir is left in Ophar, a Sarmatian River, and the Opharitae, and in those names of the Hil Taurus, Paropamisus, Pharphariades, otherwise Pariades, Parthenasis, 
Ortelun Thes. Geogr. in voce Taurus.  Partao, Chaboras, Oscobar, Pariedrus, Para; Choatra, Parthaus, Tapurius, Opurocarra, Bepyrrus, Parsuetus, Paryadres. I might add the renowned Indian Island Taprobane, the Prasijs, Hippuros, the City Paraca, Palibothra, Perimula, Doperura, Sobura, Cottobora, Sippara, Mapura, Caespira, Brachme, Brachmanae, Opotura, Pharitras, and other names in Ptolomey, and the Pharasij in Curtius. Also the Hippuri in Pliny, to omit Porus the great King of India, whom Alexander subdued. And many places of principal note in India in these days have such a termination, as Fetipore, jounpore, Sinpore, Merepore, and the like, of more certainty than the occasional and yesterday name of Peru.  
Thus have we brought arguments of names, to found all joctans posterity in the way to India, or the Inland Indian Countries, where it is likely they fi●st seated themselves, and afterwards spread themselves both to the Northern Sarmatians, and Sythians, and to the Sea Coast Southerly after the Flood, some fear whereof did not a little terrify the first Ages. At this day Tippara, Serepore on Ganges, Caplan, the place where they found the Rubies, Saphires, and Spinells, six days journey from Avarice, Pegu itself, and the Bramas, which founded the New City, and which still people the Kingdoms of Prom, Melintay, Calam, Bacam, Miriam; and Purdabin, Purhola at the Spring, and Benpurbat the entrance of Ganges to the Sea; the Straitss of Cingopura, with diverse other places in those Regions where we place Ophir, have some foot-prints left of that name after so many Ages. Their Brachmanes, Probar their chief God, Talipoies their Priests might be added for sound. But words are windy, sounding and not sound, wordy not worthy arguments, except things agreeing make the truth evident. For accidentally names are the same in diverse Countries, as if any man lust to observe in a Geographical Dictionary, he shall easily see.  
These are only probabilities which are to be weighed with the words of Moses, And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sepha●, a Mount of the East; admontes Orientis usque, Tremelius reads it: josephus interpreteth from Assyria to a River of India called Cophene. Sepher is, 
Ptol l. 7. Tab. 4. Asia.  if ye receive Montanus, the Per●an Andes, the Mountains of the West in the World's situation from Babylon, and the place where Moses wrote; Ptolemie mentions Sipphara not fare from Euphrates: Postellus makes it Imaus, Saint Hierom placeth it in India: Sepharuaim of the Assyrians (which is perhaps Ptolemy's Sipphara, 
2 Reg. 17.22. & 19.13 Esay 36▪ etc.  is often mentioned, and confirmeth well that opinion of josephus. From Mesa therefore which taketh his beginning East from those parts where Moses wrote, being also part of that hill Taurus whereto we have found all joktans Sons neighbouring (afterwards called Mount Masius, in Mesopotamia) to Sephar, another part of that great hill Taurus, 
He nameth Mes● and Sephar as ●etter known, & but the entry of their further population, ad montes orien●is usque, as Tremelli●● translates.  both Eastward, and thence also in process of time to further Easterly Mountains, the remotest Eastern parts of Taurus, did joktans' Posterity spread and disperse themselves; one of the most Easterly whereof we find this questioned Ophir. Or if any like rather to find them more Easterly, Pliny mentions the Masuae and Mesae in India, and there also is Ptolemy's Sapara and Sippara, agreeing with Sephar: Sarpedon also and Sariph are hills so called, parts of Taurus.  
It remains then to see whether the Commodities of those parts, and the Voyage thither be correspondent to the Scriptures description. For the Commodities, we will give both ancient, middle, and modern testimonies (with this difference, that the ancient and middle are not so particular nor directly expressing and notifying places and things as the last) the rather because this hath been the stumbling stone to Ortelius, and others, to make them seek for Ophir elsewhere. The Ophirian Voyage (it is probable) comprehended all the gulf of Bengala from Zeilan to Sumatra, on both sides: but the Region of Ophir we make to be all from Ganges to Menan, and most properly the large Kingdom of Pegu, 
Tab. Asiae 11. Indiae ext. Gan.  from whence it is likely in process of time, the Southerly parts, even to Sumatra inclusively was peopled before Salomons time.  
In India beyond Ganges, Ptolemy placeth both Argentea and Aurea Regi●. Super Argenteam autem regionem, in qua multa dicuntur esse metalla non signata, superiacet Aurea Regi●, Besyngitis appropinquans, quae & ipsa metalla auri quam plurima habet. Arrianus in his Periplus, or Treatise of the sailing about the Erythraean Sea (which as is said before contained the Indian) speaking of Ganges and the rising and falling thereof like Nilus, placeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Golden Region, near to it, and adds the reports of golden Ours in those parts. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcianus mentions this golden Chersonessus also. 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Long before them Herodotus in his Thalia relating the Tributes paid to the Persian Monarch, saith, The Indians as they are more in number then other men, so their tribute is greater, 360. talents of Gold: and then addeth the reports of Aunts, not so big as Dogs, but bigger than Foxes, which cast up antheaps full of golden sands. Arrianus cities Nearchus and Megasthenes (whom Strabo produceth also) for these Aunts, which I think rather to be an Emblem than a Story. 
Herod. Thal. Pro. 6. & 30.  For as Solomon sends the Sluggard to school to the Pismire, to learn of that little creature great industry and providence, so Salomons and other Prince's Ours could not be better expressed then in such an allegory; living in darkness, and as it were buried alive, and bearing excessive burdens, yet baited with poor diet and wages. And thus Georgius Fabritius, 
Fab. de reb. Met. Pl. l. 6. c. 19  Indi suos Metallicos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellarunt, unde fabulis locus, etc. The like fable they had of monstrous Griffons, thereby expressing the miserable monstrosity of covetousness. Pliny hath (speaking of the Indian Nations) Fertilissimi sunt auri Dardae, Setae vero argenti. Sed omnium in India prope, non modo in hoc tractu, potentiam claritatemque antecedunt Prasij, amplisma urbe ditissimaque Palibotra: unde quidem ipsam gentem Palibotros vocant, imo vero tractum universum à Gange. Regi eorum peditum sexcenta M. equitum triginta M. elephantorum novem M. per omnes dies stipendiantur, 
Plut. Alexand.  etc. These Prasijs placed near Ganges, Plutarch calls Praesij, Curtius Pharasij, Diodorus Tabraesij, all which names they which know any thing in Hebrew, can tell how easily they may be derived from Ophir, passing the Greek termination after other changes▪ And Palabothra, or Palimbothra is by Arrianus placed at the confluence of the Rivers 
x Erannoboa perhaps is now Iem●i. Strab. 1.15.  Erannoboa and Ganges, Strabo speaks of the sailing up Ganges to Palibothra against the stream, and saith that Ganges descends from the Mountains and from the plains takes an Eastward course; then passing by Palibothra a very great City, enters the Sea with one channel, although it be the greatest of the Indian Rivers. Master Fitch our Country man spent five months in passing down Ganges (he might have done it sooner) and mentions S●rrepore, which (as Sanbal 
y 
Sanb●l stands where jemni falls into Ganges.  
D, S. l. 3. c. 10.   by the first syllable) may seem to be the same by the situation, traffic, and last syllable; and tells of the Gold Ours in the way. Diodorus Siculus, speaking of India saith, Nascitur in ea ingens argenti aurique vis, non parum quoque aris, ferrique & orichalci. Another Diodorus in his Geographical Verses saith of the Indians Gold-mining: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and after 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Pomponius Mela mentions those Aunts, Moore Gryphorum keeping the Gold, cum summa pe●nicie attingentium. He, Solinus, and Pliny mention Chryse and Argyre so plentiful of Metals, 
Mela. l. 4. c. 8. Plin. l 6.21. Solin. cap. 54.  that men reported the soil was Gold and Silver: so hyperbolical reports were raised of their store.  
But as the ancients knew not these parts of India so well as later times, we will produce later testimonies. And generally it is esteemed in the remotest East parts, that Gold by reason of the plenty hath not his true and natural preaeminence above Silver (which ordinarily is twelve to one) but lower by much, in some places more, in some less, 
See To. 2. l. 1. c. 4 §. 6. ●a. 92. & pag. 394. Cardandan about the head of Ganges.  as the following Relations will better acquaint you. So Marco Polo saith that in the Province of Cardandan, they give one ounce of Gold for five of Silver: Gold being exceeding plentiful, which many brought thorough the Deserts to change as aforesaid, the ways being unpassible for others. I omit the golden Monument he mentions in Mien. In Tholoman he saith, is great quantity of Gold. The former place is somewhat Northerly, this Easterly from the neck of the Chersonessus. Nicolo de Conti mentions Bells of Gold commonly sold in those parts, still in use in Pegu to put in men's yards. Odoardo Barbosa mentions store of Gold at Queda, and in the Kingdom of Pam, in this Chersonessus. But I am too suddenly slipped into later times: Long before these, 
aside. l. 14. c. 3●  Saint Isidore mentioneth Chryse and Argyre plentiful of Gold and Silver, and those golden Mountains quos adire propter Dracones & Gryphas, & immensorum hominum monstra, impossibile est. Aelian hath a long discourse of those Griffins out of Ctesias, keeping the Gold in vast Deserts; 
Aelian de animal. l. 4. c. 27.  of which I noted before, as of the Phoenix and the Aunts, that a Mystery rather than History is intended, either showing the barrenness of Misers producing no good fruits in the mids of golden abundance, but rather ready to devour all which came in their clutches; or else intimating the difficulty to get Gold, and manifold dangers in respect of the neighbouring inhabitants, 
See the Gloss & Lyran. in 1. reg. 9  & of famine in those Deserts. Rabanus Ma●rus, and long after him Nicolas Lyra relate these Beasts perilous to such as seek the Gold in these parts. And indeed for wild Beasts, both Lizards, Tigers, and others, I think no places more infested then those in and near Pegu: for which cause the Country and people are forced to build their houses above ground, that they may go up to them on Ladders. Barros tells of one Tiger which in Malacca seized on a piece of wood to which three slaves were chained, and carried all away, 
See my Pilgrimage Linschoten, Fitch, Balbi, all which have written of these parts. Aelian de ani●●▪  leaping therewith over a high wall also. Neither are the Tigers of other Country's comparable to these in these parts, being another kind, called Thoes, or some other kind, rather than true Tigers, of which are many in Africa and America. But leaving the testimonies of ancient and middle times, we will come to later days.  
Ludovico Barthema in his third Book of India, c. 16. much extolleth Pegu for riches (he wrote six score years ago) especially for jewels, and he saith the King had a Million of Gold in revenue: and note that the Bramas Empire or Monarchy was not then begun. 
Barthema.  Barthema also mentions the Gold in Somatra. Barbosas testimony is before. Caesar Frederick which was at Pegu, near sixty years since in the Bramas reign in Pegu, 
Frederik. See l. 10.  saith that the King had diverse Magazines full of Gold and Silver, every day increased without diminishing. He is Lord also of the Ours of Rubies, Saphires and Spinels. He mentions also Colossuses, or prodigious and more than Giantly statues of Gold and Silver, the foot as big as a man's body: innumerable Varelles or Idol Temples covered with leaf Gold, with other things which I omit. Master Fitch, 
Fitch.  besides the Gold Ours at Patenaw as he descended the Ganges, relates the like golden stories of Pegu (where he was 1586.) as Frederick hath related, of houses of the King full of Gold, of guilded Idol houses and statues. The Merchandise in Pegu, faith he, is Gold, Silver, Rubies, Saphires, Spinels, Musk, 
Gansa is a mixture of Brass and Tim. Balbi began his journey 1579. he came to Pegu A. 1583. and stayed till 1586. in which space was a combat betwixt the Kings of Avarice and Pegu on Elephance, and the King of Avarice slain.  etc. neither is their money of those metals, but of a kind of Brass called Gansa, wherewith Gold and Silver are bought, somrtimes dearer, sometimes cheaper, no less than other wares. So also saith Frederick, saying that every man may stamp that money at his pleasure, and therewith buy Gold and Silver, as aforesaid. Gasparo Balbi a Venetian jeweller was there a little before Fitch, and relateth likewise of the statues, Magazens of Gold, Silver, Ganza, jewels, clothes, Musk, etc. under several Treasurers, and concludeth, that this King, for Gold, Silver, and jewels, is the richest King in the world, except the King of Chinae.  
But the jesuits' Letters have best opened these Ours of the King of Pegu. N. Pimenta writes; Fernandus also from Syripore 1599 16. Kal. Feb. of the state of Pegu; that the King's Father a Braman had subjected twelve Kingdoms to his sceptre, viz. the Kingdom of Cavelan, whence come the best Rubies and Saphires: Avarice, which hath Ours of Cyprian Brass, Led, and Silver: the Kingdom of Bacan which hath many Ours of Gold: the Kingdom of jangoma, abounding with Copper, Musk, Pepper, Silk, Gold, Silver, (all which are also had, saith he, in the rest of the Kingdoms of the Peguan Empire) Cablan abounding with Gems, etc. He proceeds to relate the miserable ruin & destruction of that Kingdom, which then had lately happened, not yet recovered, as you may read at large in him, and in my Pilgrimage. The former King of Pegu is reported to have cast 366. combalengas of Gold, each containing 180. pound weight, which none knows what is become of them. This King had 67. Idoll-statues of Gold, adorned with all kind of Gems. He killed 200. Eunuches jest they might disclose his treasures. Andrea's Boves, 
P. P. l. 5. c. 3  another jesuite, relateth the miserable death of the King (in his Letters from Sirian in Pegu, March 28. 1000) slain by the King of Tangu, to whom he had yielded himself, who neglecting Silver, and things of smaller value, only with Gold and Gems laded six or seven hundred 
* One Copy ha●h 600. ●arric hath 700.  Elephants, and as many Horses. The King of Arracan took his leave, gleaning so much Silver as was valued at three Millions besides Ordnance 3300. Pieces.  
Now for trade of Gold out of the adjoining parts, I could add hither out of Fernand Mendez Pinto which traveled from Timplan in Calaminhan (the Emperor whereof, 
He placeth Calaminhan 'twixt Pe●u and China near to Prom.  he saith, hath seven and twenty Kingdoms subject to him) to Pegu, An. 1546. then possessed by the Braman Conqueror. He reporteth that the Bramans' Monarchy had anciently contained thirteen Kingdoms; and that abundance of Gems, Gold, Silver, and innumerable riches are in the Calaminhan Empire; in which is no money of Gold, or Silver, but they trade by weight of Cates, Tadis, Maazes, and Conderins. He also reporteth that the Lake Chia●●a containeth in circuit sixty jaons', each of which is three leagues, alongst which are many Ours of Silver, Copper, Tin, and Lead, which they carry in Cafilas of Elephants, and Badas (I think he meaneth Rhinocerots) to the Kingdoms of Sornan, to wit, Siam, Passiloco, Savady, Tangu, Prom, Calaminham, and return therefore much Gold, and Diamonds, and Rubies. As for the Ours of Gold near the Lake Pinator whence the River of Camboia runneth, yielding yearly two and twenty Millions of Gold, and a rock of Diamonds there also, I refer you to the Author, which placeth them further than our limits. 
Peregrin. F. M.   

Pinto c. 39  But if we add Sumatra (which the most think to be Taprobone, in which Ophirs name is evidently seen still) we have the tradition of the people, the Gold also (Bonferrus a Franciscan hath related that the Peguans are descended of Salomons servants sent to these Ours; 
Peguan tradition.  but I know not whether the Natives have any such tradition, perhaps it is the Friar's conjecture) as appeareth by the following testimonies. And if we add the next Neighbour on the West, which now possesseth the Eastern parts of Ganges, and the Kingdom of Bengala, I think we shall utterly take away Ortelius his scruple (Sed hanc Chersonesum auri divitem olim fuisse, 
The cause why Ortelius rejected the opinion of josephus.  nemo utterum, quod sciam auctor est) neque nunc etiam esse, ex recentioribus palam est:) Only remember that in the Ophirian Voyage, we take not only the Chersonesus, but all the Country from Ganges, and thence to Sumatra, placing Pegu in the centre as the Ophir of Ophir, or Ophir in most proper sense; annexing the rest, with all the Choromandell coast also, as being subject to one and the same trade and Navigation, all on the shores of the gulf of Bengala. I like Master Dees similitude, which sets the feet of his Ophirian compass, one in Zedan, the other in Samatra, the head I place in Pegu. This head is caput caenae, the true Ophir, the other parts of the compass, the parts cumpassed and traded in, in this Ophirian Voyage. From Ganges to Menan are diverse Chersonesi, or rather Lands, in regard of the Rivers which come from the Lake Chiamay; and from Bengala to Menan is the Peguan Chersonesus, which perhaps is the true Chryse and Aurea (for that Malaccan Chersonessus hath never been renowned in latter times for any great quantity of Gold that I have read or learnt, not yet altogether destitute, as we have showed; but not sufficient for Salomons Ophir) from which as first peopled, the Inhabitants of Samatra might (as is said) be a Colony.  
Whether it were so or not, I dispute not, nor whether it or Zeilan be the true Taprobant; nor whether it were anciently an Island, and since separated by the Seas irruption: that it is well stored with Golden Ours needs no question, and therefore fit to be saluted by Salomons Naui●, then in their Ophirian Voyage, and by us here in our Ophirian Discovery. Of Sumatra, Odoardo Barbosa witnesseth that there are many Gold Ours, vi son molte minere d'Oro: and speaking of Menancabo one of the Kingdoms in the South part of that great Island saith, & qui e il principal fonte dell'oro, &c. there is the principal original of the Gold of that Island, as well of the Minerals, as of that which is gathered near the brinks of Rivers. He wrote An. 1516. and was one of Magelans' companions in his Voyage about the World. Long before him Nicol● de Conti testified of Sumatra, that in it is abundance of Gold. Andrew Thevet mentions the gold Ours: but we have later and better testimonies from our own men. Captain Davis' was in that Island, Anno 1599 and mentions not only the King of Achens store, 
See Inf. p. 121.  but the Ours of Gold and other commodities of that Island: and the Brass Ours to be also rich in Gold; and (which maketh most to our purpose) a tradition of the Natives that Salomons Ophirian voyage for Gold was to that Country. Sir james Lancaster's Voyage, and diverse other English Voyages will ratify Sumatras Gold. But what need we better testimony than the Letter of that King to our King, which this story yields to your 
See Inf. pa. 468. & 532.  view, and worth your reading. To that, and to Walter Paytons' testimony of the Gold of Passaman in this Island I refer you. Likewise for the next adjoining parts on this side, I will trouble you only with two testimonies, one of Master Fitch, who travelling down the River Ganges, at Patenaw observed the golden Ours, where saith he, they dig deep pits and wash the earth thence taken in great boles, and so find the Gold: the other of Captain Hawkins, who bore the name of the English Ambassador in the Mogul's Court, and speaking of six several treasuries of that King, relates the particulars of that one of Agra, which stands on jemni or Gemini, a River tributary to Ganges, where his Gold, Silver, and jewels may seem to our poorer World, beyond credit. But I had rather point you to the place, 
Ins. 217 & seq.  than here trouble you with transcribing. And thus have we used a threefold argument, one of names, a second of situation, a third of the principal commodities returned, to prove that Ophir was in these parts, and have before showed that it could be in none other alleged. But Gold and Gems have such a lustre, and Salomons other rarities were so precious, that we may I hope be pardoned to take longer view on them, both for our better knowledge in such things, and for better confirmation of the Ophirian Pegu, and the Regions adjacent.   

§. X. Of the Gold, Silver, Gems, ivory, Almug-trees, Apes and Peacocks, which SALOMONS Fleet brought from Ophir, with diverse other profitable observations inserted.  
MEtals are our Mother's hidden treasures, by men's covetousness often occasions of her violent ravishments, and no better to her then a Viperous Issue, or as Worms, or Colike passions in her entrails. In themselves, and in divine Ordinance, they are many ways profitable for medicine against diseases, armour against enemies, ornaments for peace, engines for War, Instruments for daily labour, utensils for daily food, and in money-emploiment, they are All things. Of all Metals Gold hath preeminence, as likest the Sun in purity of substance, glory of splendour, powerful attraction, longest endurance (in despite of Age and Fire) most operative influence, and of base Idolaters most adored. How it is found in Grains, Pippins, or Powder, this Book elsewhere showeth 
* To. 1. li. 9 c. 12. § 3. To. 2. l. 5. c. 2. § ●. etc. 3 etc. See Brerewood de Numm●s c. 20 22. Pollux invoce ●alentum Hesan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Li●. l. 38. Pl. l. 3 c. 3. Hero. Thalia. . And although Silver be a durable metal, and well enduring both times and flames, yet herein is it short of Gold; and notwithstanding the colour is more lightsome, and the sound more delightsome, yet Gold hath in great proportion always been preferred. jullius Pollux citeth Menander, and Hesychius, Polemarchus, which make this proportion ten fold, which the Romans also observed in their agreement with the Aetolians, that if they paid in Gold, one piece should countervail ten of Silver. The old Greeks' and Persians' seem to have observed the like rate. Pliny mentions at the first coining, the proportions of fifteen; and near that, to wit, fourteen and a half, is observed in the Constitutions of Arcadius and Honorius. Herodotus makes one Talon of Gold equal to thirteen of Silver. In Galbas' time it was twelve and a half. But China and some parts of the East Indies, by reason of plenty of Gold, and small store of Silver, have diversely underualued the Gold. The most general, which Plato also approved, and in Pliny's time was currant, and is most usual in these parts, is ordinarily twelve for one, as an ounce of Silver five shillings, of Gold three pounds.  
The purest Gold, and which is as much as may be, purified from all other mixture, is called Obryzum, a word procreated in the Mints, 
Gerop. Pine. etc.  & not of Ophirian parentage (Obrizum quasi Ophirizum) and such are (as they say) the Darike coins and our Edward Nobleses; not above the ninety sixth part being of other mixture. They say (saith Master Brerewood) that it may be so fare refined that only the three hundred eighty fourth part shall be of other mettle. The Greek coins of Philip and Alexander admitted a fiftieth part of Silver, the Romans forty eight, 
T●l joma fol. 44. Hi●r●n 〈◊〉. 10. job 22.24 & 28 16. 1 C●r. 29.4  now observed in Turkish, Hungarian, Spanish, and Venetion coins: those of Rome, Luques, Milan have alloy thirty two, French Crowns sixteen, Italian nine, etc. The Talmudists mention seven kinds of Gold, or observe seven names by which Gold is named in Scripture: Saint jerom also intimateth the same, and Pineda hath long discourses of them, which I omit. The Scripture seemeth to ascribe a prerogative to the Gold of Ophir, before Salomons time, in job, and in David's days, whereby it may seem that the Voyage to Ophir for Gold was in use long before Solomon, and some think that a great part of David's Gold consecrated to the Temple, was by his care fetched thence. For above his other preparations, mentioned 1. Chron. 22.14. which were a hundreth thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of Silver, in the nine and twentieth chapter, he out of his proper goods giveth 3000. other talents of Gold, of the Gold of Ophir, and 7000. talents of refined Silver: the Princes offered also 5000. talents of Gold, and 10000 drams, and of Silver 10000 talents, etc.  
This is diversely summed by diverse Expositors differing in their computation of a Talon. Master Dee and Master Berewood have seemed to have given the best construction, derived from Moses himself, Exod. 38.25, 26. which Rabbi Solomon and Lyra, had observed before them; that a Talon containeth 
a 6003550. at half a shekel a man ●ay 100 talents and 3550. shekels: so that 600000 pay 300 talents & consequently a talon is 6000. half shekels.  3000. Shekles, which is 375 li. a Talon of Silver, and a Talon of Gold, allowing twelve fold proportion, is 4500. li. According to which just reckoning Salomons four hundreth twenty Talents of Gold brought from Ophir, came to one million eight hundred ninety thousand pounds. David's 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir, 1. Chron. 29.4. aforesaid, was thirteen millions and five hundreth thousand in English money. His Silver then offered (7000. Talents) is two millions 625000. li. The offering of the Princes (5000. Talents of Gold) was two and twenty millions five hundreth and seven thousand & 500 pounds: and their ten thousand Talents of Silver came to three millions and seven hundred fifty thousand pounds. Solomon had also given him by the Queen of Sheba 120. Talents, that is five hundreth and forty thousand pounds. As much was sent him by Hiram. Now the whole Furniture of the Tabernacle was twenty nine Talents of Gold, 
1. Reg. 10.10▪ Exod. 38.24, 25  and 730. Shekles; in our money, one hundreth thirty and one thousand, five hundreth ninety and five pounds; the silver was 100 talents, and 1775. shekels, that is, thirty seven thousand, seven hundreth and twenty one pounds seventeen shillings six pence. Thus hath Master Brerewood cast up these sums. Now for this Ophirian Gold, Solomon is said, 2. Chron. 8.18. to have had from Ophir four hundred and fifty talents, thirty more than 1. Reg. 9 are mentioned, which thirty Talents, it seemeth were spent in wages or other charges, and came not to the King's Coffers.  
But a great scruple remaineth about the 100000. talents of Gold, mentioned before out of 1. Chron. 22.14. which amount to four hundreth and fifty millions of English pounds; and the million of Silver talents to three hundreth seventy five millions of pounds: sums stupendious and prodigious beyond all that the Persian, Greek, or Roman Empires ever saw at one time, after greater and longer conquests than David's; and such, as even Salomons wealth had been by much overtopped by David's; which agreeth not either to the History 
* 2. Chron. 1.12. , or to the Mystery, that Heaven's peace & glory should be surmounted by militant Faith and Grace. Alexander the richest Conqueror, left but eighteen millions and seven hundreth and 50000. pound of money at his death: and in conquest of Darius, had gotten but thirty two millions 750000. pound● and Cyrus out of the conquest of Asia gathered but 125. millions, which yet is the greatest sum (except that of Sardonapalus mentioned by C●esias, an Author not much to be credited) which any Ethnic story mentioneth. We must therefore found another acceptation of the word there translated Talon, which is taken sometimes for a lump of mettle in form of a Cake, or else that name Talent is sometimes taken for a small sum, as out of Pollux and Homer, M. Brerewoods' pains have observed; who also having cast up the particulars, findeth that such sums could not have been spent on the Temple, had the Walls and Pavements been of massy Silver, the Roof and all this Linings of the Walls and the Furniture of solid Gold.  
Salomons yearly revenue (as some interpret, 2. Chron. 9.13.) was six hundreth sixty six talents of Gold, besides his Customs, and the rich Presents of Gold and Silver sent him from the Kings of Arabia and the Governors: that lacks but three pounds of three millions in our reckoning. Some would make up this great sum of the Ophirian Gold, and Hirams, and the Queen of Shebas gifts, which all lack but six talents; as if it were not an Annual, but Casual Revenue, which I cannot approve. Some interpret it of ordinary tributes levied of his Subjects; some of the posterity of the Chanaanites (a thing unlikely) and some of foreign voyages, making him to sand every year a Fleet, though none of those Fleets returned till the third year. Villalpandus 
* 
Villal. To. 2. Explan. p. 2. c. 44 & seqq.  
Silver brought home much more than Gold.  
1. Chron. 9.27. & 1. Reg. 10.21 1. Chro 9.23, 24   makes it but one return from Ophir, the first, of four hundreth and twenty Talents, the second, of four hundreth and fifty, the third, of six hundreth sixty six of Gold, besides Silver and other goods. And, as for Salomons entire Revenues, he with great pains in the auditing, raiseth them higher than the Persians', than Alexander's, than those of the Roman Empire: arising from his Customs, his Gifts and Presents, Taxations, Tributes, provisions of Corn, etc. That of the King of Tyrus he reckoneth a tribute, and out of Eupolemus allegeth that the Tyrians were tributaries. We may here also remember, that there is no mention of the sum of the Silver which they brought from Ophir, which is likely was fare more than the Gold▪ insomuch that it was reputed as Stones, and was of none accounted in the days of Solomon.  
To me it seemeth that the six hundreth sixty six Talents of Gold is spoken only of foreign Gold, partly by Ophirian and other merchandising Trades, and partly by Presenrs; of which the two principal, Hiram, and the Queen of the South are expressed: but it is added of others, That all the Kings of the Earth sought the presence of Solomon, and brought every man his Present, vessels of Silver, and vessels of Gold, and Raiment, Harness and Spices, Horses and Mules, a rate year by year. Grant then a Fleet yearly set forth, which came not home till the third year, one succeeding another (as in the Spanish Fleets to Peru, and ours to the Indieses, of which is a yearly return, yet not of the same) and these yearly Presents, there could not be less than six hundreth sixty six Talents: beside perhaps, ten or twelve times as much in Silver, and all the Spices, Horses, Mules, Customs of Merchants, Tributes of the Edomites, Moabites, and Vassals, Taxes on his Israelitish 
* Villap. ubi sup. raiseth the tributes of Israel to 120. talents each Tribe▪ & as much of Hiram (of whose subjection I dispute not, it agreeth with Canaan's curse, and the promise of all Canaan to Israel) which together make 1560. talents 26254800. Roman ducats: besides Silver and all other profits which he brought together above Assuerus, Alexander, the Roman Empire with fair probabilities.  Subjects, Revenues out of his Pastures and innumerable Cattles and husbandry of Crown Lands (we will not add, with some, Chemistry; that might have saved his Ophirian pains) and all the riches left him by Inheritance from his Father. Now that the six hundreth sixty six Talents is to be understood of Strangers, appeareth in that exception, Vers. 14. where none but foreign Incombes are mentioned. And hereby most lively is both the calling of the Gentiles figured, of which the 72. Psalm was by the Spirit of God purposely indicted in correspondence of this type, and the Christian Truth; as also the glory of the heavenly jerusalem, which ariseth not out of the works of righteousness which we have done, but of free gifts, of which it is said, They shall bring the glory and honour of the Nations into it. Reu. 21. where in vision that glorious C●tie is represented, and correspondent to Salomons type, The City was of pure Gold, and the foundations and gates of precious stones, but there is no mention at all of Silver.  
Another question ariseth out of David's 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir, 
Whether David sent Fleets to Ophir.  whether he practised the Ophirian Voyage also: and some suppose that he ●ad made seven voyages thither, which reckoning 420. Talents a time, makes much about that sum of three thousand Talents. For my part, I think David a greater Warrior than Merchant, allowing the greatest sums before questioned to be reserved and consecrated out of the spoils, as himself confesseth, 
1. Chron. 22. 1●▪ & 18, 11. D. Dee.  In my trouble I have prepared for the house of the Lord 100000. Talents of Gold, etc. and more plainly, 1. Chronicles 18.11. considering also that it was long before his State could be settled at home, and fitted abroad to attend such Navigations; which likewise have neither ground in the Sacred Story (for the Gold of Ophir is proverbial, usually in Scripture for fine and pure Gold) nor agreed with the type, David one way, Solomon another resembling Christ, and their times the state of the Church▪ likewise that David had much care of husbanding his estate to the best, thrift being the fuel of Magnificence, as appeareth in the particular enumeration of the Officers for his Rents, 
1. Chron. 27.25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31.  Storehouses, Husbandmen in the Field, Vineyards, Olive-trees, Sycamores and Oil, Herds in Sharon, and in the Valleys, Camels, Asses, Flocks; it is no marvel if such industry acquired such substance in such continuance of time, and that he said I have of mine own proper goods of Gold and Silver which I have given to the house of my God, over and above all that I have prepared (to wit, in consecrated spoils) for the holy House three thousand Talents of Gold of Ophir, etc. 
Two remarkable pillars of Royal Magnificence, Husbandry on Land, and Navigation by sea  This example of David showeth that it is no impeachment, yea the true advancement of Honour for Princes to use all frugal husbandry and means of thriving at home; as that other of Solomon, to add help of Discoveries and Trade abroad (both in a Royal manner by their just Officers) that Magnificence may stand firm on both legs: the want whereof hath denied that wealth (not to speak of power) these many Ages to many Kings out of fare fare greater means (besides other inconveniences to themselves and their Subjects) which David, Solomon, and other Kings in the old World had. Once these examples so moved that good King jehoshaphat, 
1. Chron. 17.11, 12. & 20.35, 36▪ 37.  that he built Cities of store at home, and had many Flocks, and made Ships also to go to Tarshish, and they made the Ships in Ezion-Geber, the same Port where Solomon made his Naval provisions; but joining therein with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly (So much worse before God is an Ahaziah then a Hiram, the one an honest minded Gentle, the other a schismatical Idolatrous Israelite) that the Lord br●ke the works, and the Ships were not able to go to Tarshish.  
We have been very long in this metal Discourse: yet how much longer was Solomon in his three years Voyage, and how much longer the most of men, which make their whole life a voyage to Ophir for Gold and Silver, thorough so many diversified Seas of Arts, force, frauds to get those metals which procreated nearest Hell, carry these eager seekers thither altogether? That the Silver was more by fare than the Gold, was before proved; but the quantity is not expressed, as not agreeing with Salomons either Literal Story, or Mystical Glory. 
D. Dee.  Some think that there was in every voyage 24. times as much Silver as Gold; both because they conceive that Nature hath given so much more thereof in quantity, as the quality and price is underualued; and because all Stories Ancient and Modern magnify India for store of Silver▪ and so prodigious prodigality, to give Silver in jerusalem as stones, must have a deep fountain for such a flowing stream, 
1. King● 20 27.  besides those other Silver Hooks and Brooks mentioned in Salomons History. But we will leave these precious, specious objects to take view of Gems. 
Gems.   
And herein American Peru, and Sofala are beggarly in comparison of those parts of India, where we have placed Ophir, as the former testimonies well weighed with whatsoever can be brought for the other, will easily and superabundantly convince. In Northern America are some Turkesses, in the Southern are said to be (which others question) Emeralds, in both Pearls, but not comparable to the Oriental: these Bezoar's are twice so good; in Spices to make comparison hath no spice of knowledge. And first for the first of gems, Diamonds, Pliny saith, Maximum in rebus humanis non solum inter gemmas, 
Plin. l. 37. c 4.  precium habet Adamas, unus modo in metallis repertus. Some have conceited it to dull the Lodestones attraction, and to resist all force of Hammer, which experience hath found contrary. The Kingdoms of Narfinga, Biznagar, Or●ssa, Masul●patan, and all the Countries on the Choromandel Coast, are the most famous for Rocks of Diamonds, and now also Soccodanna (where they dive 
* See C. Saris. l. 4. c. 2. ● Taniapura.  for them as for Pearls) Decan, Delli, and Agra, Tarriam also in the Tract of Malacca, and java. Here then is the World's Centre of Diamonds, both for the most and best. Garcias ab Horto writes, that he hath seen one of one hundreth and forty Mangles (that is seven hundreth Grains) another of one hundreth and twenty, and hath heard of one of two hundreth and fifty, and a credible man told him that he saw one as big as a small Hen's Egg in Bisnager. 
Garc. ab Hort● l. 1. c. 47.  This soil is so diamantine, that where you have digged and taken them now, in two years space you may dig and found others. Neither is it poison, as some affirm, but he hath known the whole stone, and the powder, taken without hurt.  
The Heaven-coloured Sapphire, with some obtaineth the second place, because of the likeness thereof under the feet of the Almighty when he spoke to Moses; 
Exod. 24.10. Epiphan. ●ibel. de 12. gemmis. Od. Barbosa.  of which are store in Zeilan, and the most true, hard & fine as Barbosa testifieth. But M. Fitch and M. Frederick have before told you of Ours of them in Pegu; and these saith Garcias and Linschoten, are esteemed the finest, and are in great plenty. So is there also of the Ruby, a stone of greater value, none in the world exc●eding that King in excellency and variety of Gems, 
Linschot. cap. 86  as appeareth by general voice. Of Rubies, the Carbuncle is esteemed the best, the Ballast next, the Spinell in the third place, of fiery colour: there are beside, White, Carnation, half White, half Read Rubies, others half Saphires, half Rubies, and one thousand other sorts, if we believe Linschoten. Garcias ascribeth this to the generation of the Ruby, which at first is whitish, and groweth unto redness in process of time: and because the Sapphire and Ruby grow in one Rock, 
Gar. cap. 49.  they are found sometimes such participles as is delivered, Sapphire-rubies, called Nilacandi. The Granado and Hyacinth are also reckoned by some amongst the Rubies, calling the yellowish Ruby the Hyacynth, and the blackish a Granado. These are plentiful in Cananor, Calcutta and Cambaia (nearer Westward, and in the way to the Gulf of Bengala) in Zeilan also, as Nicolo di Conti and Andrea Corsali affirm; Pimenta his testimony of Cavelan and Cablan, two gem Kingdoms you had before. The jaspar is found in much plenty in Cambaia; Chrysolites, and Amethysts, there and in Zeilan and in Balagate (the Apennine of the Great Indian Chersonesus) where they have also the Alaquera or Quequi, which stayeth the issue of blood presently. Pegu, Brama, Zeilan, yield the Cats-eye and Agate, of which the Indians conceive the owner shall increase in wealth; and Garcias saith, He hath tried that no fire can burn a linen Cloth pressed to the eye of it. The Armenian Stones are found also in Balagate, the Loadstone in Zeilan, near to which is the fishing for Pearls, but the best of the world are in the Persian Gulf near Ormuz: the Alambie in Cambaia. The Bezoar Stones are at Pahan near Malaca, and Cambaia, taken out of the maw of a Sheep or Goat. The Berills are in Pegu and Zeilan. The Topaz is almost like a Diamant, and is digged out of the Earth in many places of India. There are White Saphires and Rubies hardly known from Diamonds. In Cambaia also is found plenty of the Stone Alambre. There are found in Zeilan also the Topaz, 
Lins. c. 87.  lagongas and Marucha, whose names I can better give you then the understanding. There are also many sorts of Stones (you read Lischoten) as well Precious Stones, as against poison and other diseases of many properties and virtues: but I have only mentioned those that are daily bought and sold, and are commonly known. The Emeralds I mention not, though said to be in these parts, because some doubt of them, and in other parts are found better, wherewith the Venetians have made good gain at Pegu in exchange for Rubies: those also of Peru are suspected. For gems (we now conclude) no part of the world but India, could fit Salomons turn; wherein, if Aaron's breastplate were so glorious in the Tabernacle, to how precious height will Salomons Temple elevate our thoughts? and consequently both manifest and magnify the Indian-Ophirian Voyage, these being found either natural in the Peguan Ophir, or by trade there or in the way from Ophir by the Western parts of India, part of the Persian Gulf, and the shores of Arabia and Aethiopia. Of which, Arabia is said to yield the Hemathite, Topaz, Sardonyke, Onyx, M●lochite, Myrrhite, Coral, Andromade, Iris; 
Pineda de Reb. Salom. l. 4. c. 18. Of Indian store of jewels and their richness see inf. 217.550.558.559. 1. Reg. 10.12.  Aethiopia, the Chrysolite, Chrysolamp, Heliotrope, Hyacinth, Hemathite, Chrysoprase; the Persian gulf from Babylonia the Sagda▪ & Sardy, and the best Pearls: Egypt in ordinary trade, the Galactite, Emerald, and Aegyptilla: some of which you had before particularly mentioned in India, and likely enough should there found most of the rest with many other unknown, if India were as much frequented with Philosophers from hence as Merchants.  
We are next to consider the Almug Trees, whereof were made Pillars for the House of the Lord, and for the King's House 
* Terrises or ●●aire● are added, 2. Chr. 9.11 jos. 1.8. c. 2. It seems to have been written by M. Hakl. hand, amongst whose papers I had it; & have here made much use of it, although 〈◊〉 much later and better intelligence be here also cited. , Harps also and Psalteries for Singers: there came no such Almug Trees, nor were seen unto this day. josephus Interprets Pine Trees, but saith, they differed from the usual, resembling the Timber of the Fig Tree to the eye, but that they were whiter and brighter. There is mention of Algum Trees in Lebanon, 2. Chron. 2.8. which some think to be the same with the former, and the word only altered by transposition of letters; others, that that transposition intimates no less specifical difference in the wood then in the word, though otherwise having some likeness to those of Lebanon, but of greater excellency. D. Dee hath written a laborious Treatise almost wholly of this Ophirian argument (the same year in which I was borne, A. 1577. of seventy sheets of paper) howsoever entitled, Of Famous and Rich Discoveries; of which I have a written Copy, and could willingly but for the length have published it; which may appear in this, that he hath ten sheets of paper about these Almug trees, more profitable to the leisurely Scholar, then commodious to be inserted to so voluminous a Work, as this Library of ours. He there, as Commissioner for Salomons Timbers, like a learned, both Architect and Planter, hath summoned a jury of twelve sorts of Trees (mentioned by diverse Interpreters) to examine or to be examined rather, which of them were the Almugs here mentioned. I should bring you into a Wood to relate his labours in this kind; the kinds are, the Deal, Box, Cedar, Cypress, Ebony, Ash, juniper, Larch, Olive, Pine, Oak and Sandal Trees: 
The Spanish Bible reads Brasilwood.  all which with their several qualities and fitness for Royal and Sacred buildings he examineth by best testimonies, and concludeth nothing absolutely, but inclineth to josephus, who either by some Monuments in writing might have learned, or in some remainders to his time in Instruments Musical, or other profane or sacred memorials, might probably be thought to have seen thereof. I easily believe that these Pines or Thynes (Thyina) or whatsoever other Trees, 
Plin. l. 13. c. ●6.  were both odoriferous to the Sent, of beauteous aspect to the Eye, of fittest temper to refract sounds to the Ear, smooth to the Touch, and of long continuance and strong substance for building, therein to be serviceable to all senses. Of which sorts it is evident out of Ancient and Modern Writers, and out of the following Relations, that India hath the best in the World.  
The living Creatures remain to our ●earth, Elephants, Apes, Peacocks; 
Of their Trees and of Elephants, see M. Terry l. 9 c. 6. §. 2. of their Apes as big as Greyhound's ib. §. 3▪ See also Santos, jobson, Leo and many others in this work.  of which I need say little, saying so much in our following Histories, and having said so much already. Elephants come nearest Men in understanding, Apes in form (Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis? said Ennius) and Peacocks for their beauty, as Parrots also, Birds of Paradise, and many other Indian Fowls might be desired. The greatest Elephants are ●ound in all this our Ophirian Tract, from Zeilin to Pegu; those esteemed to have a natural preeminence, and these had of late a Political, the King of Pegu styling himself, The King of White Elephants, and keeping them Royally attended, his Subjects and Tributary Kings also▪ it is Gasper Balby his report) kneeling to them. Once all India is plentiful of them, and therefore of ivory; this Country also near Ganges is stored with the Abada or Rhinocerote, whose Horn is (in Bengala, by reason of certain Herbs he there feeds on) a good Counterpoison. Indian Asse-horne in these parts is also used for Bucklers, and drinking Cups, and esteemed a great jewel, as Master Finch affirmeth, infra Pag. 436.  
For Peacocks or Parrots, translate which you will, here are not only so many of both, 
Peacock's wild, Parrots, Apes, great & white, se● 436, etc.  that they fly wild, as the following Relations show, but for excellency beyond those of other parts; as the Apes also are for their beauty and strength. See Sir T. Ro●, Master Finch, and others journals; or rather talk with our Indian Merchants, which usually trade and travel those parts, som● of which in the Mogolls Country, carrying with them an English Greyhound, one of the company shot at a great white she Ape on a Tree, and wounded her, whereby she with her Cub fell down: they set on the Greyhound, and this Ape before seeking shifts for her Cub, seeing the Greyhound come, laid it aside and encountered the Greyhound so fiercely about the neck, 
These Apes are tailed.  that he died within a few hours, the company with their weapons coming in, and killing the Ape (as themselves related to me) and carrying away the young one. The Country people, in I know not what superstition forbear to kill them, whereby they multiply exceedingly. Hear by the way may be observed, that it appertaineth to Royal magnificency, and disagreeth not to humane Excellency, to procure rarities of living Creatures, and to keep them as testimonies of our admiration of God's various Works, and exercise of the Minds Contemplation, the Body's pleasure, with the right Human over Sensitive Creatures: which Nature taught Alexander; yea Motezuma and the Inca●, in that wilder World; and Divine Grace our Solomon, as these Scriptures manifest. The imitation of whose Wisdom hath whetted my Studies almost to curiosity, to give to the World a world of Rarities in that kind, as any occasion offered itself in these voluminous Voyages.   

§. XI. Probable conjectures of the Course taken in the Ophirian Voyage, and accounts given of the three years time spent therein: also of the Course taken in like Voyages by the Romans: and the diverse Ports whereto the Spices and riches of India have in diverse Ages been brought, and thence dispersed to the several parts of EUROPE. 
Plin. l. 6. cap. 23▪ As covetous rich men are ever needy & greedy, so India hath ever swallowed in Trade the world's Treasure, and yet is the Treasury of the World.   
We have now undertaken a hard task, where we tell not but spell a Voyage, and from reasonable conjectures grounded on other experiments, gather what is most likely in this of Salomons. D. Dee hath written 23. sheets of paper in examining the miles, the days, the way, the employments of the time, and mustering or Men and Ships employed in this service. I cannot presume either of so much learning in myself, or so much patience in the Reader. Yet I shall be bold both to follow him, and to add somewhat for further light. Pliny writes, that in his time this Voyage from Egypt to India was made every year. Every year India consumed HIS 500 (which jacobus Delachampius in his notes summeth to 1200000. Crown's) of the Roman Empires Treasure yearly, yielding merchandises therefore in return sold at a hundreth times so much. Their course, he saith, was from Alexandria twelve days by Nilus to Coptus, thence by Camels over Land to Berenice two hundreth fifty eight miles (travelling most part by night by reason of the heat) in twelve days more. From Berenice on the Read Sea, they begin to set forth at Midsummer, or about the beginning of Dog-days, and in thirty days come to Ocelis in Arabia, (or to Canaan or Muza, if they go not to India, but for Arabian Frankincense and Odours) and from Ocelis in forty days they arrived at the first Indian Port Muziris. Remember that in this Course they both took benefit of the Monson, 

Muziris is by some thought to be C●aul by Arrianus in his Periplus 〈◊〉 is placed more Southerly, on that which we call the Malabar Coast. D. Dee thinks it Surat.  
Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus. Plin. l. 6. c. 22. Voyage to Taprobana.   and went the nearest way: for so a little before he mentioneth another Course by the Shore, Secuta aetas propiorem cursum, etc. donec compendia invenit Mercator, Lucroque India admota est. Quip omnibus annis navigatur. He mentions the Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus from India to Tigris, in the bottom of the Persian Gulf, which held them till the seventh month. So much was Navigation improved in Pliny's time. Their Pepper they took in on the Malabar Coast, and returned in December the same year. The names which then they gave to places were quite differing from the Ancients; and the like Indian mutations have continued to our times.  
The course to Taprobane had accidentally comen to their knowledge a little before, found in Alexander's time to be an Island by Onesicritus, mentioned by Megasthenes. The Ancients deemed it another World. The Sea is f●l● of shoalds, the North-star is not seen there, and they observed their course, by sending out Birds which they carry with them and followed their flight. But in the Empire of Claudius, Annius Plocanus having farmed the Customs of the Read Sea, one of his Retainers or Freemen 
* Liber●us.  sailing on the Arabian Coast, was by a Northern storm carried alongst the Carmanian shore to Hippuros a Port therein, and was kindly used by the King, who admiring his Roman Relations, sent four Ambassadors back with him. These related amongst other things, that the side of the Island which lieth toward India, is 10000 furlongs 
* 
That is 1250. miles which cannot agreed to Zeilan but Sumatra: the Easterly situation al●o ultra ●on●es Emodos' and commerce with Seres agreed to Sumatra.  
Arrian. l. 8.  , and that they had trade with the Seres. I will not recite Nearchus out of Arrianus nor Ptolemey and Marianus, which can little advantage us in regard of the less knowledge of the former, and less certainty of the later passing the ignorance of Transcribers, and above one thousand year's darkness. Yet herein is Ptolemey profitable, where his Longitudes and Latitudes are false, that by his order of position and successive setting down of places some knowledge may arise. But the length of the way is better known by later Writers.  
john di Barros hath set down the coasting distances, from the Bab or Mouth of the Read Sea to Cape Nigraes', the Southerly part of Our Peguan Ophir, whose Portugal leagues (allowing for each three English miles, and a fifth part of a mile) come to 5769 ⅗ and from that Cape to Singapura is 1008. miles more. From the Bab or Mouth of the Read Sea to the bottom, is by Comito Venetiano, in Ramusio reckoned 1441. miles, and in his return 1514. the breadth in some places two hundreth, 
Inf. to. 1. l. 7. c. 6.  the way full of shoalds, so that it cannot be sailed near the shore but by day. So troublesome is this Sea, and so difficult to be sailed, that Don john de Castro (whose voyage followeth at large) spent no less than three months in the way from the Straitss to Sues, from the nine and twentieth of january, 1541. to the seven and twentieth of April; 
Cosir.  and returning the eight and twentieth of April, arrived at the Bab the eighteenth of july; So that here the way is to be weighed by the quality as well as the quantity. Hieronimo damn Santo Stephano in Ramusio, spent from Cosir to Aden fifty days, almost three hundreth miles Southward from Sues, and therefore so much less way.  
We must here note also that neither the ships, nor their furniture; the shipmen also nor their furniture of skill, could in Salomons days, be any way comparable to these later times: and that if three months were spent by the Portugal Navy from Sues to the Bab, we may at lest allow so much time to these Ophirians. For if these had more haste, the other had more skill and better ships. Neither may we think that they durst there sail but by day in Salomons fleet, and therefore were likely to make it longer. The less vessels and many men, would require also oftener stays for water and refreshing, besides the seventh day's rest, which Salomons servants according to the law, and especially in a Voyage for adorning the Temple, built in honour of the legal worship, must not break. Being out of the Straitss into the Ocean, they were neither willing nor able (as appears by the mentioned Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus) to adventure the sailing beyond ken of Land. And therefore also Ptolemie in his longitudes and latitudes, abates of Marinus and the Mariners reckonings one third part, because of the crooking in their coasting, as every Bay and point enforced them. And that compendious way mentioned by Pliny was then new in his time, when shipping and the Mariner's art had been by frequent experience much improved, and from the swaddling bands in Salomons time grown to some virility. So that except forced by distress of weather we cannot make the Ophirian course but within ken o● shore all the way. Now than if it were the seventh month, as we have read in Pliny, before Alexander's fleet could arrive in Tigris from Indus, in which Arrianus reporteth that there w●r● Phaenician, Egyptian and Cyprian, besides his best Grecian Mariners, they all bring then his subjects; we can allow no less to Salomons fleet before it could touch the nearest Indian Port, being no ●esse way. And howsoever it may be objected that triumphal devotions, and tempests, and fights, and reparations of the Fleet, took up much of Nearchus his time: I answer, that this Ophirian fleet was neither warranted from enemies nor tempests, & was likely also to spend time in reparations, and in provisions, and in devotions, specially that which was peculiar to them, the Sabbaths.  
And although single ships in the Arabike gulf, and in the Ocean might even then make quicker way than this mentioned, yet in that of Castro, of N●archus, and this of Solomon, where care was to keep a whole fleet together for mutual help and common security, the greater body must needs have slower motion. Thus then allowing three months to the Read Sea, and six months from thence to India, we shall follow Comito Venetiano, who reckons the one 1514. miles from the Straitss to Sues inward, and thence outward to Diu 2023. to which add the coasting about to the Ormuzian strait, and coming to any Port in India, as namely Muziris, or any in the Malabar coast, it could not much less than double the length of the way, and therefore the time. By this proportion we should spend the three years in going and returning, if we add that spacious way from Muziris to our nearest Port in Ophir: and so should both their labour and ours be vain, and nothing should be done. Barros himself (to make this more evident) hath reckoned short of the way which Salomons Fleet must make in bouts and windings by the shore, or which he makes no allowance. D. Dee is sparing in this calculation, and yet makes it from Ezion Geber to Cape Negraes' 9155. miles; of which we deduct for the Arabike gulf but 1514. and leave 7641. remaining. We therefore in regard of the manifold dangers and shelves of that Gulf, allow to it eighty days, of which deducting eleven Sabbaths, there remain sixty nine, to which (one with another) we allow one and twenty miles a day, somewhat more, as much as can conveniently in that Sea be allowed to a Fleet sailing together. And this allowance is so large, that Castro was eighty eight days (and that in the days of better Navigation) in the way which we allow to sixty nine. Now in the Ocean, where they might make better use of the Monson and Tides, as freed from the dangers which attend the Gulf, we will allow thirty two miles a day one with another (the Sabbaoths deducted) which by the years end will bring us to our Port at Peg●, or some other the nearest to Cape Negraes', where we may harbour our Fleet. For to Cape Negraes itself (deducting the one and forty Sabbaths remaining of the year) 7641. miles are proportioned in each days equal sailing, in requisite and direct way, one and thirty miles and 17/244 which being very far from any safe Port, must needs make it two & thirty miles the day to bring us thither, allowing nothing for New Moon, or any other jewish solemnity, or other occasional stay whatsoever▪ nor for those boards, gibes and fetching tu●n●s (which Mariners, and specially coast-winders must make) and consequently much superfluous way, which alone (besides force of storms) would make this thirty two to be above forty miles a day ordinary way, broken and whole, one with another.  
And if this seem to any man a small thing, 
Thirty two miles a day allowed for the whole Voyage one day with another: for what that fraction lacks must be allowed ●n going from Cape Negraes either to the mouth of Ganges or Avarice, or some other Port.  let him consider the weakness of Navigation then, both in skill and shipping: the Phaenicians before this time not acquainted with those Indian Seas, but only with the Mediterranean, as probably may be thought; their using the O●re more than the sail, and not daring to sail by night when they could not see shore, their necessary occasions of stay sometimes for watering and provisions, sometimes by fo●le weather detained, sometimes for reparations of some of the Fleet occasionally needing help, that all the Fleet may keep together, sometimes for trade by the way, sometimes for healthful ●●sport, recreation and joy: and (which is of principal observation in those Seas) for expectation of the Mons●● or season of the wind●, which there keeps an even course, as out of the following Voyages you shall see. All which laid together, it will not seem miserably and unjustly done to have allowed the proportion before mentioned. If you read the first Discoveries 
b See l. 2. c. 1● §. 2. A whole age had passed before they discovered fare as the Cape of Good Hope. Sum. ●otal.  on the coast of Africa by the Portugals, and see how little they discovered in a whole Summer, when their skill was not inferior to these Phaenicians, and experience more, you will think me 〈◊〉 if not prodigal in this allowance. Captain Hawkins in the Hector (a ship no● the worst of 〈◊〉, and which before had been twice at the Indieses) was from the first of Apr●ll 1607. till August 24. 1608. ere he could arrive at the Bar of Sura●▪ in the nearest part of the Indieses, almost seuen●●ene months space, where no jewish Sabbath, no● shore-creeping enforced then stay▪ The Dragon at the 〈◊〉 time was longer in her way to Suma●●●, and I believe many of ou● later Voyages do not much exceed this proportion. It seemeth therefore to me probable in a round reckoning to allow ou● one year little more or less on the Voyage, a second in the stay at their several ports, and in the mines of Gold and Silver, and for further provisions of Almug trees, ivory, Apes and Peacocks; and a third year in their return.  
Doctor Dee allows fifty miles a day of requisite way, that is 1200. miles every four weeks, 
D. Dees reckoning.  resting the Sabbath, and forty miles a day within the Gulf or Read Sea: the miles he computeth 9155. and the whole Voyage to be performed in seven months and six and twenty days outward, and as much homeward; one fortnight of 〈◊〉 after their landing before they fell to their Mine-workes, to be spent in mind-workes of devout thankfulness, prayers and festival rejoicing; as much before their shipping for return, the rest in their works and purveying of commodities. So that for what I allow a year, to each of these he alloweth the space of eight months or there abouts: the third year he bestoweth on their business, rest, and triumph at home, care of their family and state preparations for the next return, as trimming the ships (in these times the worms which in those Seas breed in ships, and eat them, compel us to sheathe them) and other provisions. He alloweth 4500, workmen for the mines, not all at once working▪ but in courses, some resting by turns, others working, and then those succeeding to their works whiles they again rested (the works and yielding whereof he diligently examineth) three hundred for the Almug trees, for Elephant's teeth twenty, for Apes and Peacocks ten: one hundred Officers: in all 5040. To this business he holdeth requisite fifty tall ships, to each ship thirty Mariners, in all 1500. which with the former number make up 6540. men. Thus he and more than thus with much curiosity of mineral and naval learning, which cannot here be expressed without that liberty of long discourse, which neither the vulgar reader could understand, nor others perhaps (except some few) find leisure to read. Otherwise I would have inserted it.  
I honour his great industry, but cannot conceive that that age yielded such great ships to carry so many, nor that they could one day with another make so much way, nor that Solomon would permit so long a stay as a whole year, but rather press new men. As for the Phaenician Mariners, upon this occasion it is likely that they settled their dwelling at or near Ezion Geber, as all antiquity mentioning Phaenicians in the Read Sea, seemeth to argue. And for the servants of Solomon▪ 
Salomons servants sent to Ophir were not Israelites. 1 Reg. 9.20.21.22  they were the posterity of the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Perizzites, Hi●ites, and jebusites, which were not of the children of Israel. Their children that were left after them in the land, whom the children of Israel also were not able utterly to destroy; upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bond service unto this day. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen. Thus the holy writ but a few verses before the mention of this Ophirian Navy. Of these it is said 2 Chro. 2.17. 
1 Reg. 5.14.  And Solomon numbered all the strangers that were in the land of Israel after the numbering wherewith David his father had numbered them, and they were found an hundred and fifty thousand and three thousand and six hundred. And he set 70000. of them to be bearers of burdens, and 80000. to be hewers in the Mountains, and 3600. overseers to set the people a-work. If Solomon would not ease them by courses nearer home (for they were the Israelites which served by those courses, not these strangers) I cannot here ease them; and if he would not employ the Israelites in the nearer quarries and Forests, neither would he sand them to remoter Ours, a more dangerous and difficult work. Now some of those hewers in the Mountains were fittest for this hewing and mining in the Mountains for Metals, to which that place may also be intended and extended. Officers to Ophir and men of command he might have out of Israel, but for the Oar by Sea and Ore at land, these were likely to be the servants of Solomon mentioned in the text: the rather because that name ever after continued to them, as you may read even after the return from the captivity in Ezra 2.55. Nehem. 7.60. This hath been omitted by others handling this argument, and therefore I am the fuller in it.  
Besides, it is as likely (which others also observe, and before is mentioned, & agreeth to the 666. talents of Gold yearly) that Solomon after the Temple buildings were ended, 
Villa●●●nd. Pineda, etc.  employed Fleets yearly to Ophir, one under another, that each should make their voyage in three years, but of them every year one should return: which agrees not with D. Dees speculation of a years stay. Neither is it probable that in seven or eight months so much Gold and Silver could be gotten by so unexpert miners. Nor doth D. Dee ●onsider the Monsons' of those Seas which are by six months regulated, and not by eight. Nor may we think but that many of Salomons servants settled some abode in the Country, so long (at jest if we will permit courses, which I will not much quarrel amongst them) as Solomon used the voyage; by whom the ivory, Apes, and Peacocks might be procured, and Gems also without any special allowance of men each third year to that purpose; except as the Fleet in coming or going might touch by the way at each good mart, for which Doctor Dees time of eight months seems also too short. Yet if any approve, and lust to follow him, I have no Empire over opinions.  


First Merchants and the diverse Marts for Spices.  
Gen. 37.23.28.   This Ophirian voyage which brought the riches of the East to Ezion Geber, occasioneth a qu●re of the voyages of Spices, and the manifold shift of the Marts & Ports thereof in former times, i● a work of voyages not unfit for consideration. The first mention of Merchants is of Ishmaelites and Midianites, which traveled in a Caravan together with Camels carrying spicery, & balm, and Myrrh to Egypt. These inhabited not far from Ezion Geber, or the shores of the read Sea. Wither their Spicery came out of the Southern parts of Arabia, or further out of India brought into some Arabian port, 
jer. 8.22. & 22.6  is not easy to determine. Their Balm they might have at Gilead by the way, though Arabia yields of that also, as the Myrrh likewise; what Spicery the first mentioned is, is not so easy to decide. jobs mentioning the gold of Ophir, and other passages in that Book may 'cause conjecture of an Indian trade in his days. 
Su●das,  But this is easily gathered out of Histories that the great Monarches endeavoured to make themselves Lords of India for the riches aforesaid. Sem●ramis is said to have invaded India, & to have been repelled by Sta●●●bates, which I can believe, though not so prodigal of faith as to accept the report of three Millions of foot, 
See Full. Miscel.  and five hundred thousand horse in her army; no more than that she was the founder of Babylon. But both Ni●u● or Ninius (which her husband N●●us had made the sea●e of the Assyrian Empire) standing upon Lycu● which floweth into Tigris; and Babylon feat of the Chaldae●n Empire on Euphrates, Seleucia also & Bagdet of later building not fare from thence, have in their times been fitting seats to receive either by land or sea, or both, the Indian riches, thence to be dispersed to other Marts and thorough the world. The Persians' were Lords of India, as both the Scripture & Herodotus affirm, 
Est●. 8.9. Herod. Thalia.  & Alexander advanced the Macedonian Empire thither also; whose Empire after his death being rend into four parts, Seleucus' possessed Babylonia, and Ptolemeus Egypt, which by the read Sea made most advantage of the Spicery. 
Egyptians.   
Sesostris (whom josephus esteemeth to be Shishak, 2 Chro. 12. the King of Egypt which took away great part of these Ophirian treasures) is by Strabo reported the first which subdued Aethiopia and Troglodytica: 
jos. Ant●q. l. 8. c. 4 Strab. l. 16.  at the straits of Dira (where the read Sea is out sixty furlongs or seven miles and a half broad) left Monuments of his exploits, a pillar engraven with hieroglyphikes: he passed thence into Arabia and thorough all Asia. His western expedition I omit (Lucan singeth, Venit ad oc●asum mundique ex trema Sesostris) but it is like that being in the time of Solomon and his emulous enemy, 
2 Chro. 35. Herod. l 4.  that the glory of Salomons Ophirian arts had whetted him to this Asian and Indian expedition. Pliny mentions the Tyrians in this coast, and the port Dancon whence Sesostris first of all thought to bring a Navigable River to Delta of Nilus 62. miles. Necho long after (he which sew King josias) is said to have sought to make a marriage betwixt the Read Sea and Nilus (the ca●se is evident, the Arabian, 
Pl. l. 6. c. 29. Diod. S. c. l. 1. c 3 Plin. l. 6. c. 29.  Aethiopian and Indian commerce to be joined▪ with the Mediterra●an) and to have sent Phoenecians from that Sea upon discovery round about Africa; in which voyage they spent two years. Cambyses conquered Egypt, and built Cambist a City on the read Sea Darius the Persian pursued Nechos project, thinking to perfect a trench from the River to the Sea but was deterred by those which said that Sea was higher than Egypt, 
Some make Psamme●icus ● worker also in this Trench.  and therefore would drown●. Yet did this project outli●e the Persian Empire in Egypt, for Ptolemie made a trench 100 foot br●d and 30. deep, 37. miles and 400. paces, as far as the Bitter fountains, and then broke off fea●ing●n inundation, the read Sea being found three cubits higher than the land of Egypt. Some (saith Finie) say the fear was, jest Nilus should be corrupted by the Sea water. Yet by three ways did the then pass to Arsinoe built by Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. The Trench still continues, as Furerus a Geman (which saw it in his way to Mount Sinai from Cairo) testifieth.  
Cop●s way was found by King Ptolemy, and the Egyptian Exchequer thereby so advanced, that in Allies time, a King nothing frugal, 
Arsine● or Sue●. Furer. voyage in's. l. 8. c. 13. Strab. l. 17.  the prodigal Father of prodigious Cleopatra (Strabo cities it out ●an Oration of Cicero) the royal revenues came to 12500. talents, which is of English coin by M. ●erewood● reckoning two millions, three hundreth forty three thousand & seven hundreth & fifty ●ounds. And if that he, saith Strabo, which carelessly and negligently administered his Kingdom hd so much revenue, what may we think of the present Roman government, the Indian and Troglo●ticall Merchandises being added? For whereas afore scarcely 20. ships adventured out of the Str●●s, now very great fleets are set forth to India and Aethiopia▪ whence precious Merchandise● are ●ought to Egypt and thence transported to other places, with the benefit of double custom 〈◊〉 importation and exportation. But those precious wares have heavy imposts, because of the Mo●polies, only Alexandria receiving and dispersing them. Thus Strabo, who calleth Alexandria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greatest Mart in the World. How gainful this trade was, 
Alexandria.  and what co●●e they held in this voyage in Pliny's time, you have heard out of him already.  
Alexa●dria being o'erwhelmed with a Saracen Deluge, 
See Leo & 〈◊〉.  by Schismatical Chalipha● began at last to haul up head again, and whiles the Mamalukes Empire lasted, was the chief Mart for the Spices ●ought to Mecca, and thence carried to Alexandria, the Trade whereof was in the Venetians ●nd, and enriched their Signiory very much, till the Portugals in our Grandfather's days foun the way by Sea into the Indieses, whereby both the Moors and Venetians were impoverished▪ This Trade set Henry that Noble Prince of Portugal on work to begin that, 
See in●. l. 2. c. 2● §. 2.  which was so long ●efore it produced any fruit. Yea, this Indian Trade set Columbus, and after him Cabot on worl to found the way to the Indieses by the West; which their industrious simplicity God rewarded 〈◊〉 a New World by them discovered. But to return to our Romans, Rham●sio cities out of the 〈◊〉 Law, the Customs for the Indian goods set down in the Reign of Marcus and Comodus▪ viz. Cinnamon, Pepper long, and white, Cloves, Costus, Ca●camo, Spikenard, 
Pham vol. 1. fol. 371.  Caessia, Frankinc●e, Xilocassia, Myrrh, Amon●um, Ginger, Malaba●●rum, Ammoniake, Galbanum, Laser, Agol●●um, Gum Arabike, Cardamome, Carpesium, Silks, Parthian and Babylonian Works, ivory, Eboni●ll sorts of precious Stones, Pearls, Sardonix, Ceraunia, Hyacinth, Emerald▪ Diamond, Saphire, Callio, Berill, Cilindre, Indian and Sarmatian Clotheses, 
Dioscu●●●. Strab l 11. Plin. l. 6. c. 5.  etc. which I have mentioned that we may see 〈◊〉 Trade then, and now are much alike.  
Strabo and linie (before thi● greatness of Alexandria, as it may seem) extol Dioscuria● in the bottom the Euxine or Black Sea, where people of seventy Languages, or as Timosth●nes affirmed, three hundred several Nations resorted; and after that the Roma●s ●sed one hundred and thirty Interpreters in their businesses. In Pliny's time this Babylon was wal●e. I imagine that when the Persia E●pire possessed India and Asia minor this Dioscurias was the Staple of Indian Commodities: 〈◊〉 partly by the Persian Gulf as fare as Tigris would permit, & the rest by Land, which is 〈…〉 way. Or, as some think, and not without cause, those Seas being so infested with Pirates, as appears in Pliny, and the Arabs being always Robbers; they carried their goods up the Indus (as many still do from Tatta to Lahor) and thence by Caravan over the Candahar and other Hills, the River Oxus, and over the Caspian Sea to the River Cyrus, and so to Dioscurias.  
When the Seleucidae succeeded in those parts, it is like that the Trade continued, though weaker, till the Romans drew all to Alexandria: especially the Parthian Empire not permitting such Commerce to their Roman Enemies, as neither the Persians' after.  
That Barbarous mist of so many Nations which overcame the Roman Empire, buried this Trade in darkness, till the Saracens grew to some height, and Bagdet was made the chief Seat of their Caliph, builded on Tigris, and commodious to attract the Trade of the East, and disperse it to the West. A great part of this Trade after the declination of Bagdet, the East being infected with Mahometan follies, 
Bagdet. Mecca.  honoured also with colour of Religion, was conveyed by the Arabian Moors, and Moorish Indians to Mecca (the sink of that Superstition) by the Read Se●, judda, and Ziden being their Ports, and thence was much of it carried to Damascus, and thence to Aleppo, which Trade hath continued to our days; and another part to Cairo, hereby flourishing, and thence to Alexandria as aforesaid: which is still used also, but much empared, and almost forsaken by the European Navigations 
b 
This caused so much wars to the Portugal● from the Moors, the Mamalukes, and the Turks: and since from them to Ours and the Dutch. Ant. G●luano & Ramus. Boghar. Astracan. Novogrode. Caffa. Trapezond. Ormus. Moha. London.  
Lib. 5. cap. vlt. Anastas. Sinaitai lib. 12. Hexam. Pined. de reb. Salom.  
Acosta de Nat. Novi orb. l. 1. c▪ 13, 14.   into India.  
Whiles the Tartarian Empire flourished, these Indian Wares were carried much (as you may read in Polo) to Mangi or China; to Cathay, many also carried to Boghar in Bactria, an● to Samarcand, and thence to other parts. Also in those troublesome times when the Tartars h●d overrun all, and when Boghar was in esteem for Trade, the Indian Merchandises were shipped on the Caspian Sea by Oxus, and thence conveyed to Astracan, on the River Rha, or Volga, ●nd so to Novogrode, and thence partly over-land, partly by water to Caffa, or Theodosia, wher● the Genoese fetched it (who then were of great power in these parts) and dispersed it in Christian Ports; the Venetians and Genoese being Corrivals in this Trade, as in other things, an● in those days very great. Much also passed to Trapezond, that City so flourishing that it become an Empire, a Title too heavy for it, and the ruin both of Constantinople the Mother thus weakened, and of itself.  
Ormuz was famous by this Trade, and Moha in the Read Sea, but both have their cou●se to Aleppo; of which our Travellers shall in due time tell you in the following Discourses. ●nd now we see London an Indian Mart, and Turkey itself from hence served with Pepper, and the● Indian Commodities, as Master Mun Deputy of that Company in his following Tracate will show you.  
Thus much of the Ports made famous by Indian Spicery and Merchandise. Anastasi● Sinaita affirmeth, that Salomons Fleet made a return every year, which of the same Fleet cannot be understood. Pineda yields to this, but he makes us more labour about Tharsis, to wh●ch, now we are returned from Ophir, he enforceth us to a new Voyage, and to find Tharsis ●n Spain. josephus Acosta also hath made a scruple both of Ophir and Tharsis, and makes them to signify no particular set place, but general and remote, as India doth now with us signify all th● Eastern World in vulgar appellation. Ye doth he acknowledge the substance of that we ha●e spoken, and professeth to agreed with josephus, so that with him we shall have but a Gramm●r quarrel. We will add a word of the Phaenicians which here are expressed to have been Sol●ons Mariners, and of their ancient Navigation, and so shall we make an end of our Ophirian Vo●age, which to some Readers will perhaps seem much longer than three years.   

§. XII. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it be the same with Ophir, and bot● some indefinite remoter Country; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, ●●ny place in Spain. Of the ancient Navigations about Africa, and of the Phaenician Antiquities.  

Accost. de Nat. N. Orb. l. 1. c. 13. & 14.  LEarned Acosta having alleged Reasons sufficient for confuting that opinion of Per●● to be Ophir, an upstart name, unknown to the Natives; and when● neither ivory nor such precious Gems could be brought, and whither Solomon Navy in those times ignorant of the Loadstone, could not come to f●tch them; 〈◊〉 Eastern 〈◊〉 being fit than the West for Solomon's purposes the concludeth, Ego s●n● Ophir & Tharsis in divinis literis sapius non certum aliquem definitumque locum sonare sus●icor, sed gener●● po●ius esse vocabulum. idemque efficere apud Hebr●o●, quod apud nos vulgo Indiarum vocem. He ●onciueth, that a● India is a name given to any remote, rich, and strange Region very much difer●ng from our●; as 〈◊〉 Mexico, Brasil, Malaca, etc. So likewise Ophir and Tharsis; and as for Tharsis, it signifieth ei●●er the main Sea, or most remote and strange Regions. Thus he conjectureth.  
For Ophir we have before found it, the proper name of a man and of a Region denominated of him; but withal have acknowledged the Ophirian voyage to comprehend more than the Region of Ophir, including the other Indian Ports whereat they touched and traded in that voyage, especially the two Lands now called Seilan and Sumatra, and all places on the Coast within the Gulf of Bengala, which might fit their purpose. It is usual now to call an Indian Voyage, not only to jacatra, Bantam, or Banda, but thereto also they reckon their touching at Soldanha, on the main of Africa, or at the River of Saint Augu●tine in the great Island of Saint Laurence, and the Lands of Comoro, or Socatra, or wheresoever they arrive on the Abash or Mohan shore in the Read Sea, or in any Arabike Port, or in the Persian Gulf before they come to India: and there also Surat, Diul, Calicut, or wheresoever they touch beside on this side or beyond that principal Port where they make their Voyage, as they term it, that is, where they take in their chief ladings. Of which, the following Relations will give you many instances. So the Straitss Voyages, intimate not the mere sailing to or thorough the Straitss of Gibraltar, in vulgar appellation, but all Voyages within those Straitss whether to Venice, or Leghorn, or Zant, or Constanstinople, or Scanderone, or Alexandria, or in one Voyage to visit many or all of these Ports, is yet called but a Straitss Voyage. We may yield thus much therefore to Acosta, that Ophir, 
The bounds of Ophir.  was a proper Country (as India also is) extending from Ganges to Menan, and betwixt the Lake Chiamay, and the Gulf or Sea of Bengala; but as it happened, that India being the remotest known Region, gave name in old times to all later Discoveries beyond it, and in after times accidentally to the New World, which the first finders mistook for Eastern India, so also the Voyage to Ophir, accidentally might give name to all those Remote parts, and comprehend all the fare Ports, which by occasion of the Voyage to Ophir they visited, lying in the way thither, or somewhat wide or beyond. And as there is a Region truly and properly called India, even all that which extends from Indus (whence it is so named) to Ganges; which name by others ignorance of the proper names of Regions; was extended further both beyond Ganges, and to all remote Regions, so was there a true Ophir, named of Ophir the son of joktan, which occasioned other remote Countries to bear that appellation, at lest in this Voyage thither.  
But for Tharsis or Tarshish, or Tharshish; we see Acosta himself in his final upshot, to make an aut of it, Aut immensum mare, aut regiones semotissimas & valde peregrinas accipi solere. So that his former Proposition admits now another, that either it is the main Ocean (which I take to be the true sense) or some remote Region. Some are of opinion that the Voyage to Ophir, 
Rihera, Pineda, etc. 1. Reg. 10 22. 2. Chton. 9.21. Th● King's ships w●nt to Tharshish etc. every thr●e years o●ce came the sh●ps from Tha●sh●sh.  and that to Tharsis differed, because the Scripture saith, according to our Translation, For the King had at Sea a Navy of Tharshish, with the Navy of Hiram once in three years, came the Navy of Tharshish, bringing Gold and Silver, ivory, and Apes and Peacocks.  
Tremellius hath it. Nam classis Oceani pro rege cum class Chirami erat: semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex Oceano afferens aurum, etc. The Vulgar, Latin and Septuagint, Navis Tharsis erat regi Salomoni in mari cum navibus Chiram.  
Saint Jerome in many places examineth this Tharshish, as in Es. 2. Melius est Tharsis vel mare vel pelagus absolutè ponere, and allegeth jonas his fleeing to Tharsis, who from joppes could not come to India by Sea,  
Most of the late Writers agreed with Tremellius, that Tharsis is the Ocean; 
Ribera in jon 1. Cornel. Corn. in Es. 2. Forerius in Es. 2. E●. Saa in Ps. 47 Marin. in Arca. Leo jud. 3. Reg. 10. Villalpand. in Eze. ●7 R. Mos. Had. in Ps 71.  and make that a difference betwixt Tharshish and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jam which signifies the Sea, as the Read Sea, or Mediterranean, and withal those less collections of waters as the Dead Sea, the Sea of Galilee, and that Brazen Vessel for the largeness, called a Sea, 2. King. 25.16. whereas Tharshish is only the Main or large Sea. R. Mose Hadarsan citeth four significations, Tarsus a City of Cilicia, Carthage, India, and the Sea. This place cannot admit Tarsus nor Carthage, being in another Sea, to which Esiongeber, on the Read Sea had not been the Port to have sailed from, but joppes or Tyrus, or some other Haven in the Mediterranean. Now if any think them two Voyages from two several Ports, the Scripture is plain, where it is said, jehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir for Gold; but they went not, for the ships were broken at Esiongeber. And jest any might think that they were call●d ships of Tharshish, because the materials came from Cilicia, it is more full, 2. Chron. 20. ●5. And after this did jehoshaphat King of judah, 
1. Reg. 22.48.  join himself with Ahaziah King of Israel, who did very wickedly. And he joined himself with him to make ships to go to Tarshish, and they made the ships in Esiongeber. Than Eliezer prophesied, etc. and the ships were broken that they could not go to Tarshish. Note also that the vulgar translateth in one place Sea, in the other Tharsis.  
Some hence gather it to be a Region in India, as that Rabbi, 
Post. de Orig●n.  and Jerome also doth in some sort aver, with josephus, and many late Writers. But because no such Region in India can be found, hence so many opinions. Postel●us placeth Ophir in the Golden Region where Malaca standeth, but makes Tharsis to extend further, even to the South Sea; or the Peruan Coast, so that Ophir and Peru are divorced for a marriage with Tharsis. The Chaldee will have it Africa, 
Cha●. 2. Parap. 9 Sam. ib. Rib. in Ion ●.  and Emanuel Saa in Angola; Acosta no certain place; Ribera will have them two Voyages, and not the same to Ophir and Tharsis; Pineda and Goropius bring us to Tartessus in Spain. But I embrace the opinion of Cornelius Cornelij, 
Gen. 10.4.  Villalpandus (and herein Ribera also agreeth) which say that o● Tarshish the Son of javan, Cilicia took name at first, still continued to Tarsus (where Saint Paul was borne, famous in old times by Straboes' report for the University and other Antiquities) and the Inhabitants thereof, and the adjoining Regions being famous at Sea, might 'cause that great Sea (as the Scripture calls 
* jos. 15.12.  it, in comparison of the lesser Seas in judaea) to be called Tarshish, a name then ea●●ly by the jews derived to all great Seas, whether Mediterranean or Ocean.  
Now that w●ich makes Interpreters to question some place in India, or elsewhere, is the phrase of going to and coming from Tarshish, and bringing goods from thence, a kind of speech which to Pineda seemeth ridiculous, if thereby be not meant some certain place on Land. We see at this day the Hill Atlas in Africa, hath given name to that huge huge Ocean, extending even to the New Worlds of the South and West. The Straitss betwixt Spain and Africa, give name with our Mariners to all the Midland Sea within and beyond them. Indus gave name to India, and all the Ocean adjoining; and the South Sea (the greatest of known Seas) is so termed, because Vasques Balboa first saw it lying to the South from him; neither can the Western Scite, take away that name Del Sur to this day. Is it then any marvel, that Tarshish the Cilician Sea next adjoining to judaea, should give name to all the deeper and larger parts of the Mediterranean, which they had occasion after to take notice of, and to other Seas from the Read Sea forward more wide and spacious. Pineda himself confesseth, that Tartessus which he would have to be Tharsis, gave name not only to Boetica, but to all Spain. And is it any more ridiculous or absurd to say, the King had a Navy of Tharshish at Sea, then that which our vulgar Mariners say, the Straitss fleet is now at Sea, or the Straitss fleet is come from Sea, speaking of our Merchant's ships, which keep company together in the Seas for fear of Algiers Pirates? Do not they call them Straitss Merchandise? and say, that such & such goods are brought out of the Straitss, or carried to the Straitss, that are sent thorough those Seas, and brought by those Seas to or from any Port therein? And as usual a Phrase it is, which Pineda judgeth so absurd, that a Mariner being asked whither he goeth, should answer to Sea, or that Gold, Silver, ivory, Peacocks and Apes should be said to be brought from Sea: For our Mariners (which learn not their Idiom of Scholars) use to say, when all their money is spent, they will go to Sea and get more; that they brought this or that from Sea, that shortly they are to go to Sea, or have lately come from Sea, without naming any Port; that such a man hath got all his goods by Sea, great wealth hath comen to him by Sea; he hath had great loss by Sea, and other like phrases of Seamen (for so also are they called, in opposition to Land-men, in regard of their Tra●e and course of life, though the habitation of both be on Land.) This than may be the sense: SALOMON had at Sea a Navy at Tharshish, that is, ships built for long voyages at Sea: as we call men of War, or ships of War; which are built for that purpose. And how eadie is the construction, jehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir, in these words, a Sea-navie, or ship of the Sea, to go to Ophir; that is, not such Fisher-boats, as they saw in the Sea of Galilee, or such small Barks as they used in Palaestina to trade from Port to Port, but a Navy Royal of strong ships able to brook long Voyages in the Ocean.  

jonas 1. H●eron. in jon. 1. Ps. 72.11. By some undiscreet and vain Cutters or Printers flattery, or ignorance insensible of divine mysteries, in the forefront of a great Book, some words of this Psalm proper to Christ are applied to his Majesty's picture; Omnes gentes seruient ei, etc. which I mention to vindicate both that Scripture and his majesty from cacalumnie.  I also think that in regard of the length of those Voyages, in which they were two thirds of the time at Sea (after our account) and three whole years in each Voyage from their Land-home, in a kind of eminence, they were in these Voyages said to go to Tharshish or to Sea. And so jonas likewise minding to fly from that Land whither he was sent, was hurried in the strength of temptation, a quite contrary way, whether that ship intended Tarsus in Cilicia, or whithersoever it went, he choosing rather a certainty of flight then of scite, or settling himself any where, as Saint Jerome saith of him, Non ad certum fugere cupiebat locum, sed mare ingredients, quocunque pergere festinabat. Et magis hoc convenit fugitivo & timido, non locum fuge otiosè eligere. sed primam occasionem arripere navigandi. Likewise in that Psalm which mystically and fully is true of Christ in the calling of the Gentiles; typically and in part verified in Solomon (wickedly and Antichristianly since applied to the Pope in many passages of the last Council of Lateran under julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth) it is said, The Kings of Tharshish and of the Isles shall bring presents, the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts; it is plain by the History of Solomon in Scripture, and by joining of Tharshish and Sheba together, that no Tartessus, nor Angola, nor Peru, are intended; and that Maritime Kings are meant (Tremellius reads Reges Oceani accolae) which ruled in Lands (which is also added) or Coasts and Ports near the Sea (sure as Hiram then was, and all remote Maritime Provinces the Scripture calls Lands) which used also (as in those parts of the East Indies, almost all the Kings are at this day Merchants) trade by Sea, and perhaps enjoyed the Title of the adjoining Seas (as his Majesty is King of the British Ocean, and another Pacificus his Predecessor added it to his Royal Title, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, 
* See Tom. 2. ●●g. 19  omniumque. Regum, Insularum, Oceanique. Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarumque Nationum, quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus. Such were the Kings of Tharshish, whose Customs from the Sea, and Trade by it, made them have their ships of Tharshish, & wealth from Tharshish: as in later days, the Kings of Aden, Ormus and Malacca; and still of Fartaque, Socatra, Calicut, Cochin, Zeilan, Achen, and many others included in the circuit of our Ophirian Voyage are; and might therefore justly be called Kings of Tharshish: from all which no doubt either in the course of this Ophirian Voyage and Trade, or otherwise sent by special Messengers, Solomon had presents, as i● 1. Reg. 10.24.25. is expressed.  
Pineda himself citeth out of Straboes' third Book of the Gaditans (which is Tartessus, or with him Tharshish) plerique mare incolunt, pauci domi desident: and in this respect Tyrus may by the Prophet be called filia Tharsis, daughter of the Sea, as seated in it, ruling on it, and living of it. The Chaldee Paraphrase hath the Kings of Tharsis, and the Lands of the great Ocean Sea; which may be understood of the Indian Sea: and not as Goropius and Pineda would urge us, of Spain. Pineda citeth Anastasius Sinaita, that Tharsis is Hesperia Regionis Occidentalis; and Forerius & Eugubinus to assist Goropius: whose authority shall so fare move as their reason is weighty.  
As for Goropius, his fifth, sixth and seventh Books of his Hispanica are principally spent on Tharshish the Son of javan, which he writes Tarsees, as signifying in that which he makes the first of Languages (the Dutch Tongue mother of ours) one that dares adventure the Seas, or one which ●●●●ies in the Seas: therefore also surnamed Atla● or Atlant, quasi Hat-lant, or Hate-land, Him he makes with his brother Elisha the peoplers of Spain, and saith, that of his skill in Astronomy and invention of the Sphere, he was fabled to bear the Heavens; and to have named his daughters with names of stars; to have sailed also to Ophir, so called as over the widest Sea, as Peru of a peer there built; and other like collections he hath very witty, learned and pleasant, not solid enough to convince, nor so contemptible as very easy to be confuted. Pineda hath written many sheets of paper to honour his Spaniish home with Salomons Voyages for the Temples structure, wherein his error amoris and not amor erroris may pled his excuse, according to that of the Poet, Nesci● qua natale solum dulcedine cunctos Ducit, & immemores non sivit esse sui. I cannot but marvel, that two so learned men are so strongly carried by so weak reasons as the likeness of words in Tharsis and Tartessus, when Geographers tell us of, and themselves confess, Tarsus in Cilicia, Tarsis in Syria, Tarsius in Pannonia, and a River of that name in Troas, with I know not how many others; and beside, Tartessus being a Phaenicean Colony might of Tharshish or the Ocean receive the name (whether we intent Gades or Cadiz thereby, or the whole Boetike Province as seated in, or on the Sea or Coast, and living by Maritime Arts.  
But of names of places we have before spoken how casual and accidental they are. Even Tartarus the name of Hell is near the former, & Strabo ghesseth that Homer called it so of this Tartessus in the remotest West; which Hellish kindred of terms, me thinks, should not be very grateful to Spanish ears. Etimologists may easily run mad if they be permitted liberty; neither is any argument sound from the sound of syllables without other credible Witnesses. 
Strab. l. 3.  Therefore Pineda addeth the frequent Circumnavigation of Africa in those days; of which he citeth one out of Herodotus, of the Phaenicia●s long after this sent by Neco, 
Circumnavigations of Africa rare.  which makes against him; for Herodotus both doubted of it, as a matter seeming to him incredible, that they should sail beyond the Sun's course, and therefore could not be frequent; for that Navigation would have made both Tropikes familiar: he also saith in hunc modum Africa primum est agnita: if that were the first Voyage, Salomons were none, or at lest his Title is false, 
Herod. l. 4.  De frequenti & celebri à mari Arabico in Hispaniam navigatione.  
They wintered also by the way, and stayed the growing and ripening of Corn, which argueth no people, at jest no Trade in those parts. His next testimony is of Setaspes, who having deflowered the Daughter of Zopyrus should therefore have been crucified, but by his mother's entreaty Xerxes pardoned him upon condition of this African Circumnavigation; which argueth the rareness of the attempt, as did the sequel also: for having sailed out of the Straitss, and coasted some parts of Africa, he returned (in despair) and said he could sail no further, his ship being detained that it could not go forwards. As for Darius sending to Indus, it is not to this purpose. The fragments of Spanish ships in the Arabike Gulf is mentioned by Pliny, as a wonder in Caius Caesar's time; 
Plin. l. 2. c. 67.  and that of Hanno agreeth not with the History which is extant of his Voyage, and more credible: and for Eudoxus fleeing the tyranny of Lathyrus, and coming to Gades by that Circumnavigation it was not for Trade, but at a dead lift, to save his life. Another is said by Antipater to have sailed from Spain to Aethiopia, which might be to the nearest Blacks before he came to that which now is called Guinnee.  
And these are all which are brought for tha frequenti & celebri navigatione, that of Neco and of Eudoxus, and a Spanish wrack, being all that all Age● could yield unto Pliny's time; and all also long after Solomon: 
Strab. l. 2.  and of these that of Eudoxus which is the most likely is fare otherwise told by Strabo, and at large refuted. As for the long tale of Semiramis out of Suidas, it was to India by the Indian Ocean (if it were at all) and not to Spain. And out of Silius his Verse, Et celebre Oceano atque al●ernis astibus Hispal, to gather the Baetike Navigations to India, round about Africa, or to Mexico & Peru, argueth the Author to be Hispalensis; a Baetike wit, ravished with I know not what beatike fancies: as that also that Salomons reigning from Sea to Sea, 
Psal. 72.  must be from the Read Sea to the Gaditan, as if from Esion-geber to jop, were not from Sea to Sea.  
From hence he turneth to the Phaenician Navigations, which to mention here is more to our purpose (they being Salomons Mariners to Ophir) then to his of Tartessus. Pliny and Mala applaud the Phoenicians for invention of Letters, Astronomy, naval and military Sciences. Caius' posterity first in the old World, & Cham's in this, flourished in Arts and humane Sciences. joshuahs' conquest caused many of them, as Procopius and others affirm, to flee into remoter Regions, specially the Maritime parts of Africa. Commerce added Spain, and whatsoever was fitting to that purpose of trade, Navigation and riches, especially to the Phoenicians, both before and after Carthage. Their coming in and thorough Spain is acknowledged by Varro also (in Vninersam Hispaniam pervenisse) and they were the first discoverers of the Fortunate Lands in Straboes' opinion, and before Homer's age held the best places in afric and Spain, till the Romans dispossessed them. Carthage in Africa is known a Phaenicean Colony to school boys, and Pliny saith, that all the Baetike coast was of Phaenicean original, or of the Paeni, which in authors are often confounded with the former, of whom they proceeded, and as Saint jerom observeth, are called Poeni quasi Phoeni, still in great part retaining that language; as is also the name Carthaginian, of whom Polybius testifieth that they possessed all Spain, from the Straight to the Pyrenaean hills. But be that will view a Map of the Tyrian greatness and the ancient Phaenicean Navigations, Traffics and Discoveries, let him read the 27. of Ezekiel, with some good commentary; and from the best evidence it shall appear that all the best parts and Ports in Asia, Africa and Europe were then familiar to this Daughter of Tharshish. The Baetike by Strabo are reputed the most learned of the Spaniards, using Grammar, Poesy, Antiquities, and Laws as they said 6000. years old; which agreeth with their Phaenician original. To hunt the Legends of Bacchus, & Osiris, I here purpose not, as having little truth, and no mention at all of Spain: nor is that more credible of the Phaeniceans besieged by Nabuchodonosor, and relieved from their Phaenicean Colonies in Spain, and his revenge upon them therefore invading the Spaniards. Aldrete a learned Spaniard rejects both, however Megastenes other where found fabulous, may make somewhat for them.  
Yet I believe their commerce and Phaenician original, and great traffic; their Ours also of Gold and Silver: but such as yielded more to the Phaenicians and Carthaginians then all the New World hath hitherto to the Spaniard, or many years after Goropius his hitherto, added by Pineda, Gredat Indaens apella. Yea still Pineda brings testimonies to prove it no less rich in Ours; which makes me not a little marvel at their wisdom to be at such cost to fetch so fare off that which they have so plentiful at home; and that as the throat which swalloweth all the meat and nothing stays there (it would 'cause suffocation) so the Spaniards before Columbus his time were so poor and quiet accordingly; and that at that time there appeared so little money or credit, that the Queen pawned her jewels to borrow a small sum of 2000 Ducats, or little more; and that since, Spain hath (except soon after the return of the Indian Fleet) so little coin stirring but base moneys. Shall we think them miserable, miser-like, rich-poore, or is it that their Ours seem wholly recollected in their minds? they being, if you believe Pineda, a Nation opum tam contemtrix quàm lucratrix, ingenio acuto (hoc quor●●dam exterorum ineptissima iwidia suspiciosum & callidum vocat, saith he) ad magnas res nato (hoc sordida altorum socordia superbiam & tumorem.) I envy not their happiness to them so much chanted by this Spaniard, I wish that they were so contented therewith, that they disturbed not the quiet of others; and that as they have their Navies of Tharshish yearly bringing Gold and Silver (as for Apes and Peacocks they need not go so fare for them) so they would do as Solomon, live in peace with their neighbours and build the Temple at home: which had they done, much of this our paper Navy of Tharshish had not been, neither had their Gaditan Tartessus become a prey to Her Navy of Tarshish, who in her days was filia Tarshish indeed, not Venus orta Mari, but Cui coniurati venêre ad classica venti, who defended her own at home, by home invading, by hunting her enemies round about the World. Let us leave the Spaniards magnifying the present riches of their Ours, as that of Guadalcanal, one of the best in the world by the King's Treasurer reported in a Letter to our Author, dated 1607. and another of Francisco Tesada his Son, so fare extolling the Spanish (he names diverse) beyond those of Potossi, that whereas a quintal (that is 1600. ounces) of Potosi Ore, or earth digged up, yields but an ounce and half of pure Silver, most of the Spanish yield ten ounces of a quintal, some more to 15.30.60. Marks, each of eight ounces. It is fit in a long tractate, and as it were another Voyage to Ophir, to end with Ours: and fit in Salomons Ophir to end with honourable mention of our Solomon, who without any Hirams help, sent her servants to Ophir and Peru too, and round about the universe to repair that Temple, and to defend the Faith, which a greater than Solomon had by her in England restored from Babylonish captivity: which the greatest powers on earth sought in vain to hinder, she sailing further by her servants, reigning longer in her own person, more glorious in her last days, than Solomon, and leaving a peaceable Solomon to succeed her; yea to exceed▪ with addition of another Kingdom; (not a Rohoboam, to lose the greatest part of the former.) Him God defend to defend his faith long amongst us, with Salomons virtue and Ophirian magnificence. Amen.    

CHAP. II. Man's life a Pilgrimage. The Peregrinations of Christ, and the first Encompassing the habitable or then inhabited World by the holy Apostles and first planters of the Gospel.  

§. I. Man by sin becomne a Worldly Pilgrim; Christ's Pilgrimage in the flesh to recover him: Man's spiritual Pilgrimage in and from the World.  
GOD which in the beginning had made the World, and endowed Man with the Natural inheritance thereof, whom also he made another, a living and little World, yea a compendious Image of God & the World together: did in the 
a Gal. 4.  fullness of time sand his own Son (by whom he had made the World and M●n) to be made a Man in the World, that he might make new and recreate the World and Man, now lost & vanishing to perdition. Which salvation first accomplished in the infinite worth and worthiness of his person and passion, He committed to faithful witnesses, giving them charge to go 
b Mark 16.15  into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature, that by those Ministerial conduits (in the cooperation of his Spirit) his amiable and imitable Example might, as the lodestar of Christians be proposed; his saving virtue as heavenly influence infused; his all-covering and al-curing merits imputed to his believing members by spiritual grace to prepare them to supercaelestiall Glory, whither He is before ascended as our Priest to make intercession, and as a King in humane flesh to take possession for Us, by him made Kings and Priests unto God.  
Thus have we one Author of the World, of Man, of Peregrinations by men in and about the World. The first He made by his omnipotent Word, he commanded and in six days this huge Fabric was both made and furnished. The second is vouchsafed greater indulgence, in preparation premised as of consultation, Let us make Man; in the work doing 
c Gen. 1.26. ● 2.7.22. , as of a Masterpiece, he form, and built; in the exemplar or prototype in our own image, after our likeness: in his bountiful portion, the Sea and earth with all their appurtenances, subjected to his regal possession, the heavens with their real influence and royal furniture to his wise un-erring contemplation.  
Thus at first; but the first became last, by setting the last first, and preferring the Creature to the Creator, and therefore is justly turned out of Paradise to wander, a Pilgrim over the world: But therefore did his Creator (for medicines are of contraries) prefer this Creature to himself, by infiniteness of humility to make satisfaction for his unspeakable pride; and he which had before made Man after his image, makes himself after man's image, to recover that which was lost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉! O amanda & admiranda dignatio! propicious, unspeakable, superadmirable bounty! The World he made that he might give it Man. Man he made such as might be capable of the world, and gave him now a double world, adding to the former greater, this lesser of Man's self. And when both these were lost, by wilful Treason and voluntary actual rebellion, that he might forgive the Traitor He gave the Prince, who to Himself forgave not the demerits of his servant; nor was content to regive the forfeited world of creatures, but added a world supercelestial, where fallen regained Man might supply the rooms of fallen forlorn 
* Folly and madness of envy even in those wisest cretures taken by a higher Wisdom in their own craftiness! who envying man his Paradise lost their own Heaven and God; yea, left those Thrones and Principalities of Principalities and Thrones to be by God's mercy recovered and repossessed by Men whom they had made sinful, Christ victorious.  Angels: yea He restored lost Man to himself in a surer and nobler possession: and for the compliment of Bounty he gave to this lost Creature the Creator's self: dedit se in meritum, dabit se in praemium. In this unity given God hath observed a Trinity of giving. He gave his Son unto us, doth give his Spirit into us, reserveth Himself for us to be our exceeding 
d Ier 15.1.  great reward, our 
e Esay 18.5.  crown of glory & diadem of beauty in that glory where we 
f 1. john 3.  shall see him as he is, and 
g 1. Cor. 15.  God shall be all in all unto us. Nor was this a six day's work, but he which made the world and man in six days, vouchsafed to be made Man, endured to converse with sinners more than half sixty years; and not with a word commanded this new creation to be made, but the Word was commanded (& dixit 
h Ber. de dilig. Deo.  multa & gessit mira & pertulit dura) God over all blessed forever was made obedient 
i Phil. 2.  to the death, even the death of the Cross, and was made 
k Ga●. 3.  a curse for us, to redeem us from the Curse, and to make us heirs of blessedness.  
This was indeed the greatest of all peregrinations, when the word was made flesh and (leaving in a sort his heavenly Country, and his Father's house) dwelled amongst us. The next remote peregrination was his ascension from the lower parts of the Earth (where also his life was a certain uncertain pilgrimage, 
l Io. 1.  fare 
m Eph. 4.8, 9.10, 11.  above all heavens, to lead captivity captive, and give gifts to Men. And he gave some Apostles, and some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers. By whom in the work of the Ministry is effected a double remote Peregrination; one in us, when we travel from ourselves, that each man might say to his corrupt corrupting flesh (as that traveller to his quondam Mistress 
n Amb. de poenit. l. 2. c. 10. , seeking after his return to renew her dissolute acquaintance, and saying, when she saw him strange as if he knew her not, Ego sum? 'tis I: At ego non sum ego, answered he, I am not I now) I travel in birth till 
* Gal. 5.  Christ be form in me, and, I live 
o Gal. 2.  not but Christ life's in me, that I may 
p Mat. 16.24.  deny myself and take up my cross and follow him. The other is when we put off our earthly tabernacle, and departing from this house of clay, whose foundation is in the dust, arrive in the fair havens of Heaven, in the choir of Angels and triumphant society of the Heavenly first borne. And thus is Man's whole life a Pilgrimage, either from God as Cains, or from himself as Abel's, and all the Saints which confessed themselves Pilgrims on the earth, and to seek another Country, that is, a heavenly. Unto this spiritual and celestial peregrination, was subordinated that bodily, 
* Heb. 11.16. Ps. 39.12.  of those first Evangelists unto all Nations thorough the World to plant the Church and settle it on her foundation, which also in their 
q Mat. 24.14. Mark. 16. vlt.  times was effected according to the Prophecy and precept of our Saviour, whose peregrinations, if we had all the particulars, were alone sufficient to yield a large Volume of Voyages.  
Christ indeed vouchsafed, even in literal sense, to honour peregrinations in his own person, whose blessed Mother soon after his conception traveled from Nazareth in Galilee, into the hill Countries of judaea, to her Cousin Elizabeth, and after her return is by Caesar's Edict brought back that in 
r Luk. 2.  an Inn at Bethlehem, this Pilgrim might in a Pilgrimage be borne, the 
s Mat. 2.  Governor of his people Israel, that is of spiritual Pilgrims. And there from a remote place by Pilgrims of the East is he visited; and how soon is his infancy forced to an Egyptian peregrination? how restless and manifold were his after-peregrinations in Galilee, Samaria, the Wildernesses and Cities of judaea in the Coasts of Tyre and Sidon, in Decapolis by Sea, by Land, 
t Mat. 9. 3●  going about all the Cities and Villages, teaching and preaching, and healing every disease among the people, till the Heavens received him into a certain rest. But my Pen is unworthy to follow his foot-prints.   

§. II. How Apostles differed from Bishops: their preaching the Gospel to all Nations.  
HIs Apostles as they differed from others in immediate vocation, to Evangelicall Ministry, 
How Bellarmine contradicts himself touching the Pope and Bishops succeeding the Apostles. See Torti Torti p. 248. and how improperly Gregory is called, our Apostle 325.  and infallible revelation of the Evangelicall mystery; so in the unbounded limits of their Mission unto all the world: whereas other ordinary commissions and callings are (though of God, yet) by Men; nor have privilege of unerring illumination; and must take heed to the several flocks over which the holy Ghost hath 
a Acts 10.28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  set them overseeers: whence also Episcopal Churches are called Cathedral, and sees, from their sitting 
b Mat. 23.2. & 5.1. Luk. 4.20.  or teaching (that being the preaching posture of the ancients both jews and Christians) in their special places of charge.  
Well therefore did Saint Gregory 
c Greg. Ep, 38. etc.  Bishop of Rome hold the title Ecumenical incompetible to a Bishop, and Antichristian: and as ill have his Successors in that See swelled over all Episcopal banks into Titles, and universality Apostolical.  
The Apostles were not all in all places, and sometimes as in consideration of divine blessing upon Paul's Ministry amongst the Gentiles, 
e Gal. 2.6, 7.  as of Peter's amongst the jews, they did especially employ themselves where they saw their labours most fruitful, in which respect some settled their longer abode in certain Cities, and some scarcely departed from jerusalem, whiles others of them went 
f Mar. 16.20.  forth and preached every where, and the Gospel was 
g Col. 1.6, 23.  in all the World (not virtually, but actually) and was fruitful, and was preached unto every creature under Heaven, that is in Saint Matthewes phrase, 
d Vid. Durandi Rat. l. 2. in principio.  to 
h Mat. 28.  all Nations, or to all sorts of men. After which Embassage accomplished, the Temple as CHRIST had prophesied, and all the Legal Ceremonies, which died in the death of our Saviour, received a more solemn than honourable Funeral, by the revenging Roman; Divine Providence ordering that 
i Rom. 11.12.  The fall of the jews should be the riches of the World, and the diminishing of them the riches of the Genetiles; and preventing the revolting of weaklings, which seeing those things to remain, which the Prophets had built, and God had ordained, might in a judaizing retire, embrace the shadow for the body, and prefer the dazzling lustre of carnal shows to the sincerity of faith and spiritual truth: Nimirum id Domino 
k Sulp. Sever. l. 2 ●dem ●ed. in 〈◊〉, 13.  ordinante dispositum ut legis seruitus (saith Sulpitius) à libertate fidei atque Ecclesiae tolleretur.  
And that this was accordingly in the Apostles days effected, we have not only general testimonies of the Ancients, but the particular Regions and peoples mentioned and acknowledged elsewhere by that generation, 
l Bell. de Rom. Pont▪ l. 3. c. 4. Lessius de Antich d. 8.  which in the question of Antichrist hence raise a demonstration, (no less still serves them, their Geese are all Swans) that he is not yet comen, because the Gospel is not yet preached thorough the World. Neither do we seek advantages of the word World, as it is used in opposition to the narrow limits of judaea, where the Church in her nonage was impounded, and as it were swaddled in that cradle of her Infancy (so you even now read the fall 
m Rom. 11.12.  of the jews the riches of the World.) Nor in a Roman challenge, wherein Rome pretends herself Head of the World, in the style of her quondam Emperors (succeeded and exceeded therein by her Modern Prelate) one of which decreed in the Edict above intimated, That 
n Luk. ●. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  all the World should be taxed; which World was no more than the Roman Empire, as since also the petty Counsels Papal are called Ecumenical (even that of Trent) and the Church of Christ, in a strange Babylonian contradiction, Catholike-Roman: Nor yet in a figurative Hyperbole, as that seems spoken of the jews at jerusalem of every 
o Acts 2.5.  Nation under Heaven▪ which heard the Apostles in their several Languages, uttering the great things of God. But their sound 
p Rom. 10.18.  went over all the Earth, and their words to the ends of the World, is true of the heavenly Bodies, and these heavenly Messengers; Neither can any of the World be showed then inhabited, that is, no Nation of the World, whereof we have not plain History, or apparent probability, that the Gospel had there founded before that generation of the Apostles passed. Whereof as we have alleged Divine both prophecy before, and testimony after the fulfilling: so our Ecclesiastical Authors are herein plentiful. Thus doth Saint chrysostom 
q Chrys. in Mat. hom. 76.  interpret that prophecy of our Saviour, Matthew 24. to have been fulfilled before the destruction of jerusalem, and proves it by the fore-alleadged places, Romans 10.18. Colossians 1.6. and 23. So Theophilact 
r Theoph. in Mat. 24.21.  after him. So Saint Hilary 
s Hil. in Mat. Can. 25.  Cùm universis fuerit cognitio Sacramenti coelestis invecta, tum Hierusalem occasus & finis incumbent: Than shall be the end of jerusalem, when the knowledge of the heavenly Mystery hath been carried to all men. So Tetullian 
t Tertul. de resur. carnis c. 22. vid. Down. de Antich. part. 2. ad Lessij. dem. 8. who also citeth Euseb. Hicron. Ambros. Theod. ●gnat●us, etc. , Beda, Euthimius, Lyranus, Tostarus, jansenius, Barradius, and others cited by the Reverend and learned Bishop Downam, to whom I refer the Reader. And how else had they executed their commission to all Nations, if this mission had not succeeded? For if by succession of after Popes or Bishops; then aught that gift of tongues to have continued or been restored, and that of immediate revelation, whereby the glory of the World's conversion might be Gods peculiar, and not diminished by the arts (not by the acts and labours alone) of Men. 
u Bern. de Pentec.  Ad quid enim necessariae linguae gentium nisi ad conversionem gentium? And Genebrard 
x Geneb. Chron. An. 44.  accordingly affirms that whiles the Apostles lived, in thirty years space at most, the Gospel (which he calls the Faith of the Romans) was diuulged thorough the World, even all the most remote Nations and barbarous. Hereof he citeth witnesses (besides the former) Clement Alexand. justin Martyr, Irenaus, Origen, Cyprian, and the Prophecy of Esay. c. 66.   

§. III. The peregrination of Saint PETER.  
WE see the persecution which began against Stephen proceeded to the dispersion of the Disciples 
a Acts 8.1. & 11.19.  into the Regions of judaea and Samaria, and Phaenice, Cyprus, and Antioch (where they first heard the name Christians.) Peter also warned by vision, breaks the partition wall, and preacheth to Cornelius 
b Acts 10.13.  and other Gentiles, unto whom soon after Paul and Barnabas receive larger commission. Saint Peter also (as Ecclesiastical writers testify) besides Palestina, Syria, and the Regions adjoining to judaea, preached the Gospel in Antiochia, 
d Acts 6.1. & 1. Pet. 1.1.  and after in Rome (in both which places they constitute and celebrated his Episcopal Chair) in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, Bythinia, to whom is inscribed his former Epistle, that is, to the dispersion of the jews, in those Regions, he being principally the Apostle of 
c Gal. 2.6, 7.  the Circumcision. For the jews were divided into three sorts, the Hebrews (which were the inhabitants of Palestina) and the scattered strangers, which were either Hellenists, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 
e Io. 7.35. V●d. jos. Scal. Annot. in Euseb. p. 124. & Can. Isag. pag. 278.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the remainders of the Babylonish deportation which still continued in those parts, when others returned, and from thence were occasionally dispersed afterwards. The Metropolis of these was Babylon, of the former Alexandria. Of this sort were the Italian, Egyptian and Graecian jews, which used the Greek tongue in their Synagogues, in which also they read the Scriptures translated by the seventy two Interpreters: yea they were ignorant of the Hebrew, as Scaliger affirms 
e Scal. count. Serar. trib.  of josephus and Philo, two of their most learned: they had a Synagogue at jerusalem, (called 
f Acts 6.9.  of the Alexandrians) of which were those Disputers against Stephen. Of the Babylonian dispersion were the jews in Asia, to whom Saint Peter wrote that Epistle from Babylon: And although Baronius 
g Baron. tom. 1. an 45. 1. Pet. 5.13. & Rhem. Annot. o●● those words (the Church at Babylon saluteth you)  and our Rhemists out of diverse Ancients labour to prove thy Babylon in that place of Peter, to be meant Rome, that some Scripture might testify his being there at lest (though little could thence be inferred a 25. years Episcopality, and less, Apostolic succession, 
Dellarm. de R.P. ●ib●ra in Ap. etc.  and lest of all an approbation of later novelties successively hatched in the last and worst ages) yea the current of the jesuites argue (not say only) that Rome is the mystical and apocalyptical Babylon, and cry out upon us for unhonest partiality, that there acknowledge it, here in Peter disclaim it, not considering what a hook they swallow with this bait: yet because that Epistle of Saint Peter 
i See this largely proved in Conf. ●aino'd. Changed 6.  is delivered in literal and not mystical form, like the Apocalypse, and because that opinion of Peter's five and twenty years Bishopric delivered by Eusebius, is manifestly repugnant to the Scriptures; and because that some of the Romanists 
k Onuph in P●at. diu. 3. vit. Pet.  themselves differ from the received opinion as incredible, as 
l Mar. Scot an. 72. Babyloniam verbo praedicationisillust●auere  Onuphrius and Genebrand, and Marianus Scotus also allegeth out of Methodius that Peter preached at Babylon, to which he also addeth Corinth and almost all Italy, and because the Ancients 
m Euseb. hist. Ec. l. 2. ca 14.  received that conceit of Papias, a man of no great judgement, as appeared by the Millenary fancy derived from his tradition: though I will not meddle with that controversy, whether Peter were ever at Rome, or not, the negative whereof in whole books Velenus and Bernard have written, 
n Vlricus Velenus his book is extant with B. Fisher his answer printed at Antwerp 1522.  yet I cannot believe but that he wrote that of and in the Chaldea Babylonia. The rather because that was the Metropolis of the Asian dispersion (as is said) & that it well agrees with the prime Apostle to execute his Apostolical mission to remote and many Nations, especially to the Circumcision (whose peculiar Apostle 
n Gal. 2.6.  he was) in all Countries where they were scattered, as appears by his care of the Hellenists and Alexandria their Mother City, where he placed, as Authors affirm, Saint Mark the first Bishop; and because Ecclesiastical writers affirm that he preached ubique fere terrarum, almost all the world over (so 
p Nicep. Cal. Ec. hist. l. 2. c. 35.  Nicephorus) breviter in totius Asiae & Europae oris, omnibusque adeo qui in dispersione erant Indaeis & Graecis &c. 
q Metaph. in 29. jun.  Metaphrastes affirmeth that after the Church of Rome and many others set in order, Saint Peter went to Carthage in Africa. 
r O●uph. ad Pla. in vita Petri.  Onuphrius acknowledging his Roman See, yet will have him a Non resident (if not an Apostle rather) not to abide there, but finds him in that five and twenty years space at jerusalem, after that at Antioch, seven years together, whence he came to Rome and reform that Church, constituted Linus and Cletus his 
s In Choropiscopos sive coadiuto●es sues instituit. peregrinatione deinde per totam ferè Europam suscepta.  Suffragans or Coadjutors; and travelling thence thorough the most part of Europe, at his return to Rome, was there crucified.  
Thus in a larger sense of the word Bishop, might Peter be styled Bishop of Rome, as having care to oversee that as a principal Church, not neglecting mean while his Apostleship, to which properly belonged the care of all Churches. And hence is that different reckoning of the Roman Bishops, 
t Hier. de script. Eccles. in verbo, Clemens.  Hierom reckoning Peter the first, Linus second, Cletus the third, Clemens the fourth. But Irenaeus 
u Iren. l. 3. c. 31.  nameth Linus the first Bishop, Cletus the second, etc. The like difference is in the See of Antioch 'twixt Hierom and 
x Eus. Chron. & hist. l. 3. c 19  Eusebius, the one beginning with Euodius, the other with Peter, which showeth their opinion that Peter preached in both places as an Apostle, not as Bishop in proper sense. So Irenaeus 
y Iren ubi sup. , the two Apostles (Peter and Paul) having founded the Roman Church, committed the Bishoply charge thereof to Linus: and Rufinus 
z Rufi●. prefat. recognit Clem. ad Ga●dent. , that Linus and Cletus were Bishop's while Peter lived, that they might have the care of the Bishoply charges Episcopatus curam) and he might do Apostolatus Officium, the duty of the Apostleship: & 
a Epip●●. haer 27  Epiphanius, in Roma fuerunt primi Petrus & Paulus Apostoli ijdem ac Episcopi, deinde Linus, etc. Peter and Paul were both Apostles and Bishops in Rome; and after other words of doubt touching Clemens his being Bishop in the times of Linus and Cletus, all of them living in the same times while Peter and Paul were Bishops, saith, proptera quod Apostoli saepè ad alias terras ablegabantur propter Christi praedicationem, non potuit autem urbs Romae esse sine Episcopo, That the Apostles went often into other Countries to preach Christ, in which mean while Rome could not be without a 
* So Damasus in Pontif. sa●●h that Peter ordained Linus & Cletus utpresentialiter omne ministerium sacerdotale exbiberent. And Genebrard. An. 81. saith of Linus & Cletus, eos Petrus chorepiscopos five coadiutores ascivit. & Marianus Scotus An. 59 Linus coepiscopus sub. Petro A●o●tolo exteriora curavit. An. 70. Cletus coe●●, copus successit. after the proof hereof, out of Pope Leo, adds Post Petrum, imò cum Petro, primus papa S. Clem. Romanam regit eccles.  Bishop. For the Apostolical function enjoined an universal; the Episcopal, a particular charge. And as the greater Office includes the less, as the Office of the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Chief justice, or any Councillor of State, containeth the authority of a justice of peace in each shire, with larger extension and intention of power, and a diocesan Bishop the Ministerial function in any pastoral charge in his Diocese, which the Parson or Curate must yield to him being present, and pleased to supply and execute: so, and more than so, the Apostolical comprehends the Episcopal commission, as less: and the Apostles were in this respect Bishops wheresoever they came, not by ordinary constitution, but by a higher and extraordinary function: to whom other Bishops are successors not in the Apostleship strictly taken, but as Bishop to Apostles, as justices of peace in their limits to the higher Commissions either ordinary as of Itinerant justices, or extraordinary by special commission on special occasions constituted, in part, not in all their authority.  
We shall launch into a Whirlpool if we proceed to declare Peter's Successors (as some call the Bishops of Rome) the Fathers themselves disagreeing in their Catalogues. So fare off were they from making Papal succession an essential either Note of the Church, or ground and rule of Faith. But for their preaching the Gospel thorough the World, all Bishops are all Apostles successors, these in their limited, those in an universal Commission; which either they performed, or not: if they did not, it was disobedience, as in Sauls expedition against Amalek: if they could not, it was impotence, and the command of preaching to all Nations, impleadeth defect in the Commander, who is the wisdom of God, and the power of God. His wisdom appeared also together with his power in giving them tongues, and not only healthful constitution of body, but miraculous transportation and power, Nature's defects not hindering the effects of Grace, as appeareth in the story of Philip and the Eunuch, Acts 8. of Paul's surviving a stoning, john the scalding in Oil, and others other difficulties, mentioned in part, both in Divine and Ecclesiastical History, Neither have Miracles and tongues necessary to such a conversion, ever since happened, nor have we promise' that they ever shall. Nor was it ever meeter that the New King should be proclaimed, then when when having led captivity captive, he ascended on high, and took possession of his supercaelestiall throne: the Apostles herein doing that, for the heavenly Solomon with spiritual magnificence, which Nathan, Zadock and others had done for the typical Solomon, by David's appointment. The universal Ceremonies being the same in the whole Church, and such as no general Council could determine, argue the unity of the spirit in the Apostolical preaching, Thus as we have partly showed in all, and particularly showed in Peter for his part, we will declare of the rest.   

§. FOUR Of Saint ANDREW, JOHN, the two JACOBI, PHILIP and SIMON ZELOTES.  
ANdrew the brother of Saint Peter, as 
a Dorat. Synops.  Dorotheus and Sophronius 
b Ap. Hieron. Catol scrip. Eccl.  testify preached to the Scythians, Sogdians, and Sacae, and to the inner or Savage Aethiopians; was buried at Patrae in Achaia, being crucified by Aegeas Governor of the Edesens. Nicephorus 
c Nic. hist. Ec. l. 2. c. 39  writeth that he traveled into Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bythinia, and thence to the Country of the Anthropophagis, or Man-eaters, and to the Wildernesses of the Scythians, to both the Euxine Seas, and to the Southern and Northern Coasts, as also to Byzantium now called Constantinople, where he ordained Stachys Bishop: after which, he went thorough Thrace, Macedonia, Thessalia, and Achaia. That he was sent to the Scythians, Baronius proveth out of Origen, 
d Orig. in Goe l. 3 Euseb. hist. l. 3. c. 1  and Eusebius; and out of Nazianzene 
e Greg. Naz. Orat. in Arian.  his descent into Graecia and Epirus.  
SAint john his banishment into Pathmos, and Epistles to the seven Churches of Asia (which Tertullian 
f Tert. l. 4. cont. Mart.  calls joannis alumnas Ecclesias) are extant in his own Writings. Irenaeus 
g Iren. l. 3. c. 3.  and many other mention his labours at Ephesus, Prochorus 
h Prochor. in hist. S. joan. in Biblioth. pat. to. 2  (his supposed Disciple) hath written a History of his Asian Peregrination, his actions at Ephesus, his passions at Rome, whither he was sent, and in other places; but his authority is no better than of a Counterfeit, as Baronius 
i Ba●on. to. 1. An. 44.  hath also branded him. Of this nature we found many sergeant Gospels and journals, or Histories of the Apostles acts, censured by the Ancients, the Devil then labouring to sow his tares in the Apostolical History, which in after Ages, Antiquity might countenance with venerable authority. Metaphrastes 
k Metaph. in 5. Septem.  relateth his acts sn Phrygia and Hierapolis: That he preached in other Regions of the East, Baronus 
l Relat. ex Ep. jesuit. an. 1555.  affirmeth, especially to the Parthians, to whom his first Epistle was inscribed in ancient Copies: that he converted the Bassorae, is still holden by Tradition amongst them.  
IAmes the brother of john was put to death by Herod to please the jews, 
m Act. 12.  a wicked Geneneration not pleasing God, and contrary to all men. It is reported of some, that before his death he traveled as fare as Spain, and there preached the Gospel, at lest to the dispersed jews. Baronius in his martyrologue 
n Bar. Mart●. jul. 25.  produceth a Book of suspected faith attributed to Isidore, testifying his preaching to the Nations of Spain, and of the Western Regions; and the Breuiarie of Toledo, in which are these Verses, Regens Ioannes dextra solus Asiam, Et laeva frater positus Hispaniam, etc. the testimonies also of Beda, Turpinus and others. All the Churches in Spain, he saith, 
o Annal. to. 1. an. 44.  hold the same opinion. Yet is he uncertain, and so leaves his Reader, because of that untimely timeliness of his death. It is not likely that the Apostleship and office of preaching to all Nations, and the name of the Son of Thunder was given to him by Him, which as easily infuseth the virtue as imposeth the name, and foreknew the times and seasons of his life and death, but that the sequel was answerable.  
His hasty death argues his forward courage, as of him which stood in the forefront of the battle. That he preached to the dispersed Tribes 
p Duodeci●● tribubus in dispersione constitutis. Catolog. Hieron. Dorothei Synopsis. Mermannij theatrum etc.  hath many authors: that his body was brought from jerusalem to Spain, the Roman martyrologue, and the Pope's Callistus and Innocentius are cited by Baronius.  
THe other james called Alphaei, and Oblias, and justus, and the brother of our Lord (either because he was the son of joseph by a former wife, according to Eusebius, 
q Euseb. hist. l 2▪ c. 1. Vid. Epipha. haer. 78. Ab●. l. 6  or because his Mother was sister to the Blessed Virgin, as Saint Jerome 
r Higher de script. Eccles.  rather thinketh) was a man famous for Sanctity and Devotion amongst the jews by the testimony of josephus, 
s jos. Antiq. l. 20. c 8.  which imputeth to his cruel and unjust murder, the terrible desolation which soon after befell that Nation. And 〈◊〉 Talmud both of 
t Talmud. Bab. de Idol c. 2. Hierosul. Sciabboth. c 14.  jerusalem and Babylon, mention him as a worker of Miracles in the N●me of jesus.  
Hegesippus a man near the Apostles times, saith of him, Suscepit Ecclesiam Hierosolymae 
* So Hierom. but Euseb▪ l. 2. c. 22. hath vita cum caeteris Apostolis▪  post Apostolos frater Domini Iacobus cognomento justus etc. Of which words this seems the sense, That whereas the Apostles by common consent in a just aristocraty had governed the Church of Christ, residing at jerusalem, until the time of their dispersion, to diverse parts of the World, (which as Eusebius 
u Euseb. hist. l 5 c. 17.  citeth out of Apollonius, was the twelfth year after Christ's Passion) they then betaking them to their several Provinces; jointly agreed to leave james the Just at jerusalem for the regiment of the Church both there, and as from other places of the World occasions were offered thorough the Universe. For as jerusalem was fare 
x Plin. l. 5. c. 14 long clariss. urbium Orientis non judaeae modo.  the famousest of the Cities of the East, not of judaea alone, in other respects, as Pliny hath honoured it; so in Religion, it was by better testimony called the 
y Mat. 4 & 5.  Holy City, and the City of the great King, whose Tabernacle 
z Ps. 76.  was in Salem and his dwelling in Zion; not in the time of the Law, but of the Gospel also; the Law of the Lord went out of Zion, as 
a Es. 2▪ 3.  Esay had prophesied, and the Word of the Lord from jerusalem. This was the Staple of Christian Merchandise, Emporium 
b Cl. Espenc. in 1. Tim 4.  fidei Christianae (saith Espencaeus) the Mart and Mother of the Christian Faith, which therefore always needed some grave Father to be the principal Factor in her Holy affairs: Jerusalem was before her destruction, the Centre of Christianity, whence all the lines of Apostolical Missions were diffused and thither again reduced; the Ocean, whence all the Ecclesiastic 
c Ec. 1.7.  streams of the Evangelicall waters of life issued, and whither they again returned; Once, it was the Senate-house of Christian Counsels and Counsels for all Provinces of Christianity, the confluence of others, but specially of the jewish dispersions, which from all Countries coming to the Legal Feasts, might there fraught themselves home with Festival wares of Evangelicall commodities. Necessary it was therefore that some Apostolical Senator and principal Apostle should there reside, with whom in all difficulties to consult, not so much as Bishop (in proper sense) of that City, as of the jews, yea and as opportunity lerued, of other Nations thorough the whole World. This was that james which wrote the Epistle bearing his name, whom Paul mentioneth to the Galatians, 
d Gal. 1.19.  and the Acts 
e Act. 15.  often, 
* The other general Counsels were rather of the Roman, than the universal World; assembled by Roman Emperors only.  especially in the fifteenth Chapter, where you see him Precedent of the first Council (if not the only in strictest sense termed General) of the Apostles, after their Provincial dispersions assembled at jerusalem. For in his sentence the Council concludes; and if the Apostles (as the Fathers concur) had committed to him being an Apostle, the government of jerusalem, to whom might the Presidentship of Counsels in that place appertain, rather than to this Apostolical Bishop and Bishoply Apostle, to whom the Lord first committed his throne on earth, as Epiphanius 
f Ep. haer. 78.  testifieth? As a Deputy or Precedent resides 
g As the Precedent of York for the whole Province; the Viceroy of Goa for all the Indieses, etc.  in one City, though his government be not there confined, but extends to the whole Kingdom or Region, so was it with this Apostles Bishopric at jerusalem, from that high Pinnacle to oversee and provide for the affairs of the Catholic and Universal Church. From that high pinnacle (in another sense also) was he cast down, stoned, and at last with a Fuller's Club brained by the jews, which were soon in a terrible desolation called to accounts for this and other Apostolical and Prophetical blood, yea of the high Prophet and Apostle of our salvation, which yet the jews attributed to this Martyrdom of james, as lately and nearly preceding. His Successor was Simeon his brother, in that See of jerusalem, not Simon called the Cananite, one of the twelve, as Baronius 
h Bar. p. 325. to. 1  hath also observed.  
SAint Philip is recorded to have preached in Asia superior, and (as the Roman 
i Rom. Mart. Mai. 1.  martyrologue saith) almost all Scythia. Baronius 
k Baron. Martyr.  supposeth the testimony of Isidore, and the Toledan Breuiarie, that Philip converted the Galls, is falsely written for Galatians, which yet, if Nicephorus Relations 
l Niceph l. 2. c. 40. & li. 8. c. 30.  be true, needs no such correction.  
Simon was called Cananite, as Nicephorus saith, for his birth at Cana, whose marriage was there celebrated when Christ turned water into Wine, and for the fervour of his Zeal, he was surnamed Zelotes. His preaching peregrinations he relateth thorough Egypt, Cyrene, Africa, Mauritania, and all Libya even to the Western Ocean, yea, to our Britain Lands. He preached last in Phrygia, and at Hierapolis was crucified.   

§. V Of Saint THOMAS, BARTHOLOMEW, MATTHEW, JUDAS, MATHIAS: and of sergeant Writings in the Apostles names.  
SAint Thomas called Didymus, preached to the Parthians, as 
m Ori. en. in Gen. l. 3. etc.  Origen, and after him 
n Euseb. l. 3. c. 1.  Eusebius have written: Gregory Nazianzene 
o Naz. hom. ad Arian.  addeth the Indians: chrysostom 
p Chrys. hom. de 12. Ap.  saith, he whited the black Aethiopians. Theodoret 
q Theod. ad Gent. l. 9  reciteth the Parthians, Persians', Medes, Brachmans', Indians and the adjoining Nations: Nicephorus 
r Nic. l. 2. c. 40.  hath the same, and adds the Island Taprobane, which is now called (in the opinion of the most) Samotra: in Hieroms Catalogue is added out of Sophronius, the Germans (of India) Hircans and Bactrians, and his death at Calamina. On the Coast of Choromandel, where the River Ganges is swallowed of the Sea called the Gulf of Bengala, are diverse Christians from old times called S. Thomas Christians. Some of the jesuits have added China also to the labours of S. Thomas. Of these Christians, both in Narsinga, and Cranganor on that Sea where Indus falleth, and in diverse parts of the Indieses you may read in 
s O●or. derch. Em. l. 3.  Osorius 
t M●ff hist. Ind.  Maffaeus and others. His Feast day is celebrated at Malipur, (so they now call the City where he lies buried) not by the Christians alone, but the ethnics also of those parts. The Eunuch of Candace 
u Act. 8.  converted by Saint Philip, is amongst the Aethiopians in Prester john's Countries honoured for Plantation of the Gospel in those parts of Africa; but by Dorotheus 
x Dor. Synops. ●n fine.  said to have preached in all the Erythraean Coast, and the Island Taprobana, before ascribed to Saint Thomas, and in Arabia Foelix.  
SAint Bartholomew (saith chrysostom 
y Chrys. hom. de 12. Apost. ex Bar. ) passed into Armenia Maior, and instructed the Lycaones; Sophronius 
z Soph. ap. Hieron. de script▪ Ec.  adds the Albanians, and the Indians termed Fortunate; Origen saith the hither India; 
a Soc. l. 1. c. 15.  Socrates, India next to Aethiopia. Eusebius 
b Eus. l. 5. c. 10.  testifieth, that Pantaenus a Stoic Philosopher and Rector of the School or University at Alexandria, was ordained Preacher of the Gospel to the Eastern Nations, and pierced to the Regions of the Indians. For there were at that time many 
c In the time of Aurelius and Commodus.  zealous imitators of the Apostles: of whom was this Pantaenus, which preached to the Indians, amongst whom he is reported to have found the Gospel of S. Matthew, in the hands of some Christians, which 
c In the time of Aurelius and Commodus.  had received the faith by S. Bartholomew, and left them the said Gospel in Hebrew, reserved till that time. Nicephorus 
d Nic. l. 2. c. 39  adjoineth S. Bartholomew, to S. Philip in his Plantations of the Gospel in Syria and Asia Superior, and after at Hierapolis, where he was crucified with Philip, but delivered, and yet again at Vrbanopolis in Cilicia, died that ignominious death and glorious Mrrtyrdome. This 
e Hier. ubi sup.  Hebrew Gospel of Saint Matthew, Saint Hierome, both saw and copied out. It was reserved in the Library of Caesarea.  
SAint Matthew traveled into Aethiopia, that namely which adhereth to India, as Socrates 
f Socra. ubi sup.  writeth, Nicephorus 
g Nic. l. 2. c. 41.  addeth the Anthropophagis, and tells I know not what Legends, rejected also by Baronius. For such was the indulgent providence of God, not to burden the faith of the Church with voluminous Histories of Apostolical Acts thorough the whole World, which scarcely (as Saint john hath of our Lord) the 
h john 21.  whole World could have contained. Unto the faith of all, not to the curiosity of some, was written enough by those holy Penmen, the Secretaries of the Holy Ghost in holy Scripture. But the Devil impiously provident, 
Counterfeits fathered on Apostles, etc.  hence took occasion to burden the Church with so many unworthy Legends, both presently after their times forged in their names, and since by Upstarts devised and obtruded on the Credulous world, as Lives, (lies) of the Saints, Histories, yea, Misse-stories, Hisse-stories, by the old Serpent hissed and buzzed amongst superstitious men (missing worthily the right, and deceived with lies, because they had not received the love of the truth; to make way to the succeeding mystery of Iniquity; out of which Babylonian Mint, we have lately that babbling and fabling Abdias, by Lazius his Midwifery borne after so many Ages, an Abortive indeed, or Changeling, as the wiser 
i Baron etc.  of themselves confess. He can tell you instead of Saint Matthewes life, many Aethiopian Fables, and entertain you in a (Fools) Paradise situate above the highest Mountains, with such delicacies, as show that Adam's children are still in love with the forbidden fruit, and will loose, or at lest adventure the true Paradise to found a false. Inopes nos copia fecit. Their abundant labours and travels which Came, Saw, Overcame, each so large portions of the World, left them no leisure to writ annal (whence some have found leisure to writ Aniles, old wives Tales) and makes the conversion of the World an object of our faith, rather in believing the prediction and testimony thereof in the Scripture, then of humane credit, where the Apostles and Martyrs of their golden Actions and Passions, have found such Leaden 
k 〈◊〉 and Canus complain 〈…〉 hereof, yea D. Ha●d●u, etc.  Legends and wooden workmen, Makers or Poets, rather than Historians: which here once spoken may be applied to the rest, of whose great works so little is recorded.  
Saint Augustine 
l Aug co●. 〈◊〉 & cont 〈…〉. l. 1 c. ●●.  complains of such Apocrypha Scriptures amongst the Manichees, à nescio quibus sutoribus fabularum sub Apostolorum nomine Scriptas: and refuseth the like testimonies of john and Andrew produced by the Marcionites. S. Hierom 
m Hier. de scrip.  nameth five Apocrypha Books falsely attributed to Peter; his Acts, his Gospel, his Praedication, his Apocalypse, his judgement. Some also mention 
n Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 6.  Itinerarium Petri, which perhaps is the same with Clement's Recognitions, another counterfeit. In Paul's name was published a Gospel, Apocalypse, his Revelations, his Ascent to Heaven (which the Gnostiks used, as saith Epiphanius 
o Epiph. haer. 26 Vid. de his Baron. an. 44. to. 1. ) his Acts, & third Epistles to the Corinthians, and to the Thessalonians, and one to the Laodiceans. john is made a Father of other Revelations, and of the Virgin's Departure. Saint Andrew's Gospel, Saint Thomas his Gospel and Apocalypse. Saint Bartholomew; Gospel, Saint Matthews Book of Christ's Infancy, received by the Valentinians, are condemned by 
p Gel. in decret. de lib. Apot.  Gelasius. Neither did Mathias, Philip, and Thaddaeus want their Gospels, heretical births injuriously laid at their doors: nor Barnabas also, nor Mark, not nor judas the Traitor, which the Caians' acknowledged, as Theodoret and Epiphanius have written, lettuce suitable to such polluted lips. We might add the Acts (so inscribed) of Andrew, of Thomas, of Philip, of Paul and Thecla john's Circuit. Yea the Coliedge Apostolical was made to father like Bastards, as the Doctrine of the Apostles, the Lots of the Apostles, the Praise of the Apostles, besides other Acts of the Apostles, and the manglings of the truly Apostolical Pages by Addition, or Substraction. What shall I say? Our Blessed Lord escaped not heretical Impostures in his Name, as the Book De magia ad Petrum & Paulum. And I think him rather prodigal then liberal, or just of his faith which subscribes to that story 
q Euseb. l. 1. c. 13  of Abagarus. But it were endless no less than needless, to entangle ourselves in this diabolical Maze and heretical labyrinth of sacred forgeries, in that and after Ages, 
Matth. 13.  the Envious man's supper seminations to bewitch unstable souls, not contented with God's dimensum and provident allowance. If therefore of Saint Matthewes Aethiopian peregrinations, if of Saint Mathias in Aethiopia also (for a great part of Asia, 
Sophron. & Niceph. l. 2. c. 40.  and the greatest of Africa were styled by that name) if of judas Thaddeus his preaching in Mesopotamia, Arabia, Idumaea, and the Regions adjacent, we have so little recorded, it is no great marvel. It may be sufficient to understanding Readers, that we have out of the best Authors extant, named the most Countries of the then known world. And if every Region and People be not mentioned, impute it to the want of History of their several Acts, who sought rather to writ Christ's Passions in the hearts, than their own Actions in the books, of Men; to produce deeds not words, and monuments of Divine, not their own glory. Few places can be named in Asia or Africa, which we have not mentioned in their prerigrination and preaching▪ and fair probability is for those not mentioned by consequence of reason, which at jest can prove nothing to the contrary; and more than probability is the Divine testimony before observed.   

§. VI Of Saint PAUL: of Apostolical Assistants: some doubts discussed.  
AS for Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles, he flew like a swift Fowl over the World: we have his own testimony of his Preaching in Arabia, his return to Damascus, and journey after 
a Gal. 1.  three years to jerusalem, thence to the Regions of Syria and Cilicia; yea that he (not sprinkled, but) filled jerusalem to Illyricum with the Gospel; of his preaching in Italy and Rome, of his purpose for Spain, which some 
b Mermannii Theat. Conuers. gent.  say he fulfilled afterwards, adding thereto Portugal France, Britain, the Orchades, the Lands and Regions adjoining to the Sea, and his return by Germany into Italy, 
c Bed. & Aug. Script. Niceph. l. 2. c. 20.  where he suffered Martyrdom, being by Nero beheaded. I force no man's credit, as neither to that of joseph of Arimathea his preaching to the Britons, nor Saint Denis his Conversion of the Galls, at lest in all things written of them. But for the Acts of Paul, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, the Scripture is more ample then of any the rest, the greater parts of Saint Luke's History, being of Paul's Acts.  
What should we add the labours of Evangelists, Assistants, and Co-workemen with the Apostles in those first Plantations, sent by them in several missions to diverse places? Such were Barnabas, 
d Vid de his Dorothei Synops. Merman. Baron. etc.  Silas, Philip the Deacon, Silvanus, Timothee, Titus, and others: some of which were after Bishops (as is anciently believed) of particular Churches. Epaenetus Saint Paul's disciple is said to have been Bishop of Carthage, Andronicus another of them in Pannonia, now called Hungary, Amplyas at Odyssa, Vrbanus in Macedonia, jason at Tarsus, Trophimus at Arles, Crescens at Vienna, Aristobulus in Britain, Asyncritus in Hyrcania, Hermes in Dalmatia, and others in other places, a Catalogue of whom in Mermannius his Theatre you may see at leisure. Saint Mark disciple of Saint Peter having preached to Libya, Marmarica, Ammonica, Pentapolis, and Egypt ordained Bishops in the new planted Churches. Eutropius another of Saint Peter's disciples, is said to have preached in France: Mansuetus another of them, to some parts of Germany, as Simon of Cyrene, to other parts. But it were too tedious, to bring hither all that Authors have written of the seventy disciples, and other Apostolical Assistants, who spent and were spent, consumed and consummated their course in and for the Gospel.  
HONDIUS his Map of Saint PAUL'S Peregrination.  
But here some may say, that we have not named all Countries of the World, and of those named there is in Authors much variety of report, in judicious Readers much scruple to credit. I answer, that it were a fare harder task to prove that any Country, not here mentioned, was neglected in this Ministry. Neither did the Geography of those times extend their survey much further, then that we have here in their journals expressed: although it much extended itself beyond the truth. Besides, who can wonder that the Apostles found not Penmen, to record their Evangelicall conquests thorough the World, seeking to establish a Kingdom Spiritual and Internal, contemning the world's glory, and of vainglorious worldlings contemned, when the great Conquerors, which sought to subdue the World by force, and plant Empires by Arms, have left so obscure notice of their exploits, though dedicated to humane applause and admiration? Of the Egyptian Conqueror Sesostris, Lucan sings, Venit ad occasum mundique extrema Sosostris, Et Pharios currus regum seruicibus egit! Of Nabuchodonosor the Scripture witnesseth, that his greatness 
e Dan 4. 2●  reached to Heaven, and his Dominion to the end of the Earth; Yet have they neither journals nor Annals of their great Acts left to posterity, not so much as the names of their subdued Provinces, not so much as we have here produced of the Apostles. Nay, what is left to memory of the long-lived Assyrian Monarchy, but shadows, glimpses, fables? Who hath left in Register the names of the one hundred twenty seven 
f Esler 8.9.  Provinces, subject to the Persian Monarchy from India to Ethiopia? Nay, how little and how uncertain is remaining of the Greek Alexander his Expedition, although then undertaken, when Greece had arrived at the height of humane learning, and by him that was himself a famous Scholar of the most famous of Philosophers? Did not he deplore 
g Cic. pro Arc●. Poet.  his own unhappiness in this kind, treading on the Tomb of Achilles? And had not Curtius and Arrianus long long after his death, written of him (I question not the certainty) how little should we have of Great Alexander? Great in his Acts and Arts, greater in his Attempts, greatest in the unbounded Ambition of Greatest Renown to latest posterity; yet how much more is left of the Acts of Humble Apostles, then of Ambitious Alexander? And now his Conquests are obliterated and forgotten, how are theirs written not in Books and Lines, but in the minds and lives of Men, so great a part of the World still remaining the Volume of their Expeditions in their Christian profession?  
And how much more did so, till the unbelief and unthankfulness of wicked men, provoked Divine justice to remove his golden Candlestick from so many Nations thorough the World, which for contempt of Christian Truth, were again abandoned to Ethnic superstitions? Thus had God dealt with the jews before; thus after with the Christians in Africa almost generally in a great part of Europe, and in a great great part of Asia by Mahometan madness, in which what that Arabian Cankerworm had left, the Tartarian Caterpillar did almost utterly devour. Thus in Marco Polo, in Rubruquius, in Odoricus and Mandiuil●, ye may read of Christian Nations dispersed quite thorough Asia 1200. years and more after Christ, overwhelmed with that Tartarian deluge, where the Name of Christians in the remotest parts is extinct, till Navigation in the last Age revived it. And had not Navigation and Peregrination opened a window, no Geographer had let us know the names of Nations, which Christians of the West found, professing the same Christ in the unknown Regions of the East, at once seen to be, and to be Christian. Yea, how little of the remote North and East of Europe and Asia, or of the South of Africa, was known to Pliny, Ptolomey, and other ancient Geographers, where their Christian light hath shined to us with the first notice of themselves?  
I infer not, that the Gospels' lightning kindled an Evangelicall flame, and obtained Episcopal entertainment in every place where the Apostles preached: 
The reason of the name Pagan or Paynim.  nor that every Lord, Tribe, and Family heard this Divine Message; nor that each Country was filled with the Gospel, or any with an universal profession in the first Plantations, or in their times. The name Paganus which signifiing a Peasant or rustic, for this cause was altered to a Panime or Ethnic, because Religion could not, but in tract of time diffuse her bright beams and lines of light, from her Episcopal City Centre (that also not wholly Christian) to those ruder parts of her remoter circumference. This I say, 
Rom. 10.18.  that their sound went into all the Earth, and their words unto the Ends of the World, in some Countries and Nations more fully, in some more obscurely, in all by fame at left, if not by the Apostles presence, as the Spirit permitted utterance, that some of all might be converted.   

§. VII. Of America, whether it were then peopled.  
ANd if any more scrupulous doubt of the New World, and of many places where no foot print of Chistianity is extant, I answer, 
* Sup. c. 1. §. 8.  (besides what before in our Ophirian Tractate is spoken) not only that time eats up her own Children, and that none can prove that Christ hath not been there preached in former times, because these are thereof ignorant; (for a deluge of opposing persecutions, another of eclipsing superstitions and heresies, a third of war and invasions, extinguishing both the Religion and People also hath succeeded, in some the most renowned Churches of the World: and what then may time have done in unknown places?) But who can tell that America, and many parts of Asia, Africa and Europe were then peopled with Men, the Subjects capable of this Preaching? Nay, may we not in probability think the contrary? how great a part of the World is yet without habitation? how great a part of the World is yet unknown? All the South Continent is in manner such, and yet in reason 
* See Brerewoods' Book of Lang. & Acosta de temp. nou. l. 1. c. 18.  conjectured to be very large, and as it were another New World; Also Fernand d● Quiros saith he hath discovered eight hundred leagues of shore. Neither is it probable but that so temperate parts are inhabited (which in part, so fare as is known on the Shores and adjacent Lands, is apparent) nor is their likelihood of Christianity, where the Nations every way adjoining are Ethnic, that I say not Savage on the parts of Asia and America: and both these and they seem latelier peopled than the Apostles days. In the new Straitss beyond the Magellane, the stupidity of the Fowls argued they knew not the face of Men, which they not at all dreaded. And many many Lands not yet inhabited, this ensuing Discourse will manifest. Yea in large Tracts of the Continent of Groenland, & other parts unto Newfoundland, it is found that either there are no people, or they but for some time in the Summer, and for some purpose, as of hunting or fishing, not certain and settled dwellers: a name scarcely fitting to the people in Virginia and Florida. Even in our old World itself, how new are the eldest Monuments & Antiquities, in all the North, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Lapland, the Samoyeds, Tartars, yea the Northermost Russes, Lithuanians, Livonians, Poles; how new their Arts, their Acts, their Laws, Government, Civility and Fame? Which therefore must needs as the World increased, be evacuated from Countries nearer the Sun, by necessity enforced to harder Climates. Of Island our story will show, it was but yesterday inhabited.  

See my Pilg. l. ●. c. 10.  The Scythians and Sarmatians of the ancient are more Southerly; and well may we reject the fables of Hyperborcans, and I know not what devised Northern Peoples and Monsters, the Creatures and Colonies of idle busy brains. These Northern people, scarcely worthy the name of a People, did God use when the sins of the Roman Empire were full, to punish their pride by so base instruments, in Gottish, Vandal, Hunnish, Saxon, Frank, and other names, in judgement remembering mercy to the chastised Children, and to the chastising Rod, not therefore cast into the fire, except to refine them, but by conquering Christian Nations, themselves disposed by divine hand to become a Christian Conquest, and to submit themselves to that God, to that Religion, whose loser Professors they overcame with an overwhelming inundation. How unsearchable are thy ways, O God, and thy judgements passing knowledge, which of Stones raisest children to Abraham, and bringest Lions into the Sheep-fold in hope of prey and spoil, where thy discipline transforms them into Lambs? and persecuting Saul turns a Prophet?  
The remotest Northern and Southern parts of America are yet thinly inhabited, and in great part not at all, as before is observed, whereas Mexicana, and Perwiana were abundantly peopled at the Spaniards first arrival, with the Lands adjacent. Two great Empires were there erected, one 
* As Canaan was in Abraham's time nothing so populous as in joshuas.  in Mexico, the other of the Ingas in Cusco; but neither of them ancient. Nor let any impute this to their illiterate barbarousness. For they had means to preserve memory of their acts by computation no less certain than ours, though more troublesome: and thereby is the Mexican Epocha, or first beginning, then beginning to be a People, the Devil imitating the Israelites in their Exodus towards the Countries which they after possessed, apparent to have been above seven hundred years after Christ: as that of the Ingas some hundreds later. 
* Acosta reckons the Mexican beginnings out of their own histories, about An. 900. and Garcilosso de la Vega born in Cusco ●nd of the stock of the Ingas, begins the first Inca after A. D. 1100. which w●re before most savage.  For it is most likely that America was first peopled from the North of Asia and Europe in her nearer and Northern parts, whence by secret instinct, and hopeful allurements they were enticed to remove nearer the Sun, and from the Mexican to pass to i Perwian Continent. Neither can probable reason be given of peopling America but from thence, as by the Discourses of Acosta and Master Brerewood appeareth: neither did those Northern parts receive Inhabitants till the Regions of the World nearer Noas' Ark, and of more commodious habitation were first peopled, whence the East and South parts were soon after Noas' time replenished: the colder and worse successively, and the extreme North by later compulsion and necessity, the better being peopled before: and there exceeding their just proportion, they emptied themselves partly by returning into the South by Conquests to overrun civiller Nations, and partly were forced to seek further, as vicinity of Seas and Lands afforded, till America was also peopled. For (besides that those Northern parts were as fertile in the womb, as barren in the soil, numerous beyond due food) those rough, cold mountainous habitations yielded like constitution of body and unquietness of mind strong and able to endure, bold and forward to adventure greatest difficulties, still pressing (where worse than the present could hardly befall) and following their hopes till nearer propinquity to the Sun, Climates more temperate, richer Soil, consent of Elements and Aliments bred content to their minds and more prosperous consent of Fortunes, which softened their rigid dispositions, and by degrees disposed them to think on mechanical and politic Arts, further to humanize their society, and to polish their cohabitation with Polity. This we see soon done in Egypt, and Babylonia presently after the Flood: but how long before the Persians' were civilised? how long after before the Macedonians, or Romans? yea, how long before there were Romans?  
Nature infused the first cares of necessary being, which being by the fertile habitation and industrious culture richly supplied, in the settled standing the Milk of humane wits yielded the flower or cream of Arts for flourish and beauty, which vnsettled and discontented estates weary of the present, and pressing still forwards cannot produce; neither can a rolling stone gather moss. And thus we find the Germane now a civil Nation, which many ages after Christ were barbarous. Yea, where more feritie and savage rudeness than this our Britain yielded not long before the birth of our Saviour, for their painting, nakedness, and other rude demeanours worse than the Virginians now, and like some more barbarous Americans? What hath America savouring of Antiquity? what besides the former, not savouring of the Cradle, and later transmigration?  
Those memorial which they have of the Flood might pass with them by Tradition even from the Ark itself thorough all their removes and transmigrations. And no less might be said of that Ticfiviracocha mentioned by Acosta, (whom Vega observeth to have many things not so truly) like to Our Men, and preached amongst them many good lessons with little effect, 
Accost de procur. Ind. Sal. l. 1. c. 2. Veg. tom. 2 lib. 7. c. 13. pag. 1454. Lerius hist Na●. in Era. c 16.  and after many miracles amongst them was slain; whose picture some of the Spaniard● had seen, resembling those of our Saints. Vega tells another and more likely story of Viracochas apparition in that habit, which no doubt was the Devil. The like is recorded by Lerius, of a tradition amongst the Brasilians, that innumerable Moons before, there came a Mair or Stranger, clothed after the Christian manner, and bearded, which preached unto them the knowledge of GOD, but none would believe him: after whom another came which delivered them a Sword, since which time they have used to slay and eat one another. These things, as they may be true, so may they be the New actions of the old Serpent ambitious of Deity, or may by Tradition fly with them thorough all their habitations; or if any shall think it there happened (which I cannot believe) yet are they rather to interpret it of the Apostles (& so further confirmeth our opinion) then of any other, seeing no such men could there have access, and their speech be understood, but by miraculous dispensation. As for the Rock in Brasill called Etooca (where, as Master Knivet affirmeth, Saint Thomas preached) converted out of Wood into Stone, the Fishes being his auditors, 
Knivets' journal.  who seethe not a friarly supersemination in the report? we read in Theophrastus or Aristotle, or whosoever else be Author of that Book De M●rabilibus Auscultat. of a fertile desert Island found by the Carthaginians, abounding with Woods and Rivers navigable, and other bounties of Nature, distant many days sailing from the African Continent: some of the Carthaginians intended there to inhabit, but were repelled, and all men prohibited on pain of death, jest the Sovereign power and weal public of Carthage might thence be endamaged. This is by some interpreted of the West- Indieses, or some Lands thereof; which if it be so, confirms our opinion that those parts were not then inhabited. 
P. Pilg. l. 8. c. 2.  Nor did any civility appear in America to argue civil Progenitors, but that which was of later memory. Plato's Atlantis we have elsewhere showed to be allegorical, at lest no historical truth: nor any likelihood in other ancient Navigations mentioned in Plutarch, Diodorus and others to point at these parts.  
If the multitudes of people found there by the first Spaniards seem to plead for a longer habitation then that we allow; let it be observed that a thousand and four hundred years (for the first Discovery was 1492. after Christ) might well fill a world with people, especially considering their Polygamy, or many Women, their simple Diet, and that which attended the same, healthful Constitution and long Life (in some places admirable) their easy course of life contented with a little, not fearing to exceed their means and maintenance by numerous issue; where Nature yielded homespun or rather womb-spunne attire, and the Mother Earth with little importunity or labour yielded food sufficient; where Plagues, Morraines, Famine, were scarce heard of; where Covetousness the root of all evil had so little work; Ambition scarcely knew to diversify titles of honour; and war (the enchanted circle of death, compendium of misery, Epitome of mischief, a Hell upon Earth) had not Iron, Steele, Led, not Engines, Stratagems, Ordnance, not any humane Arts of inhumanity to fill those parts of the World with emptiness, and there to erect theatres of Desolation and Destruction. Nor did Nature yield many devouring Beasts, but reserved all her savageness to the Men.  
To let pass the peopling of the World before and after the Flood, in no great time, we see that in Egypt in the midst of heavy burdens, inhuman butchery, and intolerable tyranny, the Israelites were multiplied, in the space of two hundred and ten years, from seventy 
a Gen. 46.27.  persons to above two millions, as may be ghesled, in that there were 600000. 
b E●. 12.37.  men, besides children, and besides the females also as appeareth in the 
c Num. 1.46. & 2.32.  second numbering by Moses, and 
d Num. 26.51, 64.  in the third by him and Eleazar, when all those but Caleb and joshua were dead. Allowing therefore the male children not much less, as that third numbering evinceth, and the females in probability as many as the males (the rather for that Pharaohs cruel Edict touched not them) you cannot but found above 2000000. Now this their increase was by natural means though by singular providence, and therefore might as well happen in America, those impediments removed, and many other furtherances annexed, in liberty, plenty, and largeness of Territorie, all elements conspiring to multiplication. Neither can any thing but Divine providence (which none can deny in America, and had many more easy and visible means, lesser lets then in Egypt) be alleged for the one more than the other. This I may say, that if any list to examine the proportion, and suppose like providence, in that time of 1400. years may follow a more numerous inundation of people, than ever America (perhaps the whole World) may probably be supposed at once to have numbered, although large deductions be allowed both for ordinary mortality and some more dismal accidents. Neither is it likely that the first plantations were so few (if voluntarily seeking, & not by accident forced to those habitations) as 70. persons twice told: nor that America at once or from one place received her first Colonies, as by the diverse languages, statures, habits of men may appear, although time, custom, accident, be allowed no little power in these things. This we see amongst ourselves, where one Dutch or Teutonike 
e Diatrib. de Europaeor. ling. jos. Scalig. P. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. l. 1. cap. 8.  hath yielded not only a distinction of higher and lower, but the English, Danish, Sweden, Norwegian, Islandish, Nordalbing, Frisian (besides the subdiversified dialects which each of these multiplieth) Languages, Peoples, Rites, so much differing, and the elder both tongues and customs (as in our Saxon) by Variation and succession after a few Centuries in manner extinguished. So vain a thing is Man. Let me conclude this discourse of multiplication in America, by an American example of cattles transported out of Europe thither, especially Kine, which as they bear no more at a burden than a woman, nor oftener, so are they shorter-lived usually by two third parts: yet have they so increased there, that 
* Acosta l. 1. cap. 21. & l. 4. c. 34.  one man the Bishop of Venezuela had above 16000 yea they have grown wild, their numbers exceeding the care of owners, and every man at pleasure killing them for their hides. And one man, the 
f Ouiedol 15. c. 1 A few Horses also and mares left by the River of Plate so increased, that since they have slain them only for their tails, to cell to the Negroes. Of Coney's strange increase, see l. 2. ●. 1. §. 2.  Dean of Conception, had of one Kow living 26. years, in her life time the increase of 800. Sic canibus catulos similes— These Indians which respected in generation little else but sensuality, and in manner of life resembled brute beasts rather than civil (that I say not Christian) Men, enjoying like privileges of Nature in other things, might in this also.   

§. VIII. The glory of Apostolical Conquests: the hopes of enlarging the Church in this last Age, by knowledge of Arts and Languages through the benefit of Printing and Navigation.  
LEt me conclude this Discourse of Apostolical Peregrinations with consideration, with collaudation, with admiration even to ecstasy and astonishment, of Their (shall I ●ay or Gods?) Exploits, and renowned Acts. Little are the Acts of Great Alexander, Pompeius Magnus▪ Fabius Maximus, and other Greats and Grandes of the World, who by Arms and Arts military, by Fire, Sword, Famine, Massacres forced the bodies (the least part) of Men to a compulsive subjection, shaken off with the first opportunity. But how shall I ad●or●e your noble Conquests, Ye Divine Apostolical Worthies? who walking in the flesh, not warring after the flesh, without, yea, against the force of carnal weapons▪ pulled down strong holds, cast down imaginations, and every high thing that exalted itself against the knowledge of God, and brought into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ? Herein they used not assistance of other Nations by confederation, nor mustered multitudes in pressed and trained bands of their own; 
2. Chor. 10.3▪ 4, 5  nor received supportation by Subsidies, nor made invasion by force, nor obtained an unwilling conquest of Bodies (the shell without the kernel) nor entertained clo●e intelligence, nor wrought by close Treasons, nor divided to themselves the spoils▪ nor erected Forts, established Garrisons, imposed taxations, transplanted inhabitants, depressed Nobles, shared new Provinces into Timars, tithed Children, planted Colonies; nor had their counsels of War at home, or warlike customs abroad, Engines, Stratagems, Combats, Sieges, Skirmishes, pitched Fields, Ships, Horses, Chariots, Tents, Trumpets, Munition, nor that worst Baggage of Armies, Crying, Spoiling, Sacking, Wounding, maiming, Killing with Multiformities of Cruelties, as if the nethermosts Hells had mustered and evaporated the most and worst of Her Fumes and Furies into Our world, which might therefore take, that they might destroy, the shapes of Men, by humane inhumanity. But a few poor Fishermen, and Tent-makers overthrew the World's Wisemen, in the most flourishing times of worldly learning, subdue the Sceptres of greatest Kings and Monarches, ruin the gates of Hell, & undermine the deepness of Satan, supplant the profoundest, suttlest, mightiest of Satanical combinations with the whole World of Men against a handful; and maugre their united Forces, preaching a Crucified God, 
Ap. 2.  and teaching the Cross as the first Principle of Christian Learning, to overcome the edge of the Sword with suffering it, to stop the mouths of Lions with their flesh, to quench the violence of fire with their blood; to forsake all Goods, good Name, Wife, Life, Child, to deny themselves, to pluck out their right eyes, to cut off their right hands, to pray for their persecutors, to recompense hatred with love, and overcome evil with goodness, looking for no other reward then what the World can neither look on, nor for; they invade with innocence, and with Saving overcome, the World; and whiles it most resisteth, persecuteth, overcometh, incline it to willingness, calmness, subjection; writ their conquests not in the blood of the Conquered but of the Conquerors: erect Trophies, not in O●eliskes, Pyramids, Arches, by others industry, but in their own Funerals, Crucifying, Stoning, Martyrdoms; solemnize Triumphs not with their own Armies, not with captived troops, attending in greatest pomp the sublime Triumphal Chariot, but by being led forth with out-cries, shouts, clamours, to the basest and most ignominious deaths. Those of whom the World was not worthy, reputed unworthy of the World; have the Panegyrikes of their praises, written not by the pens of Parasites or Poets, nor in the lines, (as is said) but in the lives of men; the Christian World (as before is observed) remaining not written, but real Annals of the Apostles Acts, who being poor made many rich, and having nothing possessed all things. The Solaecismes 
b Theo●. Orat. 5  of Fishermen dissolved the Syllogisms of Philosophers, and where but a few of any Nation could be won, to profess themselves the Disciples of any Philosophical Sect, 
2. Cor. 6.10.  though graced and admired by the World, yet the World becomes Christian in despite of the World's disgraces and persecutions: nor could the immane-cruelties of some, or superfine subtleties of other, subvert, nay they converted men to the Gospel; the seed, the fattening of the Church was the Blood of her slain Martyrs; all ages, sexes, sorts of men, even women, even children, even women-childrens, outbraving the greatest, the fiercest, the wisest of Satanical instruments▪ by suffering, conquering, and at once overcoming the Devil, the World, Themselves. Even so O Father, because it pleased thee.  
And be not angry Reader, if the passed, present unto my contemplation future things▪ and if the consideration of divine assistance in Tongues, Revelations, Miracles immediately conferred for the first Plantation of Christianity, occasion my thoughts to a more serious survey of future hopes in the propagation and reformavion thereof. In the first foundation of Mosaical Rite●, God raised Bezaleel, and Aholiab with others, by divine instinct enabled to curious workmanship, 
Ex. 31. l. 6. & 35.30.  fitting that Oeconomie of the Tabernacle, whiles that jewish Church was as it were rocked in the Cradle, and God vouchsafed to devil amongst those Tent-dwellers in a Tent. But after that State was settled, and the Church flourished in the Reign of David and Solomon, God did not again infuse Sciences by Miracle, or by miraculous disposition (as before the Egyptians were spoilt) provided materials to that Work; but furnished Salomons wisdom, with help of the two Hirams, the one a cunning workman in Gold, Silver, Brass, Iron, Stone, Timber, to grave any manner of graving, 
●. Chron. 2.14.  and to found out every device, the son of a Tyrian, by an Israelitish woman; the other his Master, the King of Tirus, a man furnished with a Navy of ships and store of Mariners, by whose means the Temple and Court might be provided of necessaries from remotest Ophir, aswell as the nearer Lebanon. I implore not, I importune not any unwilling assent or follower of my apprehension and application hereof to what I now propound in like differing states of the Christian Church. 
1. Cor. 10, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Omnia contingebant illis in figurá. This was likewise founded, and as it were a Tabernacle built for Christ by the Apostles, men wholly enabled by immediate graces and gifts of the Spirit to so divine a Worke. A Tabernacle I call the Church, not only as being yet militant, and therefore abiding in Tents, but in comparison and respectively to that external spendour which followed long after the Apostles times, when Kings became her Nursing Fathers and Queens her Nursing Mothers, subjected their Crown to the Cross, shining in the highest top thereof. Albeit therefore in purity of doctrine and manners the Apostolical times had their spiritual preeminence (as the Tabernacle also exceeded the Temple in the ordinary Cloud, Pillar of fire, Manna, Miracles, syncerest worship by Moses, and the like.) Yet when the World became Christian, and the Cross became the Imperial Banner the Church, before persecuted, now revived under Constantine, jovianus, Theodosius, and other Religious Monarches, and Kings, seemed to renew the Golden revolutions and settled returns of Christian David's and Salomons; and they which before had not a Smith in Israel, scarcely a Bishop or Temple to be seen, had Temples, Schools, Bishops, Counsels, whence Religion was propagated and established in the several Realms and Nations of Christianity; not now by Miracles as before by the Apostles, but by the Ministry of Bishops and Priests of ordinary calling and gifts; and he himself was now the greatest Miracle that believed not, the whole World believing and wondering at infidelity as a Monster.  
And as the Temple and state of Religion declining was repaired and reform by godly Kings, as joash, Hezekiah, josiah; and Zealous Priests such as jehoiada; and after the ruins thereof was rebuilded by Princes and Priests, Zorobabel and joshua, Nehemiah and Ezra: so hath God stirred up good Kings & Pastors in the declining age of the Church, as Charles the Great, King Alfred and many others in Histories mentioned; & after the deportation thereof into Mystical Babylon, when she seemed in her truest members fled out of the World's easier view into the Wilderness, hath God raised up the Kings of England, Sweden, Denmark, and other Christian Princes, States, and Potentates with Religious Bishops and Ministers to repair the desolations of Zion, and restore jerusalem with the Temple, if not to her first splendour, yet from her late Captivity, where she had small pleasure to sing the Lords song in a strange land, & babble her holies in the unknown Language of Babylon. 
Psal. 37.4.  As therefore the first Plantation of the Tabernacle was by miracle and immediate instinct; the erection of the Temple, and succeeding reparations were by the art and humane industry of such Heroic spirits as God raised up and sanctified in every age: so the Christian Church planted by Apostles, hath been since wate●ed by faithful Pastors, exalted by pious Emperors, depressed by Heretics and Persecutors, captived by Popes, and in her diversified changes and chances, rather expecteth extraordinary blessing upon the ordinary helps, functions, and graces, then means merely extraordinary and miraculous. Amongst all which helps by humane industry, none (in my mind) have further prevailed than those two, the Arts of Arts, Printing and Navigation, both in manner given at once to the World by divine goodness, this for supply of matter, that other of form, to this Spiritual Reedification of God's Sanctuary. And as Hirams Art improouing natural wit by diligent industry, succeeded the infused Sciences of Bezaleel and Aholiab; so to that Apostolical gift of Tongues, in the foundation of the Church hath succeeded for reformation thereof, the principal Tongues and Languages of Nations, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Syriake, Arabike, and the rest, partly refined, partly renewed by humane industry, through the benefit of Printing. For how were the learned and remoter Tongues buried and unknown in these parts, till that Art brought in plenty, facility and cheapness of Books, whereby Languages became the Keys, Books the Treasuries and Storehouses of Science; whiles by those men found access into these; and Printing yielded admittance to both in plenty and variety? And thus was unuailed that mystery of Iniquity in the age before us, which had captived so many Ages in worse than Egyptian darkness. This mystery at first arose in a mist from the bottomless pit, in a time of barbarous ignorance, occasioned by irruption of Barbarians into all parts of Christendom, successively like wild Boars out of the Forest, rooting up God's Vineyard, and preparing a way to the Romish Foxes to spoil the Vines, to corrupt and devour the fruits thereof. The Goths, Vandals, Huns, Herules, Lombard's, Saracens, in Spain, Africa and Italy; the Frankes, and after them the Saracens, Danes, and Normans in France, and the places adjoining; the Picts, Saxons and Angles, and after them the Danes, in these parts; the Auarés, Saracens, Tartars, Turks in the East and South; with other deluges of Ethnikes hating learning, burning Libraries, killing learned men, in these and other parts seconded with factions, treasons, and civil uncivil combustions of Christians amongst themselves, made easy way first, and strong confirmation after to the Papacy apprehending all opportunities to advance itself, first in spiritual things, after also in temporal.  
But what illiterate ignorance little discerned, not muth withstood, renewed literature hath exposed to the view of all, and by revived Arts hath discerned the Arts of that painted jezabel, whose fouler wrinkles, her Ieza●elicall, jesuitical Parasites still labour with renewed and refined Arts also to plaster and fill up a fresh; but hereby whet the industry of others to improve their Arts and industry on the otherside, in more eager search and diligent inquisition to take those wise in their craftiness, and to let men see that the materials of this later Babylon in the West are turfs of earth, which humane wits have baked into bri●kes, and with slime of Policy, have raised to so superadmirable a frame and structure.  
And jest so great a blessing procured by Printing, should rest and rust amongst ourselves in this Western corner of the World, God hath added that other Art of Navigation, as that other Hirams assistance to Solomon, and of Nehemiah to Ezra, the Prince and Priest, learning and power combined. This Art was before obscure and rude, 
Of this improvement of Navigation read the next Chapter.  but by the industry of the Portugals lifted up to higher attempts, with care of their Kings (employing Astronomy to her better furniture) enabled to new Discoveries in Africa, and after that in all the East; whose example the Spaniard following happily encountered a New World, and first of all men unlosed the Virgin Zone of the Earth, encompassing the whole Compass of this vast Globe. And thus hath God given opportunity by Navigation into all parts, that in the Sunset and Evening of the World, the Sun of righteousness might arise out of our West to illuminate the East, and fill both Hemispheres with his brightness: that what the Apostles, by extraordinary dispensation sent, by extraordinary providence protected & conducted into all parts, by extraordinary gift of Tongues were able to preach to all sorts of men; this latter Age following those glorious Fathers and Founders (though fare off, non passibus aequis) might attempt and in some sort attain by helps of these two Arts, Printing and Navigation, that Christ may be salvation 
c Ps. 2. & 22. Luke 2. Apoc. 7.9.  to the ends of the Earth, and all Nations may serve him; that according to the Scripture innumerable numbers of all Nations and Kindred's, and peoples, and Tongues, may be clothed with the white robes of the Lamb. I am no Prophet, nor son of a Prophet, instructed in future revelations, but one with all others praying, thy Kingdom come; neither dare I take upon me the revelation of the Revelation in that Prophecy of the holy jerusalem descending out of Heaven from God, newly measured with a golden Reed, to apply it to the reformation of the Church in the last times; which howsoever some have interpreted only of her glorious and celestial estate, others have included the terrestrial also, after the calling of the jews (which Saint Paul calls life from the dead, as if it were the Resurrection of the World, and consequently in spiritual respects, a new Heaven and new Earth) alleging many Arguments, seeming altogether to this purpose not improbable. And lest of all, will I, less than the lest of all, take upon me the reducing of the jews into I know not what external pomp and policy, and exalt them in splendour above all other Nations and Monarches (the very stumbling stone of their downfall; this dream of a glorious Messiah, provoking them to crucify the Lord of glory, whose Kingdom is not of this World, though prefigured by types, and painted in shadows of Secular glory) I meddle not with Secular States, but pray for the conversion and spiritual regeneration of all men. And Nature itself preacheth thus daily: if the Sun daily, 
Forbis, Brightman, Bernard, etc. in Apoc. Rom. 11.15.  shall not the Sun of righteousness once, enlighten all the World? It is the Holy Ghosts resemblance. If the Fathers 
d Psal. 19 Rom. 10.  of old did expect a further conversion of Nations by the Gospel; if the Sybilline Oracles promise' as much; if the Papists make this a demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because the Gospel is not yet preached to all men, which they hope hereafter shall be effected; if the Prophecies of the glorious state of the Church mentioned in Esay and Zacharie, 
e 
Aug. Ep 78.80. vid. Prosp. de lib. arbit. Syb. Or. l. 3. etc. Bellar. Lessius, etc.  
Vid. Accost. de Proc. jud. sal. l. 4 c. 2. & de temp. novis. l 1. c. 17.18 Collect on Good Friday. Except in the quoud●m Roman Empire & the Country's next adjoining, viz the Sweden's, Poles, Norwegians, Danes, Russes, and other Northern people most of them lately added to the Church; & the Abassines on the South, & some handfuls on the East; Christianity hath rather been dispersed in Nations then publicly and generally professed. God grace (if it be his will, for I rather make it an Article of my Charity then of my faith) a larger Christendom.   shadowed in Ezekiel's Temple, and destruction of Gog and Magog, renewed in the Revelation, seem not yet to have taken their full effect, but to promise' some better future estate, as even those many Ancients also conceited, whose full sail and forward gale carried them beyond the Truth into the Millenary Error: if our Church prayeth for all jews, Turks, and Infidels, that they may be one sheep-fold under one Pastor: then I may also with the Stream be carried into expectation of that dilating the Churches Pale, and a more Catholic enlarging of her bounds, specially in those parts of the World, where though we grant the Gospel preached by the Apostles, yet little fruit in comparison followed in many Countries; nor any general conversion of Nations, except of the Roman Empire with the adjoining Regions, and some few, scarce a few Prounces annexed, hath hitherto happened. And how little to the rest of the World is all that which is called Christendom, or that also which in any settled flourishing estate of a Church hath ever yet been Christian? Pardon therefore this Charity extended to all men, to pray and hope for the remotest of Nations no more remote from Christ in Nature or promise, than ourselves.  
And (to return to our Navigation) the present Navigations, Missions, Preach, of jesuites and Friars in the Heathen Nations of the World, seem to present unto my mind that state of the dispersed jews before Christ's coming in the flesh. He came to his own, and his own received him not, which yet by their Scriptures, Synagogues, Rites, in their many many dispersions, had unwitting prepared a way unto him amongst the Gentiles. Let none contemn this figure of the jewish Church (which yields 
d The greatest and pl●usiblest arguments of Papists drawn from the authority, etc. of the Church, may be with fa●rer show & ●urer ground applied to the jewish Church, which yet apostatise.  in most objections of Popery touching Visibility, Succession, Antiquity Universality, Consent, Pontifical Privileges, and most of their vulgar and popular flourishes, real and experimental resolutions, by paraleling the jew and Romanist; this being inferior in evidence, superior in arrogance) if herein also we see them like; and those later Pharises, compassing Sea and Land to make Proselytes, by preaching some Christian verities amongst their Traditionary chaff, become Apparitors and Harbingers of a future purity, which yet themselves crucify as Heretical. Spain hath as is said, in Navigation best deserved (in leading the way to others, some of which have 
e 
English and Dutch.  
Apoc. 17.13, 16. 2. Reg. 9.22. Ap●c. 17.5. Explo●s of Spain.   since in the Art equalled, in attempts perhaps exceeded her) and by divine Providence hath been bountifully rewarded in the East and West, both overshadowed under her wings: is also one of the ten horns (as the current of our Interpreters agreed) which together with the beast receive power as Kings, out of the ruins of the Roman Empire; of which it is prophesied that the ten horns shall hate the Whore, and shall make her desolate and naked and shall eat her flesh and burn her with fire. For God hath put into their hearts to fulfil his will, etc. God put into their hearts to be thus truly Catholic, and able to discern the whoredoms and many witchcrafts of their mother jezabel, the mother of fornications of the Earth; enable them to see that Catholic- Roman is the Language of Babel, where men but babble, and the word (like Esau and jacob striving in the womb) supplants the next preceding; that the now- Roman is but new- Roman, and therefore Catholic no more in time then place, no more in sound apprehension of truth, then in round comprehension of the Universe. And that God which hath given them to chase the relics of the Moors out of Europe, to chastise them in Africa & Asia, to found that New World of America, with her two arms of Navigation from Lisbon and Seville yearly, to embrace the whole Globe, and to have greater opportunities for so Catholic a work then yet is granted to any other Nation; put into their hearts with other Princes and Christian Nations to fulfil this his will against that Whore; which the Prophecy enforceth to believe shall be done, and their King in our Father's days gave instance how easy. 
Apoc. 17.6. Apoc. 18.6.  I ring not, sound not an alarm, nor strike up a march for war, I determine not the particular way or instruments of that desolation. I delight not in imprecations, nor to that Whore drunken with the blood of Saints and Martyrs wish any bloody reward of myself: 
Vid. Praefat. Monit. Regis jacobi.  but God himself hath foretold devouring her flesh and burning her, and enjoined also, in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double. Which howsoever it shall be effected, I do not prescribe, nor do I single out that Nation to this purpose, but join them with others in my Prayers for the execution of that Prophecy, both to go out of Babylon, and to go against it in just reformation, that it may be no more found at all; at lest by making her naked of that protection which thence she receiveth, and redemanding their own, may detain the overflowings of EUPHRATES that the way of the Kings of the East may be prepared to exterminate Babylon out of the World. And is it not better thus to pray for them that they may have an honourable part in that Prophecy, that Babylon may further fall by their falling from them, then that they should fall with her? or to reckon up the bloody effects of their Inquisition in Europe, and their inhumanity in America, and number them amongst the Kings of the Earth, who shall bewail and lament Rome's ruins; or to those Ship-masters, Ship-companies, Sailors and Traders by Sea, and Merchants of the Earth weeping for her desolations? Once, I say not that they of all men have the most eminent opportunity to subvert Babylon by their Italian neighbourhood and Territories; I pray that they endeavour to convert the Eastern and Western Indians making that best use of their Navigations, 
Prou. 21.1:  giving them Gold refined and truly spiritual for their temporal. And though they now of all Nations seem most enamoured of that Roman (therein truly Catholic, that is, common) Harlot, yet He which hath the heart of Kings in his hand as the rivers of water, can turn it, when and whithersoever he will: can effect this also by others, 
Ez. 29.19.  without, yea against them: can reward (as sometime he did Nabuchadnezzar for his service done at Tyrus, with the land of Egypt for the wages of his Army, and the Israelites at their departure with Egyptian spoils) can reward I say both those which at his command go out of, or when his Providence shall dispose, against this Babylon (which for captiving the people of God is called Egypt, 
Ez. 27. & Ap. 12  for filthiness Sodom, & for the Staple of Spiritual Merchandise, is also resembled to Tyrus) with the spoils of the Spiritual Egyptians, with the Turks destruction (which literally possess Egypt) with the riches of the Gentiles brought to the Church, besides their own and the Church's liberty. And as jerusalem (to return to our similitude) being demolished by the Romans, the Church became truly Catholic, not looking any more to walls of a Temple, to carnal Sacrifices, to the petty pinfold of one Nation, to one City, as the Mart & Mother of Christian Religion and discipline (how much had the Apostles to do whiles jerusalem stood, to withhold 
* So some interpret Gog & Magog. Apoc. 20.8. & Ap. 9 etc.  
* Acts 15. Ep. ad Gal. Col. Phil. Heb. &.  Christians from judaizing?) so is it to be hoped and prayed, that this Mystical Babylon, which now by usurpation challengeth to be Mistress and Mother of the Church, arriving at that prophesied irrecoverable downfall, Catholike-Roman (universall-particular) may no more be heard, but true Catholicism recovering her venerable and primary Antiquity, may without distracted faction, in free and unanimous consent, extend her Demesnes of Universality as fare as the Earth hath Men, and the light of her truth may shine together with the Sunbeams, round about the habitable World: that as Solomon by Hirams Mariners fetched materials, Gold, Gems, Almuggim Trees, to the Temples structure, which by the other Hirams Art were brought and wrought into due form; so the Heavenly Solomon, the LORD JESUS, may by this his gift of Navigation supply those remote fields, white unto the Harvest, with plenty of labourers, to bring into the Society of the True Church those rude Ethnikes, of them to frame pillars in the house of God, 
Prou. 8.  vessels of sanctimony in the sanctuary finer than the Gold of Ophir, enlightened with spiritual wisdom and understanding of holy things, richer than Rubies, and the most incomparable It wells: that these may by the art of Hiram, the son of an Isralitish woman by a Tyrian father, that is by the Ministry of Pastors & Doctors, learned in divine & humane Literature be instructed, baptised, 
Host 1.10.  edified and disciplined; that in the places where yet is no Christian, nay no Human or Civil People, it may be said unto them, ye are the Sons of the living God; that there may be one Pastor and one sheepfold, one Salvation, Redeemer and Advocate, to jew and Gentile, JESUS CHRIST the light of the Gentiles and the glory of his people Israel: whom my Discourse having now obtained to embrace, shall here confine itself with a Nunc Dimittis, and end with Amen, to that Amen, in whom all the promises of God are yea and Amen. Even so, Amen LORD JESUS.  
HONDIUS his Map of the Christian World.   map of the Christian world   

CHAP. III. Of diverse other principal Voyages, and Peregrinations mentioned in holy Scripture. Of the travels and dispersions of the jews; and of Nationall transmigrations.  
Having premised the two former Tractates, as the two Eyes of Peregrinations most fair Face, I shall be as brief in the following, as I have in them been tedious and discursive. The first voyage of Mankind was out of Paradise into the cursed parts of the Earth, 
Paradise.  thence with sweat and labour to get his living, Cains restless wanderings, and yet still dwelling in the Land of Nod, tha● is of agitation and vexation, never being still (there is no peace saith my God, to the wicked) and Henochs contrary walking with God, I need not mention. And I have already mentioned the first Ship and voyage by water, 
Es. 57.31.  Noah's Ark, and the first earthly Peregrination after to the Plain of Shinar, 
Babel.  where Babel's building was with mutual babbling or confusion of Languages confounded; which gave occasions to the dispersion of Mankind over the Earth, that is, to the planting and peopling of the World, of which I have given account somewhat largely before, in the first Book of my Pilgrimage. 
Abram and Lot  Abram is called out of Vr of the Chaldees, and travels with Lot to Haran first, and after into Canaan: thence Famine forced him into Egypt; after he sets forth for the recovery of Lot in a Martial Expedition against four Kings, returning by Melchisedek King of Salem. Abraham after many tent-wandring comes to Gerar, and after Isaac's birth and blessed hopes conceived of him, 
Abraham and Isaac.  is sent on the most difficult journey to Moriah: at Hebron he burieth his Wife and fellow Traveller: sends his servant to Mesopotamia for Rebekah: and having sent his multiplied issue by Keturah unto the East Country (as before Ishmael) he ended his earthly Pilgrimage. Isaac inherits the promises, and yet traveleth of them by travelling, not founding Cities but dwelling in Tabernacles, as did jacob also, before and after his long service in Padan Aram, 
jacob & joseph.  till at last he descended into Egypt, whither God had sent joseph in a former Peregrination. These both died in Faith, and gave charge, the one for his dead body, the other for his bones to travel to Canaan the type of their hopes.  
Out of Egypt God called his Son, now multiplied into an Army as is before observed: which yet are not presently in Canaan after the passage of the Read Sea, 
Moses & Aaron. Israel's peregrination in the Desert. See it before in Map.  but are Pilgrims forty years in the Wilderness. We also after we have escaped the bondage of hellish Pharaoh, and seen him vanquished in the Read Sea of Christ's blood, whereinto we are baptised, must live the life of Faith, passing thorough the wilderness of this World, having no more sustenance to our souls from our mere natural powers, than there their ploughing and husbandry yielded their bodies: but as their food and raiment, 
Tit. 3.5. Exod. 13.  were the effects of God's grace, and not humane labour; so not by the works of righteousness, which we have done, but according to his mercy he saveth us: and by his Word and Spirit as a pillar of cloud by day, and of fire by night traveleth with us, till joshua, the true JESUS (for Moses brings not into Canaan, nor can the Law justify) set us in possession of the heavenly Canaan, where jericho is battered not by warlike Engines, but by the power of faith in the Word and Covenant of God; and the houses which our works builded not, and vineyards which our merits planted not, even the Thrones which Angels lost, are made ours for ever by free grace and mere mercy. This is that rest, into which none but Travellers can enter, and that by crowding so hard into that naerrow gate, 
Matt. 7.  that they must leave themselves 
* Matt. 16.24.  behind; nor take possession of, but by loss of life itself, passing that jordan which floweth the way of all flesh into the Dead Sea, before they can live with God.  
Nor need men think much to travel, where God himself was a Mystical Traveller in the Tabernacle, till Solomon built him an House adorned by Ophirian Navigations. Saul before this had traveled to seek lost Asses, 
Saul. David.  and stumbled on an earthly Kingdom: David by keeping of Sheep and following the Ewes with young was initiated, and after by many many travels trained to the Mysteries of Royalty, 
jeroboam.  which with diversified travels he exercised all his days. jeroboam travels to Egypt taught him those calvish devotions, which made Israel travel into many Assyrian Plantations; 
Captivity.  and judah also was carried captive to Babylon, restored by a travel from thence to jerusalem under Zorobabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah; a mystery of that misty deportation of the Christian Church, by ignorance and superstition, and her reformation by Godly Princes and Pastors. Hirams Mission, the Queen of Shebas Visitation, jonabs' journey to Ninive, intimate the calling of the Gentiles, 
Matt. 2.  whose First-fruits were the Wisemen of the East, which came so fare a voyage to salute the New borne King of the jews.  

job. 1. ●. Pet. 5.  The Devil also is a Traveller, and continually compasseth the Earth to and fro, and goeth about as snoring Lion seeking whom to devour; travelling of mischief, and conceiving lies. Such were the Assyrian, Syrian, Persian, Babylonian, Egyptian, and other travels of the Church's Enemies; theirs also which in blind zeal compassed Sea and Land to make Pharisaical Proselytes. In Mordecais time, you see in the Book of Esther the jewish dispersions thorough all the one hundred and twenty seven Persian Provinces, even from India to Ethiopia, long after the return under Zorobabel, 
Est. vlt.  which multiplied no doubt in Ages following accordingly.  
But why look I for Travellers and Voyages there, where the Church was tied to one place, 
Deut. 16.  to travel thither three times a year, and therefore ordinarily not to be fare from thence? The Babylonian and Alexandrian dispersions, after the Captivity we have already mentioned; whereby the World was strewed with jews (not to mention the Israelites) as Apparitors to the Messiah, and preparers thereof to Christianity in the Apostles preaching. Than indeed the jews were Travellers from all parts to jerusalem, & as men were more religiously affected, There dwelled at jesalem jews, devout men out of every Nation under Heaven, which being of jewish Parentage, 
Act. 2.5, 9, 10, 11  were by the place of their birth, Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, Mesopotamians, Cappadocians, of Pontus and Asia, Phrygiae and Pamphilia, Egypt, and of the parts of Libya about Cyrene, Strangers of Rome, jews and Proselytes, Cretes and Arabians.  
This was after that imprecation of theirs, His blood be on us and on our children: so did God seek to overcome their evil with his goodness: 
Matt. 27.  but when they which had before persecuted the servants, and crucified the Lord of glory himself, now resisted the holy Ghost, 
Act. 7. & 13.  being uncircumcised in hearts and ears, and judged themselves unworthy of eternal life; God let out his Vineyard to other Husbandmen, and the fall of the jews became the riches of the World. Than came the wrath of God on them to the utmost, and they became a travelling Nation indeed, travelling now above 1500. years from being a Nation; 
Deut. 28. jos. de Bel. jud. l. 7. c. 24.  and Moses his prophecy was verified in their scattering from one end of the World to the other. Eleven hundred thousand are said to have perished in jerusalem alone (where Christ had been crucified) besides all other sl●ughters in all other parts of judaea, in that fatal war under Vespasian and Titus: 97000. were sold to be distracted slaves thorough the world, Galatinus saith 200000. thirty of them for one piece of Silver, 
Gal. Arcan. l. 4.21.  which had given thirty pieces for him which came to make them free. Yet had not the Land spewed out all her Inhabitants, but grew so queasy and full of qualms, that the remainders in Adrian's time entertained Bencochab for their Messiah, who with 200000. Iewes in his Army, is said to have rebelled and bred such combustions, that this Son of the Star (so his name soundeth) was after called Barchosba, the Son of Lying. It were prodigious 
* See my Pilgrimage l. 2. c. 10 , not hyperbolical alone, to tell what the jews tell of their following slaughters: 700000. slain in Egypt, and in judaea, so many as passeth all modesty to relate after them. Dion Nicaeus tells of fifty Castles and nine hundred and eighty of their best Towns razed, 580000. slain, 
Dion Adrian.  besides innumerable multitudes which perished by famine, fire, diseases, and other Baggage of Invading Camps.  
Aeliu● Adrianus banished the jews from Cyprus and judaea, erected a new City instead of jerusalem, called of his own name Aelia, 
jews destruction's.  and set Images of Swine over the Gates as Porters to keep out the jews, yea prohibited by Edict the jews to look toward it from any high place. Traian before was instigated by their rebellion, to destroy many thousands of t●em in Egypt, Cyrene, and Mesopotamia. And ever since, those which are contrary to all men, 
jews dispersions  have found all men contrary to them; and have lived (if such slavery and baseness be a life) like Cain, wand'ring over the World▪ branded with Shame and Scorn. Spain, England, France, Germany, Poland, Italy, Turkey, all the Indieses as fare as China have had them Inhabitants; have had indeed, for many have given them terrible expulsions, the rest using cruel and unkind hospitality, so that they are strangers where they devil, and Travellers where they reside, still continuing in the throws of travel both of misery and mischief. But I have handled this matter more fully in my Pilgrimage, and both Benjamin Tudelensis a Travelling jew, and other Travellers in the following Relations, will give you strange travels of theirs thorough Asia, Africa, and Europe; in all their dispersions to this day retaining their blood, name, rites, as disposed by a higher and most merciful providence, which in his time will show mercy on them, to see him by the eye of Faith, 
See my Pilg. l. 2. c. 21. Rom. 15.26. Rom. 11.15.  whom by the hand of Cruelty they had crucified, and all Israel shall be saved, and return to the Church by a more general Conversion than hath yet been seen; and as their rejection hath proved the reconciling of the World, so the receiving of them shall be life from the dead.  
All times are in God's hand, but he which hath promised is able to perform: and perhaps if Rome the Spiritual Babylon be captived and ruined, which hath obtruded so long on them the monsters of Image worship, Transubstantiation, worshipping of so many Saints, with other seem of refined Ehtnicism, and imposeth on Converts the loss of all their substance; the way shall be made more plain for them: which we hope is growing to some ripeness in this Age, when about so many years have passed since the calling of the Gentiles, as from jacobs' Family in Egypt, growing to the face and proportion of a People and Nation, unto their destruction: and full out as many as were from josephs' death in Egypt, to the destruction of the Temple under Titus, and more than from Moses his Exodus, to that other Exodus and extermination under Adrian. We are no Prophets, and must learn by event the certainty of Gods (before secret) counsels. In mean while let us pray, Hallowed be thy Name, thy Kingdom come, 
Ga●. 4 1●. Luc. 15. 〈…〉  that this travelling Nation may one day travel in birth of Christ till he be form in them, and with the prodigal Son, may travel from their wanderings, and at once return to their Father and to themselves, that we may all meet in the unity of Faith, and Gods will may be done in Earth, as it is done in Heaven, there being but one Shepherd and one Sheepfold, Amen. As the jewish Nation hath been literally Travellers, so the Christian Church is always travelling spiritually to her home, and from herself; and the jewish deportation to Babylon, was a figure of the Antichristian Captivity in Romish and Popish superstition, of which we have taken occasion to speak more fully elsewhere 
* To. 1. l. 8. c. 6. .  
As at first the World was peopled by peregrination successively from Noah's Ark, and Babel's Tower: so in the worldly vicissitude of all things, a world of peregrinations have happened in the World, and that of worlds of men together, in Nationall invasions, plantings, supplantings, Colonies and new alterations of the face of the world in each part thereof. Thus the Israelites supplanted the Canaanites & dwelled in their rooms; 
Deut. 2.9, 12, 20  as did the Moabites to the giantly Emims, the Edomites to the Horims, the Ammonites to the Zamzummims, and other Nations to others. To recite these were to recite all Stories in manner of the World: Lazius de Migrationibus Gentium, and others have in part undertaken it. For even in Palestina alone how many successions have been, of Canaanites, Israelites, Assyrians (after called Samaritans) and jews together? Of those which the Romans placed or permitted, of Saracens, of Frankes, or Western Christians in so many millions as two hundred year's space sent out of Christendom thither; of Drusians', Syrians, & a very Babylon of Nations (none and all) ever since? This Britain of ours, besides those which first gave it name (whose remainders still enjoy Wales) hath admitted Roman sprinklings and Colonies, and after that a general deluge of Saxons, juttes, and Angles; tempests and storms out of Denmark and Norway, and lastly the Norman mixture and combination. Neither is there any Region of ancient Note, which hath not sustained chance ●nd change in this kind. But we mind not such near peregrinations, as these usually were, but longer Voyages and remoter Travels. And such also we have already mentioned in Sesostris the Egyptian, in the Phoenicians, in the Assyrians, under Semiramis to India, besides Eudoxu● and other privater persons; and such are the Fables or outworn Stories of Ethnic Antiquity, touching the Atlantines, Osiris, Bacchus, Hercules, Perseus, Daedalus; and those which retain some more truth, though obscure enough, of the Argonauts, Ulysses, 
Varro distinguished Relations of times into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, Fabulous, Obscure, and Historical.  Menelaus, Aenaeas, Hanno, Himilco, jambolus, and others; some of which shall follow in the following Relations. That of Alexander is more renowned, and first opened the East to the West, and to Europe gave the Eyes of Geography and History, to take view of India and the Regions adjacent. And here is the first solid foot-print of History in this kind, though here also Travellers have been as fare from the truth, as from their homes, and have too often traveled of Vanity and Lie.   

CHAP. FOUR Fabulous Antiquities of the Peregrinations and Navigations of BACCHUS, OSIRIS, HERCULES, the Argonauts, Cadmus, the Grecian Navy to Troy, MENELAUS, ULYSSES, AENEAS and others.  
IT is not the fable or falsehood which we seek in fabulous Antiquities, but that truth which lieth buried under poetical rubbish. For nothing but nothing can rise of nothing. Some truth therefore gave occasion to those fables, as Thamar's and Dinahs' beauty occasioned their ravishment; the Devil (a Liar from the beginning) lusting to deflower that beauty, and then like Ammon adding a second force, in hatred turning her as much as he may out of the World. Hence the fables of Poets, Idolatries of Ethnikes, dotages of Rabbins, frenzies of Heretics, fancies and Ly-legends of Papists: to all which, when Histories cannot make them good, Mysteries are sought to cover their badness, and bald nakedness; and were they never so bad before (like the shearing of a Friar, or vailing of a Novice Nun) suddenly they are hereby become errant honest persons, nay venerable and religious. And thus hath that Impostor, not only insinuated and procured admission and credit to lies, 
john 4.  but thence hath raised the very Faith of Infidels, which worship they know not what; and obtruded I know not what Pias frauds, and religious Lies, forsooth, upon unchristian and Anti-christian Christians; to whom because they received not the love of the truth to be saved, 
2. Thess. 2.  God hath sent the efficacy of error, that they might believe a lie. This is the Devil's triumph, and Man's madness; out of which confusion, if we cannot try out the pure truth, yet those Divine Relations and Revelations premised, will appear more lovely and admirable from these Ethnic Fables.  
I may here mention Saturn's Travels into Latium, being ejected Heaven: Ioues fabled five encompassing of the World; Apollo's daily circuit; Mercury's frequent Messages to all parts, who was also the Travellers God, and had his Statues in Highways; junos' jealous wanderings; Bacchus and Hercules were renowned by the Poets for their Peregrinations, perhaps (as before is observed) no other but Solomon and Hirams Ophirian Voyage. 
Travels of Bacchus.  Bacchus (they tell) was the son of jupiter and Proserpina, who being torn in pieces by the Titans, jupiter gave his heart to Semele to drink, and thereby conceived of this other Bacchus; 
Hygin. Fab. 167, Eurip. in Bac.  whereupon jealous juno transformed into the shape of Beroe Semele's nurse, persuaded her to desire jupiters' company in Majestical appearance, as he accompanied juno, which was her destruction; the babe taken out and sewed in jupiters' thigh, and after put to Nysus to nurse, whereupon he was named Dyonisius. I should distracted you to tell the disagreeing tales of Poets touching his birth and life (for lies never agreed) as also his Miracles, which ever make up the greatest part of a Legend. Tigers, Ounces and Panthers, with Pans, Nymphs, Sileni, Cobals, and Satyrs were his companions and attendants. He was drawn in a Chariot by Tigers, and held a Thyrsus in his hand for a Sceptre (which was a Spear or javelin, adorned with the Leaves of Vines and ivy) and marched thus madly both to India in the East, and to Spain in the West, which of Pan was called Pania, whence Spania and Hispania have been derived. A learned Spaniard saith, that in the eight hundred and tenth year, before the building of Rome, Bacchus invaded India, moistened it with blood, 
Oros. l. 1▪ ● 9  filled it with slaughters, polluted it with lusts, which before had been subject to none, and lived content and quiet in itself. Some apply that of Noah to him, and make him the Inventer of Wine, Hony, and Sacrifices: say also that he reigned at Nysa a City in Arabia; some add other Kingdoms, and that he had Mercurius Trismegistus his Counsellor; and leaving Hercules his Egyptian Lieutenant, Antaeus in Lybia, Busiris in Phoenicia, conquered all the East, built Nysa, and erected Pillars in the Eastern Ocean, as did Hercules on the Western. His story is also confounded with that of Osiris, this being the name which the Egyptians gave him, as Herodotus affirmeth. 
Herald. Euterpe▪ Diod. Sic. l. 1. Fast. l. 3.  And Diodorus relateth his Epitaph in hierogliphical Letters in these words, I am Osiris the King, which traveled thorough all the world to the Indian Deserts. Ovid also singeth; 

Te memorant Gange, totoque Oriente subactis  
Primitias magno seposuisse jovi.   

Cinnama tu primus captivaque thur a dedisti  
Deque triumphate viscera tosta 'bove.    
His journey they describe first thorough Aethiopia, and then Arabia, and so to Persia, Media, 
S●ab. l. 1. Eurip. etc.  Bactria, and India: after his return, to Hellespont, Lydia, Phrygia, Thrace, Greece, and whither travelling wits please. We shall loose ourselves to follow him further; as they do which with worst profaneness celebrated his drunken Holies daily.  
Theseus and Hercules lived in one time, of which Theseus is famous for his Acts in Crete, 
Theseus & Hercules.  Thebes, Thessaly, with the Amazons, and his descent into Hell, with other his Voyages and Navigations: But fare fare more famous is Hercules for his Travels, and for his twelve Labours, his Peregrination being another Labour added to each of them. The Nemaean Lion, Lernaean Hydra, Phrygian Boar, Arcadian Hart, Augean Stable, Cretan Bull, Thracian Diomedes, with his man-eating Horses, Celtike, Alexia, Alpine passage, Italian Tenths, Stymphalide Birds, Amazonian Belt, Atlantike Dragon, Balearian Geryon, Lybyan Antaeus, Egyptian Busiris, Lydian service to Omphale, Thessalian Centaur, and Tartarean Cerberus, proclaim his travels over and under the World; as his Pillars; to the end of the World, and his helping Atlas, that the World traveled on him. Neither traveled he by Land alone, 
The Argonauts.  but by water also he navigated with those famous Argonauts, which make us another Voyage to found them.  
Hyginus hath registered their names: jason a Thessalian, Orpheus a Thracian, Asterion of Peline, Polyphemus of Larissa, Iphictus, Admetus, Eurytus & Echion, Ethalides, Coeneus, Mopsus the Soothsayer, Pirithous, Menaetius, Eurydamas, Amponitus, Eribotes, Ameleon, Eurytion, Ixition, Oileus, 
Hygin. Fab  Clytius and Iphitus, Peleus and Telamonius, Butes, Phaler●s, Tiphys the Master of the Ship, Argus the Ship-maker, Philiasus, Hercules and Hylae his companion, Nauplius, Idmon, Castor and Pollux, Lynceus (which could see things hidden underground, and in the dark) and Idas, Periclymenus, Amphidamus and Cepheus, Ancaeus, Lycurgi, Augaeus, Asterion and Amphion, Euphemus (which could run dryfoot on the water) Ancaeus Neptuni, Erginus, Meleager, Laocoon, Iphictus Thestij, Iphitus Naubo Zetes and Calais (sons of Aquilo with winged heads and feet, which chased away the Harpies) Focus and Priasus, Eurymedon, Pal●monius, Actor, Thersanon, Hippalcinnos, Asclepius, Atriach, Mileus, jolaus, Deucalion, Philoctetes, Ceneus son of Coronis, Acastus, voluntary companion to jason. These with their Countries and Parentage Hygynus hath recorded. Their Voyage was to Colchos, but many of of them came not thither. Hylas was stollne by the Nymphs in Maesia, whom Hercules and Polyphemus seeking, were left behind. Tiphys died by the way, & Ancaeus son of Neptune succeeded in his Master's place. Idmon was slain by a Boar; Butes threw himself into the Sea, alured by the Sirens Music. In their return also Euribates was slain in Libya, Mopsus died in Africa of a Serpents biting.  
Now for the Voyage of the Argonauts, they say that Polias jasons' Uncle was commanded by Oracle to sacrifice to Neptune, to which if any came with one shoe on, the other off, than his death should not be fare off▪ jason came thither, and wading thorough the River Euhenus, left one of his shoes in the mire, which be stayed not to take out, for fear of coming late to the Holies. Pelias seeing this, asked jason what he would do, if he had a prophecy that any man should kill him. I would sand him, said he, To fetch the Golden Fleece. This was the Fleece of the Ram (which some say was the name of a Ship having a Ram on the Beak, that had carried Phryxus to Colchos, who sacrificed the Ram to jupiter, and hanged up the Fleece in the Grove of Mars) and thus Pelias out of his own mouth sentenced him. Argus made the Ship which of him was called Argos, which they say was the first ship of long fashion. These first came to Lemnos, where they were so kindly entertained, that jason by Hypsipila the Queen had two sons, and stayed till Hercules chode them away. Next they came to Cyzicus, 
* Diod. Siculus addeth the deliverance of Heptone from the Whale, the kill o● King Laomeron and taking o● Troy in their return for breaking his pr●mise of Horses to Hercules. l. 4. Harpies.  in Propontis, which liberally feasted them; and being gone thence, by foul weather they were put back in the night, where Cyzicus mistaking them for enemies was slain in fight. Thence they sailed to Bebrycia, where Amycus the King challenged them to a single encounter at whorlebats, in which Pollux slew him. Lycus a neighbour King was glad hereof and gave the Argonauts entertainment, where Iphis or Tiphis died, and Idmon was slain.  
Phineus the Son of Agenor a Thracian was blinded by jupiter for revealing the god's secrets, and the Harpies set to take the meat from his mouth. The Argonauts consulting with him of their future success, must first free him of this punishment, which Zetes and Calais did, chase them to the Strophades. Phineus shown them how to pass the Symplegades, following the way which a Dove sent forth of the Ship, shown them. Thence they came to the I'll Dia where the Birds 〈◊〉 shot quills which killed men, whom by Phineus his precepts they feared away with sounds (such as the Curetes make) and used thereto shields also and spears. Thus being entered the Euxine Sea to Dia, they found poor, naked, shipwracked, the Sons of Phrixus, Argus, Phrontides, Melas and Cylindrius, which travelling to their Grandfather Athamas there encountered that misfortune. jason entertained them, and they brought him to Colchos by the River Thermodoon; and coming near Colchos caused the ship to be hidden, and came to their Mother Chalciope sister of Medea 
* Diod. maketh Medea and Circe sisters, daughters of Hecate. l. 4. , to whom they related jasons' kindness, and the cause of his coming▪ She brings Medea to jason, who as soon as she saw him, knew that it was the same whom in her dream she had seen and loved, and promiseth him all furtherance.  
Aeeta had learned by Oracle that he should so long reign as the Fleece which Phrixus had consecrated, remained in Mars his Temple. He therefore imposeth on jason to yoke the bras-footed firebreathing bulls to the plough, and to sow the Dragon's teeth out of the Helmet, whence armed men should suddenly be produced and kill each other. This he did by Medea's help, and likewise cast the Dragon into a sleep which guarded the Fleece, and so took it away. Aeeta hearing that jason and his Daughter Medea were gone, sent his son Absyrtus in a ship with soldiers after him, who pursued him to Istria 
g Timaeus saith that they went to Tanais and thence crossed over land to the Ocean, and sailed about by Cades into the Straitss. Odies. μ▪  in the Adriaticke Sea, where Alcinous compounded their quarrel so little to Absyrtus his liking, that following him to Minerva's Isle, jason slew him, and his followers builded there a City called of his name Absoris. Some tell of the Syrteses which the Argonauts passing carried their ship on their shoulders twelve days. But the varieties are inextricable and innumerable. After his return, by Medea's help he made away his Uncle Pelias (to whom she had promised to restore his youth) and gave his Kingdom to Acastus his son, which had accompanied him to Colchos. The exile of Medea and the rest of the tale you may have amongst the Poets. I am more than weary with relating so much. This voyage was so admired of Antiquity that this Argo which Homer calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was not only praised to the stars by the Poets, but placed amongst the stars by their Minerva, and the constellation famous to these times. The Argonauts after this instituted the Olympian games. The Poets are full of such Chimaeras, mixed lye-truths, 
h Strab. l. 1. speaking of the Poets Argonauts saith in quibusdam cum historia consent'st, quaedam etiam affingit, morem servant & communem & suum. Cum historia consentit quando Aeetam nominat & jasonem & Argo etc. Graecian 〈◊〉 against Troy.  not sparing any of their Gods or Heroes. jupiter having stolen Europa transformed into a Bull, or as some say in a ship of that name, or having a bull in the Beke, Cadmus and Thasus her brethren were sent by Agenor their father to seek her. The Phenician Navy is divided betwixt them. Thasus having long sought in vain, returned not, but in the Aegaean Sea built a City of his name. Cadmus' built Thebes, and after that! But what and why do I while you in these uncertainties? Yet have I touched a little of his story who is famed the first inventor of the Grecian Letters, and of History. But we will turn your eyes to the most fabled of all Poetical fables, and in a piece of an hour with a swift pen will dispatch ten years work with 1000 ships.  
The Princes in the Trojan siege and their ships are these: Agamemnon brought from Micenae one hundred ships: Menelaus his brother from thence also 60. Phoenix of Argos 50. Achilles of Scyros' 60. Automedon his Chariot driver 10. Patroclus of Phthia 10. Aiax of Salamine 12. Teucer his brother as many, Ulysses of Ithaca 12. Diomedes of Argos 30. Stenelus of Argos 25. Aiax the Locrian 20. Nestor the Pylian 90. Thrasymedes his brother 15. Antilochus son of Nestor 20. Eurypylus of Orchomene 40. Macaon of Attica 20. Podalyrius his brother 9 Tlepolemus of Mycenae 9 Idomeneus of Crete 40. Meriones from thence as many, Eumelus of Perrhebia 8. Philoctetes of Melibaea 7. Peneleus of Boeotia 12. Pithus a Baeotian also as many, and his brother Chronius 9 Arcesilaus 10. Prothaenor 8. jadmenus of Argos 30. Ascalaphus 30. Schedius 30. and Epistrophus his brother 10. Elephenor, Calchodontis and Imenaretes (all likewise of Argos) 30. The son of Menaeus from Athens 50. Agapenor from Arcada 60. Amphimachus of Elea 10. Eurychus of Argos 15. 〈◊〉 of Mycenae 19 Polysenes from Aetolia 40. Meges the Dulichian 60. Thoas 15. Podarces his ●rother 10. Prothous the Magnesian 40. Cycnus the Argive 12. Nireus from thence 16. Antiphus the Thessalian 20. Polyboetes the Argive 20. Leophites of Sicyon 19 You see the particulars amount fare above the thousand usually named. The Voyage was too short, and the Siege too long for this place.  
Menelaus having recovered his eyesore fair Helena, is said to have been eight years wandering the world, and Ulysses longer. Menelaus his error was about Cyprus, Phoenicia, Egypt, 
Travels of Menelaus. Strab. l. 1.  and the neighbouring Aethiopians and Arabians (so Strabo expoundeth Homer's Erembos in his first Book, and in his sixteenth, yet there adds also the Troglodytes) he produceth some which place the Sidonians in the Persian Gulf, I know not how justly. Homer's Verses, where Menelaus relateth his travels to Telemachus are: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Cypress, Phoenicia, Egypt having past,  
Th' Ethiopes, Sidons, ' Erembs, I went at last. And Libya—   
Aristonicus the Grammarian, and after him Eustathius, 
Travels of Ulysses.  interpret it of sailing round about Africa, as is said of Eudoxus and others before (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) a thing to me altogether unprobable, and easier to be sailed by the Poet or his Commenters in an Inkle Sea with a quill Mast, then by the ruder Seamen of those times. Menelaus his errors we see continued more than eight years, yea are not yet ended, but breed new travels in Grammarians brains. Tantae molis erat infame reducere scortum.  
Ulysses' returning from Troy, came to the Ciconae, the Lotophagi, and after that to Polyphemus the Giant, with one eye in his forehead, thence to t Aeolus, to the Lestrygonae, to Ae●aria infamous by Circe's charms, to Avernus, to the sirens, to Scylla, Sicilia, Charybdis, to Aeaea, to the Phaeaces, and at last to Ithaca. The like fables Grammar-school boys can tell you of Aenaeas out of Virgil, and other Poets. I am weary of travelling in such a lose sandy soil, where so few footeprints and paths of truth are to be found. And for Aenaeas his travels, I will present you them in another fashion as Hondius hath in his Map described them.  
HONDIUS his Map of the Navigation of Aeneas the Trojan.  

See of all these in Photius his Bibliotheca. Hel●od. & Achilles are extant.  O her fabulous Relations of Travellers we have, merely feigned, as that of Heliodorus his Aethiopike History, Achilles Tatius, jamblichus, all in Love-stories; Lucius Patrensis his Metamorphoses (whence Lucian had his Lucius, and thence Apuleius his Asinus) Antonius Diogenes his Thule, and other like, they are not fabulous Histories but Parables, Mystical Fables and Poems in Historical form, as Utopia and Arcadia; that I add not more than a good many others amongst us of worse note, which idle wits have made both Mothers and Daughters of Idleness, or fruitless foolish business without brain or heart.  
I have more mind to give you a History, though even here we cannot secure Quicquid Graecia mendax Audet in Historia. Some things are uncertain in the best, yet better a tattered truth than nothing.  
The Philosophers and Wisemen of Greece were Travellers for knowledge (of which some traveled with knowledge also, and have left Geographical Monuments) Merchants for gain, and mighty Potentates for Dominion and Glory. The Merchants had their reward in that which they sought, the other for better knowledge of times, deserve more leisurely view.   

CHAP. V A brief recital of the famous expeditions mentioned in ancient Histories, of the Assyrians, Egyptians, Scythians, Aethiopians, Persians', and others.  
AS these last have been told by Poets as fables, that is truth seeked and wrought upon by their wits for greater delight; so the stories of the first Assyrian Monarchy and Egyptian Dynasties have little more solidity. Ninus by the Greek and Latin stories is renowned for his ambitious marches, 
Ninus.  and travels thorough all Asia from the Read to the Euzine Sea, and thorough Scythia to the Bactrians. He conquered (saith Diodorus) the Armenians and their King Barchanes, 
P. Oros. l. 1. c. 4.  Pharnus also King of Media and all Asia from Tanais to Nilus, the Egyptians, Phaenicians, Syrians, Cilicians, Pamphilia, Lycia, 
Diod. sic. l. 2.  Caria, Phrygia, Misia, Lydia, Troas, Propontis, Bythinia, Cappadocia, the Barbarians upon Pontus, Cadusians, Tapyrans', Hyrcans, Dranges, Derbici, Carmani, Coronei, Rhomni, Vorcani, Parthians, Persians', Susians, Caspians, and many others. Ariaeus the Arabian King was his Colleague in arms in these expeditions. After which he built Ninus or Ninive, the walls one hundred foot high, 
Ninive builded.  broad enough for three Carts to pass together on the tops, with 1500. Turrets 200. foot high, the squares unequal the two longer 150. furlongs, the two shorter 90. He made a second expedition against the Bactrians, and then married Semiramis a Syrian, which he took from her husband Menon, 
Semiramis.  who hanged himself in foolish grief.  
Semiramis succeeded, and exceeded his exploits: She invaded Ethiopia, and whereas (if you believe Ctesias) Ninus had with him in his last expedition against Zoroastres the Bactrian 1700000. footmen and 200000. horsemen with 10600. hooked chariots: 
The Scripture more truly ascribeth Babylon to Nimrod, Ninive to Ashur.  She builded (as they say) Babylon, with a stupendious Garden in Chaona, and Palace at Ecbatana, cut out highways in Persia, passed thorough Egypt to Libya to the Oracle of jupiter Ammon, subjected Aethiopia, and made three year's provision to invade Staurobates King of India, slew 300000. Beefs of their Hides to frame sergeant Elephants, and with 3000000. (●t is Ctesias also which taleth it) of Footmen, and 500000. Horsemen, and 2000 Ships, with Elephantine counterfeits carried on Camels, she made that Indian invasion, where Staurobates encountered her with greater numbers, threatening to crucify her. On Indus was the Naval fight, wherein the Indians had the worse, and lost 1000 Ships, but in the Field the Assyrian Army was overthrown. Thus they proceed in the Assyrian Empire for 1300. years together, 
Theutamo. Memnon.  and say that at the wars of Troy, Theutamo the twentieth from Ninus relieved Priamus with 20000. Men, and 200. Chariots under the conduct of Memnon. As for Sardanapalus the thirtieth and last of them, the truth is, as in the former, a certain uncertainty. Eusebius reckoneth the time of Semiramis to have been the same with Abraham, so that Moses, whom josephus, Clemens, African●●, Tatianus, make to be 850. years before the Trojan war, 
jos. Seal. Notae ad Euseb. Chron.  is by his more probable reckoning made much later, yet, as he saith, ancienter than the Greekish Antiquities, and their Gods also: being borne, as Scaliger calculateth out of his Positions 394. years before the destruction of Troy. Now what pett●e Kings the World had in the best peopled parts in Abraham's time, the fourth Chapter of Genesis showeth, even of those Regions; which some therefore make but Viceroys under the Assyrian, very daringly. Ninue his numbers savour of Nimrods' Babel, which after Ages could make swell with such vanities. It may be a question (I think the negative out of question) whether the World had then so many souls so soon af●er the Flood, 
Vexores the Egyptian. Tanam.  as those Indian and Assyrian Armies are said to contain.  
The like may be said of Vexores the Egyptian King's Expedition, which conquered to Pontus, and Tanaus the Scythian, which conquered him and almost all Asia▪ as some say before Ninus. Vexores by Genebrard is supposed to be Osiris, the first Pharaoh. 
Sesostris.  And for Sesostris we have already in part acknowledged his greatness, and withal his lateness in the time of Rehoboam the Son of Solomon. He is said to have had in his Army 600000. Footmen, 
Diod. sic. l. 1.  and 24000. Horse, 8020. Chariots of War, in the Read Sea four hundred Ships. He conquered beyond Ganges, the Medes, the Scythians unto Tanais, and the rest of Asia. Into Europe he passed as fare as Thrace, and left Pillars as Monuments for his victories, engraven with the representation of a man's Privities, if they were valiant; of a woman's, if effeminate.  
Not long after was that Expedition of Zerah the Ethiopian with a million of men, 
Zerah the Aethiopian. 2. Chron. 9.14 2. Kin. 16. & 17.  overthrown by King Asa; as that of the Queen of Sheba (some think she reigned over Arabia and Aethiopia) to Solomon a little before. Tiglath Pileser King of Assyria took Damascus, and Shalmaneser carried away the ten Tribes into Assyria and Media, and placed Babylonians, Cutheans and others in their rooms. Senacherib soon after invaded judah, but Tirhakah King of Ethiopia came out against him. 
19  This Tirhakah is thought to be that Tearcon, which Strabo mentioneth, 
Thearcon. Strab. l. 15.  where he denieth that India had been invaded by any but Bacchus and Hercules before Alexander, denying that of Semiramis, and alleging Megasthenes both to that purpose, and that Sesostris the Egyptian, 

Megasthenes his testimony of old Expeditions.  
Nabuchodon●sor. Idanthrysus. Cyrus. Dan. 2. &▪ 4.   and Tearcon the Ethiopian pierced into Europe, yea that Nabucodonosor, or Nanocodrosor (more celebrated by the Chaldaeans than Hercules') came to the Straitss or Hercules his Pillars; as did also Tearcon: also that Idanthyrsus the Scythian pierced as fare as Egypt; but none of them went (saith he) to India. Megasthenes acknowledgeth that Cyrus came near the Indians, in his Expedition against the Massagets, but not thither. As for Nabucodonosors Asian and Egyptian Expeditions, and his Dominion in manner over the World we have divine testimony in daniel's Tree and Golden Image 1 of Cyrus also, whose Conquests are known, and large Peregrinations from the West parts of Asia, where he captived Croesus and subdued his, with the adjoining Dominions, and all the Regions thence thorough Syria, Armenia, Media, Persia, to the Massagets and Scythians. 
Cambyses. Darius. Xerxes. Her. l. 7.  His son Cambyses added Egypt, and that foolish Expedition against the Aethiopians. Darius with 800000. men invaded the Scythians. Xerxes, as Herodotus hath recorded, invaded Greece with 1700000. Footmen, 80000. Horsemen, 20000. Chariot Men, one thousand two hundred and eight sail of Ships. Ctesias (which useth elsewhere to say the most) hath but 800000. men besides Chariots, and one thousand Ships. As for other Scythian and Amazonian invasions, with others of other Nations, for their uncertainty I omit them. The Greeks also had their many, both Expeditions and defensive Wars against the Persians' before Alexander's time. Themistocles, Xenophon, and many others of them are renowned, tàm marte quam Mercurio. And thus the Persian Empire hath brought us to Alexander, which succeeded it, of whose Expedition we shall anon take special and more leisurely view.  
HONDIUS his Map of the Roman Empire.   

CHAP. VI The travels of the ancient Philosophers and learned men briefly mentioned.  
NOw let us examine the Voyages of Philosophers and Learned men, into remote parts for Wisdom and Learning. Diogenes Laertius maketh two kinds of Philosophy, the one jonike, the other Italike: this began from Pythagoras, the other from Thales, both which, with many of their Successors were great Travellers. As for Thales, his Epistle to Pherecydes a Syrian (another travelling Philosopher) is yet extant in Laertius, in which he mentions his & Solon's travels, in these words: For neither are I and Solon the Athenian so foolish and mad, that when we have sailed to Crete & pierced into Egypt, there to confer with the Priests and Astronomers, we would not with like care sail to 〈◊〉. For Solon will come also if you think good. For thou being holden with liking of that place seldom passest into jonia; neither art moved with desire of Strangers: but as I hope thou only appliest thyself to writing. But we which writ nothing, 
* Lest Travellers may be greatest Writers. Even I which have written so much of travellers & travels, never traveled 200. miles from Thaxted in Essex, where I was borne: herein like a whetstone, which being blunt causeth sharpness; or a Candlestick holding many Candles, without which itself is unseen in the dark; and as the Compass is of little compass and motion, yet teacheth to compass the World; or as the Polestar is jest moved of all, & most of all moving & guiding the Traveller. Envy not a marginal room to him, who hath vied Volumes so spacious to thee; in which, how little is the travel of the greatest Traveller; or how could a great Traveller have traveled of so much.  travel thorough Greece and Asia.  
Thus have you one testimony of two Grandees, Thales and Solon. This later, in his return from Egypt visited Cyprus, and after went to Croesus, who adorning himself in greatest glory & pomp, asked Solon if ever he had seen goodlier spectacle? Yes, said he, Cocks, Pheasants, and Peacocks. Croesus' being after by Cyrus sentenced to the fire, cried, O Solon, Solon, Solon, and being demanded the reason, answered, That Solon had told him, that no man might be accounted happy before his death: wherein Cyrus reading the mutability of his own fortunes, gave him his life and a competent estate. Thence Solon went into Cilicia, and built Solos▪  
To Croesus is an Epistle also of Anacharsis, another travelling Philosopher, borne in Scythia, and brother to the Scythian King, making some mention of his Travels in these words: I, O King of Lydians, came into Greece to learn their Manners, Studies, and Instructions; and need not Gold, esteeming it enough to return to the Scythians a better man, and more learned. Yet I will come to thee to Sardis, much esteeming thy friendship and familiarity. He was Solon's guest at Athens, 
Laer. l. 2.  whither he came in the forty seventh Olympiad. Socrates the first bringer in of ethics or Moral Philosophy, was a Traveller also, and followed the wars by Land and Sea. Xenophon his Scholar, 
Xenophon.  was both in Arts, and Arms, and Travels famous, and hath left Monument▪ thereof written by himself. His Voyage to Delphos, and thence to Cyrus, and after his Persian journey to Agesilaus King of Sparta, and with him against the Thebans, and after that to Helis and Corinth, are recorded by Laertius. In his days Ctesias a Traveller and Historian lived, which writ the Persian, Assyrian and Indian Stories, but often travels from truth. 
Aristippus.   
Aristippus was a Cyrenian by birth, by studies an Athenian, as were many others of his Countrymen, by base flattery a trencher-worme to Dionysius the Sicilian Tyrant. Ptolemeus an Aethiopian was his Scholar, and Antipater a Cyrenean. Epitemedes, Paraebates, Hegesias, Anniceris were also Cyrenaikes, holding voluptuous opinions, as also Theodorus and another Aristippus, magnifying sensual pleasures. The ecclesiastic Histories of Socrates and Sozomen, mention the travels of Empedocles, which threw himself into the Sicilian Crateres, and of Democritus Cous which spent eighty years in travelling thorough diverse Countries. Meropius also, 
Plato. Laert. l. 3.  and Merodorus are mentioned with others. But we will come to men better known: Plato is famous both for Philosophy and Travelling. He traveled to Euclid at Megara, to Theodorus the Mathematician, into Italy to the Pythagoreans, Philolaus and Eurytus, 
Euripide●▪  thence to Egypt to the Priests (and with him Euripides also) and intended to visit the Persian Magis, but was prohibited by the Asian wars. Returning to Athens he set up the Academy. Thrice he traveled in warfare to Tanagra, to Corinth, to Delos. Thrice also he sailed into Sicilia. First to see it, at which time Dionysius the Tyrant displeased with his free speech, caused him to be sold in Aegina; but being freed, Dionysius writ to him not to reproach him. Plato answered, He had not so much leisure as to think on Dionysius. He sailed thither to the younger Dionysius twice. His Disciples were Speusippus the Athenian, Xenocrates of Chalcedon, Aristotle the Stagirite, Dion of Syracuse, Amyctus of Heraclea, Timolaus of Cyzicus, Heraclides of Pontus, and others of other Countries, 
Bion.  his School yielding a pretty Geographical Map of Countries. Bion was borne near Boristhenes, but added honour to his Country by his studies. He was sold for a Slave, and bought by an Orator which made him his heir: he sold all & went to Athens. After his studies there, he lived at Rhodes. 
Lacydes. Carneades. Clitomachus▪ Menippus.  Lacydes the chief of the New Academy, was a Cyrenaean. Carneades was also of the same nation. Clitomachus was a Carthaginian, & his true name was Asdrubal. He went to Athens, & there bcame the scholar of Carneades & his successor. Menippus was a Phenician by birth, & lived a Cynik at Thebes.  
Aristotle was borne the first year of the 99 Olympiad: 
Aristotle.  at seventeen years he became Plato's Scholar, and so continued twenty years. After that he went to Mitylen●, and when Alexander was fifteen years old to King Philip, in the second year of the 109. Olympiad, and having commended the care of young Alexander to his Cousin calisthenes, in the second of the 111. returned to Athens, and taught in Lyceo thirteen years, and then went to Chalcis and there died. 
Calisthen●●▪  Calisthenes' traveled with Alexander, till the Persian Conquest had made him swell beyond the measure of a man, and some Greek Foolosophers (Philosophers I dare not call them; but amongst the Muses some have always been Hedge-whores, and the learning of some in all Ages hath licked the trenchers, and fly-blowed the sores of great men; with the basest of vices, Flattery, kissing the hinder parts, sucking 
* So the Barber of Le●is the Eleventh. Arrian. l. 4. Q. 〈◊〉. Plut. Alex.  the Emeralds, feeding on their excrements, themselves the excrements of Mankind: but whither hath passion transported me?) Agis an Argive, and Cleo a Sicilian, some add Anaxarchus also, Et caetera urbium suarum Purgamenta (saith Curtius) would needs open Heaven to Alexander, and prefer him to Hercules, Bacchus, Castor and Pollux: Alexander stood behind the hangings, whiles Cleo made a speech to persuade the Persian Rites, and with them to deify and incense their Kings. Which being gravely refuted by calisthenes (for to him especially was the speech directed, that they which went before others in learning, should in this innovation also) that it was not for him and Cleo to make Gods, or for the King honour to be beholden to them for his Divinity, which could not give a King 〈◊〉 on Earth to him, and much less Heaven: Alexander concealed his malice, till upon occasion of torturing some, which had conspired his death, he tortured also even to death calisthenes, giving him that recompense for saving his life, when having slain Clitus in a drunken rage, he would have added in a sullen and mad penance his own death, and was by calisthenes wisdom reclaimed. This was his preparation to the Indian Expedition.  
Many other learned men followed Alexander, and writ his story, viz. Marsyas, Pellaeus, Hecataeus Abderita, Aristobulus, Clitarchus, Anaximenes, Onesicritus, Nearchus, Ptolemaeus Lagi after King of Egypt, Antipater another of Alexander's Captains, and an Historian, Aristus, Asclepiades; Vossius adds Archelaus, Strattis, Eamenes, Diodorus, whose stories we have cited by Arrianus, Strabo, Plutarch, etc. But then the World traveled of Travellers of all sorts, learned and unlearned.  
Zeno was a Cyprian, by birth of Phaenician parentage, and at Athens began the Stoic Sect, whither he came with Purple out of Phenicia to cell, 
Laert. l. 7.  and suffered shipwreck in the Piraeum, upon which occasion solacing himself with a book, he followed Crates. Cleanthes was his successor, & after him Sphaerus a Bosphoran, 
L. 1.8.  which traveled also to Alexandria to Ptolemeus Philopater. Heraclites the Ephesian was a travelling Philosopher, of whose acquaintance Darius Histaspis was ambitious and writ to him about it. But of all the Philosophers none were more famous, than the first founder of that name Pythagoras, 
Pythagoras.  either in travels with, or for Science. He was borne at Samos, thence passed to Lesbos, and there heard Pherecydes the Syrian. Returning to Samos, Polycrates the famous Minion of Fortune, commended him to Amasis' King of Egypt. He learned the Egyptian Mysteries and Language, and traveled thence with Epimenedes into Crete, and after that into Italy to Croton, and there began the Italike Philosophy before mentioned. But who can tell his travels? 
Plin. l. 30. c. 1. Iambl. pag. 39  jamblichus his Scholar, saith that Pythogoras learned his Philosophy, partly of the Orphics, partly of the Egyptian Priests, partly of the Chaldees and Magi. Learned Pliny saith of him, that to learn Zoroastres his Magia, Pythagoras navigavit, exilio verius quàm peregrinatione suscepta. He (do you believe it?) had been Aethalides the son of Mercury, and after that had been Euphorbus in the wars of Troy, who being dead, his soul passed into Hermotinus, and traveled to Branchidae to Apollo's Temple, after whose death a new transmigration befell him into Pyrrbus a Delian Fisherman, and at last you have Pythagoras. It seemeth he had been also in India, where the Brachmanes or Bramenes to this day observe the Rites and Opinions which the Western World ascribe to Pythagoras, as not eating of things which have had life, transmigration of souls, and the like. Histaspis, the Father of Darius the King, is reported to have traveled into India and learned their Magic & Philosophy, which the Magis in Persia after professed. Philostratus hath written a long Legend of Apollonius Tyanaeus his Pilgrimage to the Brachmanes in India, to Babylon, Egypt, and Arabia, to Nysa, to Taxilla, to jarchas the principal Indian Brachmane, to his Egyptian and Aethiopian Gymnosophists, etc. But incredulus odi. I reckon him an Hospital beggar, with whom I will have nothing to do. Pyrrho an Athenian Philosopher Scholar of Anaxarchus, is said to have traveled both to the Persian Magis, and Indian Gymnosophists, and learned of them that he could learn nothing, nay learned not so much, but doubted of that also. India also yielded some travelling Philosophers to the Grecians, of whom the most famous is that Calanus which followed Alexander to Pasargadae, some say to Babylon, and there burned himself, an end suitable to his severe profession beyond the Stoikes austerity. An Epistle of his is registered at large by Saint Ambrose. Archimedes also traveled into Egypt and left famous Monuments of his Art in many parts of the World. But we have been too long in travel of this argument. Moore are we beholden to the travels of Historians, such as Herodotus, 

Strab. lib. 15. Curt. 10. Fr. Elian. etc. Amb. Ep. 7. Diod. Sic. l. 4. c. 9 See Vossius of Polybius, & Pythias. De hist. graec.  
Herod. l. 4. Scyllax sent by the Persian to discover the Grecian Coast, before that famous invasion.   Megasthenes, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Polybius, and many others which traveled into Italy, Egypt, Aethiopia, Greece, Asia, and diverse parts of the World, that they might give the World unto posterity. Herein also they deserve mention, which then were counted fablers, as Pythias Massiliensis, whom Strabo and others reject: yet his reports of short nights, etc. are now known truths. Some have written of travelling and sailing by the Coasts, as Arrianus his Circumnavigation of the Read or Indian Sea, and of the Black or Euxine Sea; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Marcianus Heracleotes, published in Greek by David Hoeschelius, rare jewels for knowledge of ancient Geography, but not so fitting our common Reader. The like we may say of Scyllax Caryandensis, mentioned by Herodotus, Artemidorus the Ephesian, Dicearchus Mesenius, Isidorus, Conracaenus. The Learned know where to read them: the Vulgar would not regard them if they were here; Time having devoured the very names by them mentioned, and not the Cities and Ports alone. Yet for a taste we will give you a Voyage of two of the Ancients. And first that of Hanno.   

CHAP. VII. Phoenician Voyages, and especially that of Hanno, a Carthaginian Captain.  
DIodorus Siculus reporteth of the Phoenicians (of whose Navigations in the Indian and African Ocean, and Spanish Plantations 
D. Sic. l. 4. c. 7. Sup. c. 1. § 1●.  we have spoken before) that sailing to diverse Marts, they planted many Colonies in Africa, and some also in the West parts of Europe: that they sailed also out of the Straitss into the Ocean, 
Gadira or Cadiz built by the Phaenicians.  and built on the European Continent the City Gadira (or Cadiz) and therein erected a sumptuous Temple to Hercules, which to his days was holden in great reputation of Sanctity, the Rites therein observed after the Phoenician manner, wherein many famous Roman Commanders after their great exploits, have paid to this God their vowed Holies. The Phoenicians sailing alongst the Lybian shore in the Ocean, were many days carried with tempests unto an Island very great and fertile, with pleasant Champains and Mountains, 
Goodly Island.  goodly Woods, Gardens, Houses, Fountains, wholesome Air, seeming to be the dwelling rather of Gods then Men. The Tyrrhe●i (which were strong by Sea) would have sent a Colony thither, but were forbidden by the Carthaginians, which feared jest their Citizens alured by the goodness of the Country should betake themselves thither: and beside, 
Galuano, Ouied● and others apply it to the American Antiles.  they would reserve it for a place of refuge, if any adversity should happen to their City. Aristotle also in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath some such thing of Carthaginian Merchant's, which sailed from Spain into the Western Ocean; but I think both may be applied rather to some one of the Lands of the Canaries, or Cape Verd, or Saint Thomas, or to some part of the African Continent, 
Gerardi Io. vos. de histor Grae. l. 4  which they might think (not sailing further) to be an Island, or to some fiction, then to America. Aristotle in that Treatise mentioneth Hanno, 
Plin. l. 2. c. 67.  which Vossius thinketh rather to be the work of the ●ounger Aristotle, called Ponticus (Laertius mentions eight Aristotle's) then of that great Oracle of learning and miracle of Nature. But of Hannos Periplus (as it was falsely termed) many Authors have made mention. Pliny so speaketh of it, as if he had sailed about Africa, in these words, Et Hanno, Carthaginis potentia florente, circum●ectus à Gadibus ad finem Arabiae, navigationem ea●▪ pro●id●t scripto; sicut ad ext●ra Europae noscenda missus eodem tempore Himilco. By which words it is apparent that Hanno and Himilco in those flourishing times of Carthage, were sent by public decree upon discoveries, Himiclo to the Coasts of France, Britain, and other parts of Europe; Hanno Southwards to coast around the African shores. 
Himilco.  The like testimony he hath in his fifth Book, Fuere & Hannonis Carthaginiensium Ducis commentarij, 
L. 5. c. 1.  Punicis rebus florentissimis, explorare ambitum Africe iussi: quem secuti plerique e nostris, ad 
a & alia quidem fab.  alia quaedam fabulosa, & urbes multas ab eo conditas ibi prodidere, quarum nec memoria ulla, nec vestigium extat. Whereby we see that Pliny doubted of the truth of Hannos relations: yea it was a Proverb, as Atbenaeus, which Casaubon in his Notes upon him, with Vossius also have observed; Siquid eiusmodi Iuba refert, gaudeat Lybicis libris Hannonis ac erroribus: as good a testimony of juba and Hanno for Historians as Virgil's of Bavius and Maevius for Poets. Yet, as I will not altogether clear him, 
Qui Barium n●n odit▪ amet tua carmina Maevi.  so I think that ignorance of those places in those times made him seem the more fabulous, as Marco Polo and others did till our Grandfather's days: which appeareth in that they make that a circumnavigation about afric, which reached not one quarter of the way from the Pillars of Hercules, to the Arabian Gulf. Artemidorus the Ephesian doth mention it, 
I. Solin c. 27. Pomp. Mel. de sit. Orb. l. 3. c. 10. Hanno Carthaginens●s, cum per Oceani ●stia exisset, magnam partem eius circumuectus, non se mari sed commeatu defecisse, etc.  and Mela also with Solinus. Mela came near the truth, which saith that Hanno sailed a great part of the coast, and returned for want of provision, not of Sea-room. He, and Solinus and Pliny have cited much out of him, which perhaps might receive a better interpretation than Antiquity could give, as appeareth by Ramusios' annotations on that Voyage, and by help of a Portugal Pilot expert in those coasts, comparing Hannos with the present Navigations. We will first give you the Text and then the Commentary. But first we will add out of Gal●ano touching Himilco, that he is said to have sailed to Gotland and Thule, within 24. degrees of the Pole, where the day in june is two and twenty hours, and to have spent in that discovery two years: I know not what good proof he hath of that Relation. Pliny whom he citeth, saith that the Northern Ocean was sailed for the most part by the procurement of Augustus, to the Cimbrian Promontory, and the Scythian coast, and that from the East when Seleucus and Antiochus reigned, the North Sea above the Caspian was sailed, and called by their names Seleucida and Antiochida. But that he joineth the Caspian with the Ocean, makes it less credible, being contrary to later experience. 
Pl. l. 2. c. 67▪  Not better credit hath that report of Nepos touching Indians which had for trade sailed out of India and comen about by the Northern Ocean, and by tempest were brought into Germany, presented by the King of the Sucuians to Quintus Metellus Celer then proconsul of Gallia, which haply were of some Nation ● the Ba●tike Sea, by tempest losing themselves, and not finding any which could understand ●●eir language, were by some smattering Grammarians or trusty travellers (which by daring 〈…〉 adventure on applause for skill in Geography) or else by the Giver (which 〈◊〉 the mention of the Indian name would much commend his present) obtruded on the no less ignorant Spectators, for Indians: a thing easily said, and not easily disproved, where none had seen any Indian. But now to Hanno.  

The Navigation of HANNO a Carthaginian Captain on the Coasts of Africa, without HERCULES Pillars, which he dedicated, written in the Punic tongue in the Temple of Saturn, after translated into the Greek, and now into the English, with brief annotations.  
THe Carthaginians determined that Hanno should sail without Hercules Pillars, & those build Cities of the Liby-phinicians. He set sail with threescore Ships of fifty Oars a piece, conducting with him a great multitude of men and women, to the number of thirty thousand, with victuals and all other necessaries. We arrived at the Pillars, and passed them, and having sailed without them two days, 
Thymiaterium.  we built the first City, calling it Thymiaterium. It had around about it very large Champaigns. After turning toward the West, we came to a promontory of Africa, called Soloente, covered all over with woods. And having here built a Temple to Neptune, we sailed half a day towards the East, till we arrived at a Fen, which is situated not fare from the Sea, very full of great and long Canes▪ and there were in it feeding Elephants, & many other creatures. Than having gone about a day's sail beyond that Fen we built Cities on the Sea coast, calling them by their proper names Murus, Caricus, Guta, Acra, Melitta and Arambis. Departing from thence we came to the great River Lixus which descends from Africa: By it there were certain men called Lixitae, feeders of Cattles, tending their flocks; with whom we continued so long, that they became very familiar. Moreover up in the Country above them the Negroes inhabited, who will not traffic with any, and their Country is very barbarous and full of wild Beasts, and environed with high Mountains, from which as they say, issues the River Lixus, and round about the Mountains inhabit men of diverse shapes, which have their abiding in Canes; they run swifter than horses, as the Lixians report: from thence taking some Interpreters, we sailed by a desert Country towards the South two days. And then we vered one day towards the East, where in the bottom of a Gulf we found alike Island, that was five furlongs in compass, which we inhabited, naming it Cerne, and by the way that we had sailed we judged that that Island was opposite to Carthage, for the Navigation from Carthage to the Pillars, and from thence to Cerne seemed equal. Parting from thence, and sailing by a great River called Crete, we arrived at a Lake, which had in it three Lands greater than Cerne. From whence sailing the space of a day, we came to the further part of the Lake: there we saw very high Mountains which overlooked all the Lake: where were savage people clothed in beasts skins, who chased us away with stones, not suffering us to land: sailing from thence we came to another great and large stream full of Crocodiles, and River-horses. From thence turning back again, we returned to Cerne. Sailing then twelve days Southerly, not going fare from the coast, which was peopled with Negro, who upon sight of us fled away, and spoke so, as the Lixitae that were with us understood them not. The last day we arrived at a Mountain full of great trees, the wood whereof was odoriferous and of various colours. Having now coasted two days by this Mountain, we found a deep and troublesome race of Sea; on the side whereof towards the land was a plain, where by night we saw fires kindled on every side, distant one from the other some more some less. Having watered here, we sailed by the land five days, so that we arrived in a great Bay, which our Interpreters said, was called H●sperus his horn. In this there was a great Island, and in the Island a Lake, which seemed a Sea, and in this there was another Island; where having landed, by day we saw nothing but woods, but in the night many fires were kindled, and we heard Fifes and the noise and sound of Cymbals and Drums, and beside infinite shouts; so that we were exceedingly afraid, and our Diviners commanded us to abandon the Island: then swiftly sailing from thence, we passed by a Country smelling of Spices: from which some fiery Rivers fall into the Sea, and the land is so hot that men are not able to go in it; therefore being some what affrighted we suddenly hoist out our sails, and running along in the main the space of four days, we saw by night the Country full of flames, and in the midst an exceeding high fire, greater than all the rest, which seemed to reach unto the Stars: but we saw this after in the day time, which was a very lofty Mountain, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the Chariot of the Gods. But having sailed three days by fiery Rivers, we arrived in a Gulf called Notuceras, that is, the South horn: in the inner part thereof there was a little Island like unto the first, which had a Lake in it, and in that there was another Island full of Savage men, but the women were more; they had their bodies all over hairy, and of our Interpreters they were called Gorgones: we pursued the men but could take none, for they fled into precipices and defended themselves with stones; but we took three of the women, which did nothing but bite and scratch those that led them, and would not follow them. Therefore they killed them and flayed them, and brought their skins to Carthage: and because victuals failed us, we sailed no further.  
IT appears that Hannos wisdom for discovery in that infancy of Navigation 
* Some make Hanno at lest as ancient as Philip ●e Father of Alexander: Vossius thinks him to be that Captain which was sent against Agathocles, mentioned by Trogus (or his shadow justine) l. 22. Livy men●ions another, and Pliny l. 8. c. 16. s●ith of another Hanno that he was exiled for taming Lions.  about 2000 years since, thought small Vessels fittest by which he might keep near the shore, the edging whereof caused him to sail East or West, as the Land trended. The Carthaginians being of Phaenician original from Tyrus, and Lybian habitation and Empire, called their Cities Lybiphaenician: of which Thymiaterium seems to the Portugal Pilot in Ramusio, to be Azamor in 32. and a half, where runneth a spacious Plain to Morocco. The Promontory Soloente seemeth Cape Cantin in 32. degrees. After which the coast runneth in much Eastward, and the abundance of River's cause the great Fen mentioned; beyond which they built those Cities, the same, or near to those now in the Kingdom of Morocco, Azafi, Goz, Aman, Mogador, Testhua, etc. After they pass the Cape Gerard, and encounter the River Lixus, where the Poet's fables place Hercules his Antaeus and the Hesperideses Gardens. The Pilot thought it the River of Sus, which runs into the Sea at Messa in 29. degr. 30. min. Beyond that gins Mount Atlas the less, which runneth Eastward quite thorough Barbary, and to which the Romans came, the sands prohibiting their approach to the greater Atlas. After this Hanno cometh to Cape Non, Cape Boiador and Cape Blank; and then turning to the East, comes to the I'll Argin, which he called Cerne: and thought to be as fare from the Straitss in the course of their sailing, as it was betwixt those Straitss and Carthage. For as for the height, it is plain that they neither used compass, nor observed degrees. And for Ptolemeis degrees, they are almost every where false or uncertain, rather from his conjecture, than the Mariner's calculation, and in transcribing made worse in so many barbarous and ignorant ages: his places are of more use in showing their bearing East or West, North or South, short, or beyond, or wide, then for exact gradations.  
The Lands of Cape Verd in 13. are Hannos Hesperides (the Canaries or Fortunate Lands he could not see, creeping near the shore) and for River Horses and Crocodiles, they are no rarities in Africa. From Cape Verd the race of the Sea might seem terrible to their small Vessels, where the River of Saint Mary and Rio Grandee in 15. degrees, hath troubled waters. Such fires as he mentioneth are seen to this day of those which sail on the coast of Senega and Guinea, because the Negroes eat little in the day time for heat, but at night have their fires without doors and there refresh themselves: many of which a fare off present such lights at Sea; 
See jobsons' voyage and larger no●es. Inf. l. 7.  the merry Negroes to fray away wild Beasts and to express their mirth, making such music with shouts and cries. Sierra Leona is that chariot of the Gods in 8. degrees, the continual thunders and lightnings at some times of the year presenting such a fiery spectacle as Hanno reporteth: yet augmented for greater wonder, as also are his fiery Rivers, that whereas the world talked of a fiery Zone, not habitable through heat, he might lie a little to save his credit from imputation of a greater liar, if he had reported the temperature near the line. The like humour of inclining to vulgar fancies appeareth in his tales of the Gorgones. And for the monstrous women's hairy skins, they might be of the Baboons or Pongos of those parts, some of which as jobson and Battle our Countrymen which traveled those parts will tell you, are greater than women, & the Pongos nothing in manner differing from their shape. These were, as is probable within four degrees of the line. The Island is thought to be that of Fernando Poo: but my learned friend Master Hoelstin a German, which is now preparing a learned treasury of Geographical antiquities to the Press, supposeth that he passed not the Cape Tres puntas or that de Palmas.    

CHAP. VIII. JAMBULUS' his Navigation to Arabia, and Aethiopia, and thence to a strange Island, from whence he sailed to Palimbothra in India.  
IF Hannos Voyage and Relations seemed incredible, much more may that of jambulus, recorded by Diodorus. In what age he lived is uncertain, and as uncertain what Island it was that he is said to come to, 
D. Sic. l●.  which may seem to some to be Zeilan or java, I rather think Sumatra. That it is wholly fabulous I cannot think, but that all is true therein, I were worthy also to have my tongue slit, if I should affirm. He did mix fables to the truth, to make his story more plausible, and imitating the Poets; and without annotations the truth may easily be known from the fables of Plato's Republic and common women, and strange creatures, with other tales. But, if you will, thus the story lieth.  
jambulus was learned from his childhood and after his Father's death (who was a Merchant) he exercised also Merchandizing. Passing through Arabia to buy Spices, he was taken by thiefs, with the associates of his journey: at first with one of his fellow sl●ues, 
jambulus twice taken.  he was appointed to be a Keeper of Cattles: but after that, together with him he was taken by certain Aethiopians, and conveyed beyond the maritime Aethiopia. Seeing that they were strangers, they were taken for an expiation of that Country. The Aethiopians that inhabited those parts had a custom, which they had anciently received from the Oracle of their Gods, and observed it twenty Ages, that is six hundred yeeeres (for an Age is finished in thirty years.) They had a little vessel prepared able to endure the tempests of the Sea, which two men might easily steer. They put into six months' victuals for two men: bringing the men aboard, they commanded them to direct their vessel towards the South according to the answer of the Oracle: and told them that they should come to a goodly Island and courteous people, that lived happily. And by that means, if they safely arrived in the Island their Country should be in peace and prosperity six hundred years. But if, being terrified through the length of the Sea they should return back, they should bring, as impious and debauched persons, great miseries to all their Nation. They report that the Aethiopians feasted diverse days by the Seaside, and kept their holies, wishing them a lucky Voyage, and that the accustomed expiation were accomplished. After four months sail and many a storm, they were carried to an Island of round form, five thousand furlongs in compass. When they drew near to the Island, 
Iambu●● in●ula.  some of the Inhabitants sent forth a Boat to meet them. Others running to them wondered at these new come strangers: and entertained them very kindly and courteously: imparting to them such things as they had.  
The men of this Island are not like to ours, either in their bodies or manners, yet all have the same form, 
Inhabitants described.  but they exceed us four Cubits in stature. They wind their bones this way and that way as they please, 
a So do the Nairos now.  like sinews. Their bodies are stronger and nimbler than ours. For if they have taken any thing into their hands, no man can pull it out of their fingers. They have no hairs, except on their head, eyebrows, eyelids, and chin: on the other parts of their bodies they are so smooth, that there doth not appear the lest down. They are fair, comely, and have well shaped bodies, the holes of their ears are much wider than ours, also their tongue differs from us. For their tongue hath somewhat peculiar by Nature or Art. 
Cloven tongues. Liars Emblem.  Nature hath given them a cloven tongue, which is divided in the bottom, so that it seems double from the root. So they use a diverse speech: and do not only speak with the voice of men, but imitate the singing of Birds. But that which seems most notable, they speak at one time perfectly with two men, both answering and discoursing. For with one part of their tongue they speak to one, and with the other to the other. 
Temperate Air. Homer.  The air is very clear all the year long, as the Poet hath written, That the Pear doth ripen upon the Pear, and the Apple upon the Apple, and the Grape upon the Grape, and the fig upon the fig. Also they say the day and night are always equal. About noon, when the Sun is over their heads it maketh no shadow. They live according to their kindreds and societies: which yet exceed not four hundred. They devil in Meadows, the earth bringing forth plentifully fruits freely without any tillage. For the goodness of the Island and temperature of the air make the earth of it own accord wonderful fertile.  

This Reed is a just description of Maiz, or Indian Wheat.  There grow many Reeds, bearing plentiful fruit like to a white Vetch; when they have gathered these, they steep them in water, till each of them be swollen to the quantity of a Dove's Egg. Afterwards of these beaten they make bread, of a wonderful sweetness. There are also in that Island great Springs of water, whereof some flow forth very hot for the use of Baths, and curing Diseases; and some are cold, very sweet and wholesome. They respect all kind of Learning, especially Astrology. They use Letters whereof they have eight and twenty, according to the value of signification, 
Their Letters.  yet but seven Characters: each whereof is varied four ways. They live very long, namely one hundred and fifty years, and for the most part without any sickness. If any have a Fever or be sick in his body, they enforce him to dye according to their Law. They writ not by the side, 

China form of lines in writing.  
Common women.   as we do, but from the top in a strait line to the bottom. They have a custom to live to a certain age, which being finished, they diversely of their own accord kill themselves. They have a double plant: upon which whosoever lieth down is brought into a sweet sleep and dyeth. The women marry not, but are common to all. In like manner the Males are brought up, and common to all. They often take away the children from the Mothers, that they might not know them, whereby it cometh to pass, that there is no ambition amongst them, or factious affection, but they live peaceably without jarring.  
There are small creature in the Island, whose blood is of an admirable nature and virtue. Their bodies are round, 
Fabulous creatures.  and like to Tortoises, two streaks crossing one another on the middle of them: in the extremity of each of which is an ear and an eye: so that they see with four eyes, and hear with so many ears: they have but one belly wherein they convey that which they eat. They have many feet round about, wherewith they go both ways. The blood of this beast is affirmed to be of a wonderful efficacy. For any body cut with gashes, while it breathes, sprinkled with this blood presently cleaves together. And in like manner, if a hand be cut off, or any other member, whiles life lasts, the parts will be joined together, if it be applied to the wound while it is fresh. Every Family nourisheth great Birds of a diverse nature, wherewith they try what their sons will be. For setting their children on these Fowls, if they be not affrighted while they are carried through the Air, they bring them up, but if they faint through fear or cowardliness, they cast them down as unworthy to live any longer, and unprofitable for any exerciese.  
The eldest of every Family, as King commands the rest, who all obey him. When he is one hundred and fifty years old, they take away his life according to their Law: and the eldest next him takes the Principality. The Sea wherewith the Island is environed is very tempestuous, and causeth great waves, the water is fresh. The Bear and many stars which appear to us are not seen of them. There are seven Lands of the like greatness, like distance between, 
Some truths of the Country.  and of the same people and Laws. Although the earth doth bring forth food of it own accord abundantly for all, yet they use it moderately. They desire plain dishes, seeking only nourishment: they eat their flesh roasted and boiled: they reject the Cook's art, and all kind of sauces as unprofitable. They reverence the Gods, and that which containeth all things, and the Sun, and the other heavenly Creatures. They take fishes and Birds of diverse sorts. There grow of their own accord fruitful Trees, Olives, and Vines, from which they draw great plenty of Oil and Wine. The Island produceth great Serpents, but harmless: whose flesh they eat, which is extraordinary sweet. They make their clotheses of soft and shining down, taken out of the midst of Canes: wherewith their Purple garments died with Sea Oysters are made. There are many kinds of creatures and such as will hardly be believed: they observe a certain order of life, and eat but of one kind of meat in a day; for one day they eat fish, on another Birds, and then beasts; sometimes they feed only of oil. They are addicted to diverse exercises: some serve, some fish, others exercise their Trades, others are busied about other necessary affairs. Some (except the old men) minister in common, or serve one another by turns. On their Holies and Feast days they sing Hymns in commendation of their Gods, and chief of the Sun, to whom they dedicated themselves and their Island. They bury their dead on the shore, heaping sand upon the carcase when the Sea flows, that with the flowing and increasing of the water, the place may be made greater. They report that the Reeds from which they gather fruit, increase and decrease according to the Moon. The sweet and wholesome water retains the heat of the Fountains, unless it be mingled with cold water or wine.  
jambulus and he which came with him tarried in the Island seven years, 
jambulus his return.  and at length were forced to departed at their wills, as wicked persons, and accustomed to evil conditions. Therefore preparing their Boat and victualling it, they were compelled to departed. In four months they came to a King of India, through sandy and shallow places of the Sea. The other perished in a tempest: jambulus was driven into a certain Village, and carried by the Inhabitants to the King into the City Palibothra fare distant from the Sea. The King loved Grecians, and greatly esteemed their Learning; he gave him many things, and first sent him safely into Persia, and then into Greece. Afterward jambulus writ these things, and many things concerning India before unknown to others.   

CHAP. IX. Great ALEXANDER'S Life, Acts, Peregrinations and Conquests briefly related.  
KIng Alexander, as they report, derived his Pedigree by the Father from Hercules, by the mother from Aeacus; from the one descended his Father Philip, 
Alexander's Pedigree.  and from the other his Mother Olympia. She the first night of her Nuptials dreamt that she saw Lightning enter into her Womb, and thence a great flame presently kindled. Philip also not long after seemed in his sleep to seal his wife's belly, the Seal engraven with a Lion. By these Aristander the Diviner foretold that she was with child, because a Seal useth not to be set on empty things: also that she should bring forth a child, who should have the nature and spirit of a Lion. But when a while after Philip in the night saw through a cranny of the door a Dragon lying by her, it abated his love to her, fearing Magical Charms, or the familiarity of some Deity. Notwithstanding Olympias counselled Alexander that he would assume a mind worthy of his father. Others say, that she said Alexander would make her (by challenging to be jupiters' son) hateful to juno. 
His birth.  On the Ideses of August she was delivered of Alexander, who although he were of a goodly feature, yet he bowed his neck somewhat to the left side, and a certain whiteness mixed with read beautified his face. Also such an odour issued both out of his mouth, and members, 
His fragrancy.  that his inner clotheses did breath forth a wonderful fragrant savour. Which as it perhaps proceeded out of the temperature of his hot body, so surely he was by his natural hotness given to Wine and anger. While he was young, he refrained himself from pleasures more than beseemed one of his years, 
His youthful magnanimity▪  manifesting his courageous mind, who when his equals in years asked, if he would willingly contend in the Olympian Games? willingly, saith he, if I were to contend with Kings. He greatly excelled in swiftness of foot. He always meditated upon some great and extraordinary thing, that he might purchase fame. Therefore the Persian Ambassadors not a little marvelled at the courage of the youngman: seeing he questioned no trivial, or childish thing of them, but the situation of Countries and dangers of passages, and power of the King of Persia. He did seem to be angry at his Father's victories; What said he, will my Father leave for me to do, if he achieve all noble exploits?  

Bucephalus.  About those times, Philip bought Bucephalus for thirty three Talents a very fierce Horse; stomachful, unmanaged, and abiding no Rider. Now when he would suffer none to backe him, Alexander was angry with them, who could not through fear or ignorance tame the Horse, and offered himself to break him. To whom his Father, if thou dost not, for thy boasting, what punishment wilt thou have? then he answered, I will pay for the Horse. Philip smiling set the price: He seeing him moved with his shadow, turned his head to the Sun; then letting go his Cloak, laying hold with his hands upon his mane, mounted him, still blowing and trampling the sands under his feet. Letting go the reins, and crying out aloud, he spurred him and made him run. Than holding in the reins he easily turned him. While the people shouted, 
His arts.  his Father weeping for joy, kissed him when he alighted, saying my Son, Macedonia cannot contain thee, thou must seek a Kingdom competent. Afterward Philip noting the disposition of Alexander, that he would rather be induced to virtue by gentleness then rough dealing committed him to Aristotle to be instructed in the precepts of Philosophy. Wherein and in Physic he so profited, that sometimes he helped his sick friends. He learned Homer's Iliads of Aristotle: calling it the Soldier's Knapsack, laying it with his Dagger always under his Pillow.  
When he was seventeen years old, his Father warring against the Byzantines, he swayed the Sceptre of Macedon. 
His first martial acts.  And when the Megarians rebelled, he discomfited them in battle, and expelling the Barbarians, called their City Alexandropolis. He first also broke through against the sacred band of the Thebans. Wherhfore the Macedonians called him King; and Philip Emperor.  
Not long after Philip being slain, Alexander being twenty years old began to reign, the Barbarians revolting, many supposed that they were to be appeased with clemency and mildness. Than Alexander, we must not (saith he) maintain our Dominions with gentleness, but force and magnanimity, jest if we seem to abate of our lofty courage, we be scorned of others: And gathering his troops together, he repressed the mutiny of the Barbarians, chased away the King of the Triballi, overthrew the Thebans, sacked the City; and leveled it to the ground. He sold thirty thousand of the Citizens: six thousand that remained killed themselves. In the mean while, 
Isthmus' near Corinth.  the Grecians hearing that the Persians' would shortly invade them, elected Alexander to be their Leader. Who as soon as he came to Isthmos, where their General Parliament was assembled, went to Diogenes, whom he found sitting in the Sun. Than courteously saluting him, he demanded if he wanted any thing? But he answered only this, stand aside out of the Sun. Alexander admiring the constancy of the man, departing said, if I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. 
Diogenes. Delphos.  Thence he went to Delphos, to consult with the Oracle about his expedition. It was an unlucky day wherein it was not lawful to give Oracles. Alexander notwithstanding, going in haste to the Temple, began almost by force to draw along the Priest of the Oracle with him. My Son, said the Priest, thou art unconquerable. He being joyful at these words said, I have no need of any other Oracle. And returning to the Camp, where abode the Army of thirty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, he did not go aboard the ship before he had distributed all his Chattels, Lands, and Lordships amongst his friends. He to Perdiccas ask, what will you leave for yourself? answered, only Hope.  
Having sailed over the Hellespont, he went to Ilium. And then visited Achilles' Sepulchre, and adorned his Statue with Garlands. 
His expedition against the Persians'.  Saying, O thou most happy, who hadst so faithful a companion, living; and dead, so great a Poet to renown thee.  
In the mean while, the Chieftains of Darius, the King of Persia hastening to pass over Granicum with a great power, Alex. met them at the banks of the same River: and getting the higher ground, as soon as he had marshaled his bands, joined battle with the Barbarians. The fight waxing hot on both sides, Rhesaces & Spithridates, Darius his Captains, one with a Spear, the other with a Battle-axe, with a full career encountered Alexander, who was easy to be known by reason of his Target, and the Plume on his Helmet, being a great bush of white feathers. Avoiding nimbly the one, he strooke Rhesaces with his Spear and with his Sword made at the other, who without delay, took away his Helmet, with his Battle-axe to his hair, but while he lifted up his hand for another blow, he was strooke through with a Lance by Clitus. Alexander having vanquished the Commanders, 
Clitus saveth his life. His victory.  put the rest to flight. In which flight twenty thousand of the Barbarians (two thousand Horsemen) were slain. But Alexander lacked not above thirty four Soldiers.  
Having gotten this victory, he took the strong City Sardis, with other Towns, Miletus and Halicarnassus. Having determined to try the upshot with King Darius, if he would join battle with him, he took Phoenicia and C●licia. From thence marching to Pamphilia, he subdued the Pisidans and Phrygians. After taking Gordium, where had been of old King Mida● his Palace, he overcame the Paphlagonians, and Cappadocians. But King Darius relying on the number of his forces (for he had an Army of six hundred thousand) removed his Camp from Susis. His Diviners had flattered him in the Interpretation of a Dream of the shining of Alexander's Army, and Alexander ministering to him, who entering into Belu● his Temple, was taken out of his sight. He thought basely of him also for staying so long in C●licia. There was Alexander detained in great danger of his life, having washed himself in a cold River, and fallen into a sudden sickness. When other Physicans gave him over, Philip an Acarnanian promised to recover him in a short space: and although there came a Letter from Parmenio, warning him to take heed of Philip's Treason, who was corrupted by King Darius, yet he drank up the potion boldly, and with all delivered the Letter to Philip. He read it very heavily, but bad Alexander to be of good cheer. In the mean time, while the potion entered into his bowels, the King lay almost dead. But such was the efficacy of the medicine, that he presently recovered his former health.  
Darius' approaching, Alexander getting the higher ground, ordered his battle, and after a great slaughter put the Barbarians to flight: ten thousand were slain, and many more taken. 
Second battle. Alexander's victory.  Alexander himself was wounded. Alexander got the Tent, Money, rich Stuff, Chariot, and Bow of Darius, all adorned with Gold. Moreover, Darius his Mother, Wife, and two Daughters Virgins were taken with the rest. To whom he said, compassionating their fortune, seeing them weeping and lamenting, that Darius was alive, and that they should have no hurt. And indeed (herein was Alexander King of himself) they suffered no hardship or dishonour, 
His temperance.  but lived unseen of any, as it were in sacred Cloisters, or Virginal Closets. Alexander did so refrain from them and all others, that he used to say in jest, that the Persian Damsels were eyesores. He was also very temperate in his diet, for between every cup, he accustomed to spend a long time in discourse.  
Having divided the spoils, hi● next Exploit was the dominion of the Sea, and overcoming Cyprus, he subdued all Phoenicia, except Tyre, which he besieged seven months with Mounts, 
Cyprus. Tyrus.  Engines, and two hundred Galleys, and at length after diverse skirmishes took it by assault. But when he had added Gaza and Egypt to his Conquests, he resolved to visit the Temple of jupiter Ammon. A very difficult journey and dreadful, by reason of the want of water, 
Ammon's oracle  and store of sands: yet his good fortune prevailed, showers making the sands firmer, and Crows guiding him, he came thither without any harm; Whereas Cambyses his Army had been buried in the sands. Entering the Temple he saluted the chief of them, who answered, All hail, 
Alexandria builded.  O Son of jupiter, which he received so joyfully, that ever after he carried himself more haughtily. In Egypt he founded Alexandria a Greek Colony.  
After this the Ambassadors of the King of Persia came to him with Letters, 
Embassage f●om Darius.  proffering ten thousand Talents, and all Mesopotamia, and his Daughter in marriage, and Darius himself to become his friend and associate, if he would cease from War▪ such conditions, that if I were Alexander, said Parmenio, I would accept them: so would I said Alexander, if I were Parmenio. He had them tell Darius, that he should receive all courtesy of the Grecians, if he would come to them, 
The third battle with the Persians', and second with Darius.  if he would not, let him know that we, will he, ●ill he, will come to him speedily. Than going out of Egypt into Phoenicia, he took all the Country between Euphrates, and the second time removed his Camp against Darius. And now the Armies came in sight each of other, wherein Darius had a Million of men. The battle was fought not at Arb●la, but at Gausanela. The Bactrian Horsemen running upon the Macedonians provoked Alex. to fight, who encouraged his men and praying to jupiter that he would give him aid and victory, an Eagle is reported to have been showed him by Aristander his Diviner flying above him over his head, and thence directing her flight against the Persians', which filled the Macedonians with hopes and cheerful courage. Forcible was the impression, and Alexander pierced into the midst of the enemy's Camp, where beholding Darius well guarded in the midst of his troops, he gave a terrible assault and routed them, 
Alexander's victory.  many being slain. Darius was of a tall stature, comely face, Kingly countenance, and sat aloft in a Chariot covered with Gold, which Darius leaving, leapt upon a barren mare, seeking to save his life by flight. The dignity of this victory altogether overthrew the Persian Empire, 
Babylon taken. Susa.  and made Alexander King of Asia. Than he took Babylon and Susis, the royal City where he found forty thousand Talents of silver, with royal householdstuff, and of Hermionike Purple kept one hundred and ninety years still fresh to the value of five thousand Talents.  
Now did Alexander advance into Persia, whither Darius had fled. There he found as much silver as before in Susis, and as much royal furniture and goods as laded ten thousand yokes of Mules, and five thousand Camels. He tarried four months in his wintering Lodgings. And, as the report is, when he feasted under the golden roof of the King's Hall, he said, That he had obtained the fruit of his labours, seeing he so magnificently banqueted in the Palace of proud Xerxes. 
Perfepolis burden  Thais an Athenian, a beautiful Strumpet, being present; enticed the King with her flatteries, and said, I were the happiest woman of Greece, if I might in this our mirth fire Xerxes' Palace, who sometime burned my Athens. The King smiling, the Harlot fired the House. The King bewitched with wine and her allurements, the rest furthering the flame, suffered such a goodly building to be consumed to a●hes. Alexander was naturally munificent, and kept a kind of stately magnificence in giving: which he did illustrate with infinite testimonies of his bounty, less esteeming those that refused then these that craved. About this time Darius had now the third time gathered an Army. Alexa●der in eleven days passed with great journeys 3200. furlongs, conducting his Army through rough places, that wanted water, so that the whole Army well near languished with thirst: a certain common Soldier brought a Helmet full of water to Alexander; who looking upon all of them panting for heat and thirst, gave it him again untouched: thinking it unfitting that he alone should cherish himself, and the others faint; whose continency the Soldiers admiring, resolved to undergo any trouble, as long as they followed such a Leader. Than after a few days, the Army of King Darius being gathered together, did flee as soon as they came in sight of the Macedonians. The Persians' being thus discomfited, the Macedonians pursuing them, found King Darius in his Chariot stricken through with many wounds, and almost dead, speaking some few things. But when Alexander came thither by chance, he took very bitterly his ignoble death, 
Dar●us slain by treason of his own.  and casting his coat upon his carcase, and adding the Royal Ensigns, he gave charge to carry it honourably to his Mother. Bessus the Murderer, Alexander caused to be tied to two trees brought by force together, which rend him in sunder.  

Hyrcania subdued.  Darius' being overthrown, he brought into his subjection Hyrcania, and all the Cities adjoining to the Caspian Sea. After going into Parthia, he attired himself in a habit, being a mean between a Persian and a Mede, that he might accustom the Macedonians the more willingly to adore him.  
Passing over the River Orexartes, which he thought to be Tanais, he warred on the Scythians, and chased them one hundred furlongs. 
Scythian expedition.  Thither Clitarchus, Polycritus, Onesicritus, Antigenes and Hister say, the Amazon came to him; which Chares, Isangelus, Ptolemaeus, A●ticlides, Philon, 
Amazonian tale  Philippus, Hecataeus, Philippus Chalcidensis, and Duris the Samian, say was a devised Fable: and this appeareth to be true by Alexander himself, who writing to Antipater an exact Relation of all things, mentions the Scythian Kings offer of his Daughter in marriage, but hath nothing at all of the Amazon. It is said that Lysimachus, when he heard One●icritus reading that Relation, smiled and said, Where was I th●n?  
At length beholding the beauty and noble demeanour of Roxanes, Darius his Daughter, he married her, that so he might perpetually tie the Barbarians to him; whom he did also so reverence, that he did not but solemnly enter in to her. But when he proceeded to bring the rest of Asia to his obedience, he caused Philotas Parmenio his son a man of eminent place to be slain. Also a little while after being drunk, he struck Clitus through with a Lance, a man of a noble courage, which had freed him from Sp●thridates Battle-axe: yet he presently repent, and snatching the Lance out of Clitus his wound, 
Philotas and Clitus slain.  would have turned it into himself; but was restrained by the standers by, and had died with grief, but that Aristander the Diviner, and the Philosophers calisthenes and Anaxarchus persuaded him to patience. calisthenes was as ill repaid as Clitus, which before we have mentioned.  
After this, Alexander sets forth towards India, and there perceiving his Army by reason of the greatness of pillage to be slow and dull, he burned up the baggage of the Macedonian Campe. After which he became an inexorable and severe punisher of faults, and a terror to his own. He killed Menander, one of his greatest Familiars for neglecting his charge: And slew Orsodates having rebelled with his own hands. He carried Babylonians (or Chaldaeans) with him, whom he used in superstitious expiations.  
near the River Oxus, Proxenus found a Fountain of Oil and fat liquor, resembling Oil in colour and taste, whereas that Region knoweth not Olives. This Alexander took as a divine Miracle in his favour. The Diviners took it for a token of a difficult but glorious War. He took two strong Rocks in his way, which seemed impregnable. When the Macedonians refused to pass thorough the River to lay siege to Nysa, he took his shield and was ready to swim over himself. But their Embassage for peace stayed him. To Taxiles an Indian King, he gave a thousand Talents of silver.  
HONDIUS his Map of Alexander's Expedition.  

The Voyage of NEARCHUS and his Fleet set forth by ALEXANDER the Great, from the River Indus to the bottom of the Persian Gulf.  
IN this History of Voyages I think it not a miss to give some accounts briefly of the Fleet which Alexander set forth from Indus to the Persian Gulf, commanded by Nearchus, gathered out of the eighth Book of Arrianus, who had taken it out of Nearchus his own discourse thereof. I had the whole Relation at large by me translated, as those also of Arrianus his sailing about both the Erythraean and Euxine Seas; but Time hath so altered the Names, ports and peoples, that I dare not give you them at large. This briefly was thus:  
Alexander provided his ships in Hydaspes (a River which runneth into Indus) and manned them with Phenicians, 
Hydaspes, perhaps that which now is called ●hat.  Cypriots, Egyptians, men best skilled in Marine affairs. He chose also for Captains the Greek Islanders of jonia and Hellespont, & diverse others; amongst the rest Nearchus which writ this Navigation, of Cretan ancestry, an Amphipolitan by habitation, whom he made General of the Fleet. After things set in order, he sacrificed to the Gods of his Country and to such others as the Diviners prescribed, to Neptune, Oceanus, the Sea Nymphs, and to the River Hydaspes, and to Acesines, which floweth thereinto. He instituted also musical and gymnicall Games (prizes for masteries) also, distributing the remainders of the sacrifices to the Army. A hundred and 20000. soldiers followed Alexander, who himself went with the ships down Hydaspes. He had 800. ships, some long, some of burden. Being afraid to adventure so long a Sea Voyage, as from Indus to the Persian Gulf, jest his glorious lustre of victory and Fortune hitherto attending him might so be drowned; the Monson serving (the Etesia then ceasing which there blew in Summer) he committed the Fleet to Nearchus, which put forth to Sea on the twentieth day of Bo●dromion, in the eleventh year of King Alexander's reign.  
Nearchus' sacrificed also before his departure, to jupiter the Saviour, and likewise instituted Games; on that day of his departure he came to a great River called Stura, about 100 furlongs, and stayed there two days. 
River Stura.  On the third day he came to another River called Caumana thirty furlongs further, where the water began to be salt, and the tide ascended. Thence he sa●led twenty furlongs to Coreatis within the River. Moving thence they saw the white frothy surge at the mouth of the River, and in a ditch or channel made of five furlongs, he anchored his fleet when the tide came 150. furlongs, thence he came to the I'll Crocala, near to the which are the Indian Arrhabes. Thence he removed, having mount Irus on the right hand, 
Isle Crocala. I'll Halitenea. I'll Bubarta.  and the I'll Halitenea on the left, to a Port which he called Alexander's Port, before which is Bubarta a small Island. There he stayed four and twenty days, and gathered Sea Mice and Oysters wonderful great. The wind ceasing, he went sixty furlongs near the Isle Doma, where they were forced to go twenty furlongs within land for fresh water: Having passed 300. furlongs the next day, 
I'll Doma. Sara●ga. Sacalasis. Morontoboris.  they came to the Region Saranga, and fetched water eight furlongs within land. Departing thence he came to Sacalasis, and passing two rocks so near that the ships edged on them as they passed by, after 300. furlongs he anchored in Morontoboris, a round, deep and safe harbour with a narrow entrance, called the women's Port. The next day he left an Island to Sea ward of him and yet so near the shore that the Sea seemed a Gut or narrow ditch. That day he sailed sixty furlongs. On that shore was a wood and shady Island. The next day he sailed thorough a narrow channel, the ebb having left a great part dry, and having passed 120. furlongs he came to the mouth of the River Arabius, where is a great and safe harbour. They fetched water sixty furlongs up the River in a Lake. At the harbour is an Island full of Oysters and all sorts of fish. 
End of India. The Oritae.  This River confineth India; the next Regions are possessed by the Oritae; their first anchoring on the Orite-shoare was Pagali, having sailed 200. furlongs near a craggy rock. The next day 300. furlongs to Bacana: and because the shore was rocky, he was forced to anchor fare from land. In this way three ships were lost in a storm, but the persons were saved being near the shore. 
All their sailing is with Oars and by shore.   
He sa●led thence two hundred furlongs to Comala: and there went on shore, and set up tents to refresh his people wearied with their 
* 
Was not this age think you like to ●aile to Peru or Hispaniola▪  
Ships a rari●y.   long Navigation, and desiring to have some rest. Here Leonnatus, to whom Alexander had given Commission for the Oritae, overthrew them in a great battle and slew 6000. The weather beaten ships being repaired, and ten day's provisions being taken in, and those sailors which were weary of the Sea, being left with Leonnatus, some of his company supplying their rooms: the Fleet proceeded 500 furlongs, and anchored at the River Thomeros. The Inhabitants dwelled in small cottages, and wondered at the Navy as a strange Novelty: they came to the shore with lances of six cubits sharpened and burned at the ends, easily chased by those which were sent on shore against them, which also took some, which had hard and sharp nails wherewith they killed fish, and cut softer wood (for they had no use of Iron) the harder they c●t with stones: their garments were beasts or fishes skins. Here Nearchus stayed five days, and repaired his Navy. Proceeding three hundred furlongs he came to Malanae, the utmost border of the Oritae, who for the most part devil up within the land and use Indian attire and arms, but differ in language and customs. Nearchus had sailed now 1000 furlongs from I●dus mouth to Arrhabius, and 1600. by the Oritae. Now also their shadows fell Southward, and at noon they had no shadow. The Stars also differed in their height and appearance. After the Oritae are the Gedrosis, amongst whom Alexander found more difficulty then in all the rest of India. 
The Gadrosis▪  Nearchus' having sailed 600. furlongs came to Bagisara, a convenient harbour: the Town Pasira is sixty furlongs up from the Sea. Next day he passed by a high overhanging Rock, which runneth fare into the Sea: and digging Wells had store of water, but brackish: sailing other six hundred furlongs he came to Calime where Cor●ina lieth one hundred furlongs into the Sea, an Island whose Inhabitants sent Nearchus' sheep, whose flesh tasted like Sea-fowles, they being fed with fishes, there being no grass there. Next day they sailed two hundred furlongs to Carbis, the town Cysa was thirty furlongs from Sea. Here were small Fisher-boats, but the Fishermen at sight of the Fleet ran away. He passed next a high and craggy Cape, reaching one hundred and fifty furlongs into the Sea, unto Mosarna a safe harbour. There he took Hydracces a Gedrosian Pilot for Carmania. The way from hence to the Persian gulf is not so evil as the former.  
Having sailed 750. furlongs, he came to the Balomon shore, and after 400. furlongs to Barna, a town where were Gardens of Myrtle and diverse flowers, culture of trees, and more civility of the●men. 400. furlongs further he came to Dendrobosa, where they fish in small Boats, not rowing like the Greeks', but like diggers beating the waters on both sides. After 800. furlongs he came to Cyiza a desert shore, 
The Ichthyophagi.  and five hundred furlongs from thence to the borders of the Ichthyophagi or Fish-eaters. They invaded the Town to get Corn which now failed them; but found little, except meal of roasted fishes, of which they make Bread. Thence he went to Bagia a rock sacred to the Sun, thence to Talmena a good port, 1000 furlongs from Bagia. Thence to Canasis a desert City 400. furlongs thence, 750. furlongs to Mount Canate: thence 800. furlongs to Taij; thence to Dagasira 300. furlongs, 
Madners of the Ichthyophagi▪  thence 1300. furlongs to the utmost confines of the Ichthyophagi, in great want of provision: Here was a Cape running fare into the Sea. The coast of the Ichthyophagi is about 10000 furlongs, where all feed on fish, yet are there few fishermen, bu● the Ebb leaves the fish on shore, some have nets which reach two furlongs, made of Palmtree leaves. The softer fish they eat raw: the greater and harder they roast in the Sun, and then beat them into powder and make a kind of bread thereof, some sprinkle the powder with wheat meal. Their Beasts have no other food, for there is no grass. There is store of Crabs, 
Fish-f●d beasts  Oysters, and shellfish; Salt also and Oil produced by the soil itself: some sow a little Corne. Their houses are made of Whales bones. The Whales casting much water into the air, 
Whales▪  the people wondered what it was, and hearing that they were fishes, the Oars fell out of their hands with fear: But after being heartened, the ships went near together, and with great shouts and noise of Oars and sound of Trumpets feared the Whales, 
How differs this from a Greenland Whale-voiage?  and made them sink into the deep. The prodigious tales of the I'll Nosala sacred to the Sun, on which, if any went ashore he should never be seen after, Nearchus proved false by his own experiment: as also another tale went thereof that a Nymph there dwelled, which lay with men that came thither, and after turned them into fishes. 
The Carmani.   

Persian gulf: he calls it also the read Sea.  After he was come to Carmania, he anchored before a Cape where the Persian gulf goeth inward & then sailed no longer to the West, but betwixt the West and North, for most Northerly. Being come to Padichorus he sailed thence 800. furl. to the rock Maceta, of a days sailing, whence Cinnamon and Spices are carried to the Assyrians. After 700. furl. he came to Neapotanum and 100 furl. further to the River Anenus; 
Armozia, now Ormus.  the Region is called Armozia, cultivated and fertile▪ except of Olives. Here they went ashore desirous to rest from their labour, and there found a Grecian which told them that Alexander's Camp was not fare off, five day's journey from the Sea. Here Nearchus repaired his Navy, and mean while sent to the King, & after went himself, he and his by their changed weatherbeaten countenances and grown hair, being not known by those whom Alexander had sent to him. Some had made Alexander believe his Fleet was lost, which finding otherwise, he wept for joy, 
A King worthy of good sea-service.  swearing by the Graecian jupiter, and by the Lybian Ammon, that he more joyed in those tidings then in the Empire of all Asia. After this he instituted Musical and Gymnicke Games, and pomp to jupiter Seruator, to Hercules, to Apollo the chaser away of evil, and to Neptuns, with the other Sea-Gods. Especially Nearchus was eminent and glorious, the whole army casting flowers and garlands on him.  
Alexander after this would have sent another to bring the Fleet to Susa, which Nearchus envying to any other, entreated that the whole glory might be entire to himself, and was sent back. After sacrifice to jupiter the saviour, Nearchus exhibited a Gymnicke game (for trying of masteries, which we call prizes) and set sail. He passed by a small Island called Organa, and another less called Oaracta, 300. furlongs from the place whence he set forth, where were many Vines, Palms, and Fruits. Here they said was the Sepulchre of Erythrus, or King Read, which gave name to this read Sea. The Island was 800. furlongs long, of which having sailed two hundred, 
Legend of Erythrus drawn from Edom in the Arabic Gulf to this Persian, such is the effect of Legends and supersticious-traditions.  he saw another Island forty furlongs long sacred to Neptune, and reported to be inaccessible. At their departing three ships stuck fast by reason of the Tide, which at the next flood were afloat again. After forty furlongs sailing he anchored in another Island 300. furlongs from the Continent; thence to the I'll Pylora, in which is D●don a town which hath nothing but fish and water. After 300. furlongs sailing, he came to a Cape running fare into the Sea, thence 300. furlongs to the I'll Cataa sacred to Mercury and Venus, whither dedicated Goats and Sheep are yearly sent which there grew wild. Hitherto the Carmani extend about 3700. furlongs by the shore. These live like the Persians' their neighbours. Thence Nearchus sailed to the I'll Caicandros, forty furlongs, and thence to an inhabited Island where Pearls are found, fifty f. Thence to Mount Ochus, 
Beginning of the Persians'.  and thence to Apostate, 450. f. and after 400. f. to a Bay celebrated with many Villages; thence 600. f. to the mouth of the River Oreon: thence 800. f. to River Sitacus. All this course was on the Persian shore, she luie for the most part and fennv. Thither Alexander had sent provision of Corn, and they stayed one and twenty days to refresh themselves, and repair their Navy. Sailing thence 750. f. he came to Hieratis by the River Heratemis, the next day to the River Padargus, where is a fertile place called Mesambria a peninsula: 200. furlongs to Ta●●nus to the great River, above whose entrance 200. furlongs are the Persian Kings Palaces. In this way he saw a Whale dead fifty cubits long, with Oysters growing on the skin, Dolphins also bigger than those in our Seas. He proceeded 200. furlongs to the River Rhogonis fifty furlongs to the River Brizana: thence to Arosis the bigest River in all his course, the end of the Persian borders, that shore containing 4400. furlongs. 
Beginning of the Susians.  There begin the Susians, and within land the Vzians, as the Mardi to the Persians', and the Cossaei to the M●des.  
Having sailed on the Susian shore 500 furlongs, he came to Cataderbis, a fishie Lake, near which is the I'll Margastana: then he passed sholds which scarcely admitted ships single, discerned by stakes or poles purposely fixed there, the miry ground taking a man up to the waste. In such way we sailed 500 furlongs. 
Euphrates and Babylonians.  Thereafter in a night and day he sailed 900. f. to the mouth of Euphrates, near Diridotis a Village of the Babylonians, a Mart for the Spices of Arabia. From thence to Babylon, Nearchus saith, are 3300. f. Nearchus hearing that Alexander was going to Susa, sailed back toward P●sitigris, that sailing up the stream he might meet him, having the Susians on the left hand, and the Lake into which Tigris runneth 600. f. from the River itself, at Aginis a town of the Susians. Having sailed 150. f. he stayed till the return of his Messengers from the King. At last both armies were joined with incredible joy, and Alexander exhibited diverse kinds of game with sacrifices, & much honour was done to Nearchus; Alexander also crowned him and Leonnatus with a crown of gold. Alexander sent others on the right hand to discover all the coasts of Arabia. And thus Europe must acknowledge Alexander the chief Eastern discoverer, as the Roman arms first opened to us the West. We will add a little out of Ecclesiastical writers.    

CHAP. X. The Travels of MVSaeVS, THEBaeVS and others mentioned by Saint AMBROSE 
* Edit. Paris. 1614 This Tractate is in the Vatican, Florentine, and Milan Libraries attributed to Saint Ambrose. Others doubt whether that Father be the Author, or Palladius, etc. Cotten Trees or Shrubs. Serica is hereby is known to be far short of China, near which Alexander never came Aromata. Muziris. ; of others also mentioned in the Ecclesiastical Histories of EUSEBIUS, RVF●INVS, SOCRATES and SOZOMEN.  
MVsaeus Bishop of the Dolens related to the Author of the Tractate De Moribus Brachmanorum (supposed to be Saint Ambroses) that he intending to go into India to see the Brachmans', had traveled thorough almost all the Region Serica, in which he said there were Trees (which brought fourth not only leaves, but very fine wool also, of which they make Garments called Serica; and that there was a memorable Pillar of stone thus inscribed; I Alexander came hitherto; and that having passed thorough many Countries, he came at last to Ariana near the River Indus, and by the intolerable heat was enforced to return into Europe, not having seen the Brachmans'. He reported that he had heard of Thebaeus a certain Scholar which went into India to see and confer with Indian Philosophers called Brachmans' and Gymnosophists: but he was there captived. For shipping himself with certain Merchants in the Read Sea, he first came to the Town of the Adulites, or the Bay Adulicus, after that to the Promontory Aromata, and a Mart of the Troglodytes, and hence to places of the Assumites, and many days after to Muziris the Mart of all India on this side Ganges, and having stayed a while there, he passed over to the I'll Taprobane. This is governed by four Princes, one of which is the chief, whom the others obey, and to him are subject a thousand Lands, as he reported, of the Arabian and Persian Seas, and those which they call Mammolas 
a Perhaps the Maldivas now. . The Island hath five Rivers very great, the temperature such that at the same time the same Trees produced blossoms and fruits some green, some ripe. The men live on Fruits, Rice and Milk, and the chief men eat Mutton and Goat's flesh on solemn days. He was taken as a Spy and kept six years in Prison, but the Governor which had so used a Roman Citizen, was by the Emperors command flayed. He reporteth true and false things blended, and amongst others of the Brachmans' thus. 
Thebaeus in many things a fabler.  They live naked in the Regions adjoining to the River Ganges; they have no beasts, tillage, use of Iron, nor any kind of Instrument to do any work: they have an excellent Air and temperate Climate. They always worship God, of whom they profess a distinct knowledge, both of his Providence and Divinity. They always pray, but in their Prayer look not to the East, but directly to Heaven. They eat (as the beasts) what they found on the ground, leaves, and herbs; they have the herb Inula and the Tree Acanthus. The men live on the further side of Ganges, on the Ocean Coasts, the women on this side, to whom their Husbands use to have recourse in july and August. For those months 
b This is not the cause, but Summer and Winter differ in those places near the hills of Balagate, not so much by heat and cold, as by fair and foul weather; winter being in the same propinquity of the Sun on one side, and Summer on the other at the same time, to which perhaps is here alluded. Amb. c●p l. 2. ●●●. 7. ●dit. Froben.  seem colder there, because the Sun than comes nearer to us, and when they have continued forty days with their wives, they return home. When a woman hath had a child or two, her Husband forbeareth her altogether. And if in five years a woman hath no child, she is divorced. And thus their number is but small. The River is passed over with great difficulty by reason of the tyranny of Ondonitus, which infesteth those places, and of a certain beast so great that he devoureth a whole Elephant. This beast is not seen when the Brachmans' time of passage is. There are Dragons also reported to be seventy Cubits long, I saw one whose skin was two and forty foot: Aunts as great as a man's span, Scorpions a Cubit long, etc. If this Scholar Thebaeus be worthy credit. There are in the same Tractate added out of the Writers of Alexander's life many speeches and discourses of the Brachmans', which I forbear here to insert. They indeed are in many points admirable, if some Greeks' have not rather made experiment of their wits and faculty in Philosophical discourses, than delivered a true History; at lest mixed truth and seeming together, as we see here in this Bishop and his Thebaeus. Those Gymnosophists (as Megasthenes also related) condemned Calanus, which followed Alexander, whose Epistle is extant in a work of Saint Ambrose less suspected, which I have here also inserted, out of Saint Ambrose his seventh Epistle.  
Calanus to Alexander. Thy friends persuade thee to lay hands and violence on an Indian Philosopher; not so much as dreaming of our works. For thou mayst remove our bodies from place to place, but thou shalt not compel our minds to do that which they are not willing, any more than thou canst make Stones or Trees to speak. A great fire causeth burning smart to living bodies, and worketh corruption: but we are above this, for we are burned alive. No King or Prince can extort from us to do what we have not determined: Nor are we like the Philosophers of Greece, which have studied words instead of deeds, to get themselves a name and reputation. With us things are companions to words, and words to the things, our deeds quick and speeches short, we have a blessed liberty in virtue.  
Eusebius 
c Euseb. de vit Const. l 4 c 50. Indian Ambassadors to Constantine, as before to Augustus.  in the Life of Constantine mentioneth an Indian Embassy sent to him with rich Presents of almost all kind of Gems, and beasts differing from our●, with Pictures and Statues, whereby the Indians acknowledged him Emperor, and King of all unto the remotest Coast of the Ocean, that as the Britain's, in the furthest West obeyed him at first, so now at last the Indians in the extremest East.  

So●. hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 15. Soz m. hist Ec. l. 2. c. 23.  Socrates and Sozomene in their Ecclesiastical Histories have related how in Constantine's days Christian Religion entered the Inner India, which (as some think) till that time had not heard of Christ. Meropius a Philosopher of Tyre being desirous to see India (provoked by the Example of Metrodorus the Philosopher, which before that had traveled thorough that Region) sailed thither with two boys of his Kindred skilful in the Greek Tongue. When he had satisfied his desire, and was now ready to return, the league betwixt the Indians and Roman Empire was broken, and the Philosopher with all his company were taken and slain, the two youths excepted, which were presented to the Indian King. The King took liking of them, and made one of them named Aedesius his Cupbearer, and Frumentius (so was the other named) his Secretary. Soon after the King died and gave them liberty. The Queen seeing the young King a child, desired their care and assistance till he were grown to manhood. They yielded and Frumentius managed the government, who enquiring amongst the Roman Merchants which came thither, whether there were any Christians amongst them, gave them a place by themselves to serve God after the Christian manner, and in process of time builded a Church to pray in. These Christians instructing some of the Indians in the mysteries of the faith, added them to their society. When the King was come to man's estate, Frumentius and Aedesius deliver up their accounts, and desire leave to return to their Country, the King and his mother earnestly (but in vain) entreating their stay.  
Aedesius went to Tyre to see his friends, Frumentius went to Alexandria, and acquainted Athanasius, then newly Bishop with the premises, and the hopes of Indian conversion, desiring him to sand a Bishop and Clergy thither. 
S. Athanasius sends▪ ●rumentius Bishop into India.  Athanasius considering well the business, consecrateth Frumentius Bishop, saying he had no man fit for that purpose, who thus honoured returneth and preacheth the faith to the Indians, builds many Churches, and by the grace of God worketh many Miracles, healing both bodies and souls of many. Ruffinus writeth, that he heard these things of Aedesius himself, 
Iberians converted.  who also at Tyre obtained the dignity of Priesthood. The Iberians (now called Georgians) were a the same time converted by means of a Captive Christian women, which by Miracles persuaded the King and people to receive the faith of Christ, which sent Ambassadors to Constantine to enter into league, and to obtain a Bishop & Clergy, which the same Ruffinus reporteth, 
Palladius his swiftness and Travels. Soc. l. 7. c. 19  he heard of Bacurius a great man of that Nation. Before we leave Socrates, it is meet in this Argument of Travels, to mention his report of Palladius, a man of so strong constitution and admirable ability, that he in three days could ride from Constantinople to the Confines betwixt the Persian and Roman Empires, and return thither again to his Master Theodosius the Emperor in three other days. Yea, he swiftly posted to all parts of the World to which he was sent, insomuch that one said of him, This man by his swiftness makes the Roman● Empire, as large as it is, to be very narrow. The Persian King was amazed to hear these things reported of him.   

CHAP. XI. A brief and general consideration of 
* This was intended the beginning of our promised European Pilgrimage: but no man assisted the Pilgrim, which forced him to leave off, and in token of his intents to give this t●ste thereof.  Europe.  

§. I. Of Europe compared with the other parts of the World.  
THree parts of the World have been three times 
* The fourth time it is now on the Pres●e. Io. 2.10. Gen. 15.1. 1. Cor. 15.28. Dedit se in meritum, da●its see in praemium. Ber.  visited by our more laborious than learned Muse: the Fourth for whose sake that triple-worke received so often survey, hath seemed forgotten. Asia, Africa, and America, have first been discovered to our Reader, not as enjoying the first and best place, but offering their ready service and best attendance unto Europe; the lest in quantity, and last in discourse, but greatest in those things which for greatness and goodness deserve the most applause and admiration. Our method hath not observed that Feast-masters rule, at the beginning to set forth good Wine, and when men have well drunk, then that which is worse; but we have kept the good Wine until now: following His example, who in the first Creation made Man last; in humane and reasonable designs, allots the last execution, to the first intentions; in Religion's Mysteries sends the Gospel after the Law, gives Heaven after Earth, and reserves Himself for the last service, to be our exceeding great reward; when God shall be all in all unto his servants. Him I beseech that here also he will turn our water into Wine, that we may be able to give Festival entertainment unto our Guests, that as Europe excels the other parts of the World, so my Muse may here exceed her wont self, and present it unto you in ornaments of Art, Industry and Sincerity, befitting such a Subject. Hard were our hap to suffer shipwreck in the Haven; to fail in the last Act would mar the Comedy; to be a stranger at home, and like the Lapwing to fly most and cry loudest, being farthest from the Nest, were to travel of vanity, and bring forth folly, 
Luke 15.17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  or with the wild Prodigal in the Gospel to be still travelling from himself. We are now in manner at home; when most remote, never out of European limits, and therefore need not ●eare (as before) burning or frozen Zones, huge Oceans, new Constellations, unknown Lands, unpassable Deserts, uncouth Monsters, Savage beasts, more beastly and monstrous men. We need not follow the outworn foot-prints of rare uncertain Travellers, where Truth herself is suspicious in such foreign disguised habit, nor need we doubt to want guides, except the store become a sore, and plenty troublesome. Only we may fear in this task frequent Censurers, not rigid Cato's, or severer judicious judges, but capricious Novices, which having comen to their Lands sooner than their wits, would think the World might condemn them of ill-spent time, if they should not spend an indigested censure on the Bookish Travels of others. Bu● I should be like them if I should fear them, shallow and empty. However, I have adventured on this European Stage: wherein we are first to consider the more general Occurrences, and after that the particular Regions. Of the former sort are the Names, Bounds▪ Excellencies, Languages.   

§. II. The Names of Europe.  
THe Ancients have differed much, nor is the question yet agreed on, about the limits of Europe, 
Var. de ling▪ lat. l. 1.  some comprehending Africa under this division (making but two parts of the World) others adding the same to Asia. Thus Varro divides the Universe into Heaven and Earth, this into Asia and Europe, allowing to that the Southern parts, to this the Northern. So Silius sings of Africa, Aut ingens Asiae latus, aut pars tertia rerum. L●can otherwise, 
— Si ve●tos Coelamque sequaris  
Pars erit Europae, 
Luc. l 9  neque enim plus littora Nili  
Quam Scyth●●us Tanais primis à Gadibus absint.   
This opinion is alleged by Sallust, Saint Augustine, Orosius, Paulinus, 

Sal. Bel. jug. Aug. C D. l. 16. c. 17.  
Oros. l. 1. c. 2. Paul ●p. ●●uson· Isoc in Pane ●r. Her. l. 4.   followed by Isocrates and others. But the most attribute to Europe only a third, and that the lest part in their partition of the elder World.  
Not less contention hath been about the Etymology of the Name, which Herodotus saith is unknown. Others fetch from I know not what E●ropae, the daughter of Agenor, ravished by jupiter in form of a Bull. The Truth should indeed be ravished by our Poets, if the Fable be received; for she was transported from Phoenicia, a Region of Asia into Africa; 
* Hom. Iliad. ●▪ M●schus, Ly●oph Theocr. Apollod. Horat Ouid. Senec. M●nil etc. Euseb. Chron l. ●  others say into Cyprus; and if we agreed to others that it was into Creta, yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unlikely it is a small Island for a small stay (for she was after that carried into Africa) could give name to so great a part of the World. Nor have we much more satisfaction in Europus, the son of one Himerus King of some part (can you tell where?) of Europe. Europa's reigned over the Sicyonians, saith Pausanias: at that time when Abram was borne, if we follow Eusebius, and may be the likelier Author of this name. Some ascribe it to the goodliness of the European Tract, as being beautiful to the sight. Becanus derives it from ver, 
* Gor. Orig. l. 9 ver. by transposition Eur, as Tereus of Terues.  which signifieth great or excellent, and hop, a multitude; rather chase a Dutch then Greek Etymology, that people inhabiting Europe sooner (as he conceives) than this. And in another book noted by himself for a second Impression, he liketh better that it should be composed of E, i marriage; ur excellent; hop, hope; alluding to that prophecy of Noah, that japheth should devil in the tents of Shem, whose posterity being divorced, the Church of the Gentiles in japhets' progeny should succeed in a more stable and everlasting marriage. Ptolemey better thinks it might be called Celtica, almost every Region thereof being anciently either wholly or in part, peopled with the Celtaes: which Ortelius, Paulus Merula, and others have showed in the particulars. Some have called Europe Tyria, of that Tyriam ma●den aforesaid ravished by a Bull (a Bull-formed, or as others, a Bull-signed ship; after Paleph●tus, a man whose name was Bull; a Band of Soldiers say others bearing a Bull in their Banner; the Mythologians can tell you more, if this be not too much:) Some have of japhet called it japetia. The Abasines and Eastern Inhabitants of Asia call the Europaeans Franks, which name I suppose was occasioned by their Expeditions and Conquests in the Holy Land, and the Countries adjoining by the Western Forces, 
See of this l. 8▪ c. 1.2 3, & 4.  in the composition whereof the French were a principal ingredient; that I mention not a French Council to further it, and the Crown of jerusalem falling to Godfrey of Bullen & his heirs to reward it: whence it happened that the Europaeans than were, and ever since are by the Saracens and Eastern Asians called Frankes; as perhaps for the same cause the Turks call those of the Popish Faith, styling those of the Greekish Religion Romaans', of their chief City Constantinople, otherwise named New Rome.   

§. III. The Quantity, and Bounds.  
THe quantity of Europe is much larger, especially towards the North, than Ptolemey and the elder Geographers have written. At Wardhouse, and the North Cape, the longest day is reckoned two months and seven hours, in 71. degrees 30. minutes, whereas at the Hill Calpe, one of Hercules Pillars, and at Cab● Mai●i in Morea (accounted the most Southern parts in 36. degrees) the day is but fourteen hours and an half at the longest. Much difference hath been about the Eastern Confines. Plato, Aristotle, Herodotus, and others extend it to the River Phasis, or that Isthmus betwixt the Euxine and Caspian Seas; Dionysius, Arrian●s, Di●dorus, Polybius, I●rnandes, add nothing to the River Tanais: which Ortelius passeth over and takes in both V●lga and all the Muscovites and Tartarian Hordes, as fare as the River Ob. Ptolemey imagineth a line from Tanais Northwards; which well agrees to the method of our History, as including the most part of the Russian Empire. All the other parts are bounded and washed by the Sea, Palus Maeotis, the Euxine, and Egean on the East inclining to the South; the Mediterranean on the South, on the West and North the Ocean. Bertius numbers 2400. Italian miles in the latitude, and 3000. in the longitude.   

§. FOUR The Quality and Excellencies.  
THe Quality of Europe exceeds her Quantity, in this the lest, in that the best of the World. For how many both Seas and Deserts take up spacious Regions in Asia, Africa, and America? whereas in Europe neither watery Fens, nor unstable Bogs, nor Inland Seas, nor unwholesome Airs, nor wild Woods, with their wilder Savage Inhabitants, nor snow-covered Hills, nor stifling Frosts, nor long long Nights, nor craggy Rocks, nor barren Sands, nor any other effect of Angry Nature, where she seems in some, or other parts thereof the hardest stepmother, can prohibit all habitation and humane society. In the most parts Nature hath showed herself a natural and kind Mother; the providence of God, and industry of Man, as it were conspiring the European good. Which of the Sisters are comparable in a temperate air? which in a soil so generally fertile, so diversified in Hills and Dales, so goodly Meadows, cheerful Vineyards, rich Fields, fat Pastures, shady Woods, delightful Gardens, variety of Creatures on it, of Metals and Minerals in it, of Plants and Fruits growing out of it? Which so watered with Fountains, Brooks, Rivers, Baths, Lakes out of her own bowels? such sweet Dews and comfortable Showers from Heaven? so frequent insinuations of the Sea, both for commerce with others, and proper Marine commodities? Which so peopled with resolute courages, able bodies, well qualified minds? so fortified with Castles, edified with Towns, crowned with Cities? And if in some of these things Asia, Africa, and America may seem equal, or in any thing superior, 
Pl●●.  yet even therein also they are inferior, by just and equal inequality made Tributaries and Servants to Europe: the first captived by Alexander, the first and second by the Romans, the last and the most commodious places of the first, with all the Sea Trade, by Spanish and Portugal Discoveries and Conquests; first, second, last, All and more than they all, since and still made open and obnoxious to the English and Dutch, which have discovered new Northern Worlds, and in their thrice-worthy Marine Arms have so often embraced the inferior Globe. Asia yearly sends us her Spices, Silks, Gems; Africa her Gold and ivory; America receiveth severer Customers and Taxe-Masters, almost every where admitting European Colonies.  
If I speak of Arts and Inventions (which are Man's properest goods, immortal Inheritance to our mortality) what have the rest of the world comparable? First the Liberal Arts are most liberal to us, having long since forsaken their Seminaries in Asia and Africa, and here erected Colleges and Universities. And if one Athens in the East (the ancient European glory) now by Turkish Barbarism be infected, how many many Christian Athenses have we in the West for it? As for Mechanical Sciences, I could reckon our Ancestors inventions now lost, as that malleable Glass in the days of Tiberias; that oleum vi●um found in old Sepulchers still burning, after 1500. years; 
Vid. Pancirol. & Salmuth. de deperditis & reparti●.  I could glory of Archimedes his ingenuous Engines; but miserum est isthuc verbum & pessimum, habuisse & non habere. I can recite later inventions the Daughters of wonder. What eye doth not almost lose itself in beholding the many artificial Mazes and Labyrinths in our Watches, the great heavenly Orbs and motions imitated in so small a model? What ears but European, have heard so many Musical Inventions for the Chamber, the Field, the Church? as for Bells, Europe alone bears the bell, and hears the Musical consort thereof in the Steeples diversified, yea thence descending to Birds and Squirells? Where hath the taste been feasted with such varieties for delight, for health? are not Distillations, the Arts also of Candying and Preserving mere European? If I should descend lower, who invented the Stirrup to ascend, the Saddle to ride the Horse? Who devised so many kinds of motions by Clock-workes, besides Clocks and dials to measure Time, the measurer of all things? Who invented wild Fires that scorn the waters force and violence? Who out of rags to bring such varieties of Paper for Man's manifold use? Who so many kinds of Mills? Who ever dreamt of a perpetual Motion by Art, or De quadratura circuli, or innumerable other Mathematical, and Chemical devices? And what hath Mars in the World elsewhere to parallel with our Ordnance, and all sorts of Guns? or the Muses with our Printing? Alas, China yields babes and babbles in both compared with us and ours: the rest of the World have them borrowed of us or not at all. And for the Art Military, the exactest Science, Discipline, Weapons, Stratagems, Engines, Resolution, Success herein, have honoured Europe with the Macedonian and Roman spoils of the World: and even still the Turkish puissance is here seated; the English, Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish courages have not degenerated from those Ancestors, which tamed and shaken in pieces that Tamer and Terror of the World, the Roman Monarchy.  
But what speak I of Men, Arts, Arms? Nature hath yielded herself to European Industry. Who ever found out that Loadstone and Compass, that finds out and compasseth the World? Who ever took possession of the huge Ocean, and made procession round about the vast Earth? Who ever discovered new Constellations, saluted the Frozen Poles, subjected the Burning Zones? And who else by the Art of Navigation have seemed to imitate Him, which lays the beams of his Chambers in the Waters, and walketh on the wings of the Wind? And is this all? 
Ps. 104. ●.  Is Europe only a fruitful Field, a well watered Garden, a pleasant Paradise in Nature? A continued City for habitation? Queen of the World for power? A School of Arts Liberal, Shop of Mechanical, Tents of Military, Arsenal of Weapons and Shipping? And is she but Nurse to Nature, Mistress to Arts, Mother of resolute Courages and ingenious dispositions? Nay these are the lest of Her praises, or His rather, who hath given Europe more than Eagles wings, and lifted her up above the Stars.  
I speak it not in Poetical fiction, or Hyperbolical phrase, but Christian Sincerity. Europe is taught the way to scale Heaven, not by Mathematical principles, but by Divine verity. JESUS CHRIST is their way, their truth, their life; who hath long since given a Bill of Divorce to ingrateful Asia where he was borne, and Africa the place of his flight and refuge, and is become almost wholly and only European. For little do we found of this name in Asia, less in Africa, and nothing at all in America, but later European glean. Here are his Scriptures, Oratories, Sacraments, Ministers, Mysteries. Here that Mystical Babylon, and that Papacy (if that be any glory) which challengeth both the Bishopric and Empire of the World; 
See B●z. c. ●▪  and here the victory over that Beast (this indeed is glory) by Christian Reformation according to the Scriptures. God himself is our portion, and the lot of Europe's Inheritance, which hath made Nature an indulgent Mother to her, hath bowed the Heavens over her in the kindest influence, hath trenched the Seas about her in most commodious affluence, hath furrowed in her delightful, profitable confluence of Streams, hath tempered the Air about her, fructified the Soil on her, enriched the Ours under her, diversified his Creatures to serve her, and multiplied Inhabitants to enjoy her; hath given them so goodly composition of body, so good disposition of mind, so free condition of life, so happy success in affairs; all these annexed as attendants to that true happiness in Religion's truth, which brings us to God again, that he may be both Alpha and Omega in all our good. Even in Civility also Europe is the youngest of the Three, but as Benjamin, the best beloved, made heir to the Rest, exchanging the Pristine Barbarism, and Incivility (which Authors blame in our Ancestors) with Asia and Africa, for that Civility of Manners, and Glory of Acts and Arts, which they (as nearer the Arkes resting place) sooner enjoyed, by Moh●metan pestilence long since becomne barbarous; the best of the one fitly called Barbaria, and the best Monuments of the other being but names, ruins, carcases, and sepulchral Monuments of her quandam Excellencies.   

§. V Of the Languages of Europe.  
AS for their particular manners, dispositions, customs, we shall in due place observe: 
jos. Scal. op●sc. di●triba de Europe. l●ng & ap Meru●a. ●. 2. l. 1. c. 8.  their Mother Tongues and Original Languages I will here out of Scaliger (our European Mithridates) relate. Of these he now reckons in Europe eleven, seven of smaller note, four of greater, which yield many Dialects, seeming differing languages out of them. These are the Greek, Latin, Dutch, and Slavon, from whence by inflexion, traiection, mutation, and mixture, are derived many others. Thus the Slavon hath Daughters or Dialects, the Russian, Polonian, Bohemian, Illyrian, Dalmatian, and Windish tongues; some of these also not a little in themselves diversified. They use two sorts of letters, the Russian depraved from the Greek●, with some barbarous additions; and the Dalmatian of Saint Hieroms invention, much unlike the former. The Dutch hath three principal Idioms, Teutonisme, Saxonisme, and Danisme. The first contains both ●he High and Low Dutch; the second, the Nordalbing, Friesland and English Dialects; the third Danish, Sweden, and the Norwegian, Mother of that of the Islanders. The Latin hath propagated the Italian, Spanish and French. The Greek in so many Lands and Lands so fare distant, cannot but be much different.  
The smaller languages yet Original, without commerce and derivation from others are, the Epirotike, or Albanian in the Mountains of Epirus: Secondly the Cosaks or Tartarian: Thirdly, the Hungarian, which the Huns and Auares brought thither out of Asia: Fourthly, that of Finnemark, which yields also the Lappian: Fiftly the Irish, which is used likewise of the Redshankeses: Sixtly the Welsh or British (the same with that of the ancient Galls, as Master Camden hath proved) spoken diversely in Wales, Cornwall, and little Britain: Seventhly, the Biscaine, the remainder of the old Spanish, in use on both sides the Pyrenaean Hills. These were all in Ecclesiastical affairs subjected to the Constantinopolitan and Roman Bishops, and used five sorts of letters, the Greek, Latin, and Gottish, besides those two formerly mentioned. The Greek principally possesseth the South East, the Latin with her Daughters, the South; the Dutch, the Northwest parts of Europe; and the North-east, the Slavon.  
And thus have we given a taste, of that which sometimes was intended, an European Feast: in which if I seem to have broken promise, I have not done it alone; and poverty clears me of perfidy. If yet my rashness be accused, in promising upon hopes of others assistance, let him that hath relieved those wants throw the first stone at the Promiser. How ever, I will rather confess the Action then stand Suit. Nor do I now beg helps in that kind▪ it is too late. My body is worn and old before and beyond my years; and to have borne so long two such burdens as a Pulpit and Press, that is, Heaven and Earth, would perhaps have tired my quarrelling Plaintiff too, to have ascended the one (idque Londini) twice or thrice a week ordinarily, and descended the other with so frequent successions, and long continuations. Hercules and Atlas were both weary of one burden: Patience yet and pardon! for I have paid here a great part of my debt. I have given thee the Christian Sects, and Europe's▪ ecclesiastic part, with her other Secular parts also in great p●●t both in Maps and History presented, especially there where she● was jest known: and if not so fully as the former in my Pilgrimage, yet Poor men are welcome paymasters when they come with parts each week or month, or with day-labour-set-offs; though they cannot at once discharge the whole debt. Indeed my Genius most leads me to remotest and jest known things, that where few others can give intelligence, I may supply the Intelligencers place. Of near and known things, Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim. I have given thee Arctoa Regio, the Polare World; 
Seven parts of of the World.  and Antarctica, the Southern Continent; and both Americas; besides Asia, Africa, and Europe known to the Ancients. Yea I have given thee an Asia in Asia, and an Africa in Africa never known to the Ancients; as likewise I may affirm of the Northern Parts of Europe. Coetera quis nescit? Who cannot dull and deaf thine ●ares with French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian affairs? Neither are we destitute of some intelligence and slighter knowledge of Spain, France, and Germany, Italy and other parts, which you will found handled in one or other place of this Work, as much as concerneth our Travelling purpose. As for Spain, the King's Title is a sufficient Lecture, which some thus express: P. By the Grace of God King of Castille, Lions, Arragon, both Sicills, jerusalem, Portugal, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Maiorca and Minorca, Sivil, Sardinia, Corduba, Corsica, Murcia, jaen, Algarbia, Algeria, Gibraltar, Canary Lands, East and West Indieses, of the Lands and Continent of the Ocean; Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Lorraine, Brabant, Lunburg, Luxemburg, Geldres, Milan, etc. Earl of Habspurg, Flanders, Tirol, Barcelona, Artois, Hannalt, Holland, Zealand, Namur, Z●tphen, etc. marquis of the Empire, Lord of Biscay, Friezland, Mecklin, Vtreck, Ouer-Isell, Gruningen. Ruler in Asia and in Africa. This doth more fully present the present Spain to your view, then to tell the Situation, Mountains and Rivers; of which every Map and Traveller can inform you. France also is not to be now measured by the ancient Geographical limits, but by the present Royal, so much being most properly France, as is comprehended in that most compact, best seated, well peopled, and goodliest of Kingdoms. The parts you shall see in the Diocese hereafter following. Germany in largest sense by some is bounded by Rhine, Vistula, the Danow and the Ocean, is divided into Kingdoms, 
Cap. vlt.  Dukedoms, Counties, and Marquisates. The Kingdoms are Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Boheme. The rest concerning Germany and other parts of Europe I teach not here; I point at rather these things, and therefore will return to Our former discourse of languages, and therein produce a better Linguist and Artist then myself, Our learned Countryman, Master Brerewood in his laborious Travels and Industrious Inquiries of Languages and Religion's.    

CHAP. XII. Inquiries of Languages by EDW. BREREWOOD, lately professor of Astronomy in Gresham College.  
GReece, as it was anciently known by the name of helas, was enclosed betwixt the Bay of Ambracia, with the River Arachthus, that falleth into it on the West, 

Of the ancient largeness of the Greek tongue.  
Strabo. l. 8. non longè à principi●   and the River Peneneus on the North, and the Sea on other parts. So that Acar●ania and Thessaly, were toward the Continent the utmost Regions of Gre●ce. But yet, not the Countries only contained within those limits, but also the Kingdoms of Macedon, and Epirus; being the next adjoining Provinces (Maced●n toward the North, Epirus toward the West) had anciently the Greek● tongue for their vulgar language: for although it belonged originally to helas alone, yet in time it became vulgar to these also.  
Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the Aegaean Sea; of all those Lands I say, that are betwixt Greece and Asia, both of the many small ones, that lie between Candie and Negropont, named Cyclades (there are of them fifty three) and of all above Negropont also, as fare as the Straight of Constantinople.  
Thirdly, of the Isles of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, and a part of Cyprus and of all the small Lands along the Coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria.  
Fourthly, not only of all the West part of Asia the less, (now called Anatolia, and corruptly Anatolia) lying toward the Aegaean Sea, as being very thick planted with Greek Colonies: 
Senec. Consol. ad Helu. c. 6. Pli. l. 5 c. 29. Isocrat. in Panegeric. long. post. med. Lucian. in Dialog. de Amarib. non longè. ab Init.  of which, some one, Miletus by name, is registered by Seneca, to have been the Mother of seventy five, by Pliny, of eighty Cities; But on the North side also toward the Euxine Sea, as fare (saith Isocrates) as Sinope, and on the South side respecting Africa, as fare (saith Luci●●) as the Chelidonian Isles, which are over against the confines of Lycia with Pamphylia. And yet although within these limits only, Greeke was generally spoken, on the Maritime Coast of Asia, yet beyond them, on both the shores Eastward, were many Greek Cities (though not without Barbarous Cities among them.) And specially I found the North coas● of Asia, even as fare as Trebizond, to have been exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may be further observed likewise out of Histories, that not only all the Maritime part of Anatolia could understand and speak the Greek tongue, but most of the Inland people also, both by reason of the great traffic, which those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, and for that on all sides the East only excepted, they were environed with them. Yet nevertheless, it is worthy observing, that albeit the Greek tongue prevailed so fare in the Regions of Anatolia, as to be in a manner general, yet for all that it never became vulgar, nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those Countries. For it is not only particularly observed of the Galatians, by Hierome, 
Hieron. in Proem. l. 2. come. Epist. ad Galat. Strab. l. 14.  that beside the Greek tongue, they had also their peculiar language like that of Trier: and of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were found many Greek words, which doth manifestly import it to have been a several tongue: 
* Lib. citato long. post. med. & Plin. l. 6. c. 2.  but it is directly recorded by Strabo (out of Ephorus) that of sixteen several Nations, inhabiting that Tract, only three were Grecians, and all the rest (whose names are there registered) barbarous; and yet are not omitted the Cappadocians, Galatians, Lydians, Maeonians, Cataonians, no small Provinces of that Region. Even as it is also observed by Pliny and others, that the twenty two languages, 
Plin. l. 7. c. 24. Val. Max. l. 8. c. ● Gell. l. 1●. c. 17.  whereof Mithridates' King of Pontus is remembered to have been so skilful, as to speak them without an Interpreter, were the languages of so many Nations subject to himself, whose dominion yet we know to have been contained, for the greatest part, within Anatolia. And although all these be evident testimonies, that the Greek tongue was not the vulgar or native language of those parts, yet, among all none is more effectual, than that remembrance in the second Chapter of the Acts, where diverse of those Regions, as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, 
Act. 2.9. & 10.  are brought in for instances of differing languages.  
Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the Maritime Coast of Thrace, not only from Hellespont to Byzantium (which was 
* Do●sa. Itin. Constantinopolit. pag. 24. Scyl●x Cariand. in Periplo. jornand. de Reb. Getic. c. 5.  that part of Constantinople, in the East corner of the City, where the Serraile of the Great Tu●ke now standeth) but above it, all along to the outlets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; I found many Greek Cities to have been planted along that Coast (Scylax of Carianda is my Author, with some others) as fare as the Straight of Caffa, and specially in Taurica. Yea, and beyond that Straight also Eastward, along all the Sea Coast of Circassia, and Mengrelia, to the River of Phasis, and thence compassing to Trebizond, I found mention of many scattered Greek Cities: that is, (to speak briefly) in all the circumferences of the Euxine Sea.  
Sixtly, (from the East and North to turn toward the West) it was the language of all the West and South Lands, that lie along the Coast of Greece, from Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and withal of that fertile Sicily, in which one Island, I have observed in good Histories, above thirty Greek Colonies to have been planted, and some of them goodly Cities, specially Agrigentum and Syracuse, 
Strab. l. 6. in medi●.  which later Strabo hath recorded to have been one hundred and eighty furlongs, that is, of our miles two and twenty and a half in circuit.  
Seventhly, not only of all the Maritime Coast of Italy, that lieth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the River Garigliano, (Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopet●a, the most Southerly point of Italy, for all that shore being near about two hundred and forty miles, was inhabited with Greek Colonies: And thence forward, of all that end of Italy, that lieth towards the Ionian Sea, about the great Bays of Squilacci and Taranto (which was so thick set with great and goodly Cities of Grecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying towards the Adriatic Sea. Neither did these Maritime parts only, but as it seemeth the Inland people also towards that end of Italy, speak the Greek tongue. For I have seen a few old Coins of the Brutians, 
G●ltz. in Numismat. magnae Graeciae Tab. 24. Galat. in descrip. Callipolis. Bar. l. 5. de antiquit. Calabriae. Rocca Tract de Dialectis in Italica lingua.  and more may be seen in Goltzius having Greek Inscriptions, wherein I observe they are named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with an ae, and two it, and not as the Roman Writers term them, Brutij. And I have seen one piece also of Pandosia, an Inland City of those parts, with the like. Neither was the vulgar use of the Greek Tongue, utterly extinct in some of those parts of Italy, till of late: for Galateus a learned man of that Country, hath left written, that when he was a Boy (and he lived about one hundred and twenty years ago) they spoke Greek in Callipollis, a City on the East shore of the Bay of Taranto: But yet it continued in Ecclesiastical use in some other parts of that Region of Italy much later▪ for Gabriel Barrius that but lived about forty years since, hath left recorded, that the Church of Rossano (an archiepiscopal City in the upper Calabria) retained the Greek Tongue and Ceremony till his time, and then became Latin. Nay, to descend yet a little nearer the present time, Angelus Rocca that writ but about twenty years ago, hath observed, that he found in some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, some remaynders of the Greek speech to be still retained.  
Eightly, and lastly, that shore of France, that lieth towards the Mediterraine Sea, from Rodanus to Italy, was possessed with Grecians, for 
a Strab l. 4. non long. à princip. Thucid. l. 1.  Massilia was a Colony of the Phoceans, and from it many other Colonies were derived, and 
b Strab. loco citato. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.  placed along that shore, as fare as Nicaea, in the beginning of Italy, which also was one of them.  
And yet beside all these forenamed, I could reckon up very many other dispersed Colonies of the Greeks' both in Europe, and Asia, and some i● Africa, for although I remember not, that I have read in any History, any Colonies of the Grecians to h●ue been planted in Africa, any where from the greater Syrtis Westward, except one in Cirta, a City of Numidia, placed there by Micipsa the Son of Masinissa, as is mentioned in Strabo: yet thence Eastward it is certain some were: 
Strab. l. 17.  for the great Cities of Cyrene and Alexandria, were both Greek. And it is evident, not only in 
c Loco iam citato. Ptol. tab. 3. Afri. Mela. l. 1 c. 8. Hieronin. loco supra citato.  Strabo and Ptolemie, but in Mela, and other Latin Writers, that most of the Cities of that part carried Greek names. And lastly, Saint Hierome hath directly recorded, that Lybia, which is properly that part of Africa adjoining to Egypt, was full of Greek Cities.  
These were the places, where the Greek Tongue was natively and vulgarly spoken, either originally, or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other causes, it became much more large and general. One was the love of Philosophy, and the Liberal Arts written in a manner only in Greek. Another, the exceeding great Trade and Traffic of Grecians, in which, above all Nations, except perhaps the old Phaenicians (to whom yet they seem not to have been inferior) they employed themselves, A third, beyond all these▪ because those great Princes, among whom all that Alexander the Great had conquered, was divided, were Grecians, which for many reasons, could not but exceedingly spread the Greeke ●ongue, in all those parts where they were Governors: among whom, even one alone, Seleucus' by name, is registered by Appian, to have founded in the East parts under his government, 
Appian. l. de Bellis Syriac.  at lest sixty Cities, all of them carrying Greek names, or else named after his Father, his Wives, or himself. And yet was there a fourth cause, that in the aftertime greatly furthered this enlargement of the Greek Tongue, namely the employment of Grecians in the government of the Provinces, after the Translation of the Imperial Seat to Constantinople. For these causes I say, together with the mixture of Greek Colonies, dispersed in many places (in which fruitfulness o● Colonies, the Grecians fare passed the Romans) the Greek Tongue spread very fare, especially towards the East. In so much, that all the Orient (which yet must be understood with limitation, namely the Oriental part of the Roman Empire, or to speak in the Phrase of those times, the Diocese of the Orient, which contained Syria, 
Hiero. ubi super. Isinor. Origin. l. 9 c. 1.  Palestine, Cilicia, and part of Mesopotamia and of Arabia) is said by Hierome, to have spoken Greek: which also Isidore, specially observeth, in Egypt, and Syria, to have been the Dorique Dialect. And this great glory, the Greek Tongue held in the Apostles time, and long after, in the Eastern parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruin in those Provinces, about six hundred and forty years after the birth of our Saviour, namely, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language together with their victories, into all the Regions they subdued) even as the Latin Tongue is supposed to have perished by the inundation and mixture of the Goths, and other barbarous Nations in the West.  
But at this day, the Greek Tongue is very much decayed, not only as touching the largeness, 
Of the decaying of the ancient Greek tongue, and of the present vulgar Greek. Chap. 2.  and vulgarnesse of it, but also in the pureness and elegancy of the Language. For as touching the former. First, in Italy, France, and other places to the West, the natural Languages of the Countries have usurped upon it. Secondly, in the skirts of Greece itself, namely in Epirus, and that part of Macedon, that lieth towards the Adriatic Sea, the Sclavonique Tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in Anatolia, the Turkish Tongue hath for a great part suppressed it. And lastly, in the more Eastward, and South parts, as in that part of Cilicia, that is beyond the River Pyramus, in Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Lybia, the Arabian Tongue hath abolished it: Abolished it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar use, for, as touching Ecclesiastical use, many Christians of those parts still retain it in their Liturgies. So that, the parts in which the Greek Tongue is spoken at this day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece itself (excepting Epirus, and the West part of Macedon.) Secondly, the Isles of the Aegean Sea. Thirdly, Candie, and the Isles Eastward of Candie, along the Coast of Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, diverse other Languages are spoken, beside the Greek) and likewise the Isles Westward of Candia, along the Coasts of Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And lastly, a good part of Anatolia.  
But as I said, the Greek Tongue, is not only thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient extension that it had, but it is also much degenerated and impaired, as touching the pureness of speech, being overgrown with barbarousness: But yet not without some relish of the ancient elegancy. Neither is it altogether so much declined from the ancient Greek, as the Italian is departed from the Latin, as Bell●nious hath also observed, 
Bellon. obseruat. l. 1. c. 3. Tu●cograec. l. 3. & 5.  and by conferring of diverse Epistles of the present Language, which you may found in Crusius his Turcograecia, with the ancient Tongue, may be put out of question which corruption yet, certainly hath not befallen that Language, through any inundation of barbarous people, as is supposed to have altered the Latin Tongue, for although I know Greece to have been overrun and wasted, by the Goths, yet I find not in Histories, any remembrance of their habitation, or long continuance in Greece, and of their coalition into one people with the Grecians, without which, I conceive not, how the Tongue could be greatly altered by them. And yet certain it is, that long before the Turks came among them, their Language was grown to the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the Writings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late Greeks' (although long before the Turks invasion) there is found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong relish of this barbarousness: Insomuch that the learned Grecians themselves, acknowledge it to be very ancient, and are utterly ignorant, when it began in their Language: which is to me a certain argument, 
Gerlech. in Epist. ad Crusium Turcograe●. l. 7. p. 489  that it had no violent nor sudden beginning, by the mixture of other foreign Nations among them, but hath gotten into their Language, by the ordinary change, which time and many common occasions that attend on time, are wont to bring to all Languages in the World, for which reason, the corruption of speech growing upon them, by little and little, the change hath been unsensible. Yet it cannot be denied (and 
d Zygomal●●▪ in Epist. ad Crus. Turcog. pag.  some of the Grecians themselves confess so much) that beside many Roman words, which from the Translation of the Imperial Seat to Constantinople, began to creep into their Language, as we may observe in diverse Greek Writers of good Antiquity, some Italian words also, and Slavonian, and Arabic, and Turkish, and of other Nations, are gotten into their Language, by reason of the great Traffic and Commerce, which those people exercise with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath observed, 
Bell. obser. l. 1. c. 3  it is more altered in the Maritime parts, and such other places of foreign concourse, then in the inner Region. But yet, the greatest part of the corruption of that Language, hath been bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause, than their own negligence, or affectation. As first (for example) by mutilation of some words, pronouncing and writing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Secondly, 
Vide Crus. Turc. p. 44.224.242.391.398.399. etc.  by compaction of several words into one, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Thirdly, by confusion of sound, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels, namely ●, i, v, and two Dipthongues ei and ●i, all which five they pronounce by one Letter i, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they pronounce icos, icon, stithi, lipi. Fourthly, by Translation of accents, from the syllables to which in ancient pronouncing they belonged, to others. And all those four kinds of corruption, are very common in their Language: for which reasons, and for some others, which may be observed in Crusius, Burrana, etc. the Greek Tongue, is become much altered (even in the proper and native words of the Language) from what anciently it was. 
Burran. in Coron. pre●ipsa. Ger●ach. apud Crus. l. 7. Turcog. p. 489.  Yet nevertheless it is recorded by some, that have taken diligent observation of that Tongue, in the several parts of Greece, that there be yet in Morea, (Peloponesus) betwixt Napoli and Monembasia (Nauplia and Epidaurus, they were called) some fourteen Towns, the Inhabitants whereof are called Zacones (for Lacones') that speak yet the ancient Greek Tongue, but fare out of Grammar Rule: yet, they understand those that speak Grammatically, but understand not the vulgar Greek. As Bellonius likewise remembreth another place, near Heraclea in Anatolia, 
Bellon. obseru. l. 2. c. 111.  that yet retaineth the pure Greek, for their vulgar Language. But the few places being excepted, it is certain, that the difference is become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient Greek that their liturgy, 
e Burdovitz. in Epist. ad Chitrae, a●u● illum in li. de stat● Ecclesiar. p. 47.  which is yet read in the ancient Greek Tongue, namely that of Basil, on the Sabbaths and solemn days, and that of chrysostom on common days, is not understood (or but little of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that have been in those parts, have related to 
f 
Vide Chitrae. loc▪ citato, & Turcog●ae●. Crus. p. 127 & 415. etc.  
Of the ancient largeness of the Roman tongue in the time of the Roman Empire. Chap. 3.   others, and to myself: which may be also more evidently proved to be true by this, because the skilful in the learned Greeke cannot understand the vulgar.  
THe ordinary bounds of the Roman Empire were, on the East part Euphrates, and sometimes Tigris: On the North the Rivers of Rhine and of Danubius, and the Euxine Sea: On the West the Ocean: On the South the Cataracts of Nilus in the utmost border of Egypt, and in Africa the Mountain Atlas. Which, beginning in the West, on the shore of the Ocean, over against the Canary Lands, runneth Eastward almost to Egypt, being in few places distant from the Mediterrane Sea, more than two hundred miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds of that Empire in the Continent: for although the Romans passed these bounds sometimes, specially toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what they won, but within those bounds mentioned, the Empire was firmly established. But here, in our great Isle of Britain, the Picts wall was the limit of it, passing by Newcastle and Carlisle from Tinmouth on the East Sea, to Solway Frith on the West, being 
g Spartian. in Had●iano & in Scue●o.  first begun by the Emperor Adrian, and after finished or rather repaired, by Septimius Severus.  
To this greatness of Dominion Rome at last arrived from her small beginnings. And small her beginnings were indeed, considering the huge Dominion to which she attained. For first, the Circuit of the City wall, at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount Palatine, could not be fully one mile: 
And. Fulu. l. 2. A 〈…〉 c. 3. G 〈…〉 c. 14. Strab. l. 1.  for the Hill itself, as is observed by Andrea Fulvio, a Citizen and Antiquary of Rome, hath no more in circuit: And, that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the City (which extended some what beyond the wall) with the foot of that Hill in compass Gellius hath left registered. Secondly, the Territory and Liberties of Rome, as Strabo hath remembered, extended at the first, where it stretched farthest scarce six miles from the City. And thirdly, the first Inhabitants of Rome, 
Dionys. Hal. l. 2. Antiq. Rom. V●pisc. in Aureliano.  as I found recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were not in number above 3300. at the most. Yet, with Time, and fortunate success, Rome so increased, that in Aurelianus his time, the circuit of the City wall, was fifty miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded: And the Dominion, grew to the largeness above mentioned, containing above 3000. miles in length, and about 1200. in breadth: and lastly the number of free Citizens, even in the time of Marius, that is, long before foreign Cities and Countries, began to be received into participation of that freedom, was found to be 463000. as Eusebius hath remembered: of free Citizens I say (for they only came into Cense) but if I should add, 
Euseb. in Chro. ad Olymp. 174.  their wives, and children, and servants, that is, generally all the Inhabitants, 
h Lipsius de mag. Rom. l. 3. c. 3  a learned man hath esteemed them, and not without great likelihood of truth, to have been no less, than three or four Millions.  
Beyond these bounds therefore of the Roman Empire (to speak to the point in hand) the Roman tongue could not be in any common use, as neither, to speak of our King's Dominions in Ireland, Scotland, nor Northumberland, as being no subjects of the Roman Empire. And that within these bounds it stretched fare and wide (in such manner as I will afterward declare) two principal causes there were. One was the multitude of Colonies, which partly to repress rebellion in the subdued Provines, partly to resist foreign Invasions partly to reward the ancient Soldiers, partly to abate the redundance of the City, and relieve the poorer sort, were sent forth to inhabit in all the Provinces of the Empire: Another was the Donation of Roman freedom, or Communication of the right and benefit of Roman Citizens, to very many of the Provincial, both Cities and Regions. For first, all Italy obtained that freedom in the time of Sylla and Marius, 
Appian. l. 1. Civil. long aunt med.  at the compounding of the Italian War, as Appian hath recorded: All Italy I say, as than it was called, and bounded, with the Rivers of Rubicon and Arnus, that is, the narrower part of Italy lying betwixt the Adriatic and the Tyrrhene Seas. Secondly, julius Caesar in like sort enfranchised the rest of Italy, 
Dion. l. 41.  that is the border part, named then Gallia C●salpina, as is remembered by Dion. But not long after, the foreign Provinces also, began to be enfranchised, 
Tacit. l. 1. Historiar. Plin. l. 3 c. 3. Digest. l. 1. Tit de statu hominum. Leg In Orb Romano.  France being endued with the liberty of Roman Citizens by Galba, as I found in Tacitus; Spain by Vespasian, as it is in Pliny. And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, that were subject to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth by the testimony of Ulpian in the Digests. The benefit of which Roman freedom, they that would use, could not with honesty do it, remaining ignorant of the Roman Tongue.  
These two as I have said, were the principal causes of enlarging that Language: yet other there were also of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning Ambassages, Suits, Appeals, or whatsoever other business of the Provincials, or Forreignes, nothing was allowed to behandled, or spoken in the Senate at Rome, but in the Latin Tongue. Secondly, the Laws whereby the Provinces were governed, were all written in that Language, as being in all of them, excepting only Municipal Cities, the ordinary Roman Law. Thirdly, the 
i Digest l. 42. Tit de re iudicata. Leg. Decret.  Praetors of the Provinces, were not allowed to deliver their judgements save in that Language: and we read in Dion Cassius, of a principal man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order of judges, for being ignorant of the Latin Tongue: and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus, 
Dion l 57 Val. Max. l. 2. c. 2.  that the Roman Magistrates would not give audience to the Grecians, (less therefore I take it to the Barbarous Nations) save in the Latin Tongue. Fourthly, the general Schools, erected in sundry Cities of the Provinces, whereof we find mention in Tacitus, Hierome, and others (in which the Roman Tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech, 
Tacit. l 3. Annal. Hieron. in Ep ad Rusticum. Tom. 1  as is usual in Universities till this day) was no small furtherance to that Language. And, to conclude that the Romans had generally (at lest in the aftertimes, when Rome was become a Monarchy, and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to enlarge their Tongue, together with their Dominion, is by Augustine in his Books de Civit. Dei, specially remembered. I said it was so in after times, for certainly, 
Aug. de Ci. Dei, l. 19 c. 7.  that the Romans were not very anciently possessed with that humour of spreading their Language, appeareth by Livy, in whom we found recorded, that it was granted the Cumanes, 
Lib. hist. Ro. l. 40.  for a favour, & at their Suit, that they might publicly use the Roman Tongue, not fully one hundred and forty years before the beginning of the Emperors: And yet was Cuma but about one hundred miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romans had conquered all Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, and a great part of Spain.  
But yet in all the Provinces of the Empire, the Roman Tongue found not alike acceptance, and success, but most enlarged and spread itself toward the North and West, and South bounds: for first, that in all the Regions of Pannonia, it was known, Velleius is mine Author: Secondly, 
Villei. l. 2. Strab l. 3 & 4. 〈…〉.  that it was spoken in France and Spain, Strabo: Thirdly, that in Africa, Apulcius: And it seemeth the Sermons of Cyprian and Augustine, yet extant (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached to the people in Latin. But in the East parts of the Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in Africa, from the greater Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in my reading found that the Roman tongue ever grew into any common use. And the reason of it seems to be, for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent, where the most, and greatest Roman Colonies, were planted. And therefore over all Italy, it became in a manner vulgar, wherein I have observed in Histories, and in Registers of ancient Inscriptions, to have been planted by the Romans at several times above one hundred and fifty Colonies: as in Africa also near sixty (namely fifty seven) in Spain nine and twenty, in France, as it stretched to Rhine twenty six, and so in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, between the Adriatic Sea, and Danubius very many. And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there were, than any History or ancient Inscription that now remains hath remembered.  
And contrariwsie in those Countries, where fewest Colonies were planted, the Latin Tongue grew nothing so common: as for example here in Britain, there were but four: 1 York, 

1. Eboracum.  
2 Debuna.  
3 Isca.  
4 Camalodunum Onuphr. in Imp. Rom.   2 Chester, 3 Caeruske in Monmouth-shire, and 4 Maldon in Essex (for London, although recorded for one by Onuphrius, was none, as is manifest by his own 
k Tacit. l. 14. Annal. Onuph. l. iam citato.  Author, in the place that himself allegeth) and therefore we found in the British Tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little relish (to account of) or relics of the Latin. And, for this cause also partly the East Provinces of the Empire, savoured little or nothing of the Roman Tongue. For first in Africa beyond the greater Syrtis, I found never a Roman Colony: for Onuphrius, that hath recorded 
l Vide Digest. l. 50. Tit. de Censibus leg. sc●endum Pancirell. id Comment. Noti●. Imper. Orientalis. cap. 138.  Indicia Cyrenensium for one, alleging Ulpian for Author, was deceived by some faulty Copy of the Digests. For the corrected Copies have Zernensium, and for Indicia, is to be read In Dacia, as is rightly observed (for in it the City of Zerne was) by Pancirellus. Secondly in Egypt, there were but two: and to be brief, Syria only excepted, which had about twenty Roman Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by Septimius Severus, and his Son B●ssianus, to strengthen that side of the Empire against the Parthians (and yet I find not that in Syria, the Roman Tongue, ever obtained any vulgar use) the rest, had but very few, in proportion to the largeness of those Regions.  
Of which little estimation, and use of the Roman Tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colonies forementioned, and to omit their love to their own Languages, which they held to be more civil than the Roman, another great cause was the Greek, which they had in fare greater account, both for Learning sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur) and for Traffic, 
Cicer. in Orat. pro Archia p●e●●.  to both which, the Grecians, above all Nations of the World were anciently given: to omit, both the excellency of the Tongue itself▪ for found and copiousness, and that it had forestalled the Roman in those parts. And certainly, in how little regard the Roman Tongue was had in respect of the Greek in the Eastern Countries, may appear by this, that all the learned men of those parts, whereof most lived in the flourish of the Roman Empire, have written in Greek, and not in Latin: as Philo, josephus, Ignatius, justine Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nyssene, and Nazianzene, Cirill of Alexandria, and of jerusalem, Epiphanius, Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, Porphyry, and very many others, so that of all the Writers that lived in Asia, or in Africa, beyond the greater Syrtis, I think we have not one Author in the Latin Tongue: and yet more evidently may it appear by another instance, 
 that I find in the third General Council held at Ephesus, where the Letters of the Bishop of Rome, having been read by his Legates, in the Latin Tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, that they might be translated into Greek, to the end they might be understood. It is manifest therefore, that the Roman Tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in the East, when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the East understood it not.  
OF the weak impression therefore of the Roman Language in the East, and large entertainment of it in the West, 
That the Roman Tongue abolished not the vulgar languages, in the foreign Provinces of the Roman Empire. Chap. 4. Galat. de Situ japigia p. 98. Viu l. 3. the truden. discipline. & a● Aug. dec. Dei li. 19 ●. 7. 3 Scal. in Diatrib. de ling. Europa. 4 M●rul. Cosm. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.5 Scal. loc. citato  and other parts of the Empire, and of the causes of both, I have said enough. But in what sort, and how fare it prevailed, namely, whether so fare, as to extinguish the ancient vulgar Languages of those parts, and itself, in stead of them, to become the native and vulgar Tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced touching the Punic, and Vines with many others of the Gallique and Spanish, I am next to consider.  
First therefore, it is certainly observed, that there are at this day, fourteen Mother Tongues in Europe (beside the Latin) which remain, not only not abolished, but little or nothing altered, or impaired by the Romans. And those are the 1 Irish, spoken in Ireland, and a good part of Scotland: the 2 British, in Wales, Cornwall, and Britain of France: the 3 Cantabrian near the Ocean about the Pyrene, Hils, both in France and Spain: the 4 Arabic, in the stéepie Mountains of Granata, named Alpuxarrae: the 5 Finnique, in Finland, and Lapland: the 6 Dutch, in Germany, Belgia, Denmark, Norway, and Suedia: the old 7 Canchian, (I take it to be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East Friesland, for 
m Ortel. in tab. Fris Oriental.  although to strangers they speak Dutch, yet among themselves they use a peculiar Language of their own: the 8 Slanonish, in Polonia, Bohemia, Mosconia, Russia, and many other Regions (whereof I will after entreat in due place) although with notable difference of Dialect, as also the British and Dutch, in the Countries mentioned have: the old 9 Illyrian, in the I'll of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day of Liburnia: the 10. Greek, in Greece, and the Lands about it, and part of Macedon, and of Thrace: the old 11 Epirotique 
n Scal. loc. citato 13 Bert. in descrip. Hungar.  in the Mountain of Epirus: the 12 Hungarian in the greatest part of that Kingdom: the 13 jazygian, in the North side of Hungaria betwixt Danubius and Tibiscus, utterly differing from the Hungarian Language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, of the Precopenses, between the Rivers of Tanaas and Borysthenes, near Meotis and the Euxine Sea, for, of the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being derivations, or rather degenerations, the first of the Dutch, and the other three of the Latin, seeing I now speak only of Original or Mother Languages, I must be silent: And of all these fourteen it is certain, except the Arabic, which is known to have entered since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe in time of the Roman Empire, and six or seven of them, within the Limits of the Empire.  
And indeed, how hard a matter it is, utterly to abolish a vulgar Language, in a populous Country, where the Conquerors are in number fare inferior to the Native Inhabitants, whatsoever Art be practised to bring it about, may well appear by the vain attempt of our Norman Conqueror: who although he compelled the English, to teach their young children in the Schools nothing but French, and set down all the Laws of the Land in French, and enforced all plead at the Law to be performed in that Language (which custom continued till King Edward the Third his days: who disannulled it) purposing thereby to have conquered the Language together with the Land, and to have made all French: yet, the number of English fare exceeding the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no further effect, than the mingling of a few French words with the English. And even such also was the success of the Frankes among the Gauls, of the Goths among the Italians and Spaniards, and may be observed, to be short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (being yet in number fare inferior) mingle themselves with the Native Inhabitants. So that, in those Countries only the mutation of Languages hath ensued upon Conquests, where either the ancient Inhabitants have been destroyed or driven forth, as we see in our Country to have followed of the Saxons, victories, against the Britons, or else at lest in such sort diminished, that in number they remained inferior, or but little superior to the Conquerors, whose reputation and authority might preu●●le more than a small excess of multitude. But (that I digress no further) because certain Countries are specially alleged, in which the Roman Tongue is supposed most to have prevailed, I will restrain my discouse to them alone.  
And first, that both the Punic and Gallique Tongues, remained in the time of Alexander Severus the Emperor (about two hundred and thirty years after our Saviour's birth) appeareth by Ulpian, who lived at that time, and was with the Emperor of principal reputation, teaching, that 
o Digest. l. 32. lege Fidei come. missa.  Fidei commissa might be left, not only in Latin, or Greek, but in the Punic or Gallique, or any other vulgar Language. Till that time therefore, it seemeth evident, that the Roman Tongue had not swallowed up these vulgar Languages, and itself become vulgar in stead of them, 
Aur. Victor▪ in epitome. Septim. S●net.  But to insist a little in either severally. First, touching the Punic, Aurelius, Victor hath recorded of Septimius Severus, that he was, Latinis literis sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, quip genitus apud Leptim pronintiae Africa. Of which Emperors sister also dwelling at Leptis (it is the City we now call Tripoli in Barbary) and coming to see him, Spartian●● hath left written, that she so badly spoke the Latin tongue (yet was 
a Antonin. in Itinerario. Hieron in Proem l. 2 Com. Epist. ad Gala●. in fine.  Leptis a Roman Colony) that the Emperor blushed at it. 
Spartian. in Severo p●si●ed.  Secondly long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, that the Africans had somewhat altered their language from the Phoenicians: the language therefore then remained, for else how could he pronounce of the present difference? Thirdly, Augustine (somewhat younger than Hierom, though living at the same time) writeth not only, that 
b August de Ciu. Det. l. 16. C. 6.  he knew diverse Nations in Africa, that spoke the Punic tongue, but also more particularly in 
c Id. Serm. 25. the veth. Apost.  another place, mentioning a known Punic proverb, he would speak it (he said) in the Latin, because all his Auditors (for Hippo, where he preached was a Roman Colony) understood not the Punic tongue: And some other 
d 
Id. Expos in Chart. Epist ●d Roman. circa med.  
Leo 1. Africa. L. 1. descript. Africa. cap. de Ling. Africanis. Strab. l. 4. in pri●cip. Tacit. in julio Agricola. L●●prid in Alexand. Severo, long p●st med.   passages could I allege out of Augustine, for the direct confirmation of this point, if these were not evident and effectual enough. Lastly, Leo Africanus, a man of late time, and good reputation, affirmeth, that there remain yet in Barbary, very many descended of the old Inhabitants, that speak the African tongue, whereby it is apparent that it was never extinguished by the Romans.  
Secondly, touching the ancient Gallike tongue, that it also remained, and was not abolished by the Roman in the time of Strabo, who flourished under Tiberius Caesar's government, it appeareth in the fourth Book of his Geography, writing that the Aquitanis differed altogether in language from the other Gauls, and they somewhat among themselves. Nor after that in Tacitus his time, noting that the language of France, differed little from that of Britain. Not, nor long after that in Alexander Severus his time, for beside the authority of Ulpian before alleged out of the Digests, it is manifest by Lampridius also, who in the life of the said Alexander, remembreth of a Druide woman, that when he was passing along, in his Expedition against the Germans through France, cried out after him in the Gallike tongue (what needed that observation of the Gallike tongue, if it were the Roman?) Go thy way, quoth she, and look not for the victory, and trust not thy Soldiers. And though Strabo be alleged by some, 
Strab. l. 4. leng. ant med.  to prove the vulgarnesse of the Latin tongue in France, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh not of all the Gauls, but of certain only, in the Province of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of France there was special reason, both for the more ancient and ordinary conversing of the Romans, in that Region above all the rest: for of all the seventeen Provinces of France, that of Narbona was first reduced into the form of a Province: And the City of Narbona itself, being a Mart Town of exceeding traffic in those days, was the 
e Vel. Patercul. l. 1.  first foreign Colony that the Romans planted out of Italy, Carthage only excepted: And yet furthermore, as Pliny hath recorded, many towns there were in that Province, infranchized, and endued with the liberty and right of the Latins. And yet for all this, Strabo saith not, 
Plin. l. 3. c. 4.  that the Roman tongue was the native or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more part they spoke it.  
Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: Howsoever Vines writ, that the languages of France and Spain were utterly extinguished by the Romans, and that the Latin was become 
f Vid. Annot. 〈◊〉 August. de Ciu. Dei. l. 19 c. 7. Id. l. 3. the tradend. Discip.  Vernacula Hispaniae, as also Galliae & Italiae; and 
g Marin. Sicul●. de Reb. Hispanic. l. 5. c. 4.  some others of the same Nation vaunt, that had not the barbarous Nations corrupted it, the Latin tongue would have been at this day, as pure in Spain, as it was in Rome itself in Tully's time: yet nevertheless manifest it is, that the Spanish tongue was never utterly suppressed by the Latin. For to omit that of Strabo, 
h S●ra l. 3 p●ul. à principio. Id. l. 4. in princip.  that there were diverse languages in the parts of Spain, as also in 
i Marian. de Reb. Hisp. l. 1. c. 5 Marin. Sicul. de reb. Hispan. l. 4. c. ultim. & Alib.  another place, that of the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards, then of the other Gauls: It is a common consent of the best Historians and Antiquaries of Spain, 
k S●r b. l. 3. c. 1. Plin. 3 c. 1. Vell. Patercul. l. 2.  that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the North part of Spain (and hath no relish in a manner at all of the Roman) was either the ancient, or at lest one of the ancient languages of Spain. And although ˡ Strabo hath recorded, that the Roman tongue was spoken in Spain, yet he speaketh not indefinitely, but addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in that part of Spain, the Roman tongue so prevailed, the reason is easy to be assigned by that we find in Pliny. Namely, that in Baetica, were eight Roman Colonies, eight Municipal Cities, and twenty nine others endued with the right and liberty of the Latins.  
Lastly, to speak of the Pannonian tongue (Pannonia contained Hungary, Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia) it is certain that the Roman did not extinguish it: For first, Paterculus (who is the only Author that I know alleged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become the language of the Country, for how could it, being but even then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar? but only that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his means the knowledge of the Roman tongue was spread in all Pannonia. And secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius his time hath recorded, 
Tacit. de morib. Ge●m pro●e fin.  that the Os. in Germany might be known to be no Germans, by the Pannonian tongue, which 
* Lib. ●od. parum à m●di●.  a little before in the same book, he plainly acknowledged to be spoken even then in Pannonia.  
And as for these reasons, it may well seem that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any of these parts of the Empire, which are yet specially instanced, for the large vulgarity of it: So have I other reasons to persuade me, that it was not in those parts, nor in any other foreign Country's subject to the Empire, either generally or perfectly spoken. Not generally (I say) because it is hard to conceive, that any whole Countries, specially because so large as the mentioned are, should generally speak two languages, their own Native and the Roman. Secondly, there was not any Law at all of the Romans, to enforce the subdued Nations, either to use vulgarly the Roman tongue, or not to use their own native languages (and very extreme and unreasonable had such Lords been, as should compel men by Laws, both to do, and to speak only what pleased them.) Neither do I see any other necessity, or any provocation to bring them to it, except for some special sorts of men, as Merchants, and Citizens, for their better traffic and trade, Lawyers for the knowledge and practice of the Roman Laws, which carried force throughout the Empire (except privileged places) Scholars for learning, Soldiers, for their better conversing with the Roman Legions, and with the Latins, Travellers, Gentlemen, Officer's, or such other, as might have occasion of affairs and dealing with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether unlike a truth, that the poor scattered people abroad in the Country, dwelling either in solitary places, or in the small Towns and Villages, either generally spoke it, or could possibly attain unto it. An example whereof, for the better evidence may at this day be noted; in those parts of Greece, which are subject to the Dominions of the Turks and Venetians: 
Bellon. Obseruat. l. 1. c. 4.  for as Bellonius hath observed, the people that devil in the principal Towns and Cities, subject to the Turk, by reason of their trade, speak both the Greek and Turkish tongues, as they also that are under the Venetians, both the Greek and Italian, but the Country people under both governments, speak only Greek. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded by 
* Gesner. in Mith● in Lingua Sardic. & Rocra de Dialect. in Ling. Sardec. Porcac●h. l. dello Is●l●. nel. descrit. di Sardigna.  others, the good Towns by reason of the Spanish Government and Trade, speak also the Spanish tongue, but the Country people the natural Sardinian language only: And, the like by our own experience we know to be true, in the Provinces subject to our King, namely, both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that the Roman tongue was never generally spoken in any of the Roman Provinces forth of Italy.  
And certainly much less can I persuade myself, that it was spoken abroad in the Provinces perfectly. First, because it seems impossible for foreign Nations, specially for the rude and common people, to attain the right pronouncing of it, who, as we know do ordinarily much mistake the true pronouncing of their native language: for which very cause, we see the Chaldee tongue to have degenerated into the Syriake among the jews, although they had conversed seventy years together among the Chaldeans. And moreover, by daily experience we see in many, with what labour and difficulty, even in the very Schools, and in the most docible part of their age, 
Vide August. in Enarrat. Ps. 123. & 138. & l. 2. the doctrine Chris. c. 13. & Tract 7 in joan.  the right speaking of the Latin tongue is attained. And to conclude, it appearth by Augustine in sundry places, that the Roman tongue was unperfect among the Africanss (even in the Colonies) as pronuncing ossum for os, floriet fo● florebit, dolus for dolour, and such like, insomuch that he confesseth, he was fain sometimes to use words that were no Latin, to the end they might understand him.  

Of the beginning of the Italian, French, and Spanish languages. Chap. 5.  THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Nations in the flourish of the Roman Empire, spoke vulgarly and rightly the Latin tongue, is, that the mixture of the Northern barbarous Nations among the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latin tongue into the languages which now they speak, the languages becoming mingled, as the Nations themselves were. Who, while they were enforced to attemper and frame their speech, one to the understanding of another, for else they could not mutually express their minds (which is the end for which Nature hath given speech to men) they degenerated both, and so came to this medley wherein now we find them.  
Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue, must of necessity have it beginning about the 480. year of our Saviour: Because, at that time, the Barbarous Nations began first to inhabit Italy, under Odoacer, for although they had entered and wasted Italy long before, as first, the Goths under Alaricus, about the year 414: Than the Huns together with the Goths, and the Heruli, and the Gepids, and other Northern people under Attila, about An. 450. Than the Wandales under Gensericus, crossing the Sea out of Africa, about An. 456. (to omit some other invasions of those barbarous Nations, because they prospered not) yet none of these, settled themselves to stay and inhabit Italy, till the Heruli, as I said under Odoacer, about An. 480. or a little before entered and possessed it near hand twenty years, He being (proclaimed by the Romans themselves) King of Italy, about sixteen years, and his people becoming inhabiters of the Country. But, they also, within twenty years after their entrance, were in a manner rooted out of Italy, by Theodoricus King of Goths, who allotted them only a part of Piedmont above Turin to inhabit: for Theodoricus being by Zeno then Emperor, invested with the title of King of Italy, and having overcome Odoacer, somewhat afore the year 500 ruled peaceably a long time, as King of Italy, and certain others of the Goths Nation succeeded after him in the same government, the Goths in the mean space, growing into one with the Italians, for the space near hand of sixty years together. And although after that, the Dominion of Italy was by Narses again recovered to the Empire in the time of justinian, and many of the Goths expelled Italy, yet fare more of them remained, Italy in that long time being grown well with their seed and posterity. The Heruli therefore, with their associates were the first, and the Goths the second of the barbarous Nations that inhabited Italy. The third and the last, were the Longbards, who coming into Italy about the year 570. and long time obtaining the Dominion and possession, in a manner of all Italy, namely above two hundred years, and during the succession of twenty Kings or more, were never expelled forth of Italy, although at last their Dominion was sore broken by Pipin King of France, and after more defaced by his son Charles the Great, who first restrained and confined it to that part, which to this day, of them retaineth the name of Lombardy, and shortly after utterly extinguished it, carrying away their last King captive into France. Now although diverse 
* 
Blond in Ital. Illustrata in March●a Triuis●●a.  
Tint● de●●a Nobilta▪ diverona▪ l. 2. c. 2. & alij.   Antiquaries of Italy there be, which refer the beginning of the Italian tongue, and the change of the Latin into it, to these third Inhabitants of Italy the Longbards, by reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the Italian people: yet certainly, the Italian tongue was more ancient than so, for besides that there remains yet to be seen (as men 
* Li●s. de Pronuntiat L●ng. lat. cap. 3. & Merul. par. 2. Cosm●gr. l. ●. c. 18. Paul Diac●●. ●ist. Mi●cel. l. 17. long aunt med.  worthy of credit report) in the King of France his Library at Paris, an Instrument written in the Italian tongue, in the time of justinian the first, which was before the coming of the Longbards into Italy: another evidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in Paulus Diaconus his Miscellane History: where we read that in the Emperor Mauritius his time, about the year 590. when the Langbards had indeed entered, and wasted Gallia Cisalpina, but had not invaded the Roman dition in Italy, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, Torna, (plain Italian) which a Roman Soldier spoke to one of his fellows afore, (whose beast had overturned his burden) the whole Army (marching in the dark) began to cry out, Torna, Torna, and so fell to flying away.  
But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of Valentinian the third, when in a manner all the West part of the Empire fell away (and among the rest, our Country of England, being first forsaken of the Romans themselves, by reason of grievous wars at their own doors, and not long after conquered and possessed by the Saxons, whose posterity (for the most part we are) namely, about the year 450▪ France being then subdued and peaceably possessed by the Franks and Burgundions', Nations of Germany: the Burgundions occupying the Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the River of Rhen●, and the Franks all the inner Region. For although France before that had been invaded by the Wandali, Suevi, and Alani, and after by the Goths, who having obtained Aquit●yn for their Seat and Habitation, by the grant of the Emperor Honorius, expelled the former into Spain, about A●. 410: yet notwithstanding, till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundions', it was not generally, nor for any long time mingled with strangers, which after that Conquest began to spread over France, and to become native Inhabitants of the Country.  
But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause must necessarily be most ancient: for the Wandali and Alani, being expelled France, about the year 410, began then to invade and to inhabit Spain, which they held and possessed many years, till the Goths being expelled by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into Spain, expelled them out of Spain into Africa (the Barbarous Nations thus like nails driving out one another) and not only them, but with them all the remnants of the Roman Garrisons and government, and so becoming the entire Lords and quiet possessors of all the Country, from whom also the Kings of Spain that now are be descended. Notwithstanding, even they also within less than three hundred years after, were driven by the Saracens of Africa, into the Northern and mountainous parts of Spain, namely Asturia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and little they recovered it out of their hands again, which was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand, not past one hundred and twenty years ago, there having passed in the mean time, from the Moors first entrance of Spain at Gibraltar, till their last possession in Granada, about seven hundred and seventy years.  
Whereby you may see also, when the Roman tongue began to degenerate in Africa (if that also, as is supposed spoke vulgarly the Latin tongue, and if the mixture of barbarous people were cause of the decay, and corruption of it) namely, about the year 430. for about that time, the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish war in Spain, and partly invited by the Governor Bonifacius entered Africa, under the leading of Gensericus, a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the Emperor Valentinianus gift: But shortly after, in the same Emperor's time, when all the West Provinces in a manner fell utterly away from the Empire, they also took Carthage; and all the Province about it, from the Romans. And although the dominion of Africa was regained by Bellizarius to the Empire almost 100 years after, in justinian's time, yet in the time of the Emperor Leontius (almost 700. years after our Saviour's birth) it was lost again, being anew conquered, and possessed by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remaineth in their hands) bringing together with their victories, the language also, and religion (Mahumatanisme) into all that coast of Africa, even from Egypt to the Straight of Gibraltar, above 2000 miles in length.  
About which time also, namely during the government of Valentinian the third, Bulgariae, Servia, Boscina, Hungary, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Banaria and Suevia (that is, all the North-border of the Empire, along the River Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and possessed by the Huns, who yet principally planted themselves in the lower Pannonia, whence it obtained the name of Hungary.  
Out of which discourse you may observe these two points. First, what the Countries were, in which those wand'ring and warring Nations after many transmigrations from place to place, fixed at last their final residence and habitation. Namely the Huns in Pannonia, the Wandales in Africa, the East Goths and Langbards in Italy, the West Goths in Aquitaine and Spain, which being both originally but one Nation, gained these names of East and West Goths, from the position of these Countries which they conquered and inhabited, the other barbarous Nations of obscurer names, being partly consumed with the war, and partly passing into the more famous appellations. And Secondly, you may observe, that the main dissolution of the Empire, especially in Europe and Africa, fell in the time of Valentinian the third, about the year 450. being caused by the barbarous Nations of the North (as after did the like dissolution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians in the time of Heraclius, about the year 640.) and together with the ruin of the Empire in the West by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous Nations, the Latin tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the West) became corrupted.  
Wherhfore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, proceeded from this cause, as a great number of learned men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of them is: But to deliver plainly my opinion, having searched as fare as I could, into the originals of those languages, and having pondered what in my reading, and in my reason I found touching them, I am of another mind (as some learned men also are) namely, that all those tongues are more ancient, and have not sprung from the corruption of the Latin tongue, by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these Provinces, but from the first unperfect impression & receiving of it, in those foreign Countries. Which unperfectness notwithstanding of the Roman tongue in those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from this evil framing of foreign tongues, to the right pronouncing of the Latin, yet I withal easily believe, and acknowledge that it was greatly increased, by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me thinks, I have observed three degrees of corruption in the Roman tongue, 
Isidor. Origin. l. 9 c. ●. Tertul. in Apologet. adu. Gent. Cap. 6.  by the degeneration whereof, these languages are supposed to have received their beginning. The first of them was in Rome itself, where towards the latter end of the Commonwealth, and after, in the time of the Empire, the infinite multitude of servants (which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) together with the unspeakable confluence of strangers, from all Provinces, did much impair the pureness of their language, and as Isidore hath observed, brought many barbarismes and solaecismes into it. Insomuch, that Tertullian in his time, when as yet none of the barbarous Nations had by invasion touched Italy (for he lived under Sept●mius Severus government) chargeth the Romans to have renounced the language of their fathers. 
Cicer. l. 3. de Oratore.  The Second step, was the unperfect impression (that I touched before) made of the Roman tongue abroad in the foreign Provinces among strangers, whose tongues could not perfectly frame to speak it aright. And certainly, if the Italians themselves, as is remembered by Cicero, failed of the right and perfect Roman pronounciation, I see not how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gauls and Spaniards were, should exactly utter it. And the Third, was that mixture of many barbarous people (to which others attribute the beginning of the languages in question) which made the Latin, that was before unperfect, yet more corrupt than they found it, both for words and for pronouncing: So that, I rather think the barbarous people to have been a cause of increasing the corruption, and of further alteration and departure of those languages from the Roman, then of beginning them. And me thinks I have very good reasons so to be persuaded, beside all the arguments above mentioned, which I produced, both for the remaining of the vulgar languages, and for the unperfect speaking of the Roman tongue in the Provinces. First, because the Goths, Wandales, Langbards, as also the Franks and B●rgundians language was, by the consent of 
* Irenic. E●eg. Germ. l. 1. c. 31 Laz●us. l. 10. the Migration. Gent Gorop. Origin. Antw●rp. l. 7. Gesner. in Mithridate▪ Rh●nan lib. 2. Rer. Germ. Leunclau. in Pandect. Tu●ri●. § 71. & Alij multi.  learned men, the German tongue, which hath but small affinity or agreement with either the Italian, French or Spanish tongues. Secondly, because among all the ancient writers (and they are many) which have written of the miserable changes made in these West parts of the World, by those infinite swarms of barbarous people, I find not one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to have been caused by them: which me thinks some ancient writers among so many learned, as those times, and those very Countries, abounded withal, and whose writings yet remain, would certainly have recorded. 
Objections touching the extent of the Latin tongue and the beginning of the mentioned Languages with their solutions. Chap. 6.  But though we find mention in sundry ancient writers, of changing these languages into the Roman (whom yet I understand of that unperfect change before touched) yet nothing is found of any recharging of those languages from the Roman, into the state wherein now they are. But it is become a question only of some late searchers of Antiquity, but of such, as determine in this point, without either sound reason or good countenance of Antiquity.  
THese reasons perhaps (joined with the other above alleged, whereby I endeavoured to prove that the Latin tongue perfectly spoken, was never the vulgar language of the Roman Provinces) may persuade you as they have done me, that the barbarous Nations of the North, were not the first corrupters of the Latin tongue, in the Provinces subject to Rome, nor the beginners of the Italian, French and Spanish tongues: yet some difficulties I find (I confess) in writers touching these points, which when I have resolved my opinion will appear the more credible.  
One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questions, 
Plutar. in quest. platonic. quest. 9  affirming that in his time all men in a manner spoke the Latin tongue.  
Another before touched that Strabo recordeth the Roman tongue to have been spoken in Spain and France, and Apuleius in Africa, which also may appear by sundry places in Augustine, 
Strab. l. 3. & 4. Apul. in Florid●●.  whose Sermons seem (as Cyprians also) to have been made to the people in that language.  
A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity?  
A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latin tongue was out of question, native, the latin could so degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, except by some foreign corruption?  
To the first of these I answer, either, that as Divines are wont to interpret many general propositions; Plutarch is to be understood de generibus singulorum, not the singulis generum: So that the Latin tongue was spoken almost in every Nation, but not of every one in any foreign Nation: Or else, that they spoke the Latin indeed, but yet unperfectly and corruptly, as their tongues would frame to utter it.  
To the second I answer: first, that Strabo speaketh not generally of France or Spain, but with limitation to certain parts of both, the Province of Narbon in France, and the Tract about Boetis in Spain. Secondly, that although they speak it, yet it followeth not, that they speak it perfectly and aright (except perhaps in the Colonies) so that I will not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the Provinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, according as the people's tongues would fashion to it, namely in such sort, that although the matter and body of the words, were for the most part Latin, yet the form, and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing: which speech notwithstanding was named Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly because they learned it from the Romans or Latins, as the Spaniards call their language Romance▪ till this day, which yet we know to differ much from the right Roman Tongue: 
Nitha. de dissens. filior. Ludou. Pij l. 3.  and as N●thardus (Nephew to Charles the Great) in his History of the dissension of the sons of Ludoui●us Pius called the French then usual (whereof he setteth down examples) the Roman Tongue, which yet hath no more agreement with the Latin then the French hath that is now in use. Thirdly, to the objection of Cyprians and Augustine's preaching in Latin, 
Antonin. in Itin●rario. Plin. 〈◊〉 in Epi. l. 8. ad Caninium.  I answer that both 
a Plin. Sec. Hist. nat. l. 5. c. 4. Vellcius l. 1. Appian. l. de Bel. P●nicis in fine.  Hippo, whereof Augustine was Bishop, and 
b En●rr. Ps 138.  Carthage, whereof Cyprian was Archbishop, were Roman Colonies, consisting for the most part of the progeny of Romans, for which sort of Cities, there was special reason. Although neither in the Colonies themselves (as it seemeth) the Roman tongue was altogether uncorrupt, both for that I alleged before out of Spartianus of Severus his sister dwelling at Leptis, and for that which I remembered out of Augustine for Hippo, where they spoke 
c L. 2. de doc. Chr. c. 13.  Ossum and 
d Tract. 7. in Ioan●em.  Floriet, and ᵉ Dolus, for Os and Florebit and dolour (and yet were both Leptis and Hippo Roman Colonies:) And yet it appeareth further by Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and in the Psalms sung in their Churches, they had these corruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most corrupt and vulgar Latin had not place.  
To the third I answer, that two reasons of it may be assigned: One, that learned men would rather writ, in the learned and grammatical, then in the vulgar and provincial Latin. Another, that the works of unlearned men would hardly continued till our times, 
Tschud. Descript. A●pinae cap. 36. Gene●r. l. 4. ●hr. Secul. 11.  seeing even of the learned ancient writings, but few of infinite, have remained. Furthermore it is observed of the German tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard, that it is very little above 400. years, since books began to be written in both those languages, and yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much ancienter.  
To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which of ordinary course is not subject to change, although there were no foreign occasion at all: which the very fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is able enough to work, which may be well proved by observations and instances of former changes, in this very tongue (the Latin) whereof I now dispute. 
Quintil. Just Orator. l. 1. ca 6.  For Quintilian recordeth, that the Verses of the Salij which were said to be composed by Numa could hardly be understood of their Priests, in the latter time of the Commonwealth, for the absoluteness of the speech. And Festus in his book de verborum significatione, 
●est. in Diction. Latin loqui.  who lived in Augustus Caesar's time, hath left in observation, that the Latin speech, which (saith he) is so named of Latium, was then in such manner changed, that scarcely any part of it remained in knowledge. The Laws also of the Roman Kings, and of the Decemuiri, 
F●lu Vrsin▪ not. ad Anton Augu. de Lug●h & ●ena●usconsu. ●.  (called the Laws of the twelve Tables) collected and published in their own words by Fuluius Vrsinus are no less evident testimonies, if they be compared with the later Latin, of the great alteration of that language.  
Furthermore, Polybius hath also recorded, that the articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome and of Carthage, 
Polyb. l. 3.  made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome, could very hardly in his time be understood, by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best skilled Antiquaries in Rome. In which time notwithstanding, they received very few strangers into their City, which mixture might 'cause such alteration, and the difference of time was but about three hundred and fifty years. And yet to add one instance more, of a shorter revolution of time, and a clearer evidence of the change, that the Roman tongue was subject to, and that, when no foreign cause thereof can be alleged: there remaineth at this day (as it is certainly 
* Vid. Paul. Merul. ●os●●. p●r. 2. l. 4 c. 18. & Celsum. Cit tad. in Tractat. de Orig. ●ng. Vulgaris. Ital. cap. 7. etc.  recorded) in the Capital at Rome, though much defaced by the injury of time, a Pillar (they call it Columnam rostratam, that is, decked with beaks of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius a Roman Consul, upon a naugle victory obtained against the Carthaginians, in the first Punic war, not past one hundred and fifty years before Cicero's time, when the Roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of Elegancy, that ever it obtained: And thus the words of the Pillar are (those that may be read) as I find them observed, with the later Latin under them. Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis'. Exfociont. Pucnandod. Cepet. Enque. Navebos. Marid· Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pugnando. Cepit. Inque. Navibus. Mari. Consol. Primos. Ornavet. Navebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Consul. Primus. Ornavit. Navibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto Socieis. Triresmos. Naucis. Captom. Numei. Navaled. Praedad. Poplo▪ etc. Socijs. Triremes. Naves. Captum. Nummi. Naual●. Praeda. Populo, etc. Where you see in many words, e. for i c. for g. o. for u. and sometime for e. and d. superfluously added to the end of many words. But (to let foreign tongues pass) of the great alteration that time is wont to work in languages, our own tongue may afford us examples evident enough: wherein since the times near after, and about the Conquest, the change hath been so great, as I myself have seen some evidences made in the time of King Henry the first, whereof I was able to understand but few words. To which purpose also, a certain remembrance is to be found in Holinsheds' Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerors reign, in a Charter given by him to the City of London.  

Of the ancient Languages of Italy, Spain, France and Africa. Chap. 7.  But if the discourse of these points of Antiquity, in handling whereof I have declared, that while the Roman Empire flourished, it never abolished the vulgar languages, in France, or Spain, or Africa, how soever in Italy. If that discourse I say, move in you perhaps a desire, to know what the ancient vulgar languages of those parts were: I will also in that point, out of my reading and search into Antiquity, give you the best satisfaction that I can.  
And first for Italy: Certain it is, that many were the ancient tongues in the several Provinces of it, tongues I say, not dialects, for they were many more. In Apulia, the Mesap●an tongue: In Tuscanie and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, both of them utterly perished: Yet in the book of ancient Inscriptions, 
Inscrip. v●t. pag. 143.144.145.146.  set forth by Gruter and Scaliger, there be some few Monuments registered of these languages, but not understood now of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, and fare along the miritime coast of the Tyrrhene Sea, the Greek. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) the Latin. In Lombardie, and Liguria, the old tongue of France whatsoever it was. Of which last three, the two former are utterly ceased to be vulgar: and the third, no where to be found in Italy, but to be sought for in some other Country. And although, beside these five, we find mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in Italy, yet were they no other than differing dialects of some of the former languages, as by good observations, out of Varro, Festus, Servius, Paul. Diaconus, and others, might be easily proved.  
Secondly, of France what the ancient tongue was, hath been much disputed▪ and yet remaineth somewhat uncertain: Some thinking it to have been the German, others the Greek, and some the Welsh tongue. 
Caesar. l 1. de Bel. lo Gallic. in principio Strab. l. 4. in princip.  But, if the meaning of these resoluers be, that one language, whatsoever it were, was vulgar in all France, they are very fare wide, Caesar and Strabo having both recorded, that there were diverse languages spoken in the diverse parts. But, to omit the speech of Aquitaine, which Strabo writeth to have had much affinity with the Spanish: And, of that part (in Caesar called Belgia) that at the River of Rhine confined with Germany, which for that neighbourhood, might partake much of the German tongue: To omit those I say, the main question is, about the language of the Celiae, which as inhabiting the middle part of France, were least of all infected with any foreign mixture. 
Caes. l. 5. de Bello Gallic. long. post med. Varro ap Hieron. in praefat. l. 2. Comment▪ epist. ad Galat. & apud Isidorum li. 15. Orig. cap. 1.  And certainly, that it was not the Greek, appeareth out of Caesar, written to Q. Cicero, then besieged by the Gauls) in Greeke, jest the Gauls should intercept his Letters. And secondly, no less evidently by Varro, written of the Massilianss that they spoke three languages, the Roman, the Greek, and the Gallique tongue: And thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serve for instance, whereof many old words are found dispersed in ancient writers, that have no affinity at all with the Greek. The Greek therefore, was not the ancient native language of the Gauls; Neither was it the German: for else it had been but an odd relation and reason of Caesar's, that Ariovistus a Germane Prince, had lived so long in Gallia, that he spoke the Gallique tongue: And that of Tacitus, 
Caes. l. de Bello Gallico. Ta●i● l. de 〈◊〉 Germanor prope fin●m. Su●●on in C●ligula c. ●7. Ho●tom. in●●an. c●gall. c. 2. Pe●●on l. de Cognat Li●g G. & Graecae P. 〈◊〉. l. the 12. Li●g. ●schud in 〈◊〉. Rhet. Al●. c. 8. Go●op. in Francicis. Isac. in Glossario Pr●●●o gall. Lhuid in D●●cri▪ Britan. Cambden in B●itannia. Strab. l 4. Tacit in ●ulio Agricola. Cae● l 6 de Bel. Gallico.  that the Gallique tongue proved the Gothines to be no Germans: And that of Suetonius, that Caligula compelled many of the Gauls to learn the German tongue. But Hottoman (of all that I have read) speaking most distinctly, touching the original and composition of the French tongue, divideth it as now it is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposeth the one (and I think it is rather the greater part) to have original from the Latin tongue: and the other half, to be made up, by the Germane and Greek, and British or Welsh words, each almost in equal measure. Of the deduction of the French words from the Greek, you may read Perionius, postel, and others: Of those from the German, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius, etc. Of the Welsh, Lhuid, Camden, etc. Which last indeed for good reason, seemeth to have been the native language of the ancient Celtae, rather than either the Greek or Dutch tongues: for of the Greek words found in that language, the neighbourhood of the Massilianss, and their Colonies, inhabiting the maritime coast of Province, together with the ready acceptance of that language in France (mentioned by Strabo) may be the cause: As likewise of the German words, the Franks and Burgundions' conquest, and possession of France, may be assigned for a good reason: But of the British words none at all can be justly given, save, that they are the remnants of the ancient language. Secondly, it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, written, that the speech of the Gauls, little di●●ered from that of the Britons. And thirdly, by Caesar recording, that it was the custom of the Gauls that were studious of the Druids discipline, often to p●sse over into Britain to be there instructed: wherefore seeing there was no use of books among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, it is apparent that they spoke the same language.  
Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consisteth of the old Spanish, Latin, Gottish, and Arabic (as there is good reason it should, Spain having been so long, in the possessions of the Romans, Goths, and Meores) of which, the Latin is the greatest part (next it the Arabic) and therefore they themselves call their lang●age Romance. And certainly I have seen an Epistle written by a Spaniard, whereof every word was both good Latin and good Spanish, and an example of the like is to be seen in Merula. But the language of Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugal, is much tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and most general language of Spain, spoken over the Country before the Romans' conquest, 
Merul. ●osmogr. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.  seemeth to me out of question, to have been the Cantabrian tongue, that namely which yet they speak in Biscay, Guipuscoa, Navarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the northern and mountainous parts of Spain, near the Ocean, with which the Visconian tongue also in Aquitaine, near the Pyrene hills, hath as there is good reason (for out of those parts of Spain the inhabitants of Gascoigne came) much affinity and agreement. And my reason for this opinion is, that in that part of Spain, the people have ever continued without mixture of any foreign Nation, as being never subdued by the Carthaginians, nor by the Moors, not, nor by the Romans (for all their long warring in Spain) before Augustus Caesar's time, and for the hillinesse, and bareness, and unpleasantness of the Country, having nothing in it, to invite strangers to devil among them. For which cause, the most ancient Nations and languages are for the most part preserved in such Countries: as by Thucydides is specially observed, of the Attiques▪ and Arcadians, in Greece, 
Thuord l. 1. paul. a pr●ncip.  dwelling in barren soils: O● which Nations the first, for their Antiquity, vaunted of themselves that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the second, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they had been bred immediately of the Earth, or borne before the Moon. Another example whereof we may see in Spain itself, for in the steepy Mountains of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny of the Moors yet retain the Arabic tongue (for the Spaniards call it Araviga) which all the other remnants of the Moors in the plainer Region had utterly forgotten and received the Castilian (till their late expulsion out of Spain) for their vulgar language. The like whereof, is also to be seen in the old Epirotike speech and Nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous part of Epirus, being (for the tongue) utterly extinguished in all the Country beside. And (to let foreign ins●ances go) in the Britons or Welsh-men in the hilly part of our own Country. What the reason thereof may be. I will not stand now curiously to inquire: whether that being enured to labour, to watching, to sundry distemperatures of the air, a●d much other hardness (for otherwise their living will not be gotten out of such barren ground) they prove upon occasion good and able Soldiers? Or, that the craggy Rocks and Hills (like fortresses of Natures own erecting) are easily defended from foreign Invaders? Or that their unpleasant and fruitless soil, hath nothing to invite strangers to desire it? Or that wanting riches, they want also the ordinary companions of riches, that is proud and audacious hearts, to provoke with their injuries other Nations to be revenged on them, either by the conquest or desolation of their Countries? But whatsoever the cause may be, certainly in effect so it is, that the most ancient Nations and Languages, are for the most part to be found in such unpleasant and fruitless Regions: Insomuch that the Byscaynes, who gave me occa●●on of this digression, vaunt of themselves among the Spaniards, that they are the right Hidalgos, (that is Gentlemen) as some also report of the Welsh-men here in Britain to say of themselves, which yet I that am their neighbour (to confess a truth) never heard them say.  
Now lastly, touching the Punic tongue, as I am not of Galateus his opinion, that it was utterly extinguished by the Romans: 
Gal●t. de situ. japyg. pag. 98.  So neither can I be of the fantasy (for it is no better) that many 
* Gesner an Mithridate. in Ling. Afric. & Arab. Roccha de dialect. in Ling. Arabica. postel. de Ling. 12. in ling. Arab. Mas. in Gram. Syriaca. prop. Init. Bibliand. de ration. Linguar. Schidler. in Lex. Pentagl●tto in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Marc. Gal●ott. de doct. promiscua. c. 6. & ali● multi  other learned men are: namely, that it was the Arabike, that is to say the same language, that is vulgar in Africa at this day. For it is well known to the skilful in Histories, that the Punikes were of another offsprings (not of Arabian race) and that it is not yet a thousand years, since that tongue was by the Arabians, together with their victories brought into Africa. And as certain also it is, that the remnants of the Africans progeny, as 
* Leo Afric. l. 1. Descrip. Afr. cap. de L●ng. Africa. Flo. in Epitome. Liu. l. 51. Strab. l. 17. Plin. l. 15. c. 18. Strab. li. citato. Mela. l. 1. c. 7. Li●. li. 33. Plin. l. 5. c. 19 Appian. l. de Bel. Punicis in principio. Curtius. l. 4. & Alii plures.  Leo Africanus hath recorded, hath a different language from the Arabike. But the Punic tongue seemeth to me out of question, to have been the Chananitish or old Hebrew language, though I doubt not somewhat altered from the original pronunciation, as is wont in tract of time to befall Colonies, planted among strangers fare from home. For first Carthage itself, the Queen of the Cities of Africa (and well might she be termed so, that contained in circuit 24. miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Livy hath recorded, and by the utter wall 360. furlongs (that is 45. miles) as it is in Strabo: And held out in emulation with Rome, as is noted by Pliny, 120. years, and to conclude (before the second Punic war) had in subjection all the Coast of the Mediterrane Sea, from the bottom of the greater Syrtis in Africa, to the River Ebro (Iberus) in Spain, which is about 2000 miles of length, that the same Carthage I say, and diverse other Cities of Africa (of which Pliny nameth Utica and Leptis, as being the principal) were Colonies of the Phoenicians, and namely of the Tyrians, is not only by Strabo, Mela, Livy, Pliny, Appian, and many other certain Authors, acknowledged, and by none denied, but also the very names of Poeni and Punici, being but variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicij import so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For Hierome writing that their language was grown somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, doth manifestly in these words imply, it had been the same.  
And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaanites? The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchandizing we read so much in ancient Histories, what were they but Chanaanites, whose very name 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Arias Mont. lib. Chanaan. c. 8. Postel. in descrip. Syriae. c. de Syriae Nominib. Matth. 15.22. Mark. 7.26. jos. 5.1.  signifieth Merchants? for, the very same Nation, that the Grecians called Phaenicians (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the Romans in imitation of that name Poenos & Punicos, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Greek signifieth the Palm, for as touching the deduction of the name Phoenicia, either from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Montanus, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the Inhabitants by the first, and their observation or adoration of the fire, by the second, they are but late sprung fantasies, and have not any ground of reason at all: for as much, as in all the Hebrew writings of the Bible, that Country is never termed by any name sounding toward Phenicia, but in the Greek only. But in many old coins that I have seen, I have noted the Palm Tree, as the special cognisance of Phoenicia, (as I have also the Olive branch, and Coneys to be of Spain: the Horse of Mauritania: the Elephant, or the spoil of the Elephant of Africa: the Camel of Arabia: the Crocodile, or the Bird I●is, of Egypt: and diverse other specialties for other Countries:) And namely I have seen sundry old Coins of the Emperor Vespasian, of several devices and imagery, stamped for a memorial of his conquest of judaea, and taking of jerusalem (for the Inscription is in every of them, judaea capta) & in each of them, I especially observed a woman sitting in a sad and mournful fashion, with her back to a Palm tree: wherein, I make no doubt, but the desolate woman signifieth judaea, and the Palm, Phoenicia, even as Phoenicia is immediately toward the North, at the back of judaea.  for the exceeding store of good Palms, wherewith that Country abounded: Insomuch that in Monuments of Antiquity, the Palm Tree is observed for the Ensign of Phoenicia: the same Nation I say, called themselves, and by the Israelites their next neighbours, were called Chanaanites. And that they were indeed no other, I am able easily to prove. For first, the same woman that in Matthew is named a Canaanite, is in Mark called a Syropoenician. 2. Where mention is made in josua, of the Kings of Canaan, they are in the Septuagints translation named, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. To put it out of question. All that Coast, from Sidon to Azzah (that was Gaza) near to Gerar, is registered by 
* Gen. 10.19.  Moses, to have been possessed by the posterity of Chanaan: Of which coast the more Northrenes part above the promontory of Carmel, 
Strab. l. 16. non long. ant med. Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Ptolem. Tab. 4. Asiae. Dionys. Alex. in Periegesi.  or rather from the river Chorseus (Kison the jews called it) that near the promontory of Carmell, entereth the Sea to the City of Orthosia, above Sidon Northward, is by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy and others, referred to Phoenicia (although Strabo extend that name, along all the Maritime Coast of Palestina also, to the confines of Egypt, as Dionysius Periegetes also doth, placing joppa and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract to have been the several possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, and Girgashi, and Harki, and Aruade, and Chamathi, six of the eleven sons of Canaan (the other five inhabiting more to the South in Palestina) they that are skilful in the ancient Chorography of the Holy Land cannot be ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the Land of Canaan, (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, and other Colonies of the Phoenicians in Africa came, 
Aug. expos. inchoat. epist ad Roman. in med.  it is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites progeny: and for such in very deed, and no other, they reputed and professed themselves to be: for as Austin hath left recorded, who was borne and lived among them, the Country people of the Punikes, when they were asked touching themselves what they were, they would make answer that they were Channai, meaning, as Austin himself doth interpret them Canaanites.  
Certain therefore it is, that the native Punic language was the Chanaanitish tongue: but that I added for explication this clause (or the old Hebrew, meaning by the old Hebrew, that which was vulgarly spoken among the jews before the captivity) you will perhaps suspect my credit, and be offended, for I am not ignorant how superstitiously Divines for the most part are affected toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I had set down the Africans language to have been the Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to add for plainness sake (or the old Hebrew) because I take them indeed to be the very same language, and that Abraham and his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned it in the Land of Chanaan. Neither is this opinion of mine, a mere paradox and fantasy, but I have 
* Postel lib. de Phoenic. lit. c. 2. §. 5. Aria's Monta. L. Chana● c. 9 Genebrard. l. 1. Chr●n an Dilwij 131. Sca●ig. ad fest. indict. Sarra. & in ep. a● Vbert. & ad Tomson.  three or four of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that Nation, that the later times could afford of the same mind: And certainly, by 
* Isa. 19.18.  Isaiah it is called in direct terms, the language of Chanaan: And it is moreover manifest, that the names of the places and Cities of Chanaan (the old names I mean by which they were called before the Israelites dwelled in them, as is to be seen in the whole course of the Books of Moses and of joshuah) were Hebrew names: touching which point, although I could produce other forceable reasons, such as might (except my fantasy delude me) vex the best wit in the world to give them just solution, yet I will add no more, both to avoid prolixity, and because I shall have in another place fit occasion.  
But to speak particularly of the Punic tongue, which hath brought us into this discourse, and which I proved before to be the Canaanitish language: it is not only 
* Aug. in ser. 35. the verb Dom. in Euang. see. Luc.  in one place pronounced by Augustine (who knew it well no man better) to have near affinity with the Hebrew tongue, which also the 
* As in the Punic tongue Salus three. Augustin. in expos. inchoat. epist. add Roman. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Edom, blood. Enar. Psalm. 126. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mammon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bal. the lord Quaest in judic. cap. 16. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Samen, Heaven. Ibid. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Messe, to anoint. Tract. 15. in joan. Heb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alma, a Virgin. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gadir. a fence or wall. Pliny. l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and some other that diligence might observe.  Punic words dispersed in the writings of Augustine, and others (as many as come to my remembrance) prove to be true. But more effectually in 
* Aug l. 2. ●ent. litter Petil●ani cap. 104.  another place, to agreed with it in very many, yea almost in every word. Which speech, seeing they could in no sort have from the Israelites, being not of Abraham's posterity (both because no such transmigration of them is remembered in the holy Histories, and for that the Punic Colonies, are specially mentioned to have been deduced from Tyre, which never came into the possession of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites, whose offspring they were: It followeth thereupon that the language of the Canaanites, was either the very same, or exceeding near the Hebrew. And certainly, touching the difference that was between the Hebrew and the Punic, I make no doubt, but the great distance from their primitive habitation, and their conversation with strangers among whom they were planted, and together with both the length of time, which is wont to bring alteration to all the Languages in the World, were the causes of it. And although that Punic speech in Plautus, which is the only continued speech of that language, 
●leut. in 〈…〉 Act. 6.  that to my knowledge remaineth extant in any Author, have no such great convenience with the Hebrew tongue, yet I assure myself the faults and corruptions that have crept into it by many transcriptions, to have been the cause of so great difference, by reason whereof it is much changed from what at first it was when Plautus writ it, about one thousand eight hundred years ago: And specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the less care taken, as the language was less understood by the Writers, and by the Readers, and so the escapes less subject to observation and controlment.  
MAny are the Nations that have for their vulgar Language, the Slavonish Tongue in Europe, and some in Asia. 
Of the largeness of the Slavonish, Turkish, & Arabike languages. C. 8.  Among which the principal in Europe are the Slavonians themselves inhabiting Dalmatia and Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epirotes, the Bosinates, Seruians, Russians, Bulgarians, Moldavians, Podolians, Russians, Muscovites, Bohemians, Polonians, Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Mangrel●ians, and Gazarites. These I say are the principal, but they are not all: for Gesner and Roccha reckon up the names of sixty Nations, that have the Slavonian tongue for their vulgar language. So, 
Gefner. in Mithrid. in Ling. Illyricca. Bocchae in Append de dialect. in Illyrica.  that it is known to be vulgarly spoken over all the East parts of Europe (in more than a third part of the whole) even to the utmost bounds of it the Rivers of Droyna and Tanais; Greece and Hungary, and Walachia only excepted. Indeed the Regions of Servia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, Moldavia, Rus●ia and Moscovia, namely all the Nations of the Eastern parts, which celebrated their divine service after the Greek Ceremony, and profess Ecclesiastical obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, writ in a diverse sort of Character from that of the Dalmatians, Croatians, Istrians, Polonians, Bohemians, Silesians and other Nations toward the West (both which sorts of Characters are to be seen in Postels' Book of the Oriental languages) of which, this last is called the Dalmatian or Illyrian Character, and was of 
* Pastell. de 〈◊〉 Dalmat ●occh. in 〈…〉 161 & ●●  Hieromes divising, that other bearing for the most part much resemblance with the Greek, is termed the Seruian Character, and was of 
g Roccha. lib. 〈◊〉 pagpunc; ●●  Cyril●s invention: for which cause, as Roccha hath remembered, they term the language written in that Character 
〈◊〉 pag. ●●●.  Chiurilizza. But yet notwithstanding the difference of Characters in the writing of these Nations, they speak all of them (the difference of dialect excepted) the same language.  
But yet is not the Slau●nike tongue (to answer your question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks Dominion only Epir●●, the West part of Macedon, Bosina, Servia, Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, and that he hath in Dalmatiae and Croacia (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) speak vulgarly the Slavonian tongue. But no where for the more precise limitation, neither in Asia nor in Europe is that language spoken more Southward, than the North Parallel of forty degrees: some part of Epirus only excepted: I mean it is not spoken as the vulgar language of any Nation more Southward. For else, being acceptable and usual, as it is in the Great Turks Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with most of the Turkish Soldiers, by reason of their Garrisons and other great employment in those parts toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts as before I said (Hungary and Walachia excepted) speak that language: for these reasons I say, it is spoken by diverse particular men in many places of the Turkish Dominion, and the janizares and Officers for the most part can speak it, and many others also of the better sort, but yet the general and vulgar language of his Dominion (excepting those places afore mentioned) it is not.  
But in Anatolia, although the old languages still remain, being for the most part corrupt Greek, as also in Armenia they have their peculiar language, yet is the Turkish tongue very frequent & prevaileth in them both: which being originally none other then the Tartarian tongue, as Michovius, 
Michou. l. 1. de Sarmatia. c. 15. Rocch de dialec. in ling. Tur●ica.  and others have observed, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian & Persian, by reason of the Turks long continuance in both those Regions, before they settled the Seat of their Dominion, and themselves among the Grecians, for which cause it is not without mixture of Greek also, but chief and above all other of the Arabike, both by reason of their Religion written in that language, and their training up in Schools unto it, as their learned tongue. And yet although the Turkish be well understood both in Anatolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither extinguished the vulgar languages of those parts, neither obtained to itself (for aught I can by my reading found) any peculiar Province at all, wherein it is become the sole native and vulgar language, but is only a common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so much the more evidently true, because the very Cities that have been successively the Seats of the Ott●man Sultan's; namely, Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, than Prusa in Bythinia; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace; and lastly, Constantinople, are yet known to retain their old native language, the Greek tongue: Although the Turkish tongue also be common in them all, as it is likewise in all other Greek Cities both of Greece and Asia.  
But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the River Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and Palestina, and Arabia and Egypt, and thence Westward in all the long tract of Africa, that extendeth from Egypt to the Straight of Gibraltar, I say, in all that lieth betwixt the Mountain Atlas, and the Mediterrane Sea (now termed Barbary) excepting Morocco, and here and there some scattered remnants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the Arabike tongue is become the vulgar language, although somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect, as among so many several Nations it is impossible but it should be. And although I be fare from 
* postel. in p●aefat. Grammat. Arabic. Ludovic. Reg. l. 8. the Vicissitud. Rer. ad finem.  their opinion, which writ (too overlashingly) that the Arabian tongue is in use in two third parts of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I find that it extendeth very fare, and specially where the Religion of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (over and beside the parts above mentioned, in which it is, as I said, become the native language) in all the Northern part of the Turkish Empire also, I mean that part that lieth on the North side of the Mediterrane Sea, as likewise among the Mahometan Tartars, it is thought not the Vulgar tongue, 
Of the Syriake and Hebrew tongues. Ch. 9  yet familiar with very many, both because all their Religion is written in that language, and for that 
* Bellon. Obseruat. l. 3. c. 12.  every boy that goeth to school is taught it, as in our Schools they are taught Latin and Greek: Insomuch, that all the Turks writ their own language in Arabike Characters. So that you see the common languages of the Turkish Empire, to be the Slavonish, the Greek, the Turkish, and Arabike tongues, serving severally for the parts that I mentioned before.  
THe Syriac tongue is certainly 
* Masuis in praefat. Grammat. Syric. Sixt. Senen. Biblioth. sanctae. l. 4. in voce. Thargum. Canin. in praefat. I●stitat. Syric. Ar. Montan. de ratione Mazzorethan Apparat. ad Bibl. Reg Fabrit ●n praesatad. Lexic. Syrochaldaicum. Genebrard. l. 2. Chronog. ad An. 3690. Bellarm. l. 2. de verbo Dei c. 4. & 15. etc. Possevin. Apparat▪ sacr. in Dic●i●●e. Biblia.  thought to have had beginning, in the time of the Captivity of the jews in Babylon, while they were mingled among the Chaldeans. In which long revolution of seventy years, the vulgar sort of the jews forgot their own language, and began to speak the Chaldee: But yet pronouncing it amiss, and framing it somewhat to their own Country fashion, in notation of Points, Affixes, Coniugations, and some other properties of their ancient speech, it became a mixed language of Hebrew and Chalde●: a great part Chaldee for the substance of the words, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenerating much from both: The old and right Hebrew remaining after that time only among the learned men, and being taught in Schools, as among us the learned tongues are accustomed to be. And yet, after the time of our Saviour, this language began much more to altar and to departed further, both from the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receiving much mixture of Greek, some of Roman and Arabike words, as in the Talmud (named of jerusalem) gathered by R. jochanan, about▪ three hundred years after Christ, is apparent, being fare fuller of them, than those parts of the Chalde● paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which were made by R. jonathan, a little before Christ, and by R. Aquila, whom they call Onkelos not long after.  
But yet certain it is, both for the great difference of the words themselves, which are in the Syriake tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diversity of t●ose adherents of words, which they call praefixa, and suffixa, as also for the differing sound of some vowels, and sundry other considerations: Certain it is I say that the unlearned jews, whose vulgar speech the Syriake then was, could not understand their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is their lectures of Moses and the Prophets, used in their Synagogues in the Hebrew tongue. And that seemeth to have been the original reason, both of the public speeches and declarations of learned men to the people, usual in their Synagogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the 
o Act. 13.15.  New Testament we find some mention, and also of the translation of jonathan and Onkelos, and others made into their vulgar language, for that the difference betwixt the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the tongue of the one Nation could not be understood by the other. First, the tongues themselves, which yet remain with us may be evident demonstrations, of which we see that one may be skilful in the Hebrew, and yet not understand the Chaldee, and therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee then was (although much degenerated) understand the Hebrew. Secondly, we found that when 
p Nehem. ca 8. v. 7.8, 9  Ezra, at the return from the Captivity, read the Book of the Law before the people, others were fain to interpret that which was read unto them. And thirdly, the answer made to Rabshakeh, by the Officers of King Hez●kiah may put it out of question, willing him 
q Reg. l. 2. ca 18 v. 26.  to speak unto them in the Chaldee tongue, that the common people of jerusalem (in whose hearing it was) might not understand what was spoken. But yet it might be, that as at this day the jews use to do, so also in Christ's time of conversing on the Earth, they might also read the Chaldee Targamin (and certainly some 
r Iu●●us in Bellarm. Cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11.  learned men affirm they did so) together with the Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets; for certain it is, that jonathan Ben Vziel, had before the birth of our Saviour translated, not the Prophets only into Chaldee, for it is his Paraphrase that we have at this day on the Prophets, and the Language which we now call the Syriake, was but the jewish Chaldee, although in the after times, by the mixture of Greek, and many other foreign words it became somewhat changed, from what in the times afore, and about our Saviour's Incarnation it had been) but the Pentateuch also: at lest, if it be true which Sixtus hath recorded, 
Sixt. Senens. ●iblioth. Sanct. l. 4. in dict. on. Syra editio. Galatin. de Arcan. Catholicae Verit. l. 1. c 3.  namely, that such is the Tradition among the jews, and which Galatine writeth, that himself hath seen that translation of jonathans', 
for of that part of the Chalde● Paraphrase, which we have in the Complutense, and King Philip's Bibles, on the Books of Moses, Onkelos is the Author: of that on josuah, the judges, the Book of the Kings and of the Prophets, jonathan. Of that on Rut●, Hester, job, the Psalms, and the Books of Solomon, R. joseph Caecus.  beside that of Onkelos, the beginning of both which he setteth down, differing one from another in the first words. Which (namely, touching the public reading of the Chaldee Targamin, either together with the Hebrew Text, or instead of it) I may as well conceive to be true, as that the foreign 
s Vid. Salmeron. De Canonic●. scriptura. Prolegom. ●. in Tomo. 1. & de interpretat. Septuagint. Prol. 5. Tertull. in Apologetico. ca 19  jews, dwelling in Alexandria and others parts of Egypt, in Asia also, and other Greek Provinces abroad, used publicly in stead of the Hebrew, which now they understood not the Septuagints Greek translation, as is evident in Tertullian: And of some others of them in the Constitutions of 
t Novel. 146.  justinian. Which jews for that very cause, are sundry times in the 
u Act. 6.1. & 9.29. & 11.20. Scalig. in Chron. Euseb. ad Annun. MDCCXXXIV. & ●un. contra. Bellarm. Controu. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 21. & Drus. Praetoritor l. 5. Annot. ad. Act. Ap. 6.1.  Acts of the Apostles termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For by that name, in the judgement of learned men, the natural Grecians are not meant, which are always named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But, the jews dispersed among the Gentiles, that used to read the Greek Scriptures in their Synogogues.  
And here shall be the period of my first Enquiry touching the Languages, and beginning of the second, concerning the sorts of Religions abroad in the World. In discoursing whereof you must be content to accept of Modern Authors, because I am to entreat of Modern Matters: And if I hap to step awry where I see no path, and can discern but few steps afore me, you must pardon it. And yet this one thing I will promise' you, that if either they that should direct me, misled me not, or (where my reason suspects that my guides wander, and I am misled) if my circumspect observing, or diligent inq●●ring, may preserve me from error, I will not departed a hair from the way of Truth.   

CHAP. XIII. Master BR●REWOODS Inquiries of the Religions professed in the World: of Christians, Mahometans, jews and Idolaters; with other Philosophical speculations, and diverse Annotations added.  
ALl Europe is possessed by Christians, except the utmost corners of it, toward the East and the North, for the small company of Mahumetans, inhabiting their peculiar 

Of the sundry parts of the World inhabited by Christians Chap 10.  
M●chou. de Sarmatia. l. 2. c. 3. Boem de Mo●ib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. B●ter. Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegltr. in Schondia c. de Lapponia. Damian▪ a Goas tract de Lapepijs. Michou. l. 2 de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cosmo. l. 4. c. 3●. B●ter. Relation pa. 1. l. c. de Bothnia.   Villages about Wilna in Litunia, or the scattered 

Of the sundry parts of the World inhabited by Christians Chap 10.  
M●chou. de Sarmatia. l. 2. c. 3. Boem de Mo●ib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. B●ter. Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegltr. in Schondia c. de Lapponia. Damian▪ a Goas tract de Lapepijs. Michou. l. 2 de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cosmo. l. 4. c. 3●. B●ter. Relation pa. 1. l. c. de Bothnia.   remnants of Idolaters in the same Province, and in Samogitia are not worthy mentioning. But toward the North, Lappia, Scricfinia, Biarmia, Corelia, and the North part of Finmarke (all which together pass commonly under the name of Lapland, and make a Region about nine hundred miles in circuit) are inhabited by Idolaters: and toward the East, all the Region betwixt Tanais and Borysthenes, along Maeotis and the Euxine Sea (the true native Country of the ancient Goths) being more than twice as large as the former, and withal much better peopled, is inhabited by the Tartars, called Crimaei or Praecopitae, who are all Mahometans, excepting only a small remainder of Christians in some parts of Taurica.  
But, in all the Turks Dominion that he hath in Europe, enclosed after a peninsular figure, between Danubius and the Sea, and containing in circuit about 2300. miles (for Moldavia, Walachia, and Transiluania, I reckon not for the parts of his Dominion) namely, from above Buda, on Danubius' side, and from Ragusa on the Sea Eastward, to the utmost bounds of Europe, as also in the Isles of the Aegaean Sea, Christians are mingled with Mahumetans. All which Dominion yet of the Turks in Europe, though so much in circuit as I said, is nevertheless (measured by squares) no greater than Spain, the Continent of it being no way answerable to the Circumference: both, because it runneth fare out in sharp angles, toward the West and South, namely in Hungary and Moraea, and is beside in Greece in many places extraordinarily indented with the Sea. And in his Dominion of the Turks in Europe, such is notwithstanding the mixture of Mahumetans with Christians, that the Christians 
* Boter. Relat. p. 2 l. 4. nel Relation. del gran. Turco. Georgenitz. de Affliction▪ Christian. sub ●urca. l. c. de Tributis.  make two third parts at lest of the Inhabitants: for the Turk, so that the Christians pay him his yearly tribute (which is one fourth part of their increase, and a Saltanie for every poll) and speak nothing against the Religion and Sect of mohammed, permitteth them the liberty of their religion. And even in Greece itself, although more dissolute than any Region of Europe subject to the Turk (as having been anciently more wasted with intestine discord, and longest groaned under the Turks oppression) there remain yet nevertheless in 
* 
Chitrae de statu Ecclesio● non longe ab initio. Corvat hath more.  
Gerlach in epist. ad Crus. Turcograeciae. l. pag. Concil. Carthag. 4. & Conci. African. s●u Carth. 6.   Constantinople, the very Seat of the Turkish Empire, above twenty Churches of Christians, and in the City of Salonichi (Thessalonica) above thirty, whereas in the later this Mahumet●●ns have but three, beside very many Churches abroad in the Province under suffragan Bishops, of whom the Metropolitan of Salonichi, hath no less than ten belonging to his jurisdiction, as there are also recorded yet to remain under the Metropolitans of Philippi, one hundred and fifty Churches: of Athens, as many: Of Corinth one hundred, together with sundry suffragan Bishops under each of them.  
But in Africa, all the Regions in a manner, that Christian Religion had gained from Idolatry, Mahumetanisme hath regained from Christianity: Insomuch, that not only the North part of Africa, lying along the Mediterrane Sea, namely, betwixt it and the Mountain Atlas, even from Spain to Egypt, where Christianity sometime exceedingly flourished, as there we read Synods of above two hundred Bishops to have been gathered, and 
a Martin. Polon. Supp●t. An. 475.  three hundred Catholi●●e Bishops to have been there expelled by Gensericus King of the Wandales: And in some one Province alone, 
b 
Vict. l. 1. de Persecut. Vandalec.  
Of the Christianity of Af●ica, see Santos & Gramays relat. inf. l. 9 c. 12.   Zengitana by name (it is that wherein Carthage stood) to have been one hundred sixty four Bishops under one Metropolitan: Not only that North part of Africa I say, is at this present utterly voided of Christians, excepting a few Towns belonging to the King of Spain (of which only Septa and Tanger are Episcopal Cities:) but even in all the vast Continent of Africa, being about thrice as large as Europe, there is not any Region entirely possessed by Christians but the Kingdom of Habassia, not, nor yet (which is more lamentable) any other where Christians are mingled, either with Mahumetans, but only Egypt: or where with Idolaters, but the Kingdoms of 
c 
Pigafer. hist. Regni Congens. l. 2. c. 2.  
In these parts Christianity is lessened.   Conga and Angola: which two about one hundred twenty years ago, ann. 1491.) began first to receive Christianity: All the rest of Africa, being entirely governed and possessed by Pagans' or Mahumetans. To which, if I should add those few places in Africa afore mentioned, near the Straight of Gibraltar, which the Kings of Portugal and Castille have conquered from the Moors, with the other few dispersed fortresses, which the portugals hold in other places on the Coast of Africa (altogether even betwixt Spain and India are but eleven or twelve) I know not where to find even among all the native Inhabitants of Af●ike, any Christians more. For, as for the large Region of Nubia, which had from the Apostles time (as is thought) professed the Christian Faith, it hath again above one hundred years since forsaken it, and embraced instead of it, partly Mahumetanisme, and partly Idolatry, and that by the most miserable occasion that might befall, namely famine of the word of God through lack of Ministers: for as Aluarez hath recorded, at his being in the King of Habassia his Court, 
Aluarez. hist. Aethiopic. ● 137  there were Ambassadors out of Nubia, to in●●eate him for a supply of Ministers, to instruct their Nation, and repair Christianity gone to ruin among them: but were rejected.  
And you are the Christians of Egypt, namely those of the native Inhabitants, but very few in respect of that infiniteness of people, where with Egypt doth, and ever did abound, as being esteemed not to pass 
* B●ter. Relat pa. 1. l. ● ca de 1 popoli del Egitto. Thom●a ●e●. de Conuers. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5. Boter. ●●lat. p. 1. l. 3. c. de Abossia.  50000. And, as touching the Kingdom of Habassia, neither is it all Christians▪ but a great part of Gentiles, namely toward the West, and South bounds of it, and some part Mahumetans, toward the East border: neither so large and spacious, as many men's relations have made it thought to be. For although I cannot assent to them, who assign to that great Kingdom▪ but about 662. leagues of compass, by which reckoning (suppose they were Spanish league) it should be little larger than Germany (for I know full well, by infallible observations, th●● spa●ing limitation of others, to be untrue) yet, neither can I yield to them, who esteem it 
* 
Horat. Malaguz. nel discorso de 1. cinque massini Signori. See hereof later and better inte●ligenc● l. 7 c. 7 & 8 Abassia is reduced now to a small circuit.  
Boter. loco proxm. citato. Sommar. dei regni Oriental. apud Ramos. vol. 1. pag. 3●4. Boter. Relat. p. 1. l. 3. c. Loango. An. zichi.  
I do not think it now to contain half so many Christians (which yet are but half Christians) as any one of those four. The Author alloweth too much, as Pigafett● also, & in these times, it is little, except in misery. Better relations of these pa●ts are since our author's death published by G●dig●u●, and out of him translated hither. l●. 7 c. vlt. Strab. l. 2. Pigafet●. de Reg. Cong l. 2. c. ●0.   greater, than the va●te dominions of the Emperors of Turkey or of Tartari●, etc. Or, to them, that extend it from the one Tropic to the other, and from the read Sea, almost to the West Ocean. For first, certain it is (that I may speak a little of the limits of this Kingdom) that it attaineth not to the read Sea (Eastward) neither within the straits of Babel mandel, nor without: for within those straits, along the Bay of Arabia, there is a continual ledge of Mountains, known to be inhabited with Moors, betwixt that Bay, and the dominion of Habassia: So that, only one Port there is, along all that coast (Ercoco by name) where those Mountains open to the Sea, that at this present belongeth to it. Neither without those Straitss doth it any where approach to the Ocean. All that coast, as fare as M●zanbiqu●, being well known to be inhabited with Arabians.  
And as touching the west limits of Habassia, I cannot find by any certain history or relation (unskilful men may rumour what they will, and I know also that the common Charts represent it otherwise) I cannot find I say, that it stretcheth beyond the River Nilus, so fare cometh it shore of the West Ocean. For it is known, that all the West bank of Nilus, from the River of Swear to the confines of Nubia, is possessed by the Anzichi, being an idolatrous and man-eating Nation, and subject to a great Prince of their own; thus than it is with the breadth of the Empire of Habassia, betwixt East and West. And now to speak of the length of it, lying North and South, neither doth it approach Northward on Nilus' side, further than the South end of the Isle of Meroe (Mero● itself i● inhabited by Mahumetans, and the deadly enemies of the King of Habassia) nor on the Sea side further than about the port of Suachem. And toward the South, although the bounds of that Kingdom be not perfectly known, yet that it approacheth nothing near the circle of Capricorn, as ●ath been supposed, is most manifest, because t●e great Kingdoms of Moenhemage, and B●nom●tapa, and some others, are situate betwixt Habassia and that circled. But, as near as I am able to conjecture, having made the best search that I can, in the itineraries and relations, that are extant of those parts, the South limit of that Empire, passeth not the South parallel of six or seven degrees at the most, where it confineth with Mo●nhemage. So that to make a respective estimate of the largeness of that dominion, by comparing it with our known regions of Europe. It seemeth equal to Germany and France, and Spain, and Italy laid together: Equal I say in dimension of ground, but nothing near equal in habitation or multitude of people, which the distemperature of that climate, and the dry barrenness of the ground, in many regions of it, will not allow. For which cause the torride parts of Africa are by Piso in Strabo resembled to a Leopard's skin, the distance of whose spots, represent the dispersednesse of habitations or towns in Africa. But if I should absolutely set down the circuit of that whole dominion, I esteem the limitation of Piga●e●ta, ne'er about the truth, namely, that it hath in circumference 4000 miles (about 1500. in length, and about 600. in breadth) being enclosed with Mahumetans on the North, and East, and with Idolaters, on the West and South.  
Such then as I have declared, is the condition of Christians in the continent of Africa: but the Inhabitants of the Isles along the West coast of Africa, as namely Madera; the Canarres, the Isles of Cabo verde, and of S. Thomas, and some other of less importance, are by the Portugals and Cast●lians instruction, become Christian: but on the East side of Africa, excepting only 
* Paul. Venet. l. 3. c. 38.  Zocotora, there is no Christian Isle.  
Even such is the state of Christians in the firm land, and the adjacent Isles of Africa. And it is not much better in Asia, for excepting first the Empire of Russia (and yet of it, 
See To. 2. l. ● c ● & l. 3. c. 1. of the Russian Christianity.  a great part is Idolatrous, namely the region between the Rivers of Pechora and Ob, and some part of Permia) secondly, the regions of Circassia▪ and Mengrelia, lying along Moeotis and the Euxine Sea, from Tanais Eastward as fare as the River Phasis. Thirdly, the Provine of Georgia, and fourthly the Mountain Libanus in Syria (and yet the last of these is of the Turks Dominion) excepting these few I say, there is not any region in all Asia, where Christians live several, without mixture, either of Mahumetans or of Pagans', for although Vitriacus a man well experienced in some parts of the orient (as being Bishop of Acon and the Pope's Legate in the East, 
jacob a 〈◊〉 Hist. Orient 〈◊〉  at what time Palestina and Syria were in the hands of Christians) hath lest registered, that the Christians of the easterly parts of Asia, 
Since the Tartarian times Christianity is near extirpate out of Asia.  exceeded in multitude the Christians of the Greek and Latin Churches: yet in his time (for he writ almost four hundred years ago) Christianity began to decline, and since his time, it hath proceeded infinitely to decay, in all those parts of Asia: first, by the inundation of the Idolatrous Tartars, who subdued all those Regions, and after by the entertaining of Mahumetanisme in many of them. The time was indeed, (and but about four hundred years ago) when the King of Tenduc, whom the histories of those times name Presbyter johannes a Christian, but a Nestorian Prince, ruled fare and wide, in the North-east part of Asia: as having under his dominion, beside Tenduc, (which was his own native and peculiar Kingdom) all the neighbouring Provinces, which were at that time for a great part, Christian: but after that his Empire was brought to ruin, and he subdued by Chingis a rebel of his own Dominion (and the first founder of the Tartarian Empire) which happened about the year 1190. the state of Christian Religion became in short time strangely altered in those parts, 
Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 8.  for I find in Marcus Paulus who lived within fifty years after Vitriacus, and was a man of more experience in those parts than be, as having spent seventeen years together in Tartary, partly in the Emperor's Court, and partly in travailing over those Regions, about the Emperor's affairs, that except the Province of Tendu●, which as I said was the Kingdom of Presbyter john's residence (for it was the Prince of that Kingdom, which is rightly and usually, by the ancienter Historians named 
Scaliger. de Emendat. tempor. l. 7. Annot. in comput. Ethiop.  Presbyter john, howsoever the mistaking fantasies of many, have transported it out of Asia into Africa and by error bestowed it on the King of Habassia) except that Province of Tenduc I say, whereof 
* For Scaligers imagination, that it was the King of the Habassines, that enlarged his Dominion so fare, in the North-east of Asia, till he was driven into afric by the Tartars, hath neither any foundation at all in history, not probability in reason. Namely that a King in Africa should subdue the most distant parts of all Asia from him, and there hold residence all the Regions betwixt belonging to other Princes. Moreover it is certainly known of Presbyter john of Asia, that he was a Nestorian, whereas he of Habassia was, and still is, a jacobite. Besides, it hath been recorded from time to time, of the Christians of Habassia, that they were circumcised, which of those of the East, was never reported by any, etc. Scaliger▪ himself in his later edition, hath altered his conceit.  Marcus Paulus confesseth the greater part, to have professed the Christian Religion at his being in Tartary, the rest of the Inhabitants, being partly Mahumetans, and partly Idolaters: in all the other Provinces of those parts beside, that, he observeth the Christians to be but few, as namely in the Kingdoms of 
a Vtriac. Histor Orient. c. 78 Otho. Phrifing●ns. l. 7. c. 33. & 〈◊〉.  Tanguth, of 
b L. 1. c. 45.  Chinchi●tales, of Su●cuir, of 
c L. 1. c. 47.  Caraiam, of 
d L. 1. c. 48.  Cassar, of 
e L. 2. c. 39  Carcham, of 
f L. 1. c. 38.  Ergimuli, of 
g L. 1. c 40.  C●rguth, of Eg●igaia, and in the other Regions of Tartary mentioning no Christians at all. Two Cities only I find in him excepted, the one was 
h L. 1. c. 62.  Cingiangifu in Mangi, (that is China) where he noteth, that many Christians dwelled, and the other 
i L. 1. c. 63.  Quinsay, in which later yet, (although the greatest City in the world) he hath recorded to be found but one Church of Christians. But these places excepted before mentioned. 
k L. 2. c. 61.  I can find no certain relation, neither in Paul Venetus, nor any other, of any Christians of the native Inhabitants, 
l L. 2. c. 64.  in all the East of Asia, but Idolatry keepeth still her old possession, and overspreadeth all.  
But yet indeed, in the more Southerly parts of Asia (especially in those where Christianity was first planted, and had taken deepest root) as Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, Chaldaea, Ossyria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Media, Persia, the North part of Arabia, and the South of India, Christians are not only to be found, but in certain of those Regions, as in Anatolia, Armenia, Syria, Mesopotamia, somewhat thick mingled with Mahumetans: as they are also in the South of India not fare from the Promontory of Comorijn, in some reasonable number, in the Kingdom of C●●tan, of Cranganor, and of Choromandel, but mingled with Idolaters. But yet, is not this mixture of Christians with them of other Religions, in any part of Asia, after the proportion of their mixture in Europe (where I observed the Christians to make the prevailing number) but they are fare inferior to the multitude of the Mahometans, and of the Idolaters, among whom they are mingled, and yet touching their number, decrease every day, in all the parts aforesaid, India only excepted. Where since the Portugals held Goa (which they have erected into an bishopric) and entertained Malabar, and some other parts of India, what with commerce, and what with amity, the number of Christians is greatly multiplied, in sundry places of that Region, but yet not so, as to compare in any sort with the Mahometans, and much less with the Idolaters among whom they live.  
Thus it is with Christians in the firm land of Asia: but in the Lands about Asia, Christianity is as yet but a tender plant: for although it hath made some entrance into the Isles called Philippinas, namely into thirty of them, for so many only of 11000. termed by that name, are subject to the King of Spain. Th. jes. de Conu. gaunt. l. 1. c. 1. by the industry of the Castilians, as also by the preaching of the Portugals, into Ormuz in the Bay of Persia, and into Ce●lan in the Sea of India, and some few other of the infinite multitude of Islands, dispersed in that Eastern Sea, yet hath it hitherto found in all those places, rather some fair beginning, than any great proceeding. Only in japonia Christianity hath obtained (notwithstanding many hindrances and oppositions) more prosperous success. Insomuch that many years since, there were recorded to have been by estimation, about 
Plat. de Bon●. Stat. Relig. l. 2. cap. 30.  200000. Christians in japonia.  
HONDIUS his Map of the Christian World.  
Lastly, in America, there be four large regions, and those of the most fruitful and populous part of it, possessed and governed by the Spaniards, that is, Nueva Espana, 

Ordat judaeus apella. jesuites can open their mouths wide in extolling their own exploits.  
These 12. year's Christianity hath there gone backward. See l. 5. c. 2. & l. 10. c. 2   Castilia del Oro (otherwise termed Nuebo Reino) Peru, and part of Brasil, the first three, by the Castilians, and the fourth, by the Portugal●, all which together, may by estimation, make a Region as large as Europe. In which, as also in the Islands, specially in the greater Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, jamaica, and Puerto-rico, ●he Christian Region is so largely spread, that 
* Amand. Ziric. in Chro. cric. An. 151●.  one hath presumed, to equal in a manner, the Christians of America, to those of the Latin Church in Europe: And 
* Surius in Chr. ad An. Chr. 155● Vid. epist. Petri Gauden. in Com. Sedulij advitam S. Francis. p. 22● & spi. Mart. a Valent. Ibid. p. 23●.  another, hath left recorded, that within a few years after the entrance of the Gospel among them, there were no less than seven Millions, or as others reported fourteen Millions, that in the Sacrament of Baptism had given their names to Christ. But especially in the Kingdom of Mexico (or Nueva Espanna) Christian Religion obtained that plentiful and prosperous success, that we find recorded of sundry of the Preachers, employed about the conversion of that people, that they baptised each each one of them, above 100000. and that in few years: Insomuch that as is storied by Surius) It is to be found among the records of Charles the fift, that some old Priest hath baptised. 700000. another 300000. and certain others very great multitudes. But yet, what manner of Christians many of those proselytes were, I am loathe to remember, or report (and it may be by this time, they are better affected and instructed than they were) for certainly, Ouiedo, and Benzo, men that had long lived, and were well experienced in those parts, have left recorded, the first of 
* 
Ouied Histor. Ind. Occident. l. 17. c. 4.  
Benz. hist. No●●. Orbu. l. 2. c. 19 See ●o. 1. l. 5. c. ● & l. 7. c. ●●. & l. 8. c. 4. etc.   Cuba, that there was scarce any one, or but very few, that willingly became Christians, and both Ouiedo of them, and Benz● of the Christians of Nueva Espanna, that they had nothing almost belonging to Christianity, but only the bore name of Christians, being so utterly mindelesse, and careless of Christian religion, that they remembered not any thing of the covenant and profession, they made in their baptism: Only they kept in mind, the name they received then, which very name also, they forgot soon after. But all the rest of America, except the regions afore mentioned, which compared to the parts possessed by the Castilians and Portugals (to make estimation by the Maps that we have of those regions, for the North and West coasts of America, are not yet perfectly discovered) may be as six to one, is possessed by Idolaters.  
Having declared the amplitude of Christianity, I will proceed to show the state of other Religions in the World, 
〈◊〉 parts of 〈◊〉 w●rld possessed by Mahumetan●. Ch. 11 The Religious of ●he World brought to 〈◊〉 fou●e heads or general kinds.  and with all, what parts of it, the Professors of those Religions do severally inhabit; and lastly, what proportion they may have each to other, and all of them to Christians. To endeavour therefore your satisfaction in this behalf. There are four sorts or sects of Religion, observed in the sundry Regions of the World. Namely, Idolatry, Mahumetanisme, judaisme, and Christianity. Of Christians I have already spoken: now therefore will I relate for your better contentment, of the other three; and first of Mahumetans.  
Mahometans then possess in Europe, as I said before (having in that part but small mixture of Christians (all the Region betwixt Tanais and Boristhenes (Don and Nieper they are now called) being about a twentieth part of Europe: beside 
a Mathias Michou. de Sarmat. l. 2▪ c. 3.  some Villages in Lituania about Wil●a, where the use of their Religion is by the King of Poland permitted them, for in Greece, Macedon, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Epirus, the greatest part of Hungaria, and some part of Dalmatia (which may be together about one fourteenth part of Europe) although the government be wholly the Turks, yet Mahumetans scarcely pass one third part of the Inhabitants.  
But in Africa, Mahumetanisme is spread exceeding fare; for, first to consider the maritime Coast: It possesseth all the shore of the Atlantic Ocean, from Cape Blanco 
b They reach to and beyond the River of Gambra. See jobson ●nfra l. 9 c. 13. as likewise on the East to Sofala. Santos l. 9 c. 12. further then our Author hath related.  to the Straight of Gibraltar, being about 1100. miles. Secondly, on the shore of the Mediterraine, all from that Straight to Egypt, about 2400. miles, excepting only on the one Coast, and on the other, some seven Towns, in the possession of the Spaniards. Thirdly, on the East side of Africa, all the Coast of the Bay of Arabia, even from Suez to Cape Gardafu, about 1600. miles, excepting only one Port (Ercoc●) being of the Dominion of the King of Habassia. And thence (doubling that Cape) Southward, all the shore of the Aethiopique Sea, as fare as Mozambique (that is over against the midst of Madagascar) about 1800. miles. And in all the Coasts of Africa hitherto mentioned, being altogether about 7000. miles (that is, by some excess more than half the circumference of Africa) the Professors of Mahumeds' Religion, have both possession and dominion, together with the 
c Paul Ve●et. l. 3. c. 39 Linschot. l. 1. c. 3.  Maritime parts, of the great I'll of Madagascar, and many other Lands along the Coast of Africa.  
And yet, even beyond Mozambique also as fare as to the Cape das Corrientes, it is under the Circle of Capricorn) although they have there no rule, yet they are found mingled with Idolaters. But yet nevertheless, observed it is, that along the East shore of Africa, namely from Suachem to Mozambique (being towards 3000. miles of the mentioned Coast) Mahumetans possess only the Margin of the Land, on the Sea shore, and have gotten but little footing in the Inland parts, except in the Kingdoms of Dangali and Adel, confining together, the first within and the second without the Straight of Babel Mandel, which yet are but small Provinces. And this also (to extenuate their number) is also true, that from the Kingdom of Adel, and Cape Guardafu, to Mozambique, there is found among the Mahometans, some mixture of Idolaters, although the Dominion be only in the Mahometans hands.  
But yet on the North and West parts of Africa, it is fare otherwise, and fare worse: Mahumetanisme having overspread all the main Land of Africa, between the Mediterrane Sea, and the great River Niger: and along the course of Nilus, as fare as the I'll of Meroe, which lieth also about the same parallel with the River Niger, and is possessed by Mahumetans. And yet 
d Leo Af●ic l. 1 c. de Relig. efnor.  beyond Niger also, it hath invaded and obtained, all the Kingdoms of the Nigrites that border on that River. So that all Barbary and Biled-elgerid, and Libya deserts, and the Region of Negroes, are become of that Religion. Excepting first some Maritime parts toward the Atlantic Sea, namely from Cape Blanco Southward, which are inhabited by Gentiles. Secondly, the Kingdom of Borno, and some part of Nubia: And thirdly, certain scattered multitudes of the old African Progeny, that still retain their ancient Gentilism, and are found in diverse places here and there in the Mountains and wilder parts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya. These I say, being excepted, all Africa beside, from the Mediterraine Sea, somewhat more Southward than the River Niger, is overspread with Mahumetans: which (adding these before mentioned, along the East Coast of Aethiopia) may by estimation, take up four nine parts of Africa.  
And yet in Asia, Mahumatisme is farther spread, being embraced and maintained chief, by four mighty Nations, namely, the Arabians, Persians', Turks, and Tartars. 
e The M●g●l as great 〈◊〉 Prince as these, permits all Religions, but his greatest Commanders and best Soldiers are commonly mahometans: Yea his sons, etc.  Arabia was indeed the Nest, that bred and fostered that unclean Bird, and had it been the Cage also, for ever to enclose it, it had been but too much space and liberty, for Arabia is in circuit above 4000 miles, and except a small mixture of Christians in Elt●r, 
f See of th●se places inf. l 8. c. 13.  a Port Town toward the inmost Angle of the Bay of Arabia; and Petra (Krac now it is called) a midland Town; and two Monasteries about the Hill of Sinai, all is possessed with Mahumetans. But from Arabia that poison hath in such sort dispersed itself through the veins of Asia, that near the one half, is at this day corrupted by it. For although it hath not hitherto attained to the North Coast of Asia, which is partly inhabited by Christians, namely, from the River of Dwyna to Pechora, and partly by Idolaters from Pechora to the East Ocean: nor yet to the East Coast, which from the most Northerly part of Tartary, to the most Southerly part of India 
g Boter. Rel p. 3. l. 2. c. de Mahometan.  (except some few places in the Kingdom of Si●●) Idolaters in like sort generally obtain: yet nevertheless, it is as I said, namely, that a very great part of Asia is infected with that pestilence. For first, all the Southerly Coast of Asia, from the Bay of Arabia to the River Indus, is possessed by Mahumetans: and if we proceed further along that shore, even beyond the River of Indus also, the great Kingdoms of Cambaya and Bengala, for a great part of them, and about one fourth part of the Inhatants of Malabar, are observed to be Mahumetans. And secondly, to consider the Inland parts: all from the Westerly bounds of Asia, namely the River Tanais, with the Euxine, Aegaean, and Mediterrane Seas, as fare Eastward, as the Mountain Imaus (which is more than half the length of Asia, is possessed by them: Except, first the 
h Guaguin. descr. Tartar. in K●rgessorum Ho●da.  Kirgessi near Imaus, who are Idolaters: and secondly, the mixture of Christians among them, who yet have very small proportion (for their multitude) to Mahumetans, in any Province, of all the mentioned vast circuit, for howsoever Burchardus about 320. years ago, hath left recorded of those parts of Asia, that there were to be found in them thirty Christians for one Mahometan. Descr. ter. sanct. pag. 2. c. 2. §. 9 yet certainly, that in these present times the excess of multitude is grown great on the Mahometans side in respect of Christians, the experience of many putteth out of question. And if we shall proceed yet further Eastward in the Inland parts of Asia, and pass in our speculation, beyond the Mountain Imaus, even there also sundry Provinces are observed, as 
i Paul. Venet. l. 1 c. 41.42.43.  Peim, Cotam, Lop, where Mahumetans are the main and sole Inhabitants, and many more, 
k Id. l. 1. c. 38.40 47.62.63.64. etc.  Cassar, Carcham, Chinchintilus, Tanguth, Ergimul, Cerguth, Tenduc, etc. where they are mingled among Idolaters, which may for a great part, countervail those Regions of Asia, which Christians and Idolaters take up on this side that Mountain. So that, in my estimation, having about these points conferred History with Geography in the most circumspect and considerate manner that I was able, about nine parts of twenty of Asia are possessed by Mahumetans.  
Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread over the one half almost of the firm Land of Asia. And yet moreover in the Lands also that are about Asia, that Religion hath found large entertainment. For not only a good part of the small 
l 
Nicol de conci. Viagin●lle●●ndie. Barbos' ap Ramus. Vo●. 1. de V●ag●●. p. 313.318.319. B●t●r. Relat p. 3. l. 2. de Mahometan.  
See a perfecter Relation of the Ma●d●●ae l. 9 cap. v●t.   Isles of Malidivia, namely those of them that are inhabited (for they are above 7000. in all, and most without habitation) are possessed with Mahumetans, but moreover, all the Ports of the I'll of Ceilan (except Colombo which the Portugals have, the Sea Coasts of Sumatra, the Port of java, with the I'll of Sunda, the Ports of Banda, of Borneo and of Gilolo, with some of the Lands Malucos, are in the hands of Mahumetans.  
Of the great spreading and enlargement of which Religion, if the causes were demanded of me, I should make answer, that beside the justice of Almighty God, punishing by that violent and wicked Sect, the sins of Christians (for we see that by the Conquests of the Arabians, and Turks, it hath chief seized on those Regions, where Christianity in ancient time most flourished, both in Africa and Asia, and partly in Europe) one cause I say, of the large spreading of their Religion, is the large spreading of their victories. For it hath ever been the condition of the conquered, to follow for the most part the Religion 
m Christian Religion (to show the power and wisdom of Christ) hath contrariwise conquered the conquerors. And by this means the Goths, Huns, Vandals, Frankes, Saxons, Normans, Danes, and other Heathen Conquerors of Christians, have yet been conquered by their Religion: A grace denied Saracenicall Conquests, because almost all the Nations which now are Mahometan, were before in part or wholly Christians, but rather in Faith then Works: to which succeeded the Saracenicall Religion without the Church, and Papal Superstition within, the one professing morality of Works without Faith in him which is, the way, the truth and life; the Other, on that fundamental Faith of the Trinity Incarnation▪ etc. building their hay and stubble of will-worships and merits of Works: the one wholly excluding Christianity, the other corrupting it; both in steed of that great mystery of godliness, our justification by faith in Christ, obtruding man's morality, and a righteousnes●e of our own, even therefore unrighteousness.  of the Conquerors. A second, their peremptory restraint (even on the pain of death) of all disputation touching their Religion, and calling any point of it into question. A third, their suppression of the study of Philosophy, by the light whereof, the grossness and vanity of many parts of their Religion might be discovered, which is inhibited to be taught in their Universities, and so hath been, about these four hundred years, whereas till then, it greatly flourished among them, in Cordova, in Fez, in Maroccho, in Bagded, and other Cities. And yet, as Bellonius and 
* Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 30. Georgiovitz. l. 2. the Rit●b. Turcar. cap. de 〈◊〉.  others writ, the Turks fall now again, to those studies afresh. 
n See Withers his Seraglio, l. 9 The Saracens at the first were so fare from rejecting Philosophy and Arts, that within the first hundred years after the Hegira, they there most flourished, and Abilqualid jacob Almansor (whose Captains conquered Spain) erected and endowed eighty two Colleges for Arts, as many Hospitals, and above five hundred M●squits. Himself best wed every Thursday in hearing disputations, and in his Library which contained five and fifty thousand Books. And after the Barbarian Deluge Christians recovered lost learning by help of Arabs.  A fourth cause may well be assigned, the sensual liberty allowed by it, namely to have many Wives, and the like promise of sensual pleasures, to succeed after this life (to the Religious observers of it) in Paradise wherewith men for the greatest part, as being of things wherewith their sense is affected, and whereof they have had certain experience, are more alured and persuaded, then with promises of spiritual delights, presented only to their hopes, and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the mean time be forsaken.  
NOw touching Idolaters, they possess in Europe, a Region as I before observed, about 900. miles in circuit (although the ordinary Geographical Charts represent it (but falsely) more than twice so large, 
Of the sundry Regions of the World inhabited by Idolaters. Chap. 12.  containing Lappia, Corelia, Biarmia, Scricfinia, and the North part of Fin●uarch. All which together, may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe, or a little more, more I mean in magnitude rather than in multitude, for it is indeed a little greater than so. Beside which Provinces, there are also to be found in diverse places of 
o Boem▪ de Morib gent. l. 3. c. 7. Boter. relat p. 3. l. 1. c. Lituania.  Lituania, and Samagotia, some scattered remnants of Idolaters.  
But in Africa their multitude is very great, for from Cape Blanco on the Coast of Libya, the most Westerly point of all Africa (being about the North latitude of twenty degrees) even all the Coast of Africa Southward, to the Cape of Buena Esperanza: And thence turning by the back of Africa, as fare as the Cape of Mozambique, being (over against the midst of Madagascar) in the South latitude of fifteen degrees: all this Coast I say, being not much less, then half the Circumference of Africa, is inhabited by Idolaters. Only, on the East side, from Mozambique to Cape de Corrientes (which is the South latitude of twenty four degrees) they are mingled with Mahumetans: And on the West side, in the Kingdom of Congo, and the North part of Angola, with Christians: But yet in both these places of their mixture, Idolaters are the greater multitude.  
But now, if we consider the Inland Region of Africa, all between the River Nilus, and the West Sea of Aethiopia, from about the North parallel of ten degrees, to the South parallel of six or seven degrees, but from that parallel of six or seven degrees, even all Aethiopia Southward, on both the sides of Nilus, from the East Sea of Aethiopia, to the West, even to the most Southerly point of all Africa, the Cape of Buona Speranza, is possessed by Idolaters: excepting only some part of Congo and Angola afore mentioned, toward the West Sea, inhabited by Christians, and the utmost shore of the East Sea, from Mozambique Northward, which is replenished with Mahumetans: And yet, beside all the Regions before mentioned, even all the Kingdom of 
p Leo Af●ican. l. 7. c. de Borno regno.  Borno, and a great part 
q Aluarez. hist. Aethiop. c. 30.  of Nubia is possessed by them; to speak nothing of the infinite multitudes of the 
r Leo Afric. l. 1. c. de vitijs Afror.  ancient Africans, dispersed in sundry Tracts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya Deserta, which still continued in their ancient Paganism. So that (over and beside these last) very near about half Africa, is possessed by Idolaters.  
And yet in Asia Idolaters abound more then in Africa, even as Asia is larger than Africa for the Continent, and for the people, better inhabited; for of Asia also, very near about the one half, or rather a little more is possessed by Idolaters. For first, if we consider the Maritime parts, all from the River of Pechora, Eastward to the Ocean, and then turning downward, to the most Southerly point of India (and of all Asia) the Cape of Cincapura, and from that point returning Westward, by the South Coast, to the outlets of the River Indus, all that Maritime Tract I say, is entirely possessed by Idolaters. Saving only, that in the nearer part of India, between Indus and Ganges, there is among them some mixture both of Mahumetans and Christians: and in the further part, the City and Territory of Malacca, is held by Portugals, and some part of the Sea Coast of the Kingdom of Siam, by Moors. So that by this account, a good deal more than half the circumference of Asia, is possessed by Idolaters. And, although in the Inland parts their proportion be somewhat less, then in the Maritime, yet if we consider well, the whole dimension of Asia, we shall found by good estimation, as before I said, that the one half, or rather a little more, is replenished with Idolaters: for the better declaring of which point, you may understand, 
Strab l. 2. Ptol. in tab. Orb. general.  that as Strabo and Ptolemy, have observed, of the Mountain Taurus, that beginning in the West parts of Asia (in the Confines of Lycia and Pamphilia over against the Chelidonian Isles) it runneth Eastward even to the Ocean, keeping between the parallels of thirty and forty degrees, and so deuiding the North part of Asia from the South. Even so must we observe of the Mountain 
s Vid. Ptol. in Tab. orbis univer. & Merc. in tab. gener. Asiae.  Imaus that beginning on the shore of the North Ocean, it runneth along through the midst of Asia to the South, keeping still about the same Meridian, namely about the longitude of 130. degrees, and crossing (at right Angles in a manner) the Mountain Taurus deuideth the East part of Asia from the West Imaus, therefore in this sort dividing Asia into two parts, not much unequal, divideth also in a manner, between the Idolaters and Mahometans of Asia, for although the hither part of Asia, West of Imaus, and possessed of Mahumetans, take up more in the longitude of the Earth, namely East and West: yet the further part East of Imaus, spreadeth more in latitude, North and South, which may make some recompense toward that excess.  
But, if withal we subtract those parts of the hither Asia, that are covered with the Persian and Caspian Seas, beside large parts of the Euxine and Mediterrane, the further Asia (I think) will fully equal it. Now, although many Mahometans be also found on the other side of Imaus, toward the North-east of Asia, both several in sundry Provinces, and otherwise mingled with Idolaters or Christians, or with both, as before was partly observed: Yet many more whole Regions of Idolaters (to countervail those Mahometans) are found on this side Imaus, both toward the South, in the Kingdoms of the nearer India, and toward the North, betwixt Imaus and the River Pechora, all which Coast of Asia is inhabited by Idolaters. And lastly, in the midst betwixt both, the Kirgessi, and some other of their Neighbour Nations. And not only in the firm land of Asia, is Idolatry thus spread: but in those many thousand Lands that he dispersed in the vast Ocean, on the East and Southeast parts of Asia: 
t Pa. Ven. l. 3 c. 8  which over against China, are recorded upon the report of Mariners, long practised in those Seas, to be 7448. and about 
u Id. l. 3. c. 42.  India, to be 27000. And which might for their largeness, if they were all laid together, make a Continent as large as three four parts of Europe. In those Lands I say, Idolatry over-spreadeth all, excepting only those few, which I before observed, to be possessed by the Spaniards, and by the Arabians..  
Finally, of all other parts of the Earth yet discovered, Idolatry spreadeth furthest in America, which being but little less, than the Eastern Continent (that we term the old World) is at lest six parts of seven, inhabited with Heathenish and idolatrous people. For, except the Regions above mentioned, possessed namely by the Portugals, and Castilians (and yet the inner, and wilder tracts even of those, remain still for a great part, in their ancient Paganism) and many notwithstanding their Baptism, withal worship Idols, 
Tha. jes. de Con. gent. l. 1. c. 1.  together with some later Converts made in the Region about and above the Bay of California, of whom as yet, Histories make so little report, that of their number I can make no estimate: And lastly, two or three Fortresses, held by the Spaniards, on the Coast of Florida, with the English Colonies in Virginia, and the French in Canada, these I say being excepted, all the rest of America (being as I said about six seventh parts) remaineth in their old Idolatry.  
And thus have I declared the three principal Sects as touching Religion, that are at this present found in the several parts of the World, with their particular Regions. But beside these, observed there are, two or three irregular Nations, being for their Religion mingled as it were of some of the former Sects. As first, in Asia, the Curdi, 
Curdi. See l. 9 c. 4. & 5.  inhabiting in the Mountainous Country above Mozal, between Armenia and Mesopotamia. Secondly, the Drusi, dwelling in Syria, about the skirts of Libanus, the Religion of which Nations (such as it is) partaketh somewhat, both of Mahumetanisme and Christianity. And thirdly, the Morduites in Europe, possessing the middle Confines betwixt the Precopite Tartars, and the Muscovites, that are in a manner as touching their Religion, mingled of all three Sects: for they are both baptised like Christians, and circumcised like Mahumetans, and withal worship Idols.  
NOw will I entreat a little, of the Professors of the fourth sort and Sect of Religion, that is found in the World, namely of judaisme, for, 

Of the jews dispersed in several parts of the World. Chap. 13.  
Boter. relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei   although the jews have not for their Mansion, any peculiar Country, but are dispersed abroad among foreign Nations, for their ancient Idolatries, and their later unthankfulness, in rejecting their Saviour the Son of God: So that even in jerusalem, there be not to be found at this time, an hundred households of jews (Only of all the Towns of Palestina, Tiberias (which Amurath the great Turk gave to Aluarez Mendez●a jew) and Staffiletto, are somewhat peopled with them.) Neither have they at this present, for any thing that is certainly known, any other Region in the World, several to themselves: Yet because there be some Provinces, wherein they are observed specially to abound, as others also, whence they are excluded and banished, I will consider a little of their present condition.  
The first Country of Christendom, whence the jews were expelled, without hope of return, was our Country of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290. by King Edward the first. Not long after they were likewise banished France, Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher: Only of all the Countries of France, in the jurisdiction of Auignon (the Pope's state) some are remaining.  
Out of Spain, Anno 1492. by Ferdinand, and shortly after out of Portugal, Anno 1497. by Emanuel. Out of the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, Anno 1539. by Charles the fift. In other Regions of Europe they are found, and in some of them in great numbers, as in Germany, Boheme, Polonia, Lituania, Russia, and part of Italy, specially Venice and Rome. In Greece also a great multitude, wherein two Cities (beside all them of other places) Constantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to be about sixteen hundred thousand jews. As also they are to be found by plentiful numbers, in many parts of the Turks Dominion, both in Asia and Africa.  
And for Asia, specially in Alepp●, in Tripoli, in Damascus, in Rhodes, and almost in every City of great Trade and Traffic in the Turkish Empire: As likewise in diverse parts of the Persian government, in Arabia also, and lastly in India (namely about Cranganor) and in some other more remote Regions. And, to come to Africa, they are not only found in the Cities of Alexandria, and Cair in Egypt, but, as in many other Regions and places of Africa, so principally, in the Cities of Fez, and Tremis●n: and specially, in the Hills of Sensava, and Demen in the Kingdom of Maroccho, many of which last, are by LEO AFRICANUS; 
Leo African. l. 2. c. 3.6. etc.  specially noted to be of that Sect, which the jews name 
* For of the jews, as touching their Religion, there be in these times three sects. The first which is the greatest of them, is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who beside the holy Scriptures, embrace the Talmud also for Authentical, and for that cause they are also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which receive only the Scriptures. And the thir● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the Samaritans (at this day but very few) which, of all the holy Scriptures▪ admit only the Pentateuch or Books of Moses: of them all see my Pilgrimage Lib. 2.  Karraim, and by the other jews of Africa, are reputed no better than Heretics.  
But yet, beside these, and such like dispersions of the jewish Nation, that may be elsewhere in the world, there is a fantasy of many learned men, not unworthy some diligent consideration, that the Tartars of Scythia, who about the year 1200. or a little before, became first known abroad in the world by that name, and hold at this day a great part of Asia, in subjection: That those Tartars I say, are of the 
* Post●l. Descript. Syri●. ca 1. Geneb●ad. Chron l. 1. Boter. Relat. p. 1. l. 2. c. vitim● par●e de●● Tartary & p. 3. l. 2. c. de G●nde●.  Israelites progeny: Namely of the ten Tribes, which by Salmanazar, and some of his predecessors, were carried captive into Assyria. Which although it be as I said no other than a vain and cappricious fantasy, yet, hath it, not only found acceptance and entertainment, with sundry learned and understanding men: but reason and authority are produced, or pretended to establish it for a truth. For first, It is alleged that the word Tatari, or Totari (for so indeed they are rightly called, as 
* Leunclau in Pandect. H●st. Tu●ci●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syr.  learned men observe, and not Tartari) signifieth in the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues, a Residue or Remainder, such as these Tartars are supposed to be of the Ten Tribes. Secondly, because (as the Patrons of this fantasy say) they have always embraced (the ancient character of judaisme) Circumcision. And thirdly, the authority of supposed Esdras (the very spring I take it, whence hath flowed this stream of opinion) is alleged. Namely, that the Ten Tribes took this course to themselves, that they would leave the multitude of the heathen, and go forth into a farther Country, where never mankind dwelled. 
2 Esd. 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45.  That they might there keep their statutes, which they never kept in their own land. And that they entered in at the narrow passages of the River Euphrates. The most high showing them signs, and staying the Springs of the flood, till they were passed over. And, that their journey was great, even of a year and a half, and the region is called Arsareth.  
But to the first of these arguments, I may answer, that the Tartars obtained that name, neither from Hebrew nor Syriaque original, and appellation, but from the River Tartar, saith Leunclavius, and 
Leunclau. in Pand. histon. Turcic. §. 3.  others. Or else from the Region, saith H●itho, where the principal of them anciently dwelled. Secondly, that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew or Syriaque signification, importing a residue or remainder, can but full ill (as it seems) be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites, 
* Boem▪ de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10 Haitti. lib. de Tartaris. cap. 16.  whom they exceedingly surpass in multitude, as overspreading half the vast continent of Asia, or thereabout. For all the Nations of Asia, from the great Rivers of Wolgha and Oby, Eastward, and from the Caspian Sea, the River Oxus, the Countries of India and China, Northward, are contained under the Appellation of Tartars: and yet without these bounds many Tartars there are, both toward the West and South. And what if the innumerable people of so many Nations, as are known to inhabit and overspread the huge continent of America, be also of the same offspring? Certainly, if I be not greatly deceived, they are no other. For first, that their original must be derived from Asia is apparent, because (as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countries of America may easily observe) they have no relish nor resemblance at all, of the Arts, or learning, or civility of Europe: And their colour testifieth, they are not of the Africans progeny (there being not found in all that large Continent, any black men, except a few about the River of Saint Martha, in a small Country called Quarequa, which by force and violence of some tempest, are supposed to have been transported thither, from the parts of Guinie or Aethiopia.) Therefore it seemeth, that they had their original from Asia. Which yet will appear more credible, if it be observed, which by the Spaniards discoveries is well known to be true, namely, that the West side of America respecting Asia, is exceeding much better peopled then the opposite or East side, that respecteth toward Europe. And, as for these reasons it is very likely, that America received her first inhabitants, from the East border of Asia: So is it altogether unlike, that it received them from any other part of all that border, save from Tartary. Because, in America there is not to be discerned, any token or indication at all, of the arts or industry of China, or India, or Catata, or any other civil Region, along all that border of Asia: But in their gross ignorance of letters, and of arts, in their Idolatry, and the specialties of it, in their incivility, and many barbarous properties, they resemble the old and rude Tartars, above all the Nations of the Earth. Which opinion of mine, touching the Americans descending from the Tartars, rather than from any other Nation in that border of Asia, after the near vicinity of Asia to America, this reason above all other, may best establish and persuade: Because it is certain, that that North-east part of Asia possessed by the Tartars, is if not continent with the West side of America, which yet remaineth somewhat doubtful: but certainly, and without all doubt, it is the lest disjoined by Sea, of all that coast of Asia, for that those parts of Asia and America, are continent one with the other, or at most, disjoined but by some narrow channel of the Ocean, the ravenous and harmless beasts, wherewith America is stored, as Bears, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, etc. (which men as is likely, would never to their own harm transport out of the one continent to the other) may import. For from Noah's Ark, which rested after the deluge, in Asia, all those beasts must of necessity fetch their beginning, seeing they could not proceed by the course of nature, as the unperfect sort of living creatures do, of Putrefaction: or if they might have Putrefaction for their parentage, or receive their original (by any other new sort of generation) of the earth without special procreation of their own kind, than I see no necessity, why they should by God's special appointment, be so carefully preserved in Noah's Ark (as they were) in time of the deluge, Wherhfore, seeing it is certain, that those ravenous beasts of America, are the progeny of those of the same kind in Asia, and that men, as is likely, conveyed them not (to their own prejudice) from the one continent to the other, it carrieth a great likelihood and appearance of truth, that if they join not together, yet are they near neighbours, and but little disjoined each from other, for even to this day, in the Isles of Cuba, jamaica, H●spaniola, Burichena, and all the rest, which are so fare removed from the firm Land, that these beasts cannot swim from it to them, the Spaniards record, that none of these are found. Wherhfore it seemeth (to digress no farther) that the Nation of the Tartarians, spreading so exceeding fare, as it doth, 
josep. Acosta D● Natura Nou. Orb. l. 1. c. 21.  cannot certainly be the posterity of those captive Israelites.  
Neither (to answer the second objection) doth their circumcision in any sort enforce it: for, neither was circumcision, among the Tartars ancienter than Mahumetanisme, but was received among them together with it, as Michonius hath remembered, so that to this day, 
Michon. de Sa●ma●●●. l. 1. c. 5. Of these Tartars See To. 2. l. 1 & 2 in 〈◊〉. Polo, Haic▪ ●, ●enk●ns. etc.  it is not entertained (for aught I can find in History) among those Tartarians, which have not received Mahumetanisme, out remain in their ancient Idolatry, as for the most part, both the Tartars of Catai●, beyond the Mountain Imaus towards the East Ocean, and the Tartars of Sarmatia, towards the North, on both sides the River of Oby, do. Neither if it should be granted, that circumcision had been ancienter among them then Mahumetanisme, were that an argument of any importance, to prove them to be of the Israelites progeny. B●cause it is certainly known, that the ceremony and custom of circumcision hath been and still is usual among many Nations, of whom there was never any suspicion, that they descended from the Israelites, for Diodorus hath recorded of the Colchia●s, Philo judaeus, and Strabo, of the Egyptians, 
Diodor. Sic l. 1. part. ●. c. 1. Phil. judae. l. de Circumcision. Strab. l. 16. Herodot. l. 2. parum. a Med Strab. l. 16. ●ong. ●●st. med  Herodotus of both those Nations, and of the Aethiopians besides, that they used circumcision, and that that custom among the Egyptians and Aethiopians, did seem very ancient, even as it is also by both those Nations retained till this day. And yet, beside these Countries already mentioned, the like is also recorded of the Troglodytes by Strabo, and by 
x Diodor. Sic. l. 3. c. ●. Aga●harchid. l. ●e Mar. ●ubr c. 49 ap. P●ot. in Bibliotheca Cyprian l de circumcision. in principio Niceph▪ Callist. l. 8. c. 3●. I●rem. 9.26. Hieron. in Comment loci iam ci●a●i. Epi●han. Panar▪ l. 1. ●aer. 30.  others: Of the Phaenicians, and Arabians, by Cyprian and Nicephorus. And (to leave this accumulating of humane testimonies) it is not obscurely acknowledged by the Prophet jeremy, to have been usual (beside the Israelites) with the Egyptians, Edomites, Ammonites, Moa●ites▪ and the inhabitants of the desert, that is the 
* For, that the Israelites and Sarracens are the same Nation, is manifest by Hierome, and Sozomen, and others, which being anciently termed Sc●nitae (as Am●●ianus hath observed) namely of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ because they dwelled in tents (for such to be the 〈◊〉 of their habitation, is not only affirmed by Hierome Comment. in Isai ca 21. Sozomen. Histor l. 6. c. ●8. A●●ian. l. 22 post. med. but signified, and not obscurely, by David Psal. 120.5. vid. etiam jerem. 4●. ●8. ●9. lamenting his dwelling in the tents of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which name Arab●● deserta is termed in the Hebrew) were of their dwelling in the desert, by the Arabians themselves named Sarracens (●or Sarrae signifieth a desert, and Sakan to inhabit, in the Arabia●● tongue) or else, if not of their place, yet at lest (as learned men certainly think, Scaliger in Animadu. Eus●b. pa. 17. an. 88 F●ller. Miscellan. Theolog. l. ●. c. 12. of their property, they might obtain that name of Sarracens, namely, because they lived much by rapine (for that the word S●●acke in Arabic doth import) to which above all nations they ever were▪ and still are addicted. For the deduction of the name Sarracens, from  Ismaelites, or Sarracens of Arabia: Of which Nations, Hierome also (to whom those regions were well known (as Epiphaenius also of the most of them) hath left testified, that they retained circumcision, even in his time. Touching some of which, although it may be probably conjectured, that they received it (in some sort) from the Israelites: if not as their progeny (which yet in some sense may be said of the inhabitants of the desert, being the posterity of Ishmael the Son of Abraham: and likewise of the Edomites, being the seed of Esau, the son of Isaac) yet at lest, by imitation of Abraham's family, to whom also in blood they were allied, as the Ammonites and Moabites, 
* By Sozomen l. 6. c. 38.  the posterity of Lot, 
* Sara, as if they claimed descent from her b●ing indeed Haga●●ns (the progeny of H●gar) is a mere fancy and fable▪ They claim it not.  Abraham's brother's son, and who had lived long in his familiarity and family. Although I say of these Nation's i● may be conjectured, that their ceremony of circumcision was taken up, by imitation of the Israelites: yet that the same rite, or custom was also derived originally, from them to the whole Nation of the Arabians (which was exceeding great) or to the Egyptians, 
Ambr. l. 2. de Abraham. P●triarcha c. 12.  or other neighbouring Provinces, I know not why any should conceive, or if they do, yet appeareth it to be otherwise, because they circumcised not in the eight day, which is the inviolable custom of the Israelites: but the Egyptians in the foureteenth year, as is recorded by Ambrose, and the Arabians in the thirteenth (and some of them both sexes, as 
x Bellon Obs●r. l. 3. c 28. George● 〈◊〉. l. ●. de 〈◊〉 Tur●ar. c. de Ci●cumci●●●ne.  learned men have recorded. Even as the 
x Sar●. de ●iti. gent. l. ●. c. ●0.  Turks also at this day, who received the rite of circumcision from the Arabians, are known to circumcise in the eight or twelfth, or fifteenth year, or sooner or later, as opportunity may serve. Of these Nations I say, how circumcision should proceed from the Israelites to them, I cannot conceive: no more than I can of the great Nation of the 
a 
Pigafet. de Regn. Cong. l. 1. c. 5.  
B●ter. Relat. pa. l. 1. c. Loange.   Anzichi, on the West side of Nilus beyond Nubia, or of the inhabitants of jucatan in America, whereof the first yet are, and the second (till they came under the government of the Spaniards) were mere Idolaters, for of these also, the second had, and the first still have circumcision in use.  
And although these instances, utterly dissolve the force of this reason, touching the Tartarians circumcision (though it were admitted to have been anciently in use among them, as being usual with many other Nations, of whom no suspicion at all can be conceived, to be of the Israelites progeny) yet this may furthermore declare them, not to be of that race, because namely, nothing else was to be found among them, that might favour of Israel. For first, they were mere Idolaters, and without knowledge of the true God, as is recorded by Marcus Paulus, by Haith●, and others. Secondly, they had no remembrance of the Law at all. Thirdly, they neither observed the Sabboath, nor other rites and ceremonies of the Israelites: but touching their Matrimonies, married without impeachment the very 
Paul Venet. l. 3. c. 47 Haith. l. de Tartar. c. 1.  wives, and sisters of their Fathers: and touching their feeding, abstained not at all from unclean Beasts, but fed on the flesh of 
d 
Vicent. Spec. Histo●ialis ●. 32. c 6.  
Paul. V●net. l. 1. c. 55.  
Guiliel de Rubri. Itin. Tartar. c. 9   Horses, Dogs, Cats, and dead Carrion, and drunk their blood, all utterly forborn and forbidden among the Israelites. Fourthly, they have no records, nor regard of their ancestors and lineage, from whom, or by whom, they are descended, whereof Israelites were ever curious. Fifthly, they have no affinity of language at all, with either the Hebrew or Chaldee tongues, neither had any use of those Letters, nor of any other, till together with Mahometan Religion, the Arabic characters came in use among some of them. Neither (in a word) do I find any thing at all, wherein the Tartarians favoured of Israelites; for touching their abstinence from Swine's flesh, which we find recorded of them, neither is it general among them, but peculiar to those that are Mahumetans: Nor if it were so, were that any good argument, because we know that the ancient 
e 
Sigism. come. Rer. Mosco●. Guil. de Rubricis Itinerer. Tartar. l. 5.  
Boem. de Morib. gentium. l. 2. c. 10   Scythians, and 
f Hero. ●ot. l. 4.  Egyptians, and Arabians did, and almost all Mahometans at this day do the same, which yet are well known to be in no sort descended from the Israelites. 
g Aelian. de Animalib. l. 10. c. 17. 1 Esd. 2.13.   
Now touching the authority of forged 1 Esdras, which hath stirred up as it seemeth this vapourous fantasy, in the brains of new fangled antiquaries: neither doth that which he writeth of the ten Tribes, agreed at all with the Tartars: nor, if it did, could yet the circumstances of that history agreed with the truth. It agrees not with the Tartars I say, for whereas they are noted in that Revelation, to be 
y Vers. 39  a peaceable people, and that they 
z Verse 41.  left the multitude of the heathen, that they might keep their statutes, which they never kept in their own land: neither of both those properties hath any convenience or agreement at all with the Tartarians. For how are they a peaceable people, that with their wars have troubled and overturned almost all Asia, and sundry Countries of Europe, and hold a great part of the former in subjection to this day? Or how kept they the statutes of the Israelites, that were mere Idolaters, and utterly ignorant of all jewish Laws and Ceremonies? And touching the History itself of the Israelites departure out of Assyria, as it is set down in that Apocryphal Esdras (howsoever it might otherwise agreed with the Tartars) there is no wise or considerate man I think, that can bring his understanding to give credit to it. For first it contradicteth the undoubted canonical histories of the Chronicles, and of the Kings, 
1 Chro. 5.26. 2 Kin. 17.23.  in both which it is recorded of them, that they were carried away into Ashur, and disposed in several parts of the Empire namely 
* If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be Cholchi, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iberia, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Armenia, so called for the mountainousnesse of it) & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gauza●iae in Media, than all confined together, & bounded the North side of the Assyrian Empire, which stretched Northward, but to that I●thume between the Euxine & the Caspian Seas: So that, the Israelites were by that means, seated farthest of from their own Country, and placed in the parts of the Empire most waste & desolate of inhabitants, as the confines of warring Nations usually are. But if Calach be Calacine, and Cha●or the hill Chaboras (being part of Tauru●, and severing Assyria, from Armenia, and Media) and Hara the other hilly parts in the North side of Assyria, as seemeth more agreeable to the observations of Benjamin Tudelensis, for about those parts, he found in his travail, the greatest multitudes of the Israelites, then in the places alleged, I would understand by Ashur, not the Empire or Dominion, but the peculiar Kingdom of Assyria.  Calach, and Chab●r, and Hara, and Gozan, unto this day; which limitation of time (unto this day) must at lest of necessity import, the time wherein that History (of their remaining in Ashur) recorded in the books of the Kings, & of the Chronicles was written. Of which later, either Esdras himself was the Author, as in the judgement 
x k. Da●. Kimchi & R. Shelomo ex s●ntentia seniorum apud▪ Sixt. Senens. Bibliot● Sanctae l. 1  of learned men he is reputed, and therefore could not (as it seemeth) be the Author of that Apocryphal History: or, at lest, if Esdras were not the Author, yet, that the Author (whosoever he was) lived and writ that history of the Chronicles, 
Abulens. in praef. Paralipom. in Question. 5.  after the return of the jews from the captivity, or in the end of it (that is in Esdras time) is evident by the end of the Book: where Cyrus his benignity, for restoring the jews, and his Proclamation for their return to jerusalem is recorded, and that in the very same words, wherein Esdras in the beginning of his own book hath registered them. At that time therefore, it is evident, that the Israelites were not departed out of the dominions of Ashur. Not nor long after that in josephus his time▪ who hath recorded that even than the ten Tribes remained beyond Euphrates, 
joseph. Antl●. l. 11. c.  and were there grown into innumerable multitudes: neither yet many hundred years after josephus was dead; for R. Benjamin a jew, that lived but about 440. years ago, and travailed diligently those parts of the world, and many other to v●●te his dispersed Countrymen, hath in his Itinerary left observed, not only, 
Benjamin 〈…〉 70. 7● 〈…〉 76.77 〈…〉 81.86 〈…〉  that he found exceeding 〈◊〉 greater multitudes of the Israelites, to be then remaining in those Provinces of the ancient Dominion of Ashur, than he found in other places, possessing 
e Pag. 75. & 〈…〉  large Regions, and 
g Pag. ead.  many Cities, so that in the Cities of some one Region 
h Pag. 77.  300000. Iewes were by him numbered, observing specially, that in the parts of Media, many thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salmanaser led into captivity, were then remaining, but withal, he setteth down particularly and precisely, 
f Pag. 76. etc.  the very places of those Regions, where certain of the Tribes were seated, and there grown into great multitudes: as namely, in 
i Pag. 87.  one place, the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and Manasse: And in 
k And the most high them showed them signs and stai●d the springs of the f●●ud (Euphrates) till they were pas●●d over. vers. 44.  another, the four Tribes of Dan, Asher, Zebulon, and Nephtali.  
But yet if there were neither authority of holy Scripture, nor experience to refel this fable, and the fancies that have sprung of it: yet ordinary reason, at lest of men that are not ignorant of Geography and are meanly skilled in the affairs of the world, 
2 Esdr. 13.  may easily discern the futility of it. For first, what need was there of such a miracle, as to 
l justin. hist l. 2. in princip.  stay the course of Euphrates, for the Israelites passage from Assyria, or Media toward Tartary, the River lying fare to the West, both of the one Region and of the other, and no way crossing or impeaching their journey, which lay Northward between that River and the Caspian Sea? Or, how might those poor captive Israelites, disarmed as they were, and dispersed in sundry Provinces of the Assyrian Empire, and being under the oversight & government of Assyrian Precedents, be able to leave the places, where by the King's commandment they were to inhabit? Or, if the Israelites were able by force to departed, and free themselves from the dominion of the King of Ashur, yet were they so wise also, 
They took this counsel to themselves that they would leave the multitude of the Heathen ver. 41.  as to forsake the places where they were peaceably settled, and venture their small remainders upon perils and uncertainties, namely, to find out a place where never mankind dwelled? Or, if their stomach served them so well, and their wit so ill, as in such manner to forsake Assyria, yet were they also able to make themselves way (even a way as he saith, of eighteen months passage) through the fierce and mighty Nations of Scythia, whom neither the conquerors of the Israelites, the Assyrians I mean, nor the Persians' (and I might add also the Grecians and the Romans) were never able to subdue, but were in the aftertimes subdued by them? for that the parts of Scythia should be without Inhabitants (and in Scythia it must be where they would find that Country where never mankind dwelled, or else it is not in Tartary) is scarce credible, 
And go forth into a Country where never mankind dwelled. v. 41.  as whereof we read in histories, to have contended with Egypt for antiquity of habitation, and to have prevailed, and for the abundance of people, to be termed Hominum Officina. Insomuch that the greatest occasion of swarming abroad of those Nations of Scythia, and of their overwhelming of Asia and Europe, with their infinite multitudes and Colonies, is in histories recorded, to be lack of room for habitation in their own Countries.  
And lastly, to make an end of this tedious discourse, with the end of their imagined tedious journey: what ancient Geographer or Historian is there (set our Esdras aside) that ever remembered of such a Region as Arsareth, where they are said to have seated themselves. 
Beros. l. 3. Pt●le. Georg. l. 5. c 13. & in Tab. 3. Asiae.  True it is indeed that I find the City of Arsaratha mentioned both in Berosus fragments, and in Ptolemy placed near the issue of the River Araxes into the Caspian Sea: and, it was perhaps one of the Israelitish Colonies, planted in the confines of the Empire of Assyria: for it may well be that Arsaratha, is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the City, or the hill of the remainder, or perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the last letter of the first word cut off in the Greek pronunciation for sounds sake) the Land of the remainder: but the tale of eighteen months' journey, will no more agreed with this City, than the Region of Arsareth doth, with Geography or History.  
So that me thinks this forged story of the Israelites voyage and habitation, in such remote regions where never mankind dwelled, savoureth of the same fantastical and talmudical spirit, that 
m Esd. 6.42.  another tale of the same author doth, touching the collection of all the waters, into a seaventh part of the earth, the other fix being left uncovered: or 
n Cap. cod. v. 5●.  a third, of (the Elephant and the Whale) Behemoth and Leviathan: namely, that God appointed the Sea to one of them, and the Land to the other, because they were so great that the Sea could not hold them both: for else belike, if the Sea had been large enough, we might have gone a fishing for Elephants. For how is the Sea gathered into a seaventh part of the earth, 
Aelian de Animalib. l. 12. c. 8.  whose expansion is not only by the most skilful Philosophers esteemed, but found by experience of navigations hitherto made, to ouerspred as nearly as may be discerned, about half the compass of the Earth? Or, being of that breadth, and withal of the depth, that it is known to be, how should it not be spacious enough, to receive Elephants and Whales together? The dimensions of the Elephant, even of the greatest sort of Indian Elephants, (and the earth breedeth none so large as those of India) are, saith Aelianus, nine cubits of height (the length in that beast is equal to the height) and five of breadth, the greatest that have been seen in Europe, being 
o Vid. Gill●um in Description. Elephant. c. 6. & Gor●p. l. 2. Orig. Ani●er●ian.  observed to be fare less. The dimension of the Whale indeed is fare greater (five times saith 
p 
Aelian. l. 16. c 12.  
Rondelet. de Piscib. l. 16. c. 11. A●rian. de R●b. Indi●is longa ante 〈◊〉.   Aelianus then the largest sort of Elephants.) But yet his ordinary dimension is but six and thirty cubits long, and eight cubits high, as Rondeletius hath observed. But admit notwithstanding some of them to be fifty cubits, of which length, Nearchus in Arrianus is said to have measured one in the East Ocean; nay, to be six hundred foot long, and three hundred and sixty foot thick, as 
a 〈…〉 Plin. l. 32.  juba in Pliny related to be found in the Bay of Arabia (where yet, as it is well known by the soundings of Navigators, that Sea is not by a good deal three hundred and sixty foot deep.) Or, let them be more yet, 
 even four Acres long (that is nine hundred and sixty foot) as Pliny hath related of some in the Sea of India. For, although the two last reports be in truth no better than fancies and fables, 
Basil 〈◊〉 aemer. Homil. 7.  which the impudence of some, hath made the ignorance of others to believe, yet I will exclude none, but only Basil, as intolerably hyperbolical, affirming namely that Whales are equal to the greatest mountains, and their backs when they show above the water, like to Islands. But admitting all the rest I say, what proportion have those dimensions of the Whale and the Elephant, to the huge breadth and depth of the Ocean?  
For if I may without offence intersert a short Philosophical speculation: the depth of the Sea (to speak nothing of the breadth, which every common Map doth represent) is determined by Fabianus in Pliny, 
Fabian apud Pli. l. 2 c. 102. Cloom. Meteor l. 1. c. 10. Plutarch in Vita Aemilij Pauli. Sc●lig. de Sub●ilitate. Ex●r●. 38.  & by Cleomedes, to be fifteen furlongs, that is, one mile and seven eight pars: Or else, equal to the height of the greatest Mountains, to whose height, and the deepness of the Sea, the Geometricians (as Plutarch hath recorded) anciently assigned equal dimensions. Or yet rather (if you will any thing respect my opinion) it is a great deal more. For, as for the shallow speculation of Scaliger, and 
b A●d. Baccius de The●mis l. 1. c 4. & Alij.  others, of the shallowness of the Sea, determining the height of Hills, fare to surpass the deepness of the Sea: And that in very few places, it attaineth one hundred passes of depth, is indeed true in the narrow Channels and Straitss of the Sea: But in the free and large Ocean, it is by the experience of Navigators known to be as false as the Gospel is true. Indeed touching the height of Mountains, I find it pronounced by the great Mathematician Eratosthenes in Theon, 
Thron. in Comment. Magnae Construction. Ptalom. l. 1.  that the highest sort of them, pass not in perpendicular erectnesse ten furlongs (that is one mile and one fourth part) of which height also, it is observed in Pliny, that Dicaearchus by Dioptricall Instruments, found the Hill Pelius in Thessaly to be, and in Plutarch, that Xenagoras (another Mathematician) observed the height of Olympus, in the same Region, 
Plin. l. 2. c. 63. Plutarch loc. supra citato.  saving, that in this later, there is an addition of twenty passes, for the whole number of passes, is 1270. Neither do I find any greater perpendicular height attributed to Mountains, by any ancient writer, Cleomedes excepted: who assigneth to the height of Hills, as he doth also to the depth of the Sea, fifteen furlongs. (For Alhazen I omit, because he only restraineth the height of hills, 
Cleomed. l. 1. Meteor. c. 10. Al●azen de Crepuscul. propos. 1.  as namely, not to exceed eight miles, without determining what their height should be) But yet, all these, are to be understood, I take it, with relation to the Mountanes in and about Greece, with which themselves were acquainted, which may in no sort compare with the huge Mountains of vast Continents, such as are the Alp●s in Europe, Atlas in Africa, Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and such other.  
But, whatsoever the height of Hills may be above the common superficies of the Earth, it seemeth to me after good consideration, that the depth of the Sea is a great deal more. For declaration of which point, I require to be supposed, first, that the Earth at the first forming of it, was in the superficies, regular, and spherical: which the Holy Scripture directs us to believe, because the water covered and compassed all the face of the Earth: And secondly, that the face of the Land is in largeness and expansion, at lest equal to that of the Sea: And thirdly, that the unevenness and irregularity, 
Damascen. l. 2. de fide Orthodoxa c. 10.  which is now seen in the superficies of the Earth was caused (as is noted in Damascen) either, by taking some parts out of the upper face of the Earth in sundry places, to make it more hollow, and laying them in other places, to make it more convexe: Or else (which in effect is equivalent to that) by raising up some, and depressing others to make room and receipt for the Sea: that mutation being wrought by the power of that word, Let the waters be gathered into one place, 
Genes. 1.9. Aqui●. in Sum. p. 1. q. 69. a. 1. Dionys. Carth. Catharan. & Alij in Comment. cap. 1. Genes.  that the dry land may appear. For, as for the fancy of Aquinas, Dionysius, Catharinus, and some other Divines▪ namely, that that gathering of waters, and discovery of the Earth, was made, not by any mutation in the Earth, but by a violent accumulation of the waters, or heaping them up on high, it is too unreasonable. Because it is utterly against the nature of water, being a flexible & ponderous body, so to consist, and stay itself, & not fall to the lower parts about it, where in nature there is nothing at all to hinder it. Or, if it be hindered and restrained supernaturally, by the hand and bridle of the almighty, jest it should overwhelm and drown the Land, it must follow thereof, that God in the very institution of nature, imposed a perpetual violence upon nature: And this withal, that at the Deluge, there had been no necessity at all, to break up the springs of the deep, and to open the Cataracts of Heaven, and pour down water continually, so many days and nights together upon the Earth, seeing, the only withdrawing of that hand, or letting go of that bridle, which restrained the water, would presently have overwhelmed all.  
But to come to the Point. It seemeth upon the former suppositions (of which, the holy Scripture establisheth the first, Experience of Travellers, and Navigators the second, and Reason the third) that in making estimation of the depth of the Sea, are not to reckon and consider only, the height of the Hills, above the common superficies of the Earth, unto which the extraordinary depths or whirlpooles, that are found in the Sea, do properly answer (descening beneath the ordinary bottom of the Sea, as the Hills ascend above the ordinary face of the Land) but, the advantage or height of all the dry land above the Superficies of the Sea. Because the whole Mass of the Earth, that now appeareth above the waters, being taken as it were out of the place, which the waters now possess, must be equal to the place out of which it was taken, and consequently it seemeth, that the height or elevation of the one, should answer the depth or descending of the other. And therefore as I said, in estimating the deepness of the Sea, we are not to consider only the erection of the Hills, above the ordinary Land, but the advantage of all the dry Land above the Sea. Which later, I mean the height of the ordinary main Land, (even excluding the Hills) is in my opinion more in large Continents above the Sea, then that of the Hills, is above the Land.  
For first, that the plain and common face of the dry Land, is not level, or equally distant from the Centre, but hath great declivity and descent toward the Sea, and acclivitie or rising toward the Midland parts, although it appear not so to the common view of the Eye, is to reason notwithstanding manifest. Because as it is found in that part of the Earth, which the Sea covereth that it descendeth lower, and lower toward the midst of the Sea (for the Sea which touching the upper face of it, is known to be level by nature, and evenly distant from the Centre, is withal observed to wax deeper and deeper, the farther one saileth from the shore toward the Main) Even so, in that part which is uncovered, the coursing and streamings of Rivers on all sides from the midland parts toward the Sea, 
* By which rule of the proceeding of the Rivers by the proclivity of the earth, & ever sliding from the higher ground to the lower, till they come to the Sea, is evident to be discerned, that in Continents, those Regions are the higher Land from which Rivers stream, and those the lower ground, to which they proceed, and consequently, that of all, those are the highest which receiving no foreign Rivers, to which they give passage through them, do sand forth the longest Rivers on all sides to the Regions round about them. By which observation is to be discerned, that Helvetia and Rhetia, sending forth the longest Rivers of Europe, which on all sides descend from them and their Confines, Danubius toward the East, Rhine North, Rhodanus West, beside Ticinus, Addua, and others, that fall into Padus South, are the highest Land of Europe, As the Region of Pamer, and Kirgessi, with some other near the crossing of the great Mountains Taurus and Imaus above India, whence are directed, the greatest and longest Rivers of Asia, Indus and Ganges toward the South, Oxus and jaxartus toward the West, Oechardes North, Cantan East, is proved by the same reason, to be the highest part of Africa and Asia, and in my opinion of all the Earth. And as the Region also about the Springs of Nilus, from which beside Nilus, that runneth towards the North, are sent forth, the River of Magnice, towards the South, of Zaire West, of Coavo and Zuama East, being (Niger excepted) the greatest Rivers of Africa, is by the same reason, proved to be, the highest part of that Continent.  whose property we know is to slide from the higher to the lower, evidently declare so much.  
And although I am not able precisely to determine, what the ordinary declivity of the earth may be, yet, if that be convenient in the works of Nature, which is required in the works of Art, that imitateth Nature, it will be found true that before I said: Namely, that in great Continents, through which Rivers have long Courses, some of one thousand or two thousand miles the height of the ordinary Midland, above the face of the Sea, is more, then of the Hills above the common face of the earth, for Pliny in the derivation of water, 
Plin. l. 31. c. 6.  requireth one cubit of declining, in two hundred and forty foot of proceeding (for he saith, unum cubitum in binos Actus, and Actus as may be observed in Columella, and others is a dimension of one hundred and twenty foot long) Vitrwius and Palladius in their conduction of waters, 
Columell. de Re Rustica. l. 5. c. 1. Vitru●. Arc●itectur. l. 8. c. 7. Pallad. de re Rustica l. 9 tit. 11.  require indeed somewhat less, namely, that in proceeding of two hundred foot forward there should be allowed one foot of descending downward, which yet in the course of one thousand miles (as Danubius or Wolgha, or Indus, etc. have so much or more) will make five miles of descent in perpendicular account: And in the course of two thousand or more (as Nilus and Niger, and the River of Amazons have) ten mile or more of like descent.  
And although I know well enough, that water being (as it is) heavy and flexible, will slide away at any inequality, and therefore am altogether persuaded, that this rule of Vitrwius touching conveyance of waters, is not to be taken as a rule of necessity, to be observed in the deriving of them, as if water could not run without that advantage (for in that respect the Conueyors of waters of these times content themselves even with one inch in six hundred foot, as Philander also on Vitrwius, hath observed) but is rather to be understood as a rule of commodity, 
Philand. in Vitruu. l. 8. c. 11.  namely with relation to the expedition and wholesomeness of the water so conveyed, jest resting too long in the pipes it should contract from them some, unwholesome quality, or else through the slackness of motion, or long closeness, or banishment from the Air, it might gather some aptness and dispsition to putrify. Although I say, such excess of advantage as in the artificial conveyance of waters the forenamed Authors require, be not of necessity exacted, in the natural derivation of them: yet nevertheless certain it is, that the descent of Rivers, being as it is continual, and the course of some of them very long, and in many places swift, and here, and there headlong and furious, the difference of height or advantage, cannot but be great, betwixt the Springs of Rivers and their outlets, betwixt their first rising out of the Earth, and their falling into the Sea.  
Unto which declivity of the Land, seeing the deepness of the Sea doth in proportion answer (as I before declared) and not only to the height of Hills. It remaineth that we esteem and determine that deepness to be a great deal more, than it hath been hitherto by Philosophers commonly reputed. 
Arist. Met. l. 2 c 1 Strab l. 1. lo●ge post medium.  And although the deepness of the Sardinian Sea (which indeed Aristotle acknowledgeth for the deepest part of the Mediterranean) be specially recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, to have been found but one thousand fathoms (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which is but a mile and one fift part: yet what may the depth in that narrow Sea be, compared to the hollow deepness of the v●st Ocean? Or rather (to turn this Instance to our advantage) if in so narrow a Sea as the Mediterrane is (whose breadth attaineth not where it is largest, six hundred miles) the depth be so great, what may we esteem the deepness of the huge Ocean to be, that is in many places above five times as broad? especially, seeing that the broader that Seas are, if they be withal entire, and free from Lands, they are answerably observed to be the deeper.  
But whether have I been carried by these Elephants and Whales? to what heights and depths, of Mountains, and Seas? I pray you pardon me, for I see I have digressed, that is, transgressed, now I return into the way again.  

Of the quantity and proportion of the parts of the Earth▪ possessed by the several sorts of the above mentioned religions. Ch. 14.  NOw, if out of the former long discourse, I should collect a short sum, and estimate the proportion with respect to the whole Earth, that each one of the forementioned Religions, have to the other. It being first supposed, which upon exact consideration and calculation, will be found to swerve very little from the truth, that the proportions of Europe, Africa, Asia, and America, are as one, three, four and seven. And that the professors of the forementioned Religions, possess the several portions and proportions, of each of them, which is before set down: It will be found I say upon these suppositions (which the best Geography, and Histories do persuade me to be true) that Christians possess, near about a sixth part of the known inhabited Earth: Mahumetans, a fift part (not as 
l Pofiel. in praef. Gram. Arabic. Lud. Regius de Vicessitud. Rerum. l. 8. in fine.  some have exceedingly over-lashed, half the World or more) and Idolaters, two thirds, or but little less. So that if we divide the known Regions of the World, into thirty equal parts. The Christians part is as five, the Mahometans as six, and the Idolaters as nineteen, for the poor dispersed and distressed Christians, which are found in Asia and Africa, mingled among Mahumetans and Idolaters, I receive not into this account, both because they are but thin dispersed, in respect of the multitudes of Mahumetans and Idolaters in those Regions among whom they live (being withal under their dominion) and because also, many Mahometans, are found mingled among Christians in Europe, to recompense and countervail a great part of that number.  
Such therefore may be the general proportion of Christians to Mahometans and Idolaters, in the Continents of the Earth hitherto discovered, namely, in this our neighbour Continent of the East comprehending Europe, Africa, and Asia, and in that other Continent of the West, called America, and in the Lands belonging to them both. But if the South or Antarctique Continent, be so large, as I am verily persuaded it is (even no less, then that of the East before mentioned, which containeth Europe, Africa and Asia together) then will the Idolaters be found to surpass all the other Religions, in exceeding great proportion, for that the Inhabitants of that South Continent are Idolaters, there is no question at all (as I take it) to be made, both because in the parts hitherto known, as namely in the Region of Beach, over against java, they were found to be so: And also, because they are known to be no other than Idolaters, that inhabit all those parts of the other Continents, that neighbour most towards them, from whom it is likely, they should have received the change of their Religion, if any were: for first, in Asia, both India, and the Lands of the Indian Sea, whereof some lie close on the South Continent. Secondly, in Africa, the Regions about the Cape of Buona Speranza. And thirdly, in America, the Countries that border on Magaglians Straight, which are the nearest Neighbours to the foresaid Continent of the South, are known to be all overspread with Idolaters.  
Now that the South Continent is no less than I before esteemed it, namely, then that of Asia, Africa, and Europe altogether, although I might be probably induced to believe so, because it is well known, both (touching Latitude) to approach in some parts near the Equator, and (touching Longitude) to run along in a continual circuit about the Earth, fronting both the other Continents: Yet have I also another reason of more certain importance, to persuade me: Namely, because it is well known, that the land to the North side of the Line, in the other Continents (the old and new world) yet altogether is at lest four times as large as that part of them which lieth to the South.  
Now, for as much as it is certain, first by Archimedes' his rule, 
Archim. de Insid●nti●. Aquae l. 1. Propos. 2.  
* 
For touching the first of these suppositions. It is the property of water, ever to fall that way, where it findeth declivine. Wherhfore, if the water, in the upper face of it, were higher in one place then in another it would necessarily fall from the higher position to the lower, because it is heavy and flexible, and hath nothing in the open and free Sea, to let or hinder it: And consequently, would never rest settled and stable, till the face of it were leveled, in an even distance from the Centre.  
And touching the second, if the Earth were une-qually poised on opposite sides of the centre, then must it follow, that the lest and lighter mass of the Earth should press down as forcibly, as the greater and weightier, because it attaineth the centre as well as it. But if it be granted, which reason doth enforce, that the weightier part of the Earth should press downward, with greater force, and with mo●e right challenge the centre, than the lighter part: it must follow, that the lighter mass or side of the Earth, must yield and give place to the weightier, so fare, till the centre of that whole mass of the Earth take possession of the centre of the world (for till then, one side will be still heavier than the other) and so the opposite halves of the Earth, in respect of heaviness, be brought on all sides, about the centre, unto a perfect equilibration.  
And the third may be established, by manifest demonstration. Because, a clod of Earth, suffered to fall from any point of the Air, wheresoever on the face of the Sea (the same doth water, falling on even and plain Land) when all is calm, and the Air not troubled with winds, nor the Sea with waves, will descend by a perpendicular line, on the face of the water. In such sort I say, that the line by which it falleth maketh exactly equal and right Angles on all sides, with the face of the water whereon it falleth. Therefore it is manifest, that the Earth so falling, tendeth directly to the centre of the water. Because no strait line insisteth perpendicularly, on the face or circumference of any special body (as the water is) except only those that proceed directly to the centre of the Sphere: But certain it is, that the Earth is withal directly carried toward it own centre, therefore there is but one common centre of the Water and of the Earth.   that the face of the Sea, is in all parts naturally levelly, or equally distant from the centre of the water, for which equality, it hath obtained the name of Aequor and Aqu●, as Grammarians say 
m Varro. l. 6. de ling. Lat. Isidor. Origin. l. 3. c. 12. & Alij.  And secondly, by the Philosophers known rule, that the Earth is equally poyled on both sides of her own centre. And thirdly, that the centre of the Earth and of the water are all one (both of them being indeed no other than the centre of the World) which though some fantastical heads have called into question, yet no sound Philosopher ever doubted of: It followeth thereupon, that the earth should in answerable measure and proportion, lift itself and appear above the face of the Sea, on the South side of the Line, as it doth on the North. And consequently, that what is wanting in the South parts of the two foresaid Continents towards the counteruailing of the North parts (which is about three five parts of both the other Continents laid together) must of necessity be supplied in the continents of the South. And yet I omit all the Land that may be about the Arctic Pole, beyond the Scythian or Sarmatian Sea, which must be also counterpoised in that Antarctike continent, for nothing comes within the compass of my understanding, to be hereto replied, except any would perhaps imagine, that either the Sea on the South side of the Equator, is very shallow, or that the land of that continent may be much higher above the face of the Sea, than the land of the other two (and so equal in mass, though less in circuit) or that the Earth on the South side of the Equator, should be of a more ponderous disposition, then on the North, in which cases, some compensation of weightiness, may be made for the want of extension. But of these three, the experience of Sailors evidently refelleth the first: who in equal distance from the Land, observe an equal deepness of the Sea, in both South and North Latitude. And neither is there any experience, nor good reason that can be alleged to establish either of the la●er: which, but that I have already too much offended by digressions, I could prove I doubt not against all exception. But this for a conclusion to this discourse, I dare pronounce touching that South continent, that it will certaily befound (in the aftertimes, when it shall be better discovered) much larger than any Globe or Map hitherto extant, hath represented it.  
Such therefore (as I have declared) is the general state of Christianity at this present in the World, and the proportion of it to other Religions. But because you require yet further to be specially informed of the diverse sorts and sects of Christians that are abroad in the World, and withal of their diverse Regions and Religons, at lest of those principal Characters of their Religion, wherein they specially differ each from other, I will here set down my second period, touching the general differences of Religions, and of the several parts of the World where they are maintained: and will now proceed to that particular consideration▪ touching the Sects of Christianity, and endeavour to give you the best satisfaction that my poor reading, and observation may enable me to perform.  
THe Sects therefore of Christians, that carry name and report at this present in the World, 
Of the diverse sorts or Sects of Christians in the World, and of their several Regions. And first of the Grecians. Chap. 15.  beside the Protestants and Romans in the West, of whom I will be silent, because you know their condition better than myself, are 1 the Grecians, 2 Melchites or Syrians, 3 Georgians, 4 Moscovites and Russians, 5 Nestorians, 6 Indians termed the Christians of Saint Thomas, 7 jacobites, 8 Cophites, 9 Armenians, 10 Habassines, and 11 Maronites. Of which eleven Sects, there be three Principal, namely the Grecians, jacobites and Nestorians, with which the rest have, for the most part, either some dependence and derivation, or nearer convenience and agreement.  
The Grecians acknowledge obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, under whose jurisdiction are in Asia, the Christians of Anatolia (excepting Armenia the less, 
Bello●. Obser. l▪ ● c. 35.  and Cilicia) of Circassia, of Mengrelia, and of Russia: As in Europe also, the Christians of Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Walachia, Moldavia, Podolia, and Moscovia: together with all the Lands of the Aegean Sea, and others about Greece, as fare as Corfu, beside a good part of the large dominion of Polonia, and those parts of Dalmatia, and of Croatia, that are subject to the Turkish dominion,  
Of which great extendment of the Greek Patriarches jurisdiction, if you demand the reason I have observed sundry occasions, from whence it hath proceeded. For first, his original or Primitive authority assigned, or rather confirmed to him (as Bishop of the Imperial City) by the Council of Chalcedon: 
Concil. 〈◊〉. can. 28  contained all the Provinces of Thrace, and Anatolia (Isauria, and Ciliciae only excepted, which belonged to the Patriarch of Antiochia) and they were in all no less than twenty eight Roman Provinces. Secondly, the voluntary submission of the Grecians, upon their separation from the Latin Church greatly increased it: for thereby not only Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Cardie, and the Isles about Greece (in all seven Provinces) came under his obedience; but also Sicily, and the East point of Italy, named Calabria, revolted from the Bishop of Rome, and for a long time pertained to the Patriarch of Constantinople, 
Novel. Leon De ●r●ine▪ 〈◊〉 l. 2 〈…〉 Ori●tals. Curop●lat●●● O●fic. Pol●t. Constantinop. prope fine.  as appeareth in the Novel of Leo Sophus, touching the order and precedence of Metropolitans, belonging to that Patriarchy. And by the like ordination set down by Andronicus Paloeologus, in Curopalates, where we found the Metropolitans of Syracuse, and Catana in Sicily, of Rhegium, Severiana, Rosia, and Hydru●tum in Calabria, registered among the Metropolitans of that jurisdiction. Thirdly, it was enlarged by the conversion of the North Regions to Christian Religion, performed by his Suffragans and Ministers, even from Thrace to 
* Cromer descrip. Po●on. l. 1. Heidenst. de Bel. Mo●●. l. 1. 〈◊〉. Descript. on 〈◊〉 c. 2.  Russia, and the Scythian Sea (the like whereof was the principal cause, that so fare enlarged the Bishop of Rome his jurisdiction in the West parts of Europe.) And fourthly, by the Turks conquests made upon the Western Countries, subject before to the Bishop of Rome: all which, while partly the former Bishops and Pastors fled, to avoid the Turks oppression (like the hireling that forsaketh the flock, when he seethe the wolf coming) and partly, while the Patriarch of Constantinople, to supply that default, was fain to provide them of new ministers, they have been by little and little brought and trained to the Greek Religion.  
Now as touching the proper Characters of their Religion, I must for the better designing and remembering of them, set before me some instance or pattern to compare it, and other sects of Religion withal: 
1. Concil. Florent. Sc●●. 18. & sequetib. jerem. Patriarch. Constant. in Resp. 1. ad Germans. c. 1 2. Cocil. Florent. pr●pe Initium. Respons. Graec. ad cardin. Guisan. Quest. 9 3. Resp. cad. graecor. Q. 5. jeren. Patr. Resp. 1. c. 1 4. jerem. Resp. ca●. c. 10. & ●1. 5. Possevin. de Robus Moscoviae pag. 43. 6. Id. l. cita. p. 40 7. jerem. Respons. cap. 21. 8. Tom●●nionis inter novel. Constantin. Par phyrogen. in Tomo. 1. jur. Orientalis. lib. 2. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in Imp. Leonis philosophi. 9 Resp. Graecor ad Guisan. Quaest 8. Possevin. de reb. Moscou. p. 44. 10. Posseu. l. citat. p. 41. & 42. Villamont en. Vorag. l. 2. c. 21. & Alii. 12. Possevin. l. citat●. p. 42. 13. Nilus Episco Thessaly. de Primatu Papae Barlaam de primatu Papae & Alii. Leo. 9 epist. 1. ad Episcop. Constantinop. & Acridan. & inpluribus aliis. Sigebe●t. in Chronico ad An. 1054. Posseu. de Reb. Moscow. p. 38. & sequentib.  And that is most fit to be the Roman Church, both because their differences with that Church specially, are in Writers most observed. So that, by that means my discourse may be the shorter, and yet no less perspicuous to you, that know the opinions of the Roman Church so well. The principal Characters then of the Graecian Religion (for none but the principal you require) and to mention every slender difference of Ceremonies, would be but tedious and fruitless (and is beside without my compass) are these that follow.  

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father only, not from the Son.  
2. That there is no Purgagory fire.  
3. That they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
4. And in leavened bread, and think it cannot be effectually consecrated in bread unleavened.  
5. That they reject extreme Unction.  
6. And Confirmation.  
7. That they deny the souls of holy men to enjoy the blissful vision of God, or the souls of wicked men to be tormented in Hell, before the Day of judgement. Th. a jes. de Conugent. l. 6. c. 1.  
8. That they admit Priests marriages, namely, so that they may keep their wives married before their Ordination, but must not marry after Ordination.  
9 That they prohibit utterly the fourth marriage, as a thing intolerable. Insomuch, that (as we found recorded) their Patriarches have for that cause excommunicated some of their Emperors, although they had no issue left of their three former marriages.  
10. That they reject the religious use of massy Images, or Statues, admitting yet Pictures or plain Images in their Churches.  
11. That they solemnize Saturday (the old Sabbath) festivally, and eat therein flesh, forbidding as unlawful, to fast any Saturday in the year, exceept Easter Eue.  
12. That they observe four Lents in the year.  
13. That they eat not of any thing strangled, nor of blood.  
14. And lastly, that they deny the Bishop of Rome's Primacy, and (reputing him and his Church for Schismatics) exclude them from their communion: And so have done, as I found in Leo the ninth his Epistles, and in Sigebert, above these five hundred years. And if you desire to see more differences of the Greek and Roman Church, you may see them (but they are of less importance than those I have related in Possevines Book of the matters of Moscovia.   

Of the Syrians or Melchites. Chap. 16.  SYrians are the same, that in some Histories are termed Melchites: being esteemed for their number, the 
* Botar. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. ca de Melchiti.  greatest sect of Christians in the Orient. The first, being properly the name of their Nation: And the second noting the property of their Religion. Surians they were named (to let vain fancies go) of the City of Tyre, 

a Postel. in 〈…〉. p. 30.  For Postels' fantasy deriving Suria from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is merely vain, and being never so named in the Hebrew tongue, but always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which name also it seemeth anciently to have been known, even among the Grecians, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned in Homer, are no other, as Possidonius in 
* Gellius. l. 14 c. 6 Festus in Dictione sarra.  Strabo expounds him, than the Syrians: Strabo himself also recording in other places, that the Syrians 
* Strab. l 16. in fine.  were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his time: And that the 
* Vitria histor. Oriental. c. 4●. Niger in comme●●●ar. 4. A●●ae. Postel. in descrip. Syriae. pag. ●0.  natural Inhabitants of Syria, so called themselves. Yet nevertheless they were vulgarly known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Grecians, because the City of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being the main Mart Town of all those parts, was the place where they had their Trade and Commerce with those Aramites. But when the Phoenician tongue began to degenerate into Chaldee, than the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was converted into Tur, the later 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sound made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As 
* Stra l 〈◊〉 non long. ante finem.  they that observe the differences of the Hebrew and Chaldee, and the transitions of the first into the latter know to be ordinary.  which in the ancient language of the Phoenicians, was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and certainly, that Tyre was anciently called Sarra, is recorded by the 
* Strab. l. 1 post. med. Burch●rd. descr. te●rae Sanctae. Hieron. in lib. de Nominib. Hebraicis. Pl●n. l. 5. c. 19  Roman Writers: and it is also acknowledged by 
* Vid. Scaliger ad ●es●. in dictione S●rra & Guidon. Fabric. in Grammatic. Chald●●, etc.  Vitriacus, Niger, postel and others, that the place of Tyre, (for the City was utterly ruined three hundred years ago) is still called the Port of Sur, which name it seemeth to have obtained, either because it was built on a Rock, for so Burchardus that viewed the place hath observed) which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Phoenician tongue signifies: or else as Hierom derives it, of the straightness and scarceness of room, as being seated in a small Island (but nineteen miles in circuit, as Pliny noteth) a small Territory for such a City: or perhaps, because it was the strongest fortress (for that also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth) of all those Regions, as being founded on a Rock, environed with the Sea (for it was before 
b Q. Curt. l. 4.  Alexander's time 
c Plin. loc. citato.  seven hundred paces distant from the firm land) mightily strengthened by fortification of Art, populous as being the Metropolis of Phoenicia, and exceeding rich, as sometime the city of greatest traffic in the world.  
Of this City then, both the Region and Inhabitants of Suria obtained their names: but Melchitae as I said they were termed, merely in respect of their Religion, wherein namely they altogether followed the examples and decrees of the Emperors. For whereas after the Council of Chalcedon, infinite perplexity and trouble began to arise in the East parts, principally about the opinion of Eutyches and Dioscorus, of one, only nature in Christ, which that Council had condemned, but notwithstanding found many that maintained it, and rejected the Council in those Eastern Countries: And thereupon the Emperor Leo began to exact (as diverse other of his Successors afterward did) the suffrages and subscriptions of the Eastern Bishops, for the better establishment of the Council. Than began they that embraced and approved the authority of that Council, because they followed the Emperor's decrees made in behalf of it, 
Niceph. Calist. Histor. Ecclesiast. l. 18 c. 52.  to be termed by their adversary's Melchitae, of Melchi, saith Nicephorus (rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which in the speech of Syria signifieth a King: (as one would say, Of the King's Religion) whereas they that opposed themselves to the Council, were distracted into no less than twelve several Sects, and not long after into more, as the same 
* Lib. 18. c. 45.1.2.3.4.5. jacob à Vitriaco. Hist. Orient c. 75.  Nicephorus hath recorded.  
Now although the Syrians or Melchites, are for their Religion merely of the Grecians opinions. As: 

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the Father.  
2. That they celebrated Divine Service as selemnly on the Sabbath, as on the Lord's day.  
3. That they keep that day festival, eating therein flesh, and fast no Saturday in the year but Easter Eue.  
4. That their Priests and Deacons contract not Marriage, being already in Orders, but yet retain their wives before married. 
4. Villamont. en voyag. l. 2. c. 22.6.7.8. Villamon▪ loco citato.   
5. That the fourth Matrimony is utterly unlawful.  
6. That they communicate the Eueharist in both kinds.  
7. That they acknowledge not Purgatory.  
8. That they observe four Lents in the year, etc. And in a word, although they be merely 
* Vitriac. loco iam citato. Salignicis▪ Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 1. Bamugart. Peregrin. l. 2. c 9 & Alij.  of the same Religion and communion with the Grecians: yet are they not of the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, but of the Archbishop of Damascus, by the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia. For Antiochia itself (where yet the name of Christians was first heard in the world, and was long known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) lying at this present in a manner waste, or broken and dispersed into small Villages, of which only one, of about sixty Houses, with a small Temple belonging to Christians, 
g Bellon. obseru. l. ●. Chi●rae▪ de s●a. Ecclesi. ●. pag. 5. Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Maroniti. Crus. Turco. grar. l. 4▪ p. 296. ex relatione Gerlach●.  the patriarchal Seat was translated thence to Damascus (where, as is reported, are 
h Boter lo●● iam ci●ato.  above one thousand Houses of Christians) and there remaineth. For although 
i Boter. Rel●▪ p. 3. l 1. c. a● Patria 〈…〉.  the Patriarches of the Maronites, and of the jacobites, whereof the former keepeth residence in Libanus, and the later in Mesopotamia, entitle themselves Patriarches of Antiochia, and by the Christians of their own sects be so acknowledged: yet do the Melchites, who retain the ancient Religion of Syria, acknowledge none for Patriarch, but the Archbishop of Damascus, reputing both the other for schismatics, as having departed from the obedience and communion of the true Patriarch. And yet besides all these, a fourth there is of the Pope's designation, that usurpeth the title of the Patriarch of Antioch. For ᵏ ever since the Latiner surprised Constantinople (which was about the year 1200.) and field the possession of the East Empire, about seventy years, all which time the Patriarches of Constantinople, were consecrated by the Pope: As also, since the holy Land, and the Provinces about it, were in the hands of the Christian Princes of the West, which began to be about An. 1100. and so continued about eighty years, during which seeson the Patriarches of Antiochia also and of jerusalem, were of the Pope's consecration: Ever since then I say, the Church of Rome hath, and doth still created successively imaginary or titular Patriarches (without jurisdiction) of Constantinople, Antiochia, jerusalem, and Alexandria, so loath is the Pope to lose the remembrance of any Superiority or Title: that he hath once compassed.    

Of the Georgians, Circassians, & Mengrellians Chap. 17.  THe Georgians inhabit the Country, that was anciently named Iberia, betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Sea: enclosed with Sheruan (Media) East: with Mengrelia (Colchis) West: with Turcomania (Armenia the Greater) South: And with Albania (Zuiria) North. The vulgar opinion of Historians is, that they have obtained the name of Georgians, from their devotion to Saint George, whom they principally honour for their Patron: and whose Image they always bear in their Military Ensigns. But yet (as I take it) this vulgar opinion is but vulgar error: because I found mention made of the Nation of the Georgians in those parts, both in Mela and Pliny, afore Saint George was borne whosoever he was. Touching the properties of whose Religion, this may be sufficient to observe for all: That 
* Volaterran. l. 11. c. de sect. Syri● Prateol. de sectis. haeret. in Verbo. Georgiani. & alii. Mela. l. 1. c. 2. Plin. l. 6. c. 13.  it is the same, both in substance and ceremonies with that of the Grecians, 
* Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 14. Chitrae. de statu. Ecclesiar. p. 23. & 50. & Alii.  who yet are in no sort subject (neither ever were) to the Patriarch of Constantinople: but all their Bishops (being eighteen) profess absolute obedience to their own Metropolitan, without any other higher dependence or relation. Who yet keepeth residence fare off, in the Monastery of Saint Katherine, in the Hill of Sinai. Prateo. de Haeret. sect. verbo Georgiani. Bernard. Lucemburg. in Catalogue. Haeret. in Georgiani.  
Next these, I must speak a little of their next neighbours, the Mengrelians and Circassians (Colchi and Zychi they were anciently called) seated between the Georgians, and the River Tana●s, along the Coast of Maeotis and the Euxine Sea, as being also Christians of the Greek communion, and beside 
o Bellon. o●seru. l. 1. c. 35. Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7. Interiano della vita de Zychi c. 1 Anan. Fabrica del Mondo Trat. 2. Boter. par. 3. l. 2. c.  of the Patriarch of Constantinople his obedience, and ᵖ converted by his Ministers Cyrillus and Methodius to the Christian Religion. Which Religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised among them, not without some depravation and mixture of strange fantasies, for the Circassians baptism not their children till the eight year, and enter not into the Church (the Gentlemen especially) till the sixtieth (or as others say, till the fortieth) year, but hear Divine Service standing without the Temple, that is to say, till through age, they grow unable to continued their Rapines and Robberies, to which sin that Nation is exceedingly addicted. So dividing their life betwixt Sin and Devotion, dedicating their youth to Rapine, and their old age to Repentance.  

Of the Muscovites & Russians Chap. 18. joan. Metropolitan. Russ. in ep. a● Episcop. Rom. apud. Sigismud. de Rebus Muscou. p. 31. Guagin. descry. Muscou, c. 2. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 2. Sigism. l. citat. p. 41. Sacran. de Relig. Ruthenor. c. 2. Scarga. Polon. l. 3. c. 2. 3. Scarga. Polon. l. 3. c. 2. Guaguin descript. Moscou. c. 2. 4 joan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supra p. 32. Guagin. descr. Muscou. ca 2. 5 Sigism. loc. citato. pag. 40. 6. Sigism. loc. citato p. 40. Guaguin. loc. citato. 7. Guaguin. Ibid. 8. joan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supra. apud. Sigism. p. 31. Guagin. loc. citato. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 9 Sacran. loc. citato. 10. Sigism. lib. alleg. pag. 47. Posseui●. de Rebus Moscou. pag. 2. Guaguin. Descript. Moscou. cap. 2. 11. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 1●. Sigism. lib. citat. p. 28. Scarga. de uno pastor l. 3. c. 2.  THe Muscovites and Russians, as they were converted to Christianity by the Grecians. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. Cromer. de reb. Polon. l. 3. so have they ever since continued of the Greek Communion and Religion.  

1. Denying the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Son.  
2. Rejecting Purgatory, but yet praying for the Dead.  
3. Believing that the holy men enjoy not the presence of God afore the Resurrection.  
4. Celebrating the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with leavened bread, and requiring warm water to mingle with the wine.  
5. And communicating in both kinds;  
6. But mingling both together in the Chalice, and distributing it together with a spoon.  
7. And receiving children after seven years old to the Communion, saying, that at that age they begin to sin against God.  
8. Omitting Confirmation by the Bishop.  
9 Denying the special efficacy of extreme unction.  
10. Excluding the fourth marriage as utterly unlawful; whereas they approve not the second, as perfectly lawful, but only permit it, but tolerate not the third, except on very important considerations.  
11. Dissolving marriage by divorcement, upon every light occasion or displeasure.  
12. Admitting neither Deacons nor Priests to Orders, except they be married: but yet 
* Possevin. de Reb. Moscou. p. 1. Guaguin. loc. citat. 13. Posseu. lib. allegato. p. 44. 14. joan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supr. p. 31. Guaguin. loc. allegato. 15. Posseu. in Moscovia. pag. 42. Sacran. de error. R●then. cap. 2. 16. Guaguin. loc. citat. ●7. Sigism. lib. citato. pag. 33. Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 1. c. de Moscovia.  prohibiting marriage to them being actually in Orders.  
13. Rejecting carved or massy Images, but admitting the painted.  
14. Reputing it unlawful to fast on Saturdays.  
15. Or, to eat of that which is strangled, or of blood.  
16. Observing four Lents in the year.  
17. Refusing to communicate with the Roman Church.   
And (to conclude) exceping the difference in distributing of the Eucharist, and exacting of marriage to their Priests and Deacons, there is not any material difference in points of Religion, that I found betwixt them and the Grecians. With whom, they not only maintain Communion, but were also, and that not long since (and of right still aught to be) of the same jurisdiction and Government, for 
x Possevin. Rer. M. scou. Com. 1. pag. 1. Guaguin. descrip. Moscou. cap 2.  their chief Metropolitan or Primate (who is the Archbishop of Moscow) was wont to be confirmed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, but is now, and hath been about some sixty years, nominated and appointed by the Prince (the Emperor of Russia) and upon that nomination, consecrated by two or three of his own Suffragans: Of whom even all sorts together, Bishops and Archbishops, there are but 
a Possevin. l●co proxime citato Sigism. in Moscow pag. 28.  eleven, in all that large Dominion of the Emperor of Russia.  
Thus is it with those sorts of Christians hitherto related touching their Religion, and Governors. All which (as you may easily perceive) are of the same communion, and in effect of the same Religion with the Grecians: And beside these, some large parts of the King of Polonia his Dominion, for Podolia, and for the most part 
b Boter. Rel. pa. 1. l. 1. c Russia. Guaguin. Descr. Moscou. cap. ●.  Russia Nigra, or Rubra as some call it (the larger Russia subject for the greatest part to the Duke of Moscovia, they term Russia alba) are of the Greek Religion. And although the Bishops of South Russia, subject namely to the King of Polonia, submitted themselves almost twenty years ago (An. 1594) to the Bishop of Rome, as Baron. Tom. 7. Annal. in fine. & Possevin. in Apparsacr. in Rutheni. have recorded, yet was it not without special reservation of the Greek Religion and Rites, as is manifest by the Articles of condition extant. ap. Th. a jes. de Conu. gent. l. 6 pag. 3. cap. 1. pag. 328. & seq. tendered by them to the Church of Rome, and accepted, before they would accept of the union. So that it was not any revolting from the Greek Religion, but only (in effect) from the jurisdiction of the Greek Patriarch, to the Pope, and that also with sundry limitations, And in 
c Sigism. de ●●b Moscou. pag 27. Guaguin l●co iam citato.  Wilna (the Metropolis of Lituania.) Although the Archbishop profess obedience to the Pope, yet are there also in that City, as Sigismond hath observed, more Temples of the Greek Religion (there be thirty of them) then of the Roman. ᵈ Epist. add Ch●trae. de Relig. Russor. So that if we should collect and put together all the Christian regions hitherto entreated of: which are all of the Greek communion: And compare them with the parts professing the Roman Religion, we should find the Greek fare to exceed, if we except the Roman new and foreign purchases, made in the West and East Indieses.  
THe Nestorians, who have purchased that name by their ancient imitation, 
Of the Nestorians. Chap. 19  and maintaining of Nestorius his heresy, inhabit (though every where mingled with Mahumetans, or with Pagans') a great part of the Orient, for besides the Countries of Babylon, and Assiria, and Mesopotamia▪ and Parthia, and Media, wherein very many of them are found, that Sect is spread and scattered fare and wide in the East, both Northerly to Cataya, and Southerly to India. So that in Marcus Paulus his history of the East Regions, and in 
d Guil. de Rubr. Itin. Tart c. Paul. Venet. 1. l. 1. c. 38.2. l. eod. cap. 39.3. cap. ●0 4 c. 47.5. c. 45. & 49.6. c. 48.7. c. 62.8. c. 64. l. 2. c. 39 l. 〈◊〉. c. 61. & 64, etc. Paul. Di●con. Histor. Miscel. lib. 18.  others, we find mention of them, and of no sect of Christians but them, in very many parts and Provinces of Tartary: As namely in 1 Cassar, 2 Samarchan, 3 Carcham, 4 Chin●hintales, 5 Tanguth, 6 Succhuir, 7 Ergimul, 8 Tenduch 9 Caraiam, 10 Mangi, etc. Insomuch, that beyond the River Tigris Eastward, there is not any other Sect of Christians to be found, for aught I can read, except only the Portugals, and the converts made by them in India, and the late migration of the Armenians into Persia.  
The reason of which large spreading and prevailing of that Sect so fare in the Orient, if you inquire I find to that purpose, recorded by Paulus Diaconus of Cos●hoes the King of Persia, that he for the mortal hatred he bore the Emperor Heraclius, by whom he had been sore afflicted with a grievous war, enforced all the Christians of the Persian Empire to Nestorianisme permitting no Catholics to remain in all his Dominions. By whose preaching, the Christian Religion being fare there enlarged and propagated into the East (as it seems both because those of the Persian Dominion, were more Eastwardly than other Christians, and because it is certain that all of them till this day acknowledge obedience to the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia, which Country was then part of the Persian Dominion:) It is no wonder if sowing their own Tares and Christ's wheat together, they propagated with the Gospel also their own heresy. Shortly after which time, the Sarracens of Arabia (Mahumetans) conquering Persia, and bringing their Religion, together with their victories into all that large Dominion, 
S●nd. de Vist. Monarch. l. 7. An. 1556. Paul. Venet▪ l. 1. c. 15. Brocard. Des. Terr. sanct. Le●nclau. Pa●d. Histor. Turc § 3.  there remained but little outward means and slender hope of their repair and reformation from any sound part of the Church (from which they were more now then afore divided) except what affliction and time, and the grace of God might work and repair in them.  
Now touching their Ecclesiastical government: The Patriarch of the Nestorians, to whom all those of the East parts, acknowledge obedience (a number of whose Suffragan Bishop's an● Metropolitans, you have reckoned up in Sanders book de Visibili Monarchia, and whom they call jacelich, saith Paulus Venetus Brochardus, and others, but mistake it (or else they of the East pronounce it amiss) for Catholic, as is observed by Leunclavius) hath his seat in the City of Muzal, on the River Tigris in Mesopotamia, or in the patriarchal Monastery of Saint Ermes fast by Muzal. Th. a jes. l. 7. pag. 3. c▪ 4. In which City, though subject to Mahometans, it is 
e Aubret. Mirae Noti●●ae Episco. Orb pag. ●5 Mas. in Ortel in Thesaur. in S●leuita. Plin. l. 5● c. 25. Strab. l. 16. long 〈◊〉 Med.  recorded, that the Nestorians retain yet fifteen temples, being esteemed about forty thousand Souls. Th. a jes. l. 7. par. 1. c. 4. and the jacobits three. Which City of Muzal, I either take with Masius and Ortelius, to be the same, that anciently was called Selutia (and in Pliny Seleutia Parthorum) both because Seleutia was, as Strabo saith, the Metropolis of Assyria, even as 
* Guil. Tyr●us de b●ll sacr l 2. c. 8  Musal is recorded to be: And also, because I find the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction of those parts committed by the fathers 
a Concil. Nicen. Arab. l. 3. c. 33. & 34. Vitriac. hist. Orient c· 31. Tit. de bell sac. l. 21. c. 8. Scal. ad Chron. Euseb. A.M.D. CCX II. Ben in Iti●erar. in Medio. See more exact relations of Bag. l. 9 c. 9 etc. My Pilgrimage l. 3. c. 2. §. 3. Strabo l. 16. Plin. l. 6. c. 26. Ptol. G●og. l. 6. c. 18. & 20. Dion. hist. l. ●0. Plin. l. 6. c. 26.  of the Nicene Council, to the Bishop of Seleucia, assigning him with all, the name of Catholic, and the next place of Session in Counsels after the Bishop of jerusalem, which name and authority in those parts, the Bishop of Mosal now hath. Or if Seleucia were some other City, now destroyed, as for certain reasons I am induced rather to think, yet at lest, the patriarchal Seat was from Seleucia translated to 
m Muzal, the patriarchal seat of the Nestorians, is either a remainder of the ancient Ninive, as Vitriacus, and Tyrius (who therefore in his History calleth the Inhabitants of that City Ninivites) have recorded: Or at lest, built near the Ruins of it: Namely, over against it, on the other side of the River Tigris, as by Benjamin, who diligently viewed the place, is observed, for Ninive (which he noteth to be dissolved into scattered Villages and Castles) stood on the East bank of Tigris, on Assyria side: whereas Muzal is seated on the Wes● bank on Mesopotamia side, being yet both joined together, by a Bridge made over Tigris.  Muzal, for the opinion of Scaliger, namely, that Seleucia was the same, that is now called Bagded, or new Babylon, my observations in Geographie and History, will not suffer me to approve. First, because Seleucia is remembered by Strabo to be three hundred furlongs (seven and thirty miles and one or two) Pliny saith, a great deal more, distant from Babylon, whereas Bagded is built close by the ruins of it. Secondly, because I found the position of Seleucia in Ptolemie to be two third parts of a degree, more North than that of Babylon, whereas Bagded is more South. Thirdly, because in Dion, and others, Seleucia is named for a City of Mesopotamia, which Bagded is not, but in the Province of Babylon, as being beneath the confluence of Tigris and Euphrates.  
The Bishop of Muzal then, is Patriarch of the Nestorians. But yet at this present, if the 
a Boter. relat. par. 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Tho. à les. de convers. gent l. 7. par. 1. c. 3. & 4.  Relations of these times be true, there is a distraction of that Sect: which began about sixty years ago, in the time of Pope julius the Third: the Nestorians in the North part of Mesopotamia (about the City of Caramit) submitting themselves to another Patriarch of the Pope's erecting (that revolting from the Bishop of Muzal, taking also on him, the title of the Patriarch of Muzal, which the Pope bestowed on him) having first rendered and professed obedience to the See of Rome, in which obedience it is said, that those Nestorians about Caramit do still continued.  
Now touching the specialties of these Nestorians Religion, in relation to the Roman: they believe. 
1 Vtriac. hist. Orient. c. 8.2 Id. loco ci at.   
First, that there are two persons in our Saviour, as well as two natures, but yet confess, that Christ from the first instant of his Conception, was perfect God and perfect man Th. à jes. Ibid.  
Secondly, that the blessed Virgin aught not to be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which yet now in some sort they 
b Bot. relat. par. 3. l. 2. c. de Nest. Thom. à Ies. de co●. gen. l. 7▪ c. 2.3 Bot. loco proximo citato. 4 Vitri●c. hist. Orient. 78. Villamont en Voyages l. 2. c. 23.5 Vill. lo. citat. 6 Et. 7. Sul●●. Nest. profess. tom. 4. Biblioth. Vet. Patrum, p. 1054. 8 Guliel. de Rubric. Itiner. Tartar. c. 17. Of the Indians or Christians of Saint Th●mas. Chap. 20.  qualify, confessing her to be the Mother of God the Son, but yet refusing to term her the Mother of God.  
Thirdly, that Nestorius condemned in the third and fourth general Counsels, and Diodorus Tarsensis, and Theodorus Mops●ostensi●, condemned for Nestorianisme in the fifth, were holy men: Rejecting for their sake, the third general Council held at Ephesus, and all other Counsels after it, and specially detesting (the mall of Nestorianisme) cyril of Alexandria, Th. à. jes. Ibid.  
Fourthly, they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with leaved bread.  
Fiftly, they communicate in both kinds.  
Sixtly, they use not auricular confession.  
Seventhly, nor confirmation.  
Eightly, they contract Marriage in the second degree of consanguinity. Th. à jes. Ibid.  
Ninthly, their Priests after the death of their first wives, have the liberty of the second or third or oftener Marriage. Th. à jes. Ibid.  
Tenthly, they have not the Image of the Crucifix on their Crosses.  
THe Christians of India, vulgarly named the Christians of Saint Thomas, because by his preaching they are supposed to have been converted to Christian Religion (and his body as is thought, remaineth among them, buried in the City of Maliapar on the Coast of Chor●m●ndel) inhabit in the nearer part of India: namely, in that great Promontory, whose base lying between the outlets of the Rivers Indus and Ganges, stretcheth out the sides fare toward the South (well nigh 1000 miles) till meeting in the point of Comori, they make, together with the base line forementioned (betwixt Cambaya and Bengali) the figure almost of an Equilateral Triangle. In the more Southerly part of this great Promontory, I say nearer to Cape Comori, about the Cities of Coulan and Cranganor on the West side, and about Maliapar and Negapatan, on the East side, do these Christians of Saint Thomas devil, being esteemed afore the Portugals frequented those parts, about 
c Sommar●d popoli Orient. ap. Ramus. Vol. 1. de Viaggi, p. 332.  15000. or 
d B●rbosa eod. Vol. p. 312.  16000 Families, or after another's account 
e Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 2 c. della ●oua Christianita d' India.  70000. persons: but on the West Coast, the fare greater number of them is found, and especially their habitation is thickest, about Angamale, 
f Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 2. c. della vecchia Christ. d' India Th. à jes. de conver. gent. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 4.  15. miles from the City Cochi● Northward, where their Archbishop keepeth residence.  
Now as touching their government: Their Archbishop till twenty years since or little more, acknowledged obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, 
* For Mozal as I said before, is either Seleucia, or succeeded into the dignity of it. And Seleucia is recorded to have been inhabited by the Citizens of Babylon, whereof it was a Colony: And such a Colony, as in short time ●t 
* Th. a ●e●. de conu. gent. l. 7. part. 1. c. 4.  exhausted Babylon itself, of all the Inhabitants, passing, by reason of the more commodious situation, to devil at Seleucia. So that Seleucia being inhabited by the Babylonians, and so becoming in stead of Babylon, the principal City of the Provinces of Babylonia, and Assyria, the City 
* Plin. loco proximo citato.  obtained the name of Babylon of her Inhabitants (as well as Seleucia, of her Founder) as Pliny hath recorded: And the Patriarch of it, the title of the Patriarch of Babylon. And although 
* Apud ●amus. vol. 1. de Viaggi. p. 313.  Barbosa note, that subordination of the Christians of India, to be to the Patriarah of Armenia (which no doubt he received from the Indians relation, among whom he was) yet certain it is, that he meaneth no other, than this Patriarch of Mozal: because those Armenians which he meaneth, are by himself observed to have for their vulgar Language the Arabik tongue, and to celebrated their divine Service in the Chaldee, both which agreed with Christians of Mozal, but neither of both with those of Armenia, whose Language both in the vulgar and sacred use is known to be no other than the Armenian Tongue. As also, because the Indians are known to have been Nestorians, to which Heresy the Armenians were most opposite, as being in a manner Iacobites. But as it seemeth, that Patriarch is said to have been of Armenia, for the nearness of Mozal to the Confines of Armenia.  by the name of the Patriarch of Babylon, as by those Christians of India he is still termed: & certainly that the Patriarch of Mozal, 
g Plin. l. 6 c. 26.  challengeth their obedience, as being of his jurisdiction, appeareth by the profession of Abil-Isu, a Patriarch of Mozal, of Pope Pius the Fourth his Investing (Anno 1562.) as is to be seen in 
h Sand▪ visib. Monarch. l 7. p. 642.  Sanders Book de visibili Monarchia, But then, the Archbishop of these Indians, revolting from his former Patriarch, submitted himself by the Portugals persuasion, to the Bishop of Rome, retaining notwithstanding, the ancient Religion of his Country, which was also permitted by the Pope. In so much, that in a Synod held in Goa, for that purpose, he would not suffer any alteration to be made of their ancient Rites or Religion, as one that lived in those parts at that time hath recorded. But that Bishop being dead, his successor in another Synod, held by the Archbishop of Goa, at 
i Possevin. in Apparat. sacro in Diaperiense Concilium.  Diamper, not fare from Maliapur, Anno 1599 made profession, together with his Suffragans, and Priests, both of the Roman obedience and Religion, renouncing in such direct sort, the Patriarch of Mozal, and Nestorianisme, that they delivered up all their Books, to the censure of the Archbishop of Goa, and suffered their liturgy, in the points that relished of Nestorianisme to be altered, even in such sort as now it is to be seen in the last Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum. 

Biblioth. vet. Patrum Auctor. Tom. 2. in sine.  
1 Osorius de rel. Emmanuel. l. 3. Bot. rel p. 3. l. 2 c. della. Vecchia Ch●istianita ● India.  
2 Od●ard. Barbos'. p. Ramus. Vol. 1. p. 313.  
3 Navigaet. josephi· Indi, inter relationes novi orbis. c. 134.  
4 joseph. Ind. ●. citato c. 134.  
5 Os●r. loco ante citato. Posseu. in Appara. sacro in Diamperiense Concil. Thet. co●. l. 10. ca 15.  
6 jos. Ind. ubi supra c. 133.  
7 Posseu. loco citato.  
8 Posseu. loco citato.  
9 Posseu. in Apparat. sacro in Nestoriani. ●idmanstad. i● praef. Test. Syriac.    
But before this alteration of their Religion was procured by the Portugals, those Christians of India were Nestorians, as having the dependence that I related, on the Patriarch of the Nestorians, they could not well be any other. Some specialties of whose Religion I found thus recorded.  
1. That they distributed the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
2. That they celebrated it with bread seasoned with Salt, (pane salato, saith my Historian) and in stead of Wine (because India affordeth none) in the juice of Raisins, softened one night in water and so pressed forth.  
3. That they baptised not their Infants till they were forty days old, except in danger of death.  
4. That they used not Extreme unction.  
5. That thei● Priests were married, but excluded from the second Matrimony. Osor. de Rob. Emanuel. l. 3.  
6. That they had no Images of Saints in their Churches, but only the Crosse.  
7. That detesting (the Mall of Nestorianisme) cyril of Alexandria, they honoured Nestorius and Dioscorus as Saints, which yet me thinks were strange, being of so contrary opinions, as they were, the first, for two persons in Christ, as well as two natures: the second, for one nature, as well as one Person; but it may be that Dioscorus is by the Relater mistaken for Diodorus, who was indeed a great Nestorian, and for it condemned in the fift general Council.  
8. That they denied the Primacy of the Pope.  
9 That their New Testament which in their Churches they formerly read (and still do) in the Syriak tongue, was by the Nestorians in sundry places, which are now altered by the Romans, corrupted to the advantage of that Heresy, wherein yet, I think the Reporter is deceived: because the same corruptions objected to them (whereof some are no corruptions at all, but agreed rightly with the original Text, much better than doth the vulgar Latin, by comparing whereof he examines them, and censures them for corruptions) the same I say, are found in the Syriaque Edition that we have, being so fare from being corrupted by the Nestorians that it was brought out of Mesopotamia into Europe (to be printed by Moses Marde●u●, from the Patriarch of the contrary Sect, namely, of the jacobites. But yet notwithstanding, I am indeed certainly persuaded that the Syriaque 
n The Imperfections of the Syriake Edition, consist partly in sundry defects: namely, 1. of all the Revelation: 2. of the Epistle of Saint jude; 3. of the second Epistle of Saint Peter: 4. of the second and third Ep●stles of Saint john: 5. of the History of the Woman taken in adultery, in the eight Chapter of Saint john's Gospel, containing the first eleven Verses: and 6. of the 7. Verse of the 5. Chapter of the first Epistle of Saint john. Of which, the two wants are no less found in sundry ancient Greek Copies, as Erasmus, Beza, junius and others have observed; And partly; beside these defects, in some (very few faulty translations.  Translation of the New Testament (whosoever was the Author of it) is nothing near of that Antiquity, 
Bellar de ve●b● D●i l. 2. c. ●.  which the Syrians (as Bellarmine and others report of them) pretend it to be, namely to have been the work of Saint Mark. First, because Saint Mark died in the eighth year of Nero, 
Hieron. de Scrip. Ecclesiast. in Marc. Erasmus. Beza. ●unius. in Annot. ad loc. praedict.  as Hierome with others hath certainly recorded, after which time many parts of the New Testament, were written: as namely Saint john's Gospel, the Acts of the Apostles (for all the History from the 24. Chapter to the end, relateth occurrents after Saint Marks death) the Epistles of Saint Paul to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy. Secondly, because that Syriaque Translation is not to be found once mentioned, in any of all those ancient and learned Writers, that lived in those East parts, and diligently sought out and observed the several Editions and Translations of the holy Scripture. And thirdly, because the Dialect discovereth it to be of a fare later Age, then that of the Apostles: which they will soon found to be so (to omit some other Evidences) that shall compare the Syriaque words recorded in the New Testament by the Evangelists (which all are noted by Hierome and by others) with the Syriaque Book: as for example, 
Hieron. l. de nominib. Hebr.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mat. 6.25. Mamouno. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joan. 19.13. Gephiphto. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mat. 27, 33. Gogoultho. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Act. 1.19. Chakaldemo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. Cor. 16.22. Moraneto. And to be short, there is not almost any Syriaque word recorded in the New Testament, which varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was usual in the Apostles time, either in consonants, or vowels, or both: which could not be the alteration of any short course of time.  

Of the jacobites Chap. 21. Damas. l. de hae resib. post med. Niceph. hist. Ecclesiast. l. 18. c. 52  THe Iacobites obtained that appellation, as Damascene and Nicephorus have recorded, of one jacobus surnamed Zanzalus, of Syria, who living about Anno 530. was in his time a mighty inlarger of Eutiches' Sect, and maintainer of his opinion, touching the unity of nature in our Saviour: And his followers are at this day in great numbers, known by the name of jacobites, in Syria, in Cyprus, in Mesopotamia, in Babylon, and in Palestine, For, the Patriarch of jerusalem who keepeth his residence still in jerusalem, (in which City, there yet remain 
a Chitrae de stat. Ecclesiat. p. 25.  ten, or more, Churches of Christians) is also a jacobite. But although in all these forementioned Regions, these jacobites are found (where they be esteemed to make about 
b Namely 15. Crus. in Turcog. l. 4. p 297.  160000. Family's) or rather 
c Bot. relat. pa. 3 l. 2. c. de Giacobi.  50000. as Leonard the Bishop of Sidon, the Pope's Visitor in those parts hath recorded. ap. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. cap. 14. yet chief they inhabit in Aleppo of Syria, and in Caramit, and the Mountain Tur of Mesopotamia: But yet their Religion under other Titles, is extended much farther, in so much that it is recorded to be spread abroad in some 
d Breitenbach. peregrin. c. de jacobitis. Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 76  forty Kingdoms.  
All which Iacobites of the places before specified, have, and long have had, a Patriarch of their own Religion (for I found the 
e Paul Diacon. hist. Miscel. l. 18. Zonar. Annal. To. 3. in Heraclio  Patriarch of the Iacobites spoken of in the Emperor Heraclius his time) to whom they tender obedience. The patriarchal Church of which Sect, is in the 
f M●rae. in notitia. Episcop. orb. pmiddot; 35. Bot. relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Giaco.  Monastery of Saphran, near to the City of Merdin in the North part of Mesopotamia: But the Patriarch himself, keepeth ordinary residence in the City of Caramit, the ancient Metropolis of Mesopotamia, and which at this day, consisteth for the greatest part of Christians, for that Caramit 
* Caramit. is Rara Amida, that is (in the Turkish Tongue) black Amida, because it was walled with black stone.  is the same City, which the ancient Writers called Amida, Sabellicus, and others have left observed, and Amida to have been anciently the Metropolis of Mesopotamia, 
g S●bellic. Supplem. hist. l. 18.  I found in the subscriptions of the ancient Counsels plainly recorded.  
But till Eutichianisme so mightily prevailed in those parts, as to work in them a detestation of the Council of Chalcedon, 
h Conc. Chal. Action. 1. etc.  and a departure withal, from their ancient obedience: They belonged till than I say to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antiochia, as being 
i Notitia provinciar.  Provinces of the Diocese of the Orient, which we found in the 
k Conc. Constan. 1. prim. Con. 2.  second general Council, to be the circuit and limitation of that Patriarches authority, which is the reason that the Patriarch of the jacobites, keeping ever the name of Ignatius, intitleth himself Patriarch of Antiochia: And that the 
l Mirae. notit. Epis. orbis p. 36.  Patriarch of jerusalem, who is also as I said a jacobite acknowledgeth him (as some record) for superior: Having therein (if it be so) but in some sort returned to the ancient obedience, wherein the Bishops of jerusalem stood to the Patriarches of Antiochia, even till the time of the Council of Chalcedon: for than began jerusalem, to be erected into a Patriarchship: And (as we read in the 
m Conc. Chalced. Action 7.  actions of that Council) with the consent and allowance of the Patriarch of Antiochia, the three Provinces of Palestina, which till then (Anno 451.) belonged to Antiochia, were withdrawn from it, 
1.2.31.4. jacob. a Vitriaco. Hist. Orient. c. 76. Villamont. l. 2. c. 22. 2 Bucebing hist. Eccles. par●. 2. p. 331. Saligniac. Itiner. To. 8. c. 1. Th. à Ies l 7. pa. 1. c. 14. 4 Bucebing. loco citato.  and assigned to the Bishop of jerusalem for his patriarchal jurisdiction.  
Now as touching the Characters of their Religion.  
1. They acknowledge but one nature, and but one will and one operation, ex catechism. jacobitar. ap. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 15. in Christ (as there is but one person) and in token of that, they make the sign of the Cross, with one finger only, which the other Christians of the East do with two.  
2. They sign their Children before Baptism, many in the Face, some in the Arm, with the sign of the Cross, imprinted with a burning Iron.  
3. They use Circumcision. Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 1. even of both Sexes. Vit●iac. ut ibi.  
4. They confess their sins to God only, not to the Priest, and as others record, but very seldom, so that many communicate without Auricular Confession. Leonard Sidon. ap. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14. 
Alphons. à Castro. l. 4 cont. Heres. Tit. Confessio Baumgar. Itiner. l. 2. c. 9   
5. They admit not of Purgatory; nor of Prayers for the dead. Th. à. jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 23.  
6. They consecrated the Eucharist in unleavened Bread. Salign. Itin. Hieros. Tom. 8. c. 1. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
7. The Priests are married.  
8. They believe all the souls of just men to remain in the Earth till the Day of judgement, expecting Christ's second coming, ex Catechism. jacobit.  
9 They affirm the Angels to consist of two substances, fire and light. ex Catechism. jacobit.  
10. They honour Dioscorus and jacobus Syrus as Saints, but yet condemn Eutyches as an Heretic. Patriarch. jacobit. ap. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14.  
These are the Properties (that I found registered) of the Iacobites Religion, namely of them, that are properly so called, and still retain the ancient opinion of jacobus. Syrus. But it seemeth, that their principal error, and which occasioned their first Schism and Separation from the Church, Namely, the Heresy of Eutiches touching one nature in Christ, is for the most part, long since abolished: for as Vitriacus hath long ago recorded, 
Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 76.  they denied to him (than the Pope's Legate in those parts, and demanding the question) that they believed one only nature in Christ: And being further asked, why then making the Cross, they signed themselves only with one finger, their answer was, that they did it in acknowledgement of one divine Nature, as also they did it in three several places, in acknowledgement of three persons in that one nature. And beside of late time, Leonard another Legate of Pope Gregory's the Thirteenth in those parts, hath recorded of the Patriarches profession made to himself, that although they held indeed but one personated nature to be in in Christ, resulting of the union of two natures not personated, yet they acknowledged those two natures to be united in his person, without any mixtion or confusion, and that they themselves differed not in understanding, but only in terms from the Latin Church. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 14. And although (as it is storied by some Writers of these times) some there be among them that still retain that error, yet certainly, that it is no general and received opinion among them, is most manifest, for we have extant the confessions of the 
n Tom. 4. Biblioth. vet. Patrum p 1050.  jacobites of Mesopotamia, and of those of 
o Apud Baron. in fine Tomi 6. Annal.  Egypt, and 
p Zag. Zabo. de Relig. & Morib. Aethiop. apud Damian. à Goes.  of Aethiopia, and of 
q Confess Armenior. Num. 26 28.29 etc.  Armenia, that is to say▪ all sorts of jacobites, out of which it is evident, that that error of Eutiches, is clearly renounced, as articularly acknowledging that the humane nature of Christ was taken of the Virgin, and of the same substance with ours, and remained, after the adunation with the Deity without any mutation of properties) distinct from the divine nature 
r Vid. Concil. Chalced. Action. 1. & Theod. de haeres. l. 4. in Eutiche.  All which the Heresy of Eutiches denied.  
THe Sect of Christians named Cophti, are no other, the Christians of Egypt: And, it is the name of their Nation, rather, 
Of the Cophti, or Christians of Egypt. Chap. 22. Mas. in Syror. Peculio. Baron. in Legat. Eccles Alex. ad sed Apostol. Tom. 6. Annal. in fine. Ortel. in Thesauro in Egyptus. Scal. ad Eusebij Chron. ad An. MDCCXXXIV Drus. de Trih. sect. judaeor. l. 2. c. 14. tit. de Philacterij●. Damas'. l. de 〈…〉. post med. 1 Bot. rel. p. 3. l. 3 c. de Christia▪ deal Egitto.  then of their Religion (in respect whereof they are merely Iacobites) for as Masius hath observed, the Egyptians in some ancient Monuments are termed Aegophti, whom vulgarly we name Cophti, or Copti, and so they also name themselves, as may be seen, in the Confessions of these Egyptians recorded in Baronius. And certainly, that the Egyptians themselves, name their Country Chibth, Ortelius after Thevet hath recorded: As also it is observed by Scaliger, that in the Talmud it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And, by Drusius, out of R. David, and R. Shelomo, that Egypt is by them named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not without some traiection of letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. David in praef. l. Radic. R. Shelom. in Exod. 13.  
But touching their Religion (to omit curiosity about the name (they differ not, as I said from the jacobites. Insomuch that (as Damascen hath observed) the same Sectaries, that first were termed Aegyptij, because among the Egyptians, that Heresy of one only nature in Christ, found the mightiest patronage, were after of jacobus Syrus above mentioned, named in Syria, jacobites. And till this day Severus, Dioscorus and jacobus, the principal parents and patrons of that Sect, are by the Egyptians honoured in the memorial of their Liturgies. Th. à jes. lib. 7. pag. 1. cap. 5.  
1 Using Circumcision: Yet I am not very certain whether for Religion, or (which I observed it before to have been) as an ancient custom of that Nation, which custom yet is reported Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6. Boter. p. 3. l. 3. the Christ. de Egitto, to be now abrogated among them, by the persuasion of the Bishops of Rome's Legates in a Synod held at Cairo about thirty years ago, Anno 1583.  
2. They confer the inferior sacred orders (under Priesthood) even to Infants presently after Baptism, altogether, their Parents promising for them and performing in their steads (till they be sixteen years old or thereabouts) what they promise' in their behalves, namely chastity, and fasting every Wednesday and Friday, and in the four Lents of the year. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5 They repute not Baptism of any efficacy, except ministered by the Priest and in the Church in what necessity soever. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5.  
3. Neither baptise their children afore the fortieth day, though they should die without Baptism. Th. à Ies, Ibid.  
4. Ministering the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  

2 〈…〉 Cosm de Levant. c. 4●.  5. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in leavened bread. Th. à jes. ibid.,  
6. Give the Sacrament of the Eucharist to Infants presently after their Baptism. Id. Ibid.  
7. To sick persons they neither minister Extreme Unction, nor the Eucharist. Id. Ibid.  
8. Althowgh they acknowledge the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Father and the Son, yet in relating o● the Nicene Creed, they leave out those words (and from the Son) as the Grecians do Id. Ibid.  
9 They admit not of Purgatory nor of Prayer for the dead. Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1.23.  
10. They contract Marriages even in the second degree of consanguinity without any dispensation. Tecla. Abissin. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13.  
11. They observe not the Lords days, nor other Feasts, except in the Cities. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.  
12. In celebrating of the Eucharist, they elevate not the Sacrament. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.  
13. Reject all the general Councils after that of Ephesus, expressly condemning the Council of Chalcedon. Id. Ibid.  
14. Read the Gospel of Nicodemus in their Liturgies. Prateol. de Heresib. in Cophti.  
15. Repute the Roman Church heretical, and avoid the communion and conversation of the Latins, no less then of jews. And although Baron. in fin. Tom. 6, Annal. have registered an Ambassage from Marcus the Patriarch of Alexandria to Pope Clement the Eighth, wherein he is said to have submitted and reconciled himself and the Provinces of Egypt to the Pope, yet the matter being after examined was found to be but a trick of Imposture, as Th. à jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6. hath recorded.  

Thom. à Ies. de conu. gent. l. 7. par. ●. c. 5. 3 Thom. à jes. loco citato. Bot. loc. cit.  16. Maintaining the opinion of one nature in Christ: yet in such sort, that although in the general position touching one nature in our Saviour, they follow Eutyches, yet in the special declaration, at this day they differ very much from him. For they acknowledge him to be truly, and perfectly both God and man: And, that the Divine and humane natures, are become in him one Nature, not by any confusion or commixtion of them, as Eutyches taught: but only by coadundation. Wherein although they catholicly confess, that there is no mutation of properties in either nature, being united in Christ, from what the divine and humane natures severally obtain in several Persons: Yet being not well able (as it seems) to distinguish between the nature and the Person, they dare not say there be in Christ two Natures, for fear they should slip into Nestorius' Heresy of two Persons. Which Heresy of one only Nature in our Saviour, beginning with Eutyches, although after dispersing itself into many branches, hath ever since the time of the Council of Chalcedon, by which Eutychianisme was condemned and for it, the Patriarch of Alexandria 
l Conc. Chalce●. Action 3.  Dioscorus deposed, been nourished and maintained, as by other Christians of the East, so specially by the Egyptians. Insomuch, that not only sundry Patriarches of Alexandria, and Antiochia (but specially of Alexandria) together with many other Bishops of the East parts, their Suffragans, and adherents, are recorded to have maintained and advanced, that Heresy of Eutyches, but we found moreover, many Synods of those parts, registered or remembered in Euagrius, 
evag. l. 3. c. 5.6.22.30 33. etc. Leont de Sect. Action. 5. Niceph. l 16. c. 2.4. & 5. & l. 18. & sequent.  Leontius, Nicephorus, and the Book called 
m Synod. 97.101.103.108. c. 45.109. etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, brought to light by Pappus, etc. wherein (in the behalf of that Heresy) the Decrees of the Council of Chalcedon were condemned. In which Council, although we read of the greatest Confluence of Bishops, that ever met about the Establishment of any point in Christian Religion (& yet beside the six hundred and thirty Bishops present in that Council, there are extant in the 
n Ad fin. Concil. Chal. Tom. 2. Concil. Binij.  Book of Counsels, the Suffrages of about thirty Provincial Synods, that by their Ep●stles to the Emperor Leo, confirmed it, together with all the Bishops of the West, by whom it was likewise received) yet notwithstanding all this, that Heresy so prevailed in the East parts, and specially in Egypt, whereof we now entreat, that from that time to this it was never cleared of it. But as there was never Heresy that so grievously wounded the Church of God▪ as that of Eutyches (except perhaps Arrianisme) so was no part of the Church so deeply and deadly wounded by it, as that of Egypt. So that, even at this day, although the wound be in some sort healed, yet the wemme or scar still remaineth. For it is not many years, since by certain jesuites, Agents for the Bishop of Rome, some conferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and his Synod, 
Bot. relat. par. 3. l. 3 c de Christiani de Egitto.  wherein, although they confessed (if true relation be made of that conference) that Christ is true God and true Man: yet did they purposely refrain from mentioning two natures in Christ, jest they should by little and little sl●p into the Heresy of two persons.  
Now as touching their Ecclesiastical government they are subject to the Patriarch of Alexandria, 
o Chitrae de stat. Ecclesiar p. 21.  whose patriarchal Seat is at this present translated (and so long hath been) to the City of Cairo, in 
〈…〉 Alex. ap. Baron. Tom. 6 in fine  either of which Cities, (Cairo and Alexandria) there remain at this day, but three Christian Temples apiece. Whereas Burchardus recor●eth of his time (about three hundred and twenty years ago) that in one of them (Cairo) there were above forty, Burch. descr. ter. sanct. par. 2. c. 3. But yet, to the jurisdiction of this Patriarch belong, not only the native Christians of Egpypt, who are but very few, considering the exceeding populousness of that Nation (for they are esteemed as I said before, not to pass fifty thousand.) which in Burchardus his time, are by him recorded to have been above 300000. Id. p. 2. c. 3. together with the small remainder of Christians, that are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in Mount Sinaï Eastward, or in Africa as fare as the greater Syrtis Westward: but the Christians likewise of Ethiopia acknowledge obedience to him. 
Aluarez▪ histor. Ethiop. c. 137.  For although Aluarez in his Story of Ethiopia have related (as he doth also some other matters touching the ancienter condition of the Church, too grossly and boldly) that the Christians of Nubia till their defection from Christianity, were of the Pope's dependence and jurisdiction, and received their Bishops by his consecration (and say nothing of the Patriarch of Alexandria) yet certainly, that they were not so, is manifest, for besides that Saligniacus (himself the Pope's Protonotary, and whose travel had taught him some knowledge of the East parts, directly denieth the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bishop of Rome, observing, that they were governed by a Prelate of their own, whom they termed the Priest of the Law. Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that direct testimony of his I say, there be other Evidences. First, because there cannot be produced any Instance, out of any Ecclesiastical History, either ancient or modern (as I am certainly persuaded) to that effect. Secondly, because the Fathers of the Nicene Council, as we found in 
n Nicen. Concil. l. 3. c. 36.  Gelasius Ciziranus, are known to have assigned Ethiopia, whereof Nubia is a part, to the Patriarch of Alexandria his jurisdiction. Thirdly, because the Patriarchship of Alexandria, lieth directly between Nubia and Rome, as being immediately at the back of Egypt. Fourthly, because the Nubians were in Religion Iacobites, 
Vitriac▪ hist. Orient. c. ●6. Brocard descript. Terrae. sanct.  as a Roman Cardinal Vitriacus Bocardus, and others have recorded, and as their baptising with fire remembered by Burchardus and Saligniacus did manifestly import Burch. descr. t●rr. sanct. p. 2. c. 3.5.7. Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 2. of which Sect the Patriarch of Alexandria is known to be which, had the Pope the assignment or confirmation of their Prelates, it is utterly unlike they should have been. Fiftly, because in time of their necessity, being left destitute of Bishops and Ministers, if they had pertained to the Bishop of Rome his jurisdiction, they would rather have had recourse to him, for repair of the decayed and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully could, and no doubt readily would have relieved them, rather, then suffered them to departed ●s they have done, from the Christian Faith: To him I say, they would rather have resorted for supply, then to the King of Habassia 
o Aluarez. loc● prox. citato.  (as they did) being of another patriarchal jurisdiction. Certain therefore it seemeth, that Nubia while it was Christian, belonged not to Rome but to Alexandria: By whom, if the Nubians in their distresses were not relieved, no man can wonder, that knoweth the great want and misery of the Church of Egypt.  
NOw touching the Habassines, or midland Aethiopians, 
Of the Habassines. Chap. 23. Stra. l. 2. & l. 17.  whether they have obtained that name, by reason of their habitations (in houses) which the Egyptians called Auase●, as Strabo hath observed (for the ancient Books have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in difference from them, which dwelling nearer the Bay of Arabia, were called Troglodua (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) because they dwelled in Caves, not in Houses, as Pliny and others have recorded: whether I say, 
Plin. l. 5. c. 8. Solin. P●lyhist. c. 3●  for that reason they have obtained the name of Abassins', or not, let more curious men inquire. But as touching their Religion, they are in manner mere jacobites: And their King (whom by error we call Prestor john) is sundry times in Histories termed the Prince of the jacobites. And their leaving out of their memorials (in 
* Liturg. Ethiop. tom. 6. Biblioth. vet. patrum. pag. 59 & 65. Zag. Zabo. de Relig. & Morib. Ethiop. ap Damian. a G●s.  their Liturgy) the Council of Chalcedon, by which the heresy maintained after by jacobus Syrus was condemned, whereas the Counsels of Nice, of Constantinople, and of Ephesus are remembered, doth import so much. And in very deed considering the dependence, that the Church of Habassia hath of the Patriarch of Alexandria, it is almost impossible but they should be so; for as Zaga, Zabo, an Habassine Bishop hath left recorded, although they have a Patriarch of their own, whom they call in their own language Abuna, (our Father) and he chosen by the Habassine Monks of Saint Antony's Order remaining in jerusalem, yet are they limited to choose one of the jurisdiction of Alexandria, and a 
* You may observe, which I in my reading have done, that all the Patriarches and other Bishops of the East, are Monks, of the Orders, either of Saint Basil, or Saint Anthony, for the Patriarches of Constantinople, of Antiochia, and of Armenia, are Monks of Saint Basils' Order: the Patriarches of Alexandria, of Ethiopia, of the jacobites, and of the Maronites, are of Saint Anthony's: And the Patriarch of the Nestorians either of both.  Monk of Saint Antony he must be. And beside that, the confirmation and consecration of him belongeth to the Patriarch of Alexandria, and by him he is sent with Ecclesiastical charge into Habassia. And (to be short) their prayer in their 
* Liturg. Ethiop. Tom. 6. Biblioth. Vet. Patrum▪ p. 62.  present Liturgy, for the Patriarch of Alexandria, terming him the Prince of their Archbishops, and remembering him before their own Patriarch, evidently declareth their dependence and subjection to that Sea. Which supreme Ecclesiastical power touchi●● Aethiopia, to have belonged very anciently to the Patriarch of Alexandria, may appear by the Arabike Book of the Nicene Council, 
* Concil. Nicen. l 3. can. 36.  translated by Pisanus, where that authority is found assigned to the Patriarch of Alexandria, touching that Abuna of Aethiopia (by the name of Catholic) and withal, to that Catholic of chief Bishop of Aethiopia, the seventh place in the Sessions of general Counsels, namely, next after the Bishop of Seleucia (whose Seat was next the Patriarches of jerusalem) by the Decree of the same Nicene Fathers was allotted.  
But if you desire a register of some special points of their Religion;  

1.2.3.4.5.6.9.10.11. Zag. Zab. de Relig. & morib. Ethiop. ap. Damianum. 4. Aluarez. Hist. Ethiop. c. 11.5. Aluarez. ibi.  1. They circumcise their children the eight day, after the manner of the jews: Even Females also as well as Males, wherein they differ from the jews.  
2. They reverence the Sabbath (Saturday) keeping it solemn equally with the Lords day.  
3. They eat not of those beasts, which in the old Law are censured for unclean.  
4. They consecrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist in unleavened bread: contrary to the custom of all the East, the Armenians excepted. Nevertheless Tecla an Habassine Monk and Priest, saith that they celebrated ordinarily in leavened bread, but on the day of the institution of the Lords Supper (the Thursday before Easter) they do it in bread unleavened over all Habassia. an. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13.  

Tecla Abissin. ap. Th. a jes. loc. alleg.  5. And communicate in both kinds, which they receive standing. And all of them, as well of the Laity as Clergy at leastwise every week, the Priest ministering the bread, and the Deacon the wine with a spoon. Tecla. Abissin. joel. Zag. Zab. de rel. But yet only in the Temple; it being not lawful for any (not the King or Patriarch) elsewhere to communicate. After the receiving whereof, it is not lawful for them to spit that day till the setting o● the Sun. Zag. Zab. ibid.  
7. And that even to their young Infants, presently after they are baptised: 
* Tecla Abisin. ap. Tho. a jesus de co●●. verse. gent. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.  which in their Males is forty days after their birth, and in Females eighty (except in peril of death, for than they are presently baptised. Tecla. Abissin. ib.) till which time be complete, their women also enter not into the Temple. Zag. Zab. ibid.  
8. They profess but one Nature and one Will in Christ, yet without any mixtion or confusion of the Divine and Human substances. Tecla. ap. Th. a jesuit. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.  
9 Believe the reasonable souls of men, to be traduced from parents by seminal propagation. Zag. Zab. de Relig. Aethiop. in fine. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8.  
10. Believe the souls of the Infants departing afore Baptism to be saved, because they are sprung from faithful parents, and namely the virtue of the Eucharist, received by the mother after conception to sanctify the child in her womb. Zag. Zab. ibid. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8. Aluar. hist. Aethiop. ca 22.  
11. They presently upon commission of sin resort to the Confessor, and at every confession (though it were every day) receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Zaga Zabo▪ ibidem.  
12. They have only painted, not massy Images in their Churches. Tecla. ubi supra.  
13. They accept only the three first general Counsels, rejecting that of Chalcedon, for determining two Natures to be in Christ, and for condemning Dioscorus the Patriarch of Alexandria. Tecla. Abis. ib.  
14. Elevate not the Sacrament in celebrating of the Eucharist, but keep it covered: neither reserve it after the Communion.  
15. To excommunicate obstinate sinners, is peculiar to their Patriarch, which yet is not usual among them, 
Aluarez. 〈◊〉. loco.  except in case of Murder, Zag. Zab. ibid.  
16. Their Priests, and other inferior Ecclesiastical Ministers (as also Monks) live by their labour, having no tithes for their maintenance, nor being suffered to crave Alms. Zag. Zab. loc. citat●.  
17. But the conferring of Bishoprickes, and other Ecclesiastical Benefices (except the Patriarchship) belongeth only to the King. Zag. Zab. ibid.  
18. Use neither confirmation, nor extreme unction.  

Zag●. Zabo. loco. citato. Aluarez. lib. citato. c. 5.  19 Admit the first marriage in their Bishops and Priests, but not the second, except their Patriarch dispense.  
20. Eat flesh every Friday (as on other days) betwixt Easter and Whitsunday: as on every Saturday also through the year, 
Aluar. c. 13. Zaga Zabo, ubi supra.  except in Lent.  
21. Baptism themselves every year on the day of the Epiphany, in Lakes or Ponds.  
Concerning which first and last points, namely, of their Circumcision and annual Baptisms, I have somewhat to observe: Namely, first, touching their Circumcision, that they observe it, not so much perhaps of Religion, as of an ancient custom of their Nation. For although their circumcising on the eight day, seemeth to imply that they received it from the jews, yet their circumcising of both sexes, 
Herodot. l. 2. par. a Medio. Stephanus Byzant▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in dictione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as certainly agueth that they did not so. And if the Habassines be of the race of the ancient Aethiopians, the doubt may be the less: because Herodotus and others have recorded it, for an ancient Ceremony of that Nation. Or, if they be not of the Aethiopian race, but of the progeny of the Arabians, as by Vranius in Stephanus Byzantius it should appear, recording them for a Nation of the Arabians, near to the 
* Which seemeth to be true, both because in the Ethiopian 
* Liturg. Ethiop. in Tom. 6. Bibliothecae Vet. Pat. p. 59  Liturgy, they term their own Kingdom the Kingdom of Sheba, and also because the Kings of Habassia 
* Zag. Zabo de Morib. Ethiop. apud Damian.  deduce lineally their descent, from the Queen of Sheba that came to see Solomon which Sheba is to the skilful certainly known to be in Arabia: and either the same that we call Arabia foelix, or some parts of it. And certainly it is observed by learned men, that Arabia foelix in the Eastern tongue, is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Arabia deserta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Arabia Petraea, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sabaeans: even in this case also, the occasion and original of circumcising among the Abassines will be discerned well enough: namely, because it is specially storied to have been a very ancient Ceremony among the Arabians: among whom it might have beginning, by reason of the descent of many of the Arabians, from Ishmael, and sons of Abraham, by Keturah, planted in Arabia, of which Sh●ba by name recorded for one. But yet if the Abassines observe circumcision, not, as an ancient National Custom, 
Gen. 25.3. ●. Shindler. in Dictionar. Pentaglot. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  but in any sort for Religion sake, than it may be excused in such manner, as 
b Za●a Zabo ubi supra.  one of their own Bishops hath professed, namely, that it is done only in remembrance and love, and imitation of our Saviour, because he was circumcised, and not for any other opinion of holiness at all.  
And secondly, touching their annual baptisings in the Feast of the Epiphany, which they (with many Ancients of the Church) suppose to be the day of our Saviour's Baptism, it is declared by the 
c De Religion Ethiop. long. ●●t. med.  Aethiopian Bishop above mentioned to be practised among them, not as any Sacrament, or any conceit of sanctification to be obtained by it, but only as a memorial of Christ's baptism, because as on that day he was baptised in jordan. Even as the 
d Possevin. de Re●. Moscou. p. 6  Moscovites also do the like on the same day in Rivers, and for the same reason, which appeareth the more evidently to be so, because this yearly baptising is no ancient Ceremony of the Habasins, but a fashion of late taken up among them, as Aluarez that lived long in those parts hath related, as being namely the institution of 
e Aluarez. hist. Ethiop. c. 95.  his grandfather, that then reigned in Habasia, being about one hundred years ago.  
THe Armenians, for Traffic to which they are exceedingly addicted, are to be found in multudes, in most Cities of great Trade, specially in those of the Turkish Empire, 
Of the Armenians. Chap. 24.  obtaining more favour and privilege among the Turks, and other Mahometans, 
f Vid. Postel. lib▪ the 12. Linguis. Tit. de Lingua▪ Armenica.  by a patent granted that Nation under Mahumets own hand, than any other sect of Christians. Insomuch that no Nation seemeth more given to Merchandise, nor is for that cause more dispersed abroad, than the Armenians, except the jews. But yet the native Regions of the Armenians, and where they are still found in the greatest multitude, and their Religion is most supported, are Armenia the Greater (named since the Turks first possession of it Tu●c●monia) beyond Euphrates, and Armenia the Less on this side Euphrates, and Cilicia, now termed Ca●mania.  
Now the Armenians touching their Ecclesiastical government, were anciently of the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, as being 
g Notitia provinciar. Orient. Concil. Chalcedon. Can, ●8.  Provinces of the Diocese called Pontica, which together with the Provinces of the Dioceses Asiana, and of Thrace (three of the thirteen Dioceses, into which the whole Empire was divided) were by the Council of Chalcedon, assigned or else confirmed to the Patriarch of Constantinople, for his jurisdiction. But at this day, & very long since, even before Photius his time (as is evident by his circular Epistle) the Armenians are departed, both from the government of that Patriarch, & from the communion of the Grecians (whom at this present, they have in more detestation than any other S●ct of Christians) and that principally, for the very same occasion, 
Photii epist. encyclica. apud Baron. Tom. 10. Annal. An. 863.  for which the jacobites of Syria withdrew their obedience from the Patriarch of Antiochia, namely, the Heresy of one only nature in Christ. And ever since that depa●ure, they acknowledge obedience, without any further or higher dependence, to two Patriarches of their own: whom they term Catholics. Namely one of the greater Armenia, the families under whose jurisdiction exceed the number of 150000. beside very many Monasteries. Leonard. Sidon ●pisc. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 19 who at this present 
h Mirae Notit. Episc. Orb. p. 36. Boter. Relation. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Dioscoriani.  keepeth residence, in the Monastery of Ecmeazin, by the City, etc. Leonard. Sidon. episc. ap. Tho. a jes. loc. citato. by the City of Eruan in Persia, being translated thither by occasion of the late wars betwixt the Persians' and the Turks: but his ancient seat was Seb●stia, the Metropolis of Armenia the greater: And the other Patriarch of Armenia the less, the Families of whose jurisdiction are esteemed about 20000. Leonard. Sidon. ubi. supra. who anciently kept at 
k Concil. Chalced. A●tion. 1. in subscrip. b.  Melitene, the Metropolis of that Province, but now is resident in the City of Sis, not fare from Tarsus in Cilicia, the middle limit on Interstitium, of those two Patriarches jurisdictions, being the River Euphrates.  
Such at this present is the state of the Armenian Church, and the jurisdiction of their Patriarches, But it should seem, by that I find recorded, by Otho Phrisingensis, upon the report of the Legates of Armenia, sent from the Catholic, to the Bishop of Rome in his time, 
Otho. Phrising l. 7. c. 32.  that the jurisdiction of the Catholic of Armenia was then fare larger, as namely, that he had above a thousand Bishops under his obedience: Except Otho perhaps mistook, as I verily believe he did, obedience for communion● for as touching the communion, which the Arminians maintained with other jacobites, it extended indeed very fare: But the jurisdiction of Armenia, for aught I can find in any record of antiquity, contained only four Provinces, namely, the two Armeniaes' before mentioned, the greater and less, and the two Provinces of Cilicia. In which small circuit, that such a multitude of Bishops should be found, is utterly uncredible, especially because we find registers extant, both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes', 
Tom. 1. juris Oriental. l. 2.  in the Novel of Leo. Sophus the Emperor, touching the precedence of Metropolitans: and likewise the Bishops of Cilicia, in 
c De Bel. sacr● l. 14. c. 12. Novel. 31. c. 1.  Guilielmus Tyrius: and all of them put together, exceed not the number of thirty. And although I find that ᵈ justinian divided the two Armeniaes' into four Provinces (which yet to have been after reduced again into two, the Novel of Leo even now mentioned assureth us) yet were not for that cause▪ the number of Bishops increased any whit the more.  


1. Niceph. h●st. Eccle l. 18 c. 53 Confess Armenio. Art. 26, 27, 28, 29.30. etc.  
2 Alfons. a ●astro l. 5. cont. Haeres. Titul. de Deo. H●●esi 12. Boem. de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10.  
3 Nicephor. loc. sup. citato Liturgia. Armen. apud Cassan●rum de Liturgijs.  
4 Niceph. loc●●itat. Li●●r Armenior. ubi supra.   Now, touching the properties of their Religion.  
1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature in Christ: yet not as Eutyches imagined it one, namely, by a permixtion and confusion of the divine and humane natures; but yet by such a conjunction and coalition of them, that they both together, make but one compounded nature in our Saviour, as the body and soul, but one compound nature in man. But nevertheless, it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians, which we have extant touching the Trinity, sent by the mandate of the Catholic of Armenia, to the Patriarch of Constantinople, not fifty years ago, that at this present, they have utterly renounced that fantasy.  
2. They believe the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the Father.  
3. They celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist with unleavened bread (as the Romans do.)  
4. They deny the true body of Christ to be really in the Sacrament of the Eucharist under the Species of Bread and Wine. Guido Sum. de heresib. They mingle not water with wine in the Eucharist. An ancient opinion and property of theirs, for I find it 

Concil. Constant. 3. Can. 32.  
5 Boem. de Morib gent. l 2. c. 10  
6 Guido in Sum. de heresib. Al●o●s a Castr. l. 12. cont. Haeres. Tit. de Purgatorio. haeresi 1. Boem loc. citato.  
7 Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 12. Postel. in Lingua Tz●ruiana.  
8 Boem. loc. citat  
9 Nichol. Peregr. Orient. l. 4. c. 19· Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Dioscoriani.  
10 Vitriac. hist. Orient. c. 79.  
11 Vitriac. loc. citato.  
12 Boter. loco. citato.  
Of the Maronites. Chap. 25.   recorded of them (and condemned) in the sixth general council. But they retain it notwithstanding still.  
5. They receive Infants presently after baptism to the communion of the Eucharist▪ affirming that baptism cannot be conferred without the Eucharist Guid. Sum. de heresib.  
They deny the virtue of conferring Grace, to belong to the Sacraments. Guido loc. alleg. They reject Purgatory, and pray not for the dead. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 17.  
7 They believe that the souls of holy men obtain not blessedness till the universal judgement. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 17. They admit married Priests, and as Burchardus hath recorded, descr. terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2 §. 9 admit none to be secular Priests, except they be married. They rebaptise those that come to their communion from the Latin Church. Guid. Sum. de heresib. but exclude their second marriage.  
8. They abstain from eating unclean Beasts.  
9 They eat flesh on fridays between Easter and Ascension day.  
10. They fast Lent most strictly, without Eggs, Milke-meats, Flesh, Oil, Wine, etc. only with Fruits, Herbs Roots, and Pulse.  
11. They celebrated not Christmas day when other Christians do (Decemb. 25.) but fast on it: and instead of it, celebrated the feast of our Saviour's Baptism, namely, on the day of the Epiphanie.  
12. They solemnise the feast of the Annunciation, the sixth day of April. The purification the foureteenth of February, etc.  
THe Maronites who were so named, not of an heretic called Maron, as many falsely writ, Prateol. de sect. Heretic. in verb. Maronitae. But of a holy man of that name, for we find mentioned in the Book of Counsels the Monastery of Saint Maron. Concil. Constantinop. sub. Men. act. 5. the Monks only whereof at first were termed Maronites: they are found in small numbers, in Aleppo, Damascus, Tripoli of Syria, and in Cyprus: But their main habitation, is in the Mountain Libanus. Which although it contain in circuit about 
a Possevin. Appar. Sacr. in Mar●nitae.  seven hundred miles, and is possessed only in a manner by the Maronites, who for that privilege, namely to keep themselves from the mixture of Mahumetans, pay the Turk 
* Namely, for every one above 12. years old 17. Sultanines by the year (the Sultanine weigheth a dram of Gold, about seven shillings six pence of our money) and for every space of ground sixteen spans square, one Sultanine yearly, as is recorded by Possevine.  large tribute: yet of all sects of Christians, they are the lest, as being esteemed not to pass in all 
b Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2 c. de Maroniti. Possevin. loci citato. Brocard. in Desc. Terr. sanctae. Tacit. historia●. l. ultimo.  12000. houses, (all in scattered Villages) beside a few Monasteries, by reason of the indisposition of Libanus in most places, for frequent habitation. For beside the craggednesse or steepness of tha● Mountain, which maketh many parts of it in a manner inaccessible, the higher Ridges of it (which by Brocardus his relation are so eminent, that they may be discerned forty leagues off) are also covered in a manner continually with snow, which it retaineth, as Tacitus with 
c Vitriac. hist. Orient c. 84. postel descript. Syriae. pag. 53. Gerundens. l. 1. Paralipo●. Hispa●n. ca de terra R●scilion. Fest. in Diction. Album. Isidor. Origin. l. 34. c. 8.  others, hath left recorded, notwithstanding the heat of that climate, even in the nearest approach of the Sun. And is scarcely, as hath been observed by postel, in one Summer of thirty to be found clear of it: for which very cause and no other, that mountain seemeth to have gotten the name of Lebanon. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ancient language of those parts (the Phaenician or Hebrew tongue) signifieth White, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whiteness: Even as, for the like whiteness of Snow, Gerundensis hath remembered Ca●us (the highest part of the Pyrene hills) to have obtained that name. And as Festus supposeth the Alps, for the same cause, to have gained theirs, that in the Sabine dialect being termed (saith he) Alpum, which the Romans in theirs named Album. For so touching the original of the name Libanus, had I much rather think, then be led by the fantasy of Isidorus and some 
* Stuk. in Com. ad Arrian. Periplun▪ Mar. Erythrae. p. 47. Adricom. Theatr. terr. sanct. in Nephtalim. Num. 63. theophra. hist. Plantar. l. 9 c. 5.  others, namely, that Libanus, should purchase that name of frankincense which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For, if it be not true▪ which yet Theophrastus and Pliny writ, that frankincense is gotten only in Arabia foelix, (according with that of Virgil, Solis est Thurca virga Sabaeis) by reason of which property of place, to burn incense is termed in Tertullian, aliquid Arabiae incendere: if that I say be not true, for indeed, I find in Dioscorides, record of frankincense gotten in India, and in Pedro Cieza of the like in some part of America, 
Plin. l. 12. c. 14. Virg. Georg. l. 2. Tertul. de coron. Milit. circa Med. Dioscorid de Medic may. l. 1. c. 7  yet is there no mention or remembrance in any history of nature, or other, as I take it, that frankincense was ever gotten in the Hill of Libanus.  
The Patriarch of the Maronites (to come nearer to our purpose) who is noted to be a Monk of Saint Antony, and to have under his jurisdiction 
a Possevin. Appa. sacr. in Maronitae  eight or nine Bishops, keepeth residence for the most part in Libanus, in a Monastery of Saint Anthony, and now and then in Tripoli: And is one 
b Boter Rel. p. 3. l. 2. c. de Maroniti. Possevin. loc. citato.  of them, that challenge the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia, keeping ever the name of Peter as the Patriarch of the jacobites, the other challenger of the same dignity, doth of Ignatius. But touching Religion, the Patriarch of the Maronites professeth obedience at this present, to the Bishop of Rome, yet but lately, in Clement the eight his time: And both he, and all the Maron●tes, are become of the Roman Religion (being the only Nation of the East, except the Indians, lately brought also to the Roman Communion, that acknowledgeth that obedience) and have 
* Posseu. loc. citat Boter. loc. citato. Mirae: notitiae Episcop. Orbis. p. 34. Tho. a jes. de Con●. Gent. l. 3. c. 3.  a Seminary in Rome of Gregory the thirteenth his foundation, for the training up of the youth of their Nation in that Religion. But before that alteration, these were the Characters of sheir Religion.  
1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the Father. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.  
2. That the souls of men were all created together from the beginning. Id. loc, citato.  
3. Not to baptism male children together. Interrog. Patriarch. Maronit. ap. Th. a Ies, lib. 7. pa. 2. ca 5.  
4. That Heretics returning to the Church are to be rebaptised. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 6.  
5. That the child is made unclean by the touch of the mother till she be purified, which after a male child is 40. days, and 80. after a female, for which reason they baptism not their Infants afore those terms. Th. a jes. loc. citat.  
6. That they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds. Possevin. Appar. sac. in Maronitae. Patriarch. Maronit. Interrog. 3. ap. Tho. a jes. l. 7. p. 2 c. 5.  
7. And in leavened bread. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. c. 6.  
8. Distributing to all the Communicants each one a piece of the same Bread (which they consecrated in great Masses) together with these words of the Gospel, he blessed, and broke, and gave to his Disciples, saying, take, eat, etc. Mat. 26.26. ●d. Patriarch. Interrog. 3. ap. Th. a jes. loc. citat.  
9 To distribute the Sacrament of the Eucharist to children before the use of reason, and first presently after baptism. Th. a. jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5. §. 9 & cap. 6.  
10. Not to reserve the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Patriarc. Maron. ubi supra.  
11. Nor to carry it to any sick person in danger of death. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5.  
12. To omit confirmation by the Bishop. Patr. Maron. Int. 2. ubi supr.  
13. To exclude the fourth Matrimony, in every person as utterly unlawful. Id. Ibid. Interrog. 5.  
14. That marriage is not inferior to single life. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.  
15. Utterly to dissolve Matrimony in case of adultery and marry another. Patr. Maronit. Inter. 5. ubi supra.  
16. That the Father may dissolve the matrimony of his Son or Daughter if he mislike it. Th. a jes. l. 7 p, 2. c. 6.  
17. Not to ordain young men Priests or Deacons except they were married. Patriarch. Maronites Inter. 6. ubi supra. Possevin. in Appar. sacr. in Maronitae. But yet to restrain their second marriage. Th. a jes. Ibid.  
18. To created children five or six years old Subdeacons'. Patriarch. Maronit. Inter. 5. ubi supra.  
19 That no man entereth the Kingdom of heaven before the general judgement. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6.  
20. Not to fast on the Lord's day, nor on the Sabbath. Th. a Ies, loc. citat.  
21. In the days of fasting not to celebrated Mass till the Evening. Patr. Maron. ap, Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5.  
22. Not to eat of any thing strangled or of blood. Id. l. 7. p. 2. c. 6,  
23. To exclude women during their monthly issues both from the Eucharist, and from the Church. Patriar. Maronit. Interr. 8. ubi supra. 
Vitriac histor. O●●ent. c. 78. Tyrius de Bello sacro l. 22. c. 8.   
24. Their main Error was, the heresy of the Monothelites, touching one only will and action in Christ. Which error although they renounced about 400. years ago, and reconciled themselves then to the Roman Church, at wha● time those parts of Palestine and Syria, were in the Christians hands, as 
* Vitr●ac. & Tit. locis ●am citatis.  jacobus a Vitriaco, and Guilielmus Tyrius, the one Bishop of Acon, 
S●ligniac. ●●iner. Tom. ●. c. 2.  and the o●her of Tyre, have recorded: yet shortly after, when those parts were by Saladin, the King of Egypt and Syria▪ recovered from the Christians, those Maronites relapsed, and forsook again the Roman communion, till the late times of Pope Gregory the XIII. and Clement the VIII. with whom they ag●ine renewed it.  
And this heresy of the M●nothelites, springing out of that bitter root of the jacobites, touching one only nature in Chr●st, was the last of that long and wicked train of heresies, which upon the contempt of the council o● Chalcedon, exceedingly wasted and ruined the East Church, for after that the detestation of Nestorius' heresy, touching two persons in our Saviour (condemned in the third general Council) had so immoderately distempered the fantasies of Eutiches in Constantinople, and the Patriarch of Alexandria, Dioscorus, with other their adherents, that they thought not themselves safe enough from the heresy of two persons, till they were fallen into the other & opposite extremity of one nature in Christ; the Divine and humane natures in Christ (in their conceits) by permixtion and confusion of substances, and of properties growing into one, upon their adunation: and withal, that the humane nature of Christ, was not consubstantial to ours, but of another kind, and condition; which fantasies the fourth general Council condemned, After I say, this heresy of Eutiches and Dioscorus, had grown to that head in Egypt and Syria, that like a violent and furious stream, whose course would not be stayed, it bore down before it all oppositions, and among the rest, that great and reverend Council of Chaicedon, that had condemned it, and was contemned by it, it gave occasion for an infinite train of heresies to follow at the breach, which it had made.  

Vid Nice●hor. Histor Eccles. l. 18 c. 45. & sequent. L●●n●. de St●tis. Actio. ●. 5▪ etc.  For first (to omit infinite extravagant branches that sprang from it, and infinitely deformed the Church, renting with many schisms the unity, and with as many heresies wounding the faith of it.) It drew after it the heresy of the passiblenesse of the Deity, because the Deity of Christ, was become (in their conceits) the same nature with the Humanity, that was passable. Secondly, (the absurdity of that being discerned) it occasioned another extremely opposite, namely of the impassibility of the Humanity of our Saviour (but on the same ground) because namely, it was become one nature with the Deity, which now we know to be unpassible. Thirdly, when the fondness of both were discovered, it bred a great device, touching one nature in our Saviour (as the wit of Heretics will better serve them to device a thousand shifts to delude the truth, than their pride will suffer them once to yield and acknowledge it) It bred I say a new device, namely, to be one, not by permixtion or confusion of substances, as Eutyches first taught, but only by composition, the Deity and Humanity, by coalition becoming one nature in Christ, as the Body and Soul grow into one nature in Man. And fourthly, when this fantasy began also somewhat to abate and relent in many: yet still a fraction, as it were, or rather a consequent of it was retained (for indeed it implieth by necessary consequence the unity of nature) namely, that there was but one Will, and one Action of both natures in the person of our Saviour. And God knows what a train and succession of heresies might have followed these, if that Lord, whom they had infinitely wronged, by their wanton and wand'ring conceits of him, had not, to stop the course and stream of their wickedness and folly, brought on them the Sarracens of Arabia. For even while the Church, specially that of the Eastene parts, was in a great perplexity and travel with the heresy of the Monethelites (which I last mentioned) the Mahometans of Arabia, like a mighty inundation broke forth, and overwhelmed all, and them first, that first and most had wronged the Son of God, by fostering the forenamed heresies, and the infinite brood that sprung of them, I mean Egypt and Syria, and to this day both they and the neighbouring Nations, that had been infected by them, remain in thraldom. But yet, as in the diseases and distemper of our bodies, contraries are usually healed by contraries, so seemeth it to have fallen out in the distempers of these men's religions: for as worldly prosperity and wantonness of wit (ordinary companions) wherewith these Nations in those times abounded, bred in them their ordinary children, namely, prosperity of the world, pride, wantonness of wit, error, which couple in matter of Faith and Religion, is wont to produce no better issue than heresy. So on the other side, having now at length their hearts humbled, and their wits tamed by that poverty and affliction, wherein the tyranny and oppression of the Arabians and Turks hath long holden them, it seemeth the Lord hath taken pity on them (as it is his property not to despise humble and broken spirits, and to remember mercy in the midst of judgement) and reduced them, or most of them, to the right acknowledgement of his Son again. For certainly, that they and other Chtistiads of the East, have (at lest in these later times) disclaimed and abandoned, those heretical fancies touching our Saviour, wherein by their misleaders they had been anciently plunged (and which many Christians of these West parts still charge them withal) doth manifestly appear: 
f Possevin. Appa. sac. in Nestoriani.  First, of 
* Biblioth. Vet. Patr. Tom. 4. pa. 1049. & 153.  the jacobites, 
g Possevin. lib. citat. in Maron. Boter Rel. p. 3. l 2 c. Maroniti. Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia c. 1. Cru● Turcog. l. 7. pa. 4 §. 7. etc.  & secondly of Nestorians, by their several confessions, translated out of the Syriac tongue by Masius, & extant in Bibliotheca Veterum patrum. Thirdly, of the ᵃ Armenians, by their own confession also, translated by ●retorius. Fourthly, of the ᵇ Cophti, by the profession of their faith extant in Baronius. Fifthly, of the 
c Confess▪ Arme. de Trinitat. Art. 26.27.28.29.30  Habassines, by the relation of Zaga Zabo, a Bishop of their own. Sixtly, of the 
d Bar●n. Tom. 6. Annal. in fine.  Indians, by their reconcilement to the Church of Rome, mentioned by Possevine. And sevenly, of the 
e De Relig. & Morib. Aethiop. ap Domiana Goes.  Maronites, by their like reconcilement, recorded by him and by others.  

O● the several languages wherein th● Liturgies of Christians in the seu●rall ●●rts of the Wo●l● are celebrated. Chap. 26.  ANd thus have I related the several sects of Christians that are abroad in the World, with the places of their habitations, & the special characters (that are recorded of their Religions. One point notwithstanding of their difference, have I left purposely as yet untouched, both for the ampleness o● the matter, and because I conceive you would have it declared severally. Namely, touching the different languages, in which all these several sorts of Christians celebrated their Liturgies or Divine Service.  
But first to speak a word or two, of the public Service of the jews, and of the Mahometans, in their Synagogues, and Meskeds (seeing I entreated before of those Religions.) The jews where they obtained liberty for their Synagogues, celebrated theirs in the ancient Hebrew tongue, as Michonius, with many others hath related, 
Mich●u. l. 2. de Sarma●●a. c. 1. Cru●. ●urcogr l 7. p. 487. etc. Georgeou. De Rigid. Turcar. lib. 2. cap. 1. Richer. l. 2. the Morib & Instil Turcar. Crus. Turco. l. 7. p. 487  and as is manifest by their own editions of their public Prayers, printed both at Venice and in Polonia, in that language.  
But the Mahometans have theirs in the Arabic tongue (the native language of their Prophet) as Georgevitz, Richerius, and sundry others have recorded: So that not only in A●●bia and Egypt, and Barbary, and Palestine, and Syria, and Mesopotamia (in which parts the Arabic tongue is become the vulgar language) the Alcoran is read, and their public devotions exercised, in Arabic: but also in Greece, and Anatolia, and other parts of the Turkish Dominion, where the Greek, and Turkish, and Slavonique tongues are vulgar, as also in Persia, in Tartary, in India, where they have other native, and peculiar languages, the Mahometans read the Koran 
* Georgeo. de Riti. Turcar. l. 2. c. de Sacerd. Durand. R●ti●n. divinor. l. 4. ●. 1.  (which they suppose were profaned if it were translated into vulgar tongues) and perform their public devotions in that language.  
But Christians in celebrating of their divine Liturgies, d●ffer touching the language very much, Indeed I find it recorded in Durandus (but upon what warrant and authority I cannot find) that till the time of Hadrian the Emperor (that is about an hundred and twenty years after Christ) their Liturgies were all celebrated in the Hebrew tongue: And then, the Oriental Church began, first to celebrated them in Greek. Indeed me thinks it is possible, that the Christians of the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles, retain the Apostles Liturgies, in the very tongue wherein by the Apostles themselves, they had been first ordained, for it is not to be doubted, but 
* Vide Baron. Tom. 1. Annal. ad An. Chr. 44 § 14.  many years passing (about ten) after our Saviour's ascension, before the Apostles left Syria, and sundered themselves to preach the Gospel abroad in the world among the Gentle and foreign Nations. It is not to be doubted I say, but the Apostles, while they remained in jury, ordained Liturgies in the jewish tongue, for the use of those jews, whom they had converted to Christianity: which Liturgies by the Christian Disciples of the jewish Nation, dispersed in many Provinces of the Gentiles, might together with Christian Religion, be carried abroad, and gladly entertained among the Gentiles. This is possible I say, but if it be also true (as I have not observed any thing in antiquity shalt may certainly impeach the truth of it) yet that which is spoken by Durandus of those Liturgies in the Hebrew tongue, must be understood (I doubt not) of the Hebrew, then vulgar and usual, that is to say the Syriac tongue: not only, because in that language we find them in these times, celebrated by the Christians of the East: but also because I can conceive no reason, either, why the Liturgies should be ordained by the Apostles in that language which the jews themselves (the learned excepted) understood not, if it were done for the jews: or else why the Gentiles should translate them (or use them so translated) out of the Hebrew into the Syriac, seeing both were to them alike, vulgarly known, and not understood. But howsoever it was in that most ancient and primitive state of the Church, in and immediately following the Apostles times, the difference certainly among Christians in these present times, in that behalf is very great, some of them celebrating their Liturgies in their own native and vulgar, and some other in learned and foreign tongues.  
The Christians then (to speak first of the first sort) that celebrated them in their own vulgar languages, are the Armenians, Habassines, Moscovites with Russians, Sclavonians, and Protestants.  
For that the Armenians (howsoever otherwise in their ceremonies belonging to Divine service they approach nearer as 
* Bellon Ols●r. l. 3. c. 12. Vitria● Hist. Or. c 79. Brocard. descrip. terrae sanct. Michou. de Sar. lib. 2. cap. 1. Breitenbach. Peregrin. c. de Armen. P●stel. de Lingua Armenica. Bellon. loco citato. Nichol. Peregrin. Orient. lib. 4. cap. 19 Villamont de Voyages. l. 2. c 23 Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. & A●ii plures.  Bellonius and others report, to the Rites of the Latin Church, than any other sect of Christians) that they I say exercise their common divine service in the Armenian tongue, jacobus a Vitriaco, Brocardus, Michovius, Breitenbachius, and many o●hers, some of their own experience, and others of certain Relation, have left recorded. And namely, as touching the translation of the Holy Scripture, into the Armenian tongue, which at this present, is in solemn use among them, the Armenians themselves as 
a sixth Senens. l. 4. Biblioth. sanct in joannes Constantinopolitanus.  Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, attribute it to no other Author then to chrysostom: who also, out of the history of George Patriarch of Alexandria, written of the life of chrysostom, remembreth it specially to have been Chrysostoms' work after his banishment from Constantinople, while he lived in those parts of Armenia, to which as we read in 
b Sozomen. Hist. l. 8. c. 22. Theodoret l. 5. the Cu●and. Grecar. Affect. post m Roccha in bibliotheca Vaticana. p. 1.7.  Sozomen, he was by the Emperors decree confined, and there died. And certainly, that the holy Scriptures were translated into the Armenian tongue before Theodoret's time, who lived soon after chrysostom, for he flourished about the year 440. Theodoret himself (although he name not the Author of the Translation) hath left recorded: as I find also acknowledged by Angelus Roccha, in his discourse of the Vatican Library, not only that chrysostom is said to have translated of the Scriptures into the Armenian tongue, but, that he is also celebrated among the monuments of the same Vatican, as the 
c Id pag▪ 155. & Mu● P●nsa de Biblioth. V●ti●●na pa. 4. dis●●rs. 21. A●uarez histor. Ethiop. cap 15. ●  Inventor of the Armenian Characters still in use.  
And touching the Habassines, Aluarez a Portugal, that ●iued many years among them, hath not only left recorded, that they read Scriptures in the Tigian tongue, which is a dialect of the Habassin, (for Tigia he noteth to be that part of Habassia, which first received Christianity) into which language Sabellicus Supplem. Histor. lib. 8. recordeth both the Old and New Testament to have been translated out of the Chaldee. But 
n P●st●ll. de 〈◊〉 Indica. T●e●. Cos. l. 2. c. 24. V●lamont. l. 2. cap. 24. 〈◊〉 Vet. P●t●to n. 6. p. 55 Mich●●. ●. l. de Sarma●. ● c. 1. Sigis●. l. de Reb. Moscou. p. 46. Posse●●a. l. de Rebus Mosc. p. 4. Theu. Cos. l. 19 c. 12.  he, with many others, that they celebrated their Liturgy in their own language, though the Chaldee be esteemed among them▪ as their learned tongue, 
Idem. c. 11.  which also the Liturgy itself (you may find it in the new Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum) if you mark the long answers of the People to the Priest, in their prayers doth evidently import.  
And no less certain is it also, of the Muscovites and Russians, that their Liturgies are likewise ministered in their vulgar tongue (being a kind of Slavonian) though sometimes intermingling Greek Hymns, as Guaguinus hath observed: Descript. Moscou. ca 2. as is testified by Mathias Michou, by Sigismond, by Possevine, by Thiefs, and sundry others.  
And as evident is it of the Illyrians, whom we commonly call Slavonians that they also exercise their public Divine Service in their own language: which to have been allowed them by the Pope, at the suit of Cyrill their Bishop, or as 
p Bapt. Palat. de Rat. scribed. Roccha in Biblioth. Vatican. p. 162.  others say, of Methodius (but the difference is of no importance, for they both lived in the same time, and were companions in preaching the Gospel▪ to barbarous Nations) Aeneas Siluius and others have recorded. And in particular of the Liburnians (the more Westerly part of the Slavonians) it is affirmed by Aventine: and of the Dalmatians (the more Easterly part of them) by Angelus Roccha, that they celebrated their Liturgies in their own language: Which Roccha saith the Dalmatians are most certainly persuaded to have been of Hieromes devising. But yet in determining the Antiquity of that Custom, Roccha that referreth it to Pope Paul the second is greatly mistaken: Because we found it to have been much more anciently granted them by Pope john the eighth, that they might both read the Scriptures, and celebrated Mass in their own tongue, as appeareth by the same 
q Auentin. l. 4. A●●al. En. Sil●. in H●st Bohemica. c. 13. Auentin. loc. citat. Rocch. loc. citato.  Pope's Epistle extant to Sfentopulcher. And even Roccha himself (forgetting himself) confesseth it in another place, to have been obtained of the Pope by Cyrill, who was about six hundred years ancienter than Paul the second. And certainly (now I am speaking of Popes) of no other judgement touching Divine Service in vulgar Tongues, seemeth Pope Innocent the third to have been (and perhaps it was also the Decree of the Council of Lateran) charging that in Cities, where there was concourse of diverse Nations, 
r Epist. 247. joan. Papae. 8. in Tom. 3. Concil. par. 2. ap. Bin. p. 990. Roccha. lib. citato p. 168. Concil. Lateran. c. 9 & decret. l. 1 Tit. 31. c. 14.  that differed in Languages and Ceremonies, Divine Service and the Sacraments should be celebrated according to that difference.  
But to speak a little in particular of the vulgar translation of the holy Scriptures used among the Dalmatians: It is not only affirmed by sundry Writers to be the work of Hierome, but Hierome himself in his Epistle to Sophronius, seemeth to 
s josias de Sacro Vernacul. legendo. Postel. de lingua Illyrica. Erasm. Declarat. 37. ad censur. theolog. Paris. Sixt. Senens. l. 4. Biblioth. Sanct. in Hieronymus Stridonensis Scalig. Diatrib. de Linguis Europe. ●. & alii plures.  some learned men to intimate so much: But yet there is another translation also of the Scriptures into the Slavonicke Tongue, later than that of Hieromes, as 
t Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hieron. in Epist. ad Sophron. Tom. 3. Scalig. loc. iam. citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Pansa de Biblioth. Vatican. par. 4. Discor. 23.  Scaliger hath observed, being written in the Seruian Character (as the former is in the Dalmatian) used in Rascia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Molda●ia, Russia, Moscovia, and other Nations of the Slavonian language in the Eastern parts, that celebrated their Liturgies after the Greek Ceremony, and profess obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople: Of which later translation 
t Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hieron. in Epist. ad Sophron. Tom. 3. Scalig. loc. iam. citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Pansa de Biblioth. Vatican. par. 4. Discor. 23.  Methodius the companion of Cyrill, in preaching the Gospel to Gentle Nations, is certainly reported to have been the Author. Which Cyrill (if you question what he was) was neither he of Alexandria, nor he of jerusalem, as Mutius Pa●sa hath vainly imagined, but another fare later than either of them, whom in the Slavonicke tongue they call Chiurill, one that lived about the year 860. namely, he that in the time of the Emperor Michael the Third, and Pope Nicholas the First, together with Methodius, first brought the Mengrelians, Circassians, and Gazaraus, and after that 
u Martyrolog. Rom. Martii. 9 Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7. postel de Ling. Dalmatica. Rhecoa. Biblioth. Vatican. p. 161. & Alii plurimi.  many of the Slavonians) to the faith of Christ, as Michovius hath recorded. Neither need we any other testimony to refel the fantasy of Pausa, touching cyril of jerusalem, than Pa●sa himself, as namely acknowledging that cyril was the Inventer of another sort of Illyrian Characters, then by Hierome had been formerly devised (for of the Dalmatian Characters, that are used in Dalmatia, Liburnia, Istria, Moravia, Silesia, Bohemia, Polonia, etc. Hierome is acknowledged to be the Author.) It could not be therefore cyril of jerusalem, as being ancienter than Hierome, and by him registered in his Catalogue of Writers. And indeed (to make an end) what reason or occasion might the Bishop of jerusalem have to divise Characters for the Illyrians?  
But to entreat a little more (on this occasion) of translations of the holy Scripture, made by the ancient Fathers into vulgar languages: Besides those already mentioned, of Hierome and chrysostom, by the one into the Dalmatian, and by the other into the Armenian tongue; It is also recorded by Socrates and Nicephorus, and sundry 
x Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 4. c. 27. Niceph. Hist. Eccles. l. 11. c. 48. Tripart. hist. l. 8. c. 13. Paul. Diacon. Hist. Mis●ell. l. 12. Sozomen. l. 2. c. 37. Socrat. l. 2. c. 32. Vulcan. in praef. de Littur. & Lingua. Getarum. Inscrip. Vet. p. 146.  others of Vulphilas, Bishop of the Goths one more ancient then either of the former, for he flourished in the time of Constantius the Emperor, and was successor to Theophilus, whose subscription we found in the first Nicene Council (being the same man, to whom the Invention of the Gothicke Alphabet is likewise attributed by the same Authors) that he translated the holy Scriptures into the Gothicke tongue. A Copy of which translation is remembered by Bonaventura Vulcanius, to be yet remaining in some Library of Germany: And it may be that the Gothike translation of the four Evangelists, mentioned by Gruter in the Book of ancient Inscriptions, to be of a thousand years antiquity, and remaining in the Abbey of Werdin, might be part of that translation of Vulphilas: But yet, that besides these translations into vulgar Languages, hitherto mentioned of Vulphilas, chrysostom, and Hierome, the holy Scriptures were likewise anciently translated into the languages of many Nations, is affirmed by Hierome: And in particular (although the translators names be not recorded) into the Egyptian, Persian, Indian, 
Hieron. in prafat. in 4. Euang. Theodoret. l 5. de Carand. Graecor. Affectibus post med.  Scythian, and Sarmatian Tongues, nay into all the Languages of other Nations, as Theodoret, that flourished in the time of the Ephesine and Chalcedon Counsels (almost 1200. years ago) hath left testified: As also in the following times (yet ancient) we read of the like translations of the Scriptures, to have been made by 
b Vasco. in Chro. Hisp. ad An 7●7  john Archbishop of Seville into the Arabike, about Ann. 717 which then was the vulgar speech of that part of Spain, and some part of it into the Saxon or English by Beda about the same time: Into the Slavonike by 
c joan. Trevis. l. 5. c. 24.  Methodius, about An. 860. etc. Into the Italian by 
d Auentin l. 4. Annal  jacobus de Voragine, about An. 1290, etc.  
And now, to entreat of those sects of Christians that celebrated their Liturgies in learned and foreign tongues; which the vulgar people do not understand: I find only three languages wherein they are all performed. Namely, the Greek, the Latin, and the Chaldee, or Syriac Tongues.  
And first, touching the Chaldee or Syriac, in it are celebrated the Liturgies of the Nestorians, as Vitriacus, Barbosa, Villamont, Botero, and others have recorded: for Genebrard, that pronounceth peremptorily the Hebrew tongue, and not the Syriac to be the usual language, wherein all the Oriental Nations minister their Divine Service, betrays but too much, both his boldness and his ignorance, as being not able, I am certainly persuaded, to produce any History or other lawful testimony that recordeth the Liturgies of any Christians in all the East, to be performed in the Hebrew tongue. But yet it may be observed, that where in sundry Writers we found it mentioned, that the Nestorians exercise their Divine Offices in the Chaldee, we are not to understand them of the pure and ancient, but of the degenerate or jewish Chaldee, which beside the Chaldee and Hebrew, whereof it is principally tempered and compounded, hath much mixture also both of Greek and Arabic, such as the jews language was, after our Saviour and his Apostles time, that is (in a word) the Syriake, for the jewish Chaldee (to declare this point a little better) is of two sorts: One of those that returned not again after the captivity to jerusalem, but settled themselves to inhabit about Babylon, whose language (although somewhat degenerating also from the right Chaldee) is termed the Babylonian tongue, of which sort the jews Dialect of Neardea in Mesopotamia (the compilers of the Babylonian Talmud) was: The other of those that returned from the captivity, whose language is properly termed the Syrian or jerusalem Chaldee, varying somewhat farther from the native Chaldee then the former, by reason of the mixture of foreign words Arabic, Greek, Roman, and others, which in course of time it contracted: In which Dialect, the Talmud and Targum, both named of jerusalem, and the books of their later Rabbins are written. And in the second sort of Chaldee, is the holy Scripture by the East Christians translated, and their Liturgies at this day celebrated. 
Oser. de Reb. Emmanuel l. 3. Possevin in Appar sacr●n Di●am●erien●e Concilium Linschot. l. ●. c. 15. Bibl. Vet Patr. in Auct●rio. Tom. 2. in fine. Vitriac. Hist. Orient. c. 76.   
Secondly of the Indians, that they in like sort perform their Liturgy (not in the Hebrew, as is confidently affirmed by Genebrard, but) in the Chaldee or Syriac, is testified by Osorius, Possevine, Linschot, etc. and confirmed by their Liturgy extant in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, which is there remembered to be translated out of the Syriac.  
And so do thirdly the jacobites: Namely, they of Mesopotamia, of Babylon, of Palestine, of Syria, and of Cyprus, which are peculiarly known by that appellation. Of whom Vitriacus long since observed, that they read the Divine Scriptures in a language unknown to the Lay people: And that the language by the New Testament 
e Sixt. Senens. Bibl. Sanct. l. 4. in jacobus Archiepiscopus Gennensis. Vitriac. Hist. Orient. c. 77. Barbos'. in Vol. 1. de Viaggi. apud Ramus. p. 313. Villam. l. 2 c. 23. Boter. Re● par 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Genebrard. Chronog l. 3. ad An. Chr. 31.  brought from them by Moses Mardenus in Europe to be printed (for the more commodious dispersing of it abroad into their Churches) we now certainly know to be the Syriac tongue, even as it is also known and 
f Vide Widmanstad in p●aef●t. Testamenti. Syriacal.  recorded touching the rest of their Divine Service, that it is performed in the same Syriac language, which they term the Chaldee. And it is thought, that the Liturgy commonly termed Anaphora Basilij, which we have by Masius translated out of the Syriac into Latin (and is found in Bibliotheca Vetrum Patrum) is the Iacobites Liturgy: which language, 
g Post. de lingua. Chald●●c. Boter. Rel p 3. l. 2. c. de Giaco●iti. Biblioth. Vet. Patr. To 6. p. 27. Arias. 〈◊〉. in Admon●●●aesix. Bib●●●. Re●. de Ver●ion ●yriaca Po●c●●n Lingna Chaldaica.  although it be now unknown among them (their Clerks or learned men excepted) yet that it was vulgarly understood, when that Liturgy was first ordained, the long answers of the people to the Priest in their prayers, which we find in it may be demonstrations. But touching the Old Testament, which they have also (as Arrias writes he hath heard from their own Relations, and postel, that he hath seen) usual in all those East parts in the Syriac tongue, it is specially observed by Arias Montanus, to be translated, not out of the Hebrew, but out of the Greek of Origens Emendation.  
And fourthly, of the Cophts or Christians of Egypt, it is likewise 
h ●oter Relat. p. 3. l 3. c. de christianized Eg. 〈◊〉.  observed, that they celebrated their Liturgies in the same language: (reading yet the Gospel after it is done in the Chaldee, in the Arabic tongue, which is now, and long hath been the vulgar language of Egypt.) And it may further appear, beside the testimony of Histories, by the Liturgy of Severus Patriarch of Alexandria in use among them, translated out of Syriake into Latin, by Guido Fabritius.  
And fifthly, the Maronites in their Liturgies (which Possevine observeth to be the Liturgies of Peter, 
Possevin. in Appar. sacro. in Maronit●. Postel. de l●ng. Chaldaica. Villam. l. 2. c. 24.  of james, and of Sixtus) use the same Syriac language (the Arabic being also their v●lgar) as beside Possevine, postel also, and Villamont, and others have recorded.  
And so do sixthly and lastly (to make an end of this reckoning) the poor Christians of the Isle of Zocotora (and Island after Barros his dimension of sixty miles in length, and twenty seven in breadth) without the Bay of Arabia, for although I found it questioned touching the Religion, whether they be jacobites or Nestorians; juan Barros affirming the first (and it may seem so for their nearness to the Dominions of Habassia) and A●anias, 
Barros. de Asia. Decad. 2. l. 1. c. 3.  proving the latter because they are uncircumcised, which jacobites are not, & profess obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, who is known to be Patriarch of the Nestorians: 
Ana●. Fabric. del. Mondo. Trat. 3. p. 292.  yet in this they both agreed, that their Divine Service (such as it is) is performed in the Chaldee tongue. And although Botero relate it to be done in the Hebrew, yet he meaneth (out of doubt) not the ancient and pure Hebrew, but the latter or degenerate language of the Hebrew, that is to say the Syriac. As the other also that affirm the public and solemn devotions, 
Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 3. de Christiani di Socotena.  either of these Zocotorini, or any other Christians in all the East, or South parts of the world, to be read in the Chaldee, require also the like interpretation: Namely to be understood, not of the right, and Babylonian, but of the jewish and corrupted Chaldee.  
But now to speak of those Christians, that celebrated their Liturgies in the Greek tongue: I observe them to be these.  
1. The Grecians themselves: Namely, all they whose vulgar speech the Greek tongue is, inhabiting in Greece, and a great part of Anatolia, of Macedon, and of Thrace, together with all the Lands of the Aegaean Sea, 
jerem Resp. 1. ad Germanos c. 13.  and the other many scattered Lands, about the Coast of Greece. But yet they do it, not in the present vulgar, but in the pure and ancient Greek tongue, whereof as I before observed, 
Hieron. in praef ad Lib. Paralip●.  the common people understand but little: using namely, on festival days the ancient Liturgy of Basil, and on common days that of chrysostom, as jeremy a late Patriarch of Constantinople hath recorded. And namely, as touching the holy Scriptures, using the Septuagints Greek translation, and specially that of Lucian's Emendation. At lest it was so with them in Hieroms time (and I found no mention at all recorded of any alteration) who observeth the Edition of the seventy Interpreters by Lucianus, to have been received in use from Constantinople, as fare as Antiochia: As also that of Origens Emendation, from Antiochia to Egypt, and in Egypt that of Hesychius. But (howsoever it may be touching the Edition usual among them) yet certainly, that the Grecians have not the Scriptures translated into the vulgar Greek, the 
i Theodos' Z●gomal●in episi ad Cru●. l. Turco· grecae p. 431.  Grecians themselves have directly recorded.  
2. The Syrians, namely those, that for distinction of Religion from the jacobites (who likewise inhabit Syria) are termed so, that is to say the Melchites, for they having the Arabic for their vulgar language) as they agreed in other points of their Religion and Ceremony, and order of Divine Service with the Grecians, so do they as touching their Liturgy in language also, as is observed by 
k Vitriac. Hist. Orient. c. 75. Mai●ho. l. de Tortaris. c. 14. Breitenbach Peregrin●c de Surianis. Baumgart. Peregr. l 2. c. 9 Villamont. l. 2. c. ●2. Boter. Rel p. 3 l. 1. c. de Melchiti.  Vitriacus, Haitho, Breitenbachius, and many others.  
3. The Georgians, who having for their vulgar speech, a peculiar language of a middle temper (which well agreeth with the position of their Country) betwixt Tartarian and Armenian, as Gesner, and postel, and Roccha, in their books of languages have observed, exercise notwithstanding their Liturgies in the Greek tongue, as 
l Vitriac. lib. citat c 80. Ge●ner. Mithrid in Lingu● Georgia. Postel de ●2. Ling Tit. de ling. Geo●g. Roccha. de Dialect. in Georgiana, & in graeca. Vet Bau●gart▪ loc. citat Villamont. l. 2. c. 23.  jacobus a Vitriaco, Gesner, Postel, Roccha, and diverse others have certainly recorded.  
4. The Circassians: who yet in such sort celebrated their Divine Service in the Greek, that their Priests themselves, by reason of their gross ignorance, understand not what they read 
m Interian▪ della vita de. 1. Zychi. c. 1. Bello. Obser. l. 1. c. 35.  as Intireano (that lived among them) hath remembered.  
5. And lastly, in the Greek tongue are celebrated the Liturgies of all the Monasteries, that are of the Greek Religion, wheresoever dispersed within the Turkish Dominions, in Africa or Asia: As in Mount Sinai, the Cities of Petra and Eltor in Arabia: In jerusalem, Alexandria, Damascus▪ and in sundry other places as Bellonius with others hath left recorded.  
And to come at last to the Nations that celebrated their Liturgies in the Latin tongue: To speak of them, even this little will be enough: Namely, that all the Christians, that are found of the Roman Communion in America and in Africa, celebrated their Liturgies in the Roman tongue. As all likewise in Europe (except the Slavonians above mentioned.) And in Asia, except the two new Roman purchases of the Maronites in Syria, and of the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, who retain still the old accustomed language, which as I observed before, is in the Liturgies of both those Nations, the Syriac tongue.  
I have thought good to add this note in the conclusion, that Christian Religion may seem justly to be divided into four parts, in regard of her professors thorough the World: of which the Graecian Faith possesseth one, reckoning to them the Russian; the Romanists or Papists another; the Protestants (by their adversaries, and by the intemperate zeal of some Lutherans, and other factious persons, made more to disagree then indeed they do, as by the Harmony of Confessions appeareth, and by their uniform acknowledgement of all the main points of Religion; their differences being about circumstances, rites, manner of presence, and some more abstruse points then whereof the vulgar is capable) these by a general name called Protestants, may be reckoned for a third part, perhaps not all so great in multitudes as either of the former, but more flourishing than the first in splendour of power and learning, only by an Inquisition inferior to the second; and in numbers as many as all other professions of Christianity, here reckoned a fourth part.   

CHAP. XIIII. Relations of diverse Travellers, touching the diversities of Christian Rites and Tenants in diverse parts of the World.  

§. I. TECLA MARIA an Abassine, his answers to questions touching the Religion of the Abassines and Cophti.  
YOu have read in Aluares, Bermudez, and the jesuites Relations, 
L. 7. c. 5. & 7. & 8.  large Relations of the Abassine Faith, and of the portugals remaining in Habassia, as also of three Patriarches sent thither from the Pope, but refused by the Abassine. These portugals dwelling there sent one Tecla Maria, 
Taken out of Thomas a jesus de Conuers. om. Gent. l. 7. c. 13. Xe●a or Sua.  an Abassine Priest in their behalf to Rome, who before the Cardinals made answer as followeth july 1. 1594.  
The Reverend Brother Tecla Maria, son of Tecla Nebiat, of the City Henza Mariam, of the Province of Xe●a, of the Kingdom of Ethiopia Priest and Monk, of the Order of Saint Antony, and of the Monastery Libanus of the same Province, aged forty five years, at the command of the most Illustrious, and most Reverend Lord Cardinal of Saint Severine Protector of the Ethiopian Nation, to certain interrogatories made in the Arabike to him, thus answered.  
Being asked what the Ethiopians believe of God and the holy Trinity, he answered; 
Of God & the Holy Trinity.  We believe in one God and three persons, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. The Father is unbegotten, the Son begotten only of the Father, the Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son. Being asked, whether the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son, as from two beginnings, and two spirations, or as from one beginning and one spiration, he answered, As from one beginning, and one only spiration. Being asked of the Incarnation, he answered, That the Person of the Son, the Word of God the Father was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary.  
Being asked how many Natures, Wills, 
Abassines are Monothelites.  and Operations the Ethiopians profess to be in Christ our Lord, he answered, That the Ethiopians believe after the union one Nature, one Will, & one Operation, yet without mixtion and without confusion: in which opinion he confesseth, that the Ethiopians and Cophti▪ and other Eastern Nations err from the truth. Being asked whether they hold one Nature in Christ resulting from two, he answered, The Ethiopians say not so, but simply profess one Nature without mixtion and without confusion, and affirm that to be Divine.  
Being questioned of Images, he answered, 
Pictures incensed.  That amongst the Ethiopians they are only painted and not carved or graved, which the Ethiopians have in great veneration, in respect of representation and relation, and incense them. Being asked of the Canonical Books of both Testaments, he answered, 
Canonical books 81.  That both the Testaments are divided amongst them into eighty one Books, all which are had in Egypt, but without book he could not remember their names.  
Being asked how many General Counsels they hold, he said, That they hold only three, 
Gen. Counsels  the Nicene, Constantinopolitan, and Ephesine, which he had read, but could not now recite. Touching the Chalcedon Council, he said, They condemned it, because it determined two Natures in Christ, and condemned Dioscorus the Patriarch of Alexandria. How many universal Counsels were held after, he answered, He knew not.  
He acknowledged seven Sacraments 
* This 〈◊〉 comes nearer the Romis●● Faith in di●ers thing▪ then the 〈…〉.  instituted by Christ, Baptism, Confirmation, 
Sacraments.  the Eucharist, Penance, Unction, Order, and Matrimony. Being asked in what formal words the Ethiopians baptised, he answered, That after many prayers they say, I baptism thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: The matter, he said, was natural water; the Minister, a Priest, or in his absence a Deacon, besides whom he never saw any to baptism: their Males after forty days, and Females after eighty days, except in danger of death, and then they baptism presently. Being asked, whether the Ethiopians circumcise their children ●hee answered, That from ancientest time to this day in all Ethiopia, they circumcise their children in their own houses without any Ceremony, but for a certain ancient Custom, cutting away the Prep●●e from the Males, the Nympha from the Females: being asked, whether they believe Circumcision necessary to salvation, he answered, They know that it is now ceased, 
Baptism. Circumcision  and that it is no longer necessary. Being asked, why the Ethiopians are said to be baptised with fire, and to sign in the forehead: he answered, That there is none in Ethiopia which is baptised with fire, but in some Provinces only they mark themselves with a razor in the forehead, either for the health of their eyes and sight; 
No baptism with fire.  or, as some say, by the command of a certain King of Ethiopia, to differ from the Mahometans. Being asked why they baptism themselves every year, he answered, That the Ethiopians every year for the solemnity of the Epiphanie go forth to a River, and there many prayers are said by the Priests, and all are washed in the River; and many stay there all night with great festivity for devotion of the Baptism of our Lord jesus Christ; but no man baptiseth himself as they say.  

See sup. Aluares l. 7. c. 5. §. 14. whom in rather believe; but this man and Zaga Zabo whom Dam. a Goes published, and L. Vrreta, daub over as well as they can, diverse of the Ethiopian superstitions, & yet this is more credible than Vrreta (a very dunghill of lies) and then Zaga Zabo (too thick strewed therewith) for which cause I have omitted them: whereas this in most things of moment saith the truth, but excuseth as fare as he may some of their Rites in Baptism, Circumcision, etc. Consecration. Communion in both kinds. Children communicated. Purgatory. Locus alleviationis. Soule-sleepe.  Being demanded of Confirmation, the Matter, the Form, the Minister, he answered, Confirmation with us is conferred by a Priest, together with Baptism, and the Infant is anointed with Chrism in the forehead, in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost: asked of the effect thereof, he said he knew not, but he believeth that it is given, that a Christian may be confirmed in the faith. Being asked, whether Chrism be made amongst them every year, he answered; Chrism is sent them from the Patriarch of Alexandria, by whom alone it is made and not by the Bishop, and is sent every seventh year and seldomer, with the Pilgrims which return from the pilgrimage of the Holy Land, and the old Chrism is preserved in all Churches. Being asked whereof it was made, he said, Of Balsam and Oil, and of many Flowers and odoriferous things.  
Being interrogated of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, and the matter thereof, he answered, That the Matter is Bread of Bread-corne, and Wine of the Grape; but in many Provinces of Ethiopia, in Wine pressed out of Raisins washed with water, and steeped in the same water the space of certain hours. Being asked what are the words, whereby the Bread is transubstantiated into the Body, and the Wine into the Blood, he answered, They are those words when the Priest saith, And he took Bread in his hands, and lifting up his eyes to Heaven unto God his Father, he blessed, saying, Take ye and eat ye, this is my Body. And likewise taking the Chalice, he blessed and sanctified saying, Take ye and drink ye●. This is the Chalice of my Blood, which shall be shed for you for the remission of sins. The Minister, he said, is the Priest only, and the effect remission of sins. Being asked whether all the Ethiopians are communicated in both kinds? he answered, That all the Ethiopians, both Clerks and Laymen are communicated under both kinds: the Priest ministers the body, and the Deacon the blood in a spoon. Being asked whether Infants are communicated, he● answered, That Infants on the day of their baptism are communicated in this manner: The Priest puts his forefinger in the Chalice, and being dipped in the blood, he puts it in the Infant's mouth. And after baptism, till they be ten years old, the Priests little finger is put in the child's mouth without the blood, for devotions' sake. Being asked, whether they celebrated in bread leavened or unleavened, and what they think of him, which celebrates in unleavened, he answered, The Ethiopians celebrated in leavened bread, & they which celebrated in unleavened make the Sacrament also. And we thorough all Ethiopia, on Mandie Thursday every year, in the Supper of the Lord, in memorial hereof celebrated in unleavened.  
Being asked what the Ethiopians think of Purgatory, he answered, The Ethiopians believe that the souls after death are detained in a certain place, called in the Ethiopian tongue Meccan aaraft, that is, the Place of lightning, in which the souls of the penitent are kept, which have departed out of the world, not having finished the satisfaction of their sins. Being asked whether the souls of the good presently after death enjoy happiness, and those of evil men he punished in Hell, He answered, There are some in Ethiopia, which think that the souls of the good rest in Paradise terrestrial in which Adam was created, until the Day of judgement. There are others which believe that the souls of the just, presently after death enjoy their Creator in Paradise.  

Mortal sin.  Also being asked what sins, and how many are mortal, he answered, Those are mortal sins which are done against the Lords commandments, which are so many that I cannot number. Being asked whether the sins of the Will, which pass not into outward act, be mortal, He answered, they are mortal, when a man hath given consent to the desire and concupiscence.  
Being asked whether any man can be saved without the faith of jesus Christ, the Mediator of God and men; 
Universal grace.  he answered, None can be saved. Being asked of them which are now in the law of nature, to whom no knowledge of the Gospel hath comen; he answered, I believe that God also hath provided for them, that by some means they may be saved, when they shall have kept the precepts of Nature. 
Indulgences.  Being asked what the Ethiopians think of Indulgences, he answered, I believe they are acceptable amongst all, and they call them Benedictions, but I desire to understand the use of them. 
Invocation of Saints.  Being asked of Invocation of Saints, he answered, that the Invocation of Saints is very well approved amongst the Ethiopians, and all do profess their intercession with God.  

Simony. Difference 'twixt Abassines and Cophti.  Being asked of Simony, and of those which by favour or compact are ordained Priests, Bishops, or Patriarch; he answered, that it is forbidden by the holy Canons.  
Being asked what difference there is betwixt the Ethiopians and the Cophti, in matters of faith; he answered, that there is no difference betwixt them, and they agreed in all things; for they are under the obedience of the same Patriarch. But in some things I have seen them to differ; namely, the Ethiopians contract not in degrees prohibited; But the Cophti contract in the second, and the degrees after it every where with licence, and without the licence of their Bishop and Patriarch. Also the Copht● in the Country and Villages keep no Lords days▪ nor holy days, 
Note.  but only in Cities, which the Ethiopians do every where. Also the Ethiopians keep the Sabbath (or Saturday holy) which the Cophti do not. Also the Ethiopians every where thorough all Ethiopia circumcise their Sons and Daughters; but some Cophti, only at Cairo within these few years circumcise not. Also in the ceremonies of the Mass the Cophti differ much from the Ethiopians; For the Priests of the Cophti celebrated without the Vestments called Planetae, and the Deacons without the Dalmatik Vestments▪ & with their head covered with a woollen Tobalea, and never elevate the Lord's body and the Chalice in their Masses; which ceremonies are not amongst the Ethiopi●ns, Being demanded if he knew in what things the Ethiopians and Cophti differ from the faith of the holy Catholic Roman Church; he answered, they differ principally in these things. They invocate Dioscorus of Alexandria, and james the first his Disciple, and Severus Antiochenus in the Churches with the holy Fathers. They receive not the Chalcedon Council, and Saint Leo Pope. They profess in Christ our Lord one only Nature, will, and operation. They recite the thrice holy Hymn with addition of those words, which was crucified for us; yet with this exposition that the three sanctifications be applied to the most holy Trinity, & those words, 
Holy, holy, holy.  which was crucified for us, only to our Lord Christ. The Cophti and Ethiopians use circumcision, and these also observe the Sabbath.  
Being asked when, where, of whom and what orders he had taken: he answered, when I was fifteen years old, 
Holy Orders.  in the Church of Saint Mary in the Monastery of Denob of the Province Xeva in Ethiopia, I was entered in orders by joseph a C●phtite, Archbishop of Ethiopia, 
josephus' Cophtes  in this manner: The Archbishop before the celebration of Mas●e shaved my head in five places, in form of a cross, and anointed me with Chrism in the forehead, reciting prayers in the Egyptian tongue, and breathed in my face; and the same hour, in time of the celebration, made me an ostiary, and Lector or Psalmist, and Acolyte, and Nefcadeacon or Subdeacon, and Deacon of the Gospel, and gave me the holy Communion: and a long time after, when I was thirty years old, in the City Bed in Dembia of Ethiopia, in the Church of Saint George, I was ordered Priest by Archbishop Mark, the successor of the said joseph. 
Popish rites of giving Orders.  Being asked whether he heard the Archbishop utter in colla●ing orders, the formal words of each order; he answered, The Archbishop uttered them, but I heard not, nor understood, because he celebrated in the Egyptian tongue, whereof I was utterly ignorant. Being asked whether any material was delivered by the Archbishop in collation of each order, and whether he touched the same with his hands; namely, whether in making him Ostiary the Keys of the Church, and opened the door, and sounded the Bell; in the Lectorship, the Book of Lessons, or touched the Psalmist, in exorcistship the book of exorcism or Missal; in Acolythship the Candlestick, with the candle put out and an empty pot; in Subdeaconship, the empty Chalice with an empty patene over it, and pots with wine and water, and the basin with a towel, and the Book of the Epistles, and whether the Amice was by the Archbishop put on his head, and the maniple on his left arm, and whether he was vested with the Tunicle: and in his Deaconship, whether he touched the Book of the Gospels, and the stole was put on his shoulder, and he vested with the Dalmatic: and in being orderest Priest whether he touched the Chalice with wine and water, and the patene with the ●oste, and whether the Archbishop and Priests imposed hands on his head, and whether the stole was applied to his breast in manner of a cross, and whether he put on the casule without the planet, and had his hands touched with the Oil of the Catechumeni: He answered, I certainly know, that I in all the said orders had no material or instrument delivered me by the Archbishop in collation of the Orders, nor did I touch any such, nor was I vested with any vestiment peculiar to any order, nor did the Archbishop impose hands on me, nor were my hands anointed with holy Oil. He said also, our Archbishop in Ethiopia giveth orders to 2000 and more at one time, and to each gives six orders together, without examination before, and without enquiry, examination, choice, approbation, writing, or register, and in regard of the multitude, cannot give to each and every of them any material to be touched: and in the same manner it is observed in all ordinations by our Archbishops successively; although it be otherwise observed in Egypt, where so great a multitude is not ordered at once together, and some competent matter is delivered to be touched of the ordained. Being asked whether he knew the said joseph and Mark, Bishop's aforesaid, to have been schismatics, and without the communion of the holy Roman Church: he answered, that he knew not so much. Yea, he rather certainly believed at that time, that they were Catholics, as also all the Ethiopians and Cophti, and that they obeyed the Apostolic See in all things, and held communion with the holy Roman Church; and believed that all Christians did agreed in matters of Faith; but he learned the th●●gs before said, when afterwards he was at jerusalem and in Egypt.   

§. II. Relations of the jacobites and Armenians, written by LEONARD Bishop of Sidon, Pope GREGORY the 13. his Nuncio to the Eastern parts.  
THe jacobite Nation is dispersed thorough the Cities, Lands, and Towns of Syria, Mesopotamia and Babylonia, 
jacobites numbers▪  obtaining the number of 50000. houses, most of them poor, and living on daily labour. In Aleppo and Caramit are many rich families which live on Merchandise. Their patriarchal Church is in Mesopotamia without the City of Morad●m, in the Monastery Zafram; but the Patriarch resideth for his greater commodity and quiet in the City Caramit. This Nation is subject to the Patriarch David, but is governed of the Bishop Thomas, Vicar General and brother to the said Patriarch. Under whose obedience live at this time john the Metropolitan of jerusalem, by the Iacobites styled the fifth Patriarch: Michael Archbishop of Damascus. 
Their Bishops.  james Archbishop of Edessa called Orfa, or Raha. Mi●as Archbishop of Saur, Effrem Archbishop in the same Province, james Archbishop of Bisuaria, Abraham Bishop of Aata●ra. Melchez Bishop of Saint Melchi in Tur, jesus Bishop of the Monastery Deiriloemor, Abelmedich in the Province of Tur, Elias Bishop in Salach, Elias Bishop of the Monastery Saint Cross in Zaz, Gazel Bishop in Tarach. David Bishop in Maaden, Pilate Metropolitan in Musal and the East Gazel Archbishop of Miaferichin, the Archbishop of the Monastery of Mar Abihai, Ananias Bishop of Saint Bertonias, john Bishop of Hartbert, Isaac Archbishop of Cyprus, Simeon Archbishop of Caramit, Habib. There are many Monasteries of the same Nation, Churches, Religions, and Deacons, 
Monasteries and Churches.  and Clergy men innumerable, which I could not visit, being rejected by the said Vicar General Thomas: Yet I visited the Temple of the jacobites in Tripoli, A●●aui●, Damascus, Neph, jerusalem, Aleppo, Orfa, Orbis, Mar Abihai, Gargar, amongst the Churches of which parts I found those of jerusalem and Aleppo well furnished, but the rest without Images and ill governed. For the Sacrament was kept in wooden pyxes without light or lamp; and the baptismal Funts wanted water, 
Rites.  for at every baptism they bless the Funts anew: the ornaments of the Altars also were most vile, and the office of the Mass was performed very basely and carelessly. Of the holy Oils, only Chrism was kept in Churches: this is called Miron and is blessed of the Patriarch every seventh year with many flowers and odoriferous things. They have not the Oil of the Catachumeni, and for the Oil of extreme unction, the Priest blesseth it in lights set on four parts in manner of a cross, and therewith anoints the sick, after many Gospels and Prayers recited. The Sacrament of Confession is rarely frequented, and many communicate without auricular confession. The Patriarch professed that they held the same in substance with the Roman Church, but the Greeks' and Latins could not attemper such words and terms as the jacobites in those things had done.  

Armenians. Their Patriarches.  Of the Armenians the said Bishop of Sidon testifieth, that they are subject to two principal Patriarches, one of Armenia the Greater, the other of Armenia the less. The former resideth in the Monastery and Church of Ecmeazin, near the City Eruan in Persia: the other in the City Cis of Cilicia, now called Caramania. Other Patriarches are sometimes by the favour of the Turks created amongst them, and are exacters of Tributes which the Armenian Families are bound to pay the Turks. Others also are elected Coadjutors of the same Patriarches with consent of the Bishops and people. Further there are others, Primates or rather Patriarches of the same Nation in the remotest parts of Persia & in Constantinople, which although legally they are subject to the Patriarch of Armenia mayor, 
Their numbers  yet sometimes do not acknowledge him. The Families subject to the Patriarch of the Greater Armenia exceed the number of 150000. besides very many Monasteries, 
Preachers or Masters.  Bishops, Religious persons and Deacons. Their Preachers are called Mortabiti, and are obeyed by the people, as the Patriarch himself. In the Province Newam, in Persia also, in two Cities there live Catholic Armenians subject to an Archbishop of the Dominican Order, and other Friars of that profession, 
Romish Armenians.  which observe the Latin Rites, and live under the obedience of the Roman Sea.  
The Patriarch of Armenia Minor hath under his jurisdiction four and twenty Prelates, Archbishops and Bishops, 
Second Patriarch.  and the Election of the Patriarch belongs to 12. Bishops nearer the patriarchal Church. Yet sometimes the Armenian people by favour and command of the Turkish Officers created their Patriarches, and after obtain the consent of the Bishops and Archbishops, and by the favour of the principal people, a coadjutor with future succession is deputed to him, who of a Master and Preacher, after the death of the said predecessor, is received and confirmed by the people for Patriarch. To this Patriarch are subject about 20000. Families; and they live in the Villages, Castles and Cities of Cilicia and Syria: there are twenty Monasteries each containing 100 Religious, 300. Priests, Deacons and Cl●●kes many, which live of Alms, and of their own industry.   

§. III. Of SIMON SULAKA a Papal Eastern Patriarch amongst the Chaldaeans: and of diverse others thither sent. Of A●DESV, AATALLA, DONHA his Successors.  
AMongst the Asian Nestorians, 

I flare the Popish multiplication making great harvests of little corn: yet I here re●●t what I find, and wish that a●l N●storians would abandon those heresies, and in that point be Roman and Catholic.  
Dry the Patriarch.   there have been some Roman Catholics which have exhibited obedience to the Pope. Some of those which professed Simon Sulaka, a Monk of Saint Basils' Order to be their Superior, calling themselves Chaldaeans and Assyrians, acknowledged Pope julius the Third, and rejected the name of Nestorians. Sulaka was by the Pope confirmed Patriarch of that Nation with the Title of Mozal, which Church his adversary possessed. He returned to Caramit, and there ordained certain Archbishops and Bishops, and rejected the Nestorian Invocation, which at that time was usually made by the Deacon in the Church. He sought to spread the Roman faith, but by the policy of the Antipatriarke Dry he was taken and slain by the Turks. The confession of faith by the same Sulaka made at Rome is extant in Bibliotheca Patrum.  
The Bishop Ariensis a Dominican was sent by the Pope to visit and confirm this Church, who having reform some things, was driven with some Assyrians to flee to Ormus and Goa, where he died.  
His companion Friar Anthony, with the Archbishop Ermetes Elias Disciple of Sulaka, visited many Christians in Cochin and India of Saint Thomas, and after his return was made a Bishop by the Pope. To Sulaka succeeded Abdesu of the same order of Saint Basil, which was at the Council of Trent under Pope Pius the Fourth, & from him carried with him the Title of Mazal, and returning to Caramit ●nd Seert, ordained many Priests, Bishops and Archbishops, 
I think he meaneth Saint Thomas Christians in India. Abdesu or Abil●su.  and many Cities of the Chaldees yielded him obedience, but soon after he died in the Monastery of the City Seert: and Aatalla a brother of the same Order succeeded, and after him Donha Simon the Archbishop of Gelu and Salamas renounced the Antipatriarke, and was elected Patriarch by the Prelates of that Nation, and confirmed by Gregory the Thirteenth, to whom he sent Archbishop Ermes Elias in his name to exhibit obedience. Who returned with his patriarchal Pall from Rome 1582, But hitherto they have nothing of Mozal but the Title, 
Of these Nestorians, see Rubruquis, Polo, etc. ●. in To 2. l. 1. & Brerew●●ds Enq●●ri●● following.  the other Patriarch possessing the See, and they are glad to seek a place of residence where they can, as at Caramit, and this last at Zeinalbach. The richest and mightiest of that Nation are at Mozal and Gesire, and acknowledge the other Patriarch, lately called Elias, resident in the patriarchal Monastery of Saint Ermes near Mozal. He hath under him two and twenty Bishops▪ above six hundred Territories, of which two and twenty are flourishing Cities, each containing five hundred Nestorian Families, and in Masul 1000 each having about forty persons: the other Territories have two or three hundred Nestorian Families. They have thirty Monasteries of Saint Anthony's Order in which fifteen or twenty Monks live: and in that of the Patriarch seventy. The Patriarch and Bishops must be Monks They extend to Baldach and the East Indies.   

§. FOUR Of the Cophti, their Synod at Cairo, the jesuites being the Pope's Agents, and of STEPHEN COLINZAS message to the Georgians, and two jesuites sent to the Maronites.  
POpe Gregory the Thirteenth sent diverse messages to the Cophti, whereby a Synod was procured at Cairo, 
Synod at Cairo.  in December 1582. which had three Sessions to reconcile them to the Roman Church. At the first were present Bishops and principal men. At the third, the same men, with the jesuites, especially john Baptista Romanus. 
 In the first were opened the causes of their decession in the Conventicle of Ephesus assembled by Dioscorus, whereby Eutyches his Heresy which denied two natures in Christ was begun, condemned after in the Chalcedon Council. They desired to search their Writings which were few and eaten wi●h Age. And in the second Session was much alteration, and the matter put off to the third. In that third the Law of Circumcision was abrogated first; and after that Anathema was denounced against such as should spoil Christ of either. Yet for all this the Vicar of the Patriarch then being, resisted the subscribing, and a quarrel was picked by the Turks against the Pope's Agents, as i● they sought to subject the East, to the Pope, or the King of Spain. They were therefore cast into Prison, and their redemption cost 5000. Crowns.  
At Cairo is a Library in which are kept many Books of the ancient Doctors in Arabike, as of Saint Jerome, Gregory Nazianzene, Saint Basil, etc. and the men have good wits, and some thereby prove learned. In the time of Pope Clement the Eighth, Mark the Patriarch sent a Submission to the Pope, as was pretended; but it proved to be the Imposture of one Barton.  
Paul the Third also sent to the Georgians, Anno 1545. Stephen Colynza elect of Newan in Armenit, 
King of Georgia his letter to the Pope.  his Nuncio to the Kings of Georgia and Armenia. The Georgian King writ back to the Pope, his Letter beginning. Miseratione Dei Symeon Rex Cardely totius Iberiae & Orientis. Excelse & splendissime, & sanctissime, & beatissime Domine noster, Pater noster & Papa, Pastor Pastorum, Princeps Principum, & decime tertie Apostolorum, Pater noster & Papa Magnae Romae, aurea tuba, organum Dei inflatum, Petre index & clavicularie Regni coelestis, Paul Doctor gentium, qui ascendit usque ad tertium coelum, etc. He proceedeth in swelling Titles of vanity ascribed to the Pope, and saith so much that all his zeal and profession was spent, as it seemeth, in that Epistle; for little effect hath since appeared.  
Pope Clement the Eighth sent two jesuites with a Bishop to the Maronites in Mount Libanus, Hierom Dandin a Divine being principal. The cause of sending was, that it might by the eyes be discerned, 
Seminary of Maronites.  whether the costs bestowed at Rome on the Seminary of Maronites were well bestowed. The Pope sent the Patriarch a whole Vestiment of Silk wrought with Gold for a patriarchal Moss, and many Chi●ts of Books in the Chaldaean Tongue printed in the City, containing the Liturgies of Saint james, Saint Peter, and Saint Sixtus, they having no Books but written, and those torn or erroneous: with Seruice-bookes to God and the Blessed Virgin. For they use the Chaldee Tongue as we do the Latin. Out of the Seminary was sent one to be a coadjutor to the Patriarch and made Bishop, and another coadjutor to him in his Bishopric. Their common Language is Arabike. The Pope sent also silver Chalices, and Iron Instruments to make the Hosts and sacred Vests for other Priests by the said Dandin. He stayed two months with his companion a Priest, in the Monastery of the Patriarch, in which time the old Patriarch died, and the other was substituted by a Synod according to the custom. The Patriarches performed all kind Offices to the jesuites, as did also the Monks which live sparingly, eating little but Rice, Herbs and Broth. The Priests live single, but are addicted to no Studies of Learning, and spend the rest of their time in tilling the ground, 
Poor Priests.  or stirring up others thereto, that they may have to live on, and to pay their Tributes. Their women are very modest and chaste, neither have they any mercenary Harlots. They have a place at the entrance of the Church by themselves and when Service is done they departed first, no man stirring till hey be all gone. Dandin altered, diverse things amongst them, 
Their old rites.  as to reserve some cases to the Bishop or Patriark●, not to constrain Priests to marry before they took Orders, that some of the Seruiarians should be appointed on some Holy days to preach, and writ cases for others to learn, where as before they had no Sermons, but sometimes a Homily; to use no other Missals than such as had been sent from Rome; that other Books should be examined; not (as before) to admit Children to the Eucharist, 
L. 8 c. 6. l. 9 c. 9  etc.  
He which will read more of these Maronites, may read out of themselves and others in this Work, as also touching them and all other Christians in the East in Master Brerewoods Enquirie hereto annexed: also Thomas à jesus our Author is fare more ample in these things, then agreeth with our scope. I thought good yet to add out of a Manuscript above a dozen years since communicated to me by the Right Reverend Father in God Doctor Usher, Lord Bishop of Me●th, copied out of a jesuites written Catalogue of Heresies, these Errors as they are there recited by the jesuite, and gathered out of the Maronites Books  

Errores ex libris Maronitarum excerpti 1580. sunt autem huiusmodi.  
1 CHristus caput est divinitatis.  
2 In Christo una tantum est natura.  
3 In Christo una tantum est operatio, una voluntas.  
4 Natura inuisibil●● in Christo est passa.  
5 Trinitas est passa.  
6 Trisagium recitandum est cum illa additione, Qui crucifixus est pro nobis.  
7 Christus non est mortuus ut alij homines.  
8 Christus descendens ad inferos omnes filios Adae liberavit.  
9 Christus post resurrectionem unam habet naturam.  
10 Anima sanctorum patrum deductae sunt à Christo ad Paradisum terrestrem: animae vero eorum qui nunc moriuntur, aut illuc transount, aut in proprijs corporibus detinentur, vel circa sepulchrum, vel descendunt ad locum tenebrosum, pro meritorum vel demeritorum diversitate.  
11 In die iudicij nova corpora animabus creabuntur.  
12 Spiritus sanctus à patre procedit.  
13 Baptismus non debet ministrari nisi à Sacerdote.  
14 Apostata, ut haeretici, sunt rebaptizandi.  
15 Energumeni non sunt baptisandi, nisi mortis articulo.  
16 Masculus in baptismo non debet suscipere foeminam, nec è contra.  
17 Baptismus non debet dari in quadragessima.  
18 Parvulus baptizatus non debet tangi à matre quae patitur fluxum sanguinis ne eum polluat.  
19 Mater non potest lactare suum infantem ratione chrysmatis cum est baptizatu●.  
20 Angelus custos tribuitur in baptismo homini.  
21 Chrysma debet consici ex varijs rebus, & coqui igne ex 5●●. libis facto.  
22 Forma confirmationis haec est. Vngo te hoc chrysmate in vitam aeternam, ut sis haeres regui coelestis in nomine P. F. & S.S.  
23 Sanguis Christi potest consecrari ex aqua, ex vuis siccis expressa.  
24 Summus Episcopus potest consecrare sanguin●m sine corpore.  
25 Forma consecrationis hac est. Benedixit & dinisit unicuique discipulorum partem, & fecit ut essent, corpus Dominicum, quod datur in vitam mundi in remissionem peccatorum. Item benedixit & sanctificavit, & divisit aequaliter ad bibendum illum Apostolis suis electis, & fecit possidere illum sanguinem viz. ●ovam Testamentum Discipulos suos.  
26 Sub speciebus panis & vini est corpus & sanguis sed non anima Christi.  
27 Eucharistia consecranda feria quinta in Caena Domini, debet consecrari per totum annum.  
28 Sacerdos qui nunquam celebrat, non peccat.  
29 Licet sacrum facere super librum Euangelij.  
30 Qui non est dispositus ad communicandum, non debet sacro interest.  
31 Dignius 〈◊〉 Eucharistiam infa●s quam adultus.  
32 Infants Christi sanginem sumere debent.  
33 Impedit comunio●em digitum ari insuisse, aut os abluisse.  
34 Absoluere poenitentes est super eius caput recitare orationem Dominicam.  
35 Impositio manuum Apostolorum super baptizatos erat absolutio à peccatis.  
36 Peccata minima sunt aperienda in confession.  
37 Peccata spiritualia ne in mortis articulo d●mitti possunt.  
38 Mali Sacerdotes non habent usum clavium.  
39 Post mortem redditur ratio commissorum peccatorum ab anno 12.  
40 Oleum extrema unctionis debet benedici à 7. Sacerdotibus.  
41 Matrimonium in lege veteri erat institutum tantùm ob prolem.  
42 Matrimonium non est validum sine Sacerdotis benedictione.  
43 44 Non potest pater & filius contrabere cum matre & filia, vel duo fratres cum duabus sororibus.  
45 Quartae nuptiae & deinceps sunt illicitae.  
46 Ob multas causas licet uxorem dimittere, & aliam ducere.  
47 Vsus Matrimonij in Quadragesima est peccatum irremissibile.  
48 Paradisus terrestris fuit creatus ante omnia.  
49 Adam fuit formatus ex terra Paradisi.  
50 Adam & Eu● ante peccatum erant circundati pelle, ut non posset cognosci utrum mai vel foemina esset.  
51 Sacerdos erat Abel & non Cain, & ideo Deo placuit illius Sacrificium, non ●●tius.  
52 N●● tempore dilu●ij in Arca sacrificanit.  
53 Filij Israel qui adorarunt nitulum, & biberunt erus puluerem, mugiebant ut bones.  
54 judai in deserto ferebant lapidem secum in quo 12. fontes manabant.  
55 Christus factus est Sacerdos à johanne Baptista.  
56 Maria apparuit Christus in forma hortulani.  
57 Apostoli usque ad Pentecostem fuerunt in statu pe●cati.  
58 Christus fecit Apostolos Diaconos cum insufflavit ijs Io●. 20. Sacerdotes vero cum ascendit in Coelum.  
59 Anima Beata Virginis fuit primum omnium creata.  
60 Omnes credentes, etiam haretici sunt in statu salutis.  
61 Non licet occidere hominem etiam publica authoritate.  
62 De●s promisit Mosi visionem diuinitati● coniunctam cum anima Christi, quo modo solum est visibilis divinitas.  
63 Sancti patres in limbo carebant spe exeundi.  
64 Damnati non torquentur die Dominica.  
65 Damnatorum poenae minuuntur per sacrificia.  
66 joseph sponsus Beatae Virginis habuit qua tuor filios.  
67 Virginitas non est praeponenda matrimonio.  
68 Mendacium officiosum licitum est.  
69 judaei coegerunt Beatam Virginem potare aquam amaram propter suspicionem adulterij.  
70 Dies Veneris est celebrandus ut Dominicus.  
71 Phara● non meretur poenam, quod Deus cor eius indur averit.  
72 Vestes Sacerdotales si lacerentur & id genus alia, amittunt consecrationem.   
I have hither also translated some observations of Christopher Angel●s a Greek Monk and Priest, which hath lived many years in England, and some five years since gave me a Greek 
* It was printed also in Latin at Cambridge.  Book printed by him in London, touching their present Rites, both in their Churches and Monasteries. Many things I could have added touching the Greeks', and their modern Language, State and Religion, out of Crusius, jeremias the Patriarch and others. But this man being a Traveller, I chose rather to let you hear him in that wherein he hath been bred. As for dogmatic differences you have had them before, and the present Greeks' are not ordinarily so learned as to give you a perfect account thereof.   

§. V Of the condition of life in which the Greeks' now live, and of their rites of Fasts, Feasts, and other observations, gathered out of the Book of CHRISTOPHEROS ANGELOS, a Greekish Monk and Priest.  
THe ancient 
* Simple silliness ●ither of this Monk or of this Nation. Or rather base courages palliated with Scripture misapplied. The true cause is, that they, weakened by divisions amongst themselves & from the Latins; and not assisted from Princes abroad were not able to hold out. An obscure Prophecy aught not to hold men's hands,, except they will be treacherous to their state; for Gods will revealed is the rule of our actions; veiled prophecies can but f●resignifie events, being not terrible till then, and therefore not eligible, as God's rule, not ours, intimating what he wils, and not what we aught Deut. 29. divers tributes to the Turk. Tithing of their children. Another fashion.  Grecians heard john the Evangelist speaking in the thirteenth of the Apoc. and first verse. And I s●w a beast rise out of the Sea, and power was granted him to make war with the Saints, and to overcome them, and power was given him over every Kindred and Tongue, and Nation, and all that dwelled upon the Earth worshipped him, whose names are not written in the Book of Life of the Lamb, who was slain from the beginning of the World: if any man have an ear let him hear. If any lead into captivity, he shall go into captivity: if any kill with a sword he must be killed with the sword, and that which followeth. The Greeks' having this prophecy and many others of this kind of holy men, when they saw the Turks come, said, This is the Beast, that Saint john speaketh of, and would not fight with the Turk. They fought a little in the beginning, but afterward yielded; and for this were not carried away captives. In like manner they carried all their goods with them, and bought all of the King of the Turks. This thing also did the Monks, and redeemed their Monasteries, and fields; and houses, and whatsoever they possessed before. Therefore to this day, they retain all their old Books, and observe their Country Laws, and live as the Christians and Monks in former ages, if the Christians shall at any time get the superiority. But let us return to our purpose.  
Each of the Males pay Tribute to the Turkish King, as likewise the women: that is to say, that the men, dwelling in one house from twenty years, and upwards pay yearly six shillings. But if they be striplings, that is to say, fifteen years old they pay three only, if they are passed fifteen, pay four or five, till they come to the age of twenty years. They will give this tax, because the Lord saith, be wise as Serpents. They are mindful also that john saith, Apoc. 7.14. Those are those which came out of great tribulation, and washed their garments, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb. Moreover, they pay another custom. That is to say, when the Army goeth to war; they are wont to contribute certain pieces of money, to buy bread and flesh, to sustain the Army, they do not yet all equally pay this: but sometimes twenty, sometimes ten shillings in every house, sometimes more having respect to the Army. But all the houses do not contribute alike in this as in the former. In that the rich and poor pay the same sum, in this no man gives beyond his ability. There is also another duty: to wit, when the King's spies are sent to exact Tribute of the Christians, in the journey the Christians which dwell there, allow them victuals. And thus much concerning their Tributes.  
The tithing of their children is in this manner. When as first the Turk exercised authority over the Greeks, in every City & Province he took an account of the houses, and every fourth year, of ten houses took one of their children. There was at that time in one City a hundred households of ten times ten household he chooseth one. Afterwards after that four years were expired, he took ten other children of the second, that is to say, of the next house, not of that former whereof he took before. And so they do every four years until all the houses be finished. And then again they begin to take children at the first house, until they return again to the first. After forty years are passed they return again to the first house, and after this manner they do with the other Houses, Cities and Provinces. They have another unjust custom of gathering children, that is to say, when the janissaries go from the King to gather Boys through the Province, that is subject to them, where they aught to gather them: Passing through the Province as many Boys as they found in the way, they take without tithing, saying, those Boys are our prey. But if it happen, that any children among them that are unjustly taken, be of those houses, which are to give a Boy, than they will take no other Boy of those houses, whereof that Boy was, because they may not take two Boys out of one house in the same year; therefore when the Boys fathers hear that the janissaries come to gather Boys, they hide their Boys before they come, some in Mountains, some in the houses of the great men that are Turks, because those Rulers are Citizens, and the Greeks' friends, and therefore desire to keep the Greeks' sons safe, and after they restore again their sons, sometimes the Boys fly into the Mountains, and the janissaries take the Boy's Father or Mother, and punish them with death. And when the children hear that their parents are punished, they come of their own accord, and are delivered: sometimes the childrens parents die of the punishment for their sons, and thus much concerning their children.  
The Greeks' observe four Lents every year. The first is called the great and holy Lent: this continues eight and forty days together before Easter. 
Greekish Lents four in every year. First Lent.  They fast in that holy Lent eating dry things for the tithing of their soul. On Annunciation day they eat fish, and feast for joy of the Annunciation, therefore there remain only five and thirty days for the tithing of the year, which are five times seven, which make five and thirty days. Because that for seven weeks together they fast before Easter, five days in every week, that is to say, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday: they fast not on Saturday and Sunday, because they eat Oil and drink Wine twice in a day, therefore they are not called fasting days, but only after a sort. 
Saturday and Sunday not fasting.  Some of the Laics in those five days of the week eat Oil, and drink Wine, because they respect not the tithing of souls  
The Fasts of the Monks differ from the Laics fasts; for the Laics may sometimes eat Oil, and drink Wine in those five days, and have absolution of the spiritual (Priest) when they confess to him their particular sins. But the Monks may not eat Oil, nor drink Wine those five days: for when they confess, they are punished according to the Canons, unless they have some disease, or some other necessity.  
Their second Lent, is called the Lent of days, 
Second or Aduent Lent.  because they fast forty days together before Christmas. They fast in those days, first, in the honour of Christ: Secondly, because Moses fasted forty days, and then merited (or obtained) to converse with God: and receive the stony Tables of the Decalogue. To our example, Moses fasted there forty days, that he might speak with God and receive the Tables. But we fast so many days, that we may meet Christ borne for our sins, as the Wisemen did with gifts, and as the shepherds spoke with the Angels, and were thought worthy to see an Army of Angels, and to worship Christ. We also confessing our sins, and fasting and keeping under our body, worship Christ.  
The third Lent is called the Lent of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul. 
Third Lent.  It begins one week after Wh●tsontide; and continues to the nine and twentieth day of the month of june, that is to say, to the Feast of Peter and Paul.  
Their fourth Lent begins from the first day of August, 
Fourth Lent. Assumption.  and continues to the fourteenth day of the same month, because on the 15. day they celebrated a great Feast to the Virgin Mary, who on that day ascended from Earth to Heaven, from corruptible things to incorruptible, and went to her Son, and to her God and our Lord jesus Christ and our God, Amen: in her honour they fast fourteen days.  
But these fasts differ from the great Lent, for in the Lent of Christmas, 
Difference of fasts in Lent.  and of Peter and Paul, they eat fish twice in a day: but in our Ladies Lent they eat no fish, yet they eat twice a day.  
They begin to fast after this manner: the tenth Sunday before Easter Sunday, to wit, 
Manner of fasting.  the ninth week before Easter; that Week is called, the calling week, and the Sunday of the Publican and the Pharisee, for on the tenth Sunday they read the Gospel of the Publican and the Pharisee, that they may learn humility, and abase themselves, and not judge and condemn others, as the Pharisee judged the Publican and was punished; and they sing at Evensong, and the day following before day (that is, the tenth Sunday before Easter) these Songs, with a great and dry voice, and very often melodiously, so that all may hear: Let us a●oid the pharisees boasting, let us learn the Publicans lowliness, and others of this kind: and they confess their sins, and pardon the wrongs of their Enemies, that they may be pure in heart when they begin to fast. The following Sunday (which is the ninth Sunday before Easter, and the eighth week, that Sunday is called the Sunday of the second coming, and the judgement of our Lord jesus Christ) wherefore on this day they read the Gospel, than they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds; and the rest that follows. And the Prophecy of Daniel the Prophet, viz. Behold the thrones were set, and the ancient of days sat down, and the Books were opened to judgement. And they read in the Church these words of Christ, and of the Prophecy of Daniel singing with a dry and great voice, so that all may hear and many tremble, for all hear, that judgement and vengeance is at hand. 
O Vti●am.  They feast very much this Sunday, and give many alms, and procure friendship with their enemies, and will never judge nor backbite them after they are made friends, nor remember the injury so long as they live, because Paul faith, neither thief, nor evil speaker, etc. shall inherit the Kingdom of God. This is called Shrovesunday, because on this day is an inhibition from flesh; for in the day following (that is) Monday, they begin to fast only from flesh, and eat Eggs, M●lke, Cheese, Butter, and such kind of meats; that come from flesh all the week, but on Saturday and Sunday, which is called the eighth Sunday before Easter, and the seventh week before Easter.  
The eighth Sunday before Easter is called Cheese sunday, because they eat Cheese and Eggs, and all kinds of white meats: and the Greeks' do greatly reject this day, because the day following (that is to say) Monday, they begin to fast. The day is called the fall of Adam, because on that day is read the fall of Adam, that is, how Adam and Eve ate of the Tree of knowledge, and for that unbridled lust of eating, were cast out of Paradise; because they neglected the o●inance of God, therefore they were banished, and because after the fall of Adam then went out of Paradise, and mourned because he was deceived, by his cursed desire to eat, and was so made the servant of the Devil, therefore they give large alms, and commiserate their enemies (as we said before) and now they do these things that they may be pure in heart, when they begin to fast: But they begin to fast on Monday, to wit, the first day of the seventh week before Easter, and they fast five days, viz. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, but they fast eating dry things, that is to say, they eat Beans, Pease, with Vinegar they boil Herbs in water, and eat them with Vinegar, Raisins, Figs, dried Apples, dried Pears, dried Cherries, and Honey. These they boil altogether in water: they eat the Fruit, but drink the broth as wine, etc. On Saturday and Sunday (which is called the Lords day, they eat Oil, and drink Wine: and after this manner they live every week until Easter.  
They fast also two days every week throughout the whole year, viz. Wednesday and Friday. 
Two weekely●fast▪ Wednesday & Friday.  They fast on Wednesday, because on that day judas took money to betray Christ, and they are afflicted with Christ by fasting. But on Friday they fast because Christ was crucified, and they are in heaviness with Christ, because he saith, when the Bridegroom shall be taken from them, then shall my Disciples fast.  
On every Saturday, and other feasts throughout the year, the Greeks' are wont at evening to go to the Temple. 
Saturdays, Sundries, and other holy days.  All the Graecian women and children rise very timely, that is to say, the second hour after midnight on every Sunday, and Feast day, to go to the Temple; and leave at home one boy or one girl, to keep the house, and they continued there singing all the night till morning; when the Sun riseth, they go out, and return home: they 〈◊〉 idly, and eat not nor drink, till the ninth hour after midnight. But at the ninth hour the Priest runs to the Temple, and prepares those things that belong to the liturgy, and takes one loaf which a woman or pure man made the day before (that is, some man which knew not his wife the day before, or a woman which knew not her husband, that is, on Saturday night, or otherwise from the evening of Friday till the morning light of Saturday, lay not together.) That man or that woman, baketh and kneadeth meal, and makes that loaf on Saturday, or another day. He must needs be pure which shall make this bread: before they put this Bread into the Oven, they sign it with a certain piece of wood engraven with letters, viz. jesus Christ overcomes: and then they put it into the Oven marked with these letters, viz. jesus Christ overcomes. This Bread signifies the Virgin: as the Virgin was pure, so a pure man must bake that bread: this Bread the Priest takes in his hands, and blesseth, saying, In the memory of our holy unspotted Lady Mother of God, etc. and other prayers, and consecrates that Bread to the Virgin, and after this the Priest hath a little spear, in form of the spear wherewith the Soldiers pierced Christ, and the Priest taketh the little spear, and cuts off some foursquare piece of the outside of the loaf, which containeth those letters, jesus Christ overcomes, typifying Christ, who was borne of the Virgin Mary; and of this Bread they make their Eucharist: the Eucharist being administered, the Priest or Deacon divides that greater part of bread which was left into very small pieces, of which bread we say, that it is the body of the Virgin: and of this bread he distributes to them which took Christ's body, and to as many as fasted all that day, who neither eat nor drank any thing. They call this kind of bread the reward, because they give it ●o all those which are, and which are not partakers of the Lords supper as a certain divine gift. Those things being finished they go out of the Temple, and again gather themselves to evening Prayers, which custom is observed throughout the whole world. 
Cross Fast.   
Moreover, they fast the foureteenth day of September, in honour of the cross, which was found on that day, 
Twelfth day holy water. See the Ruff and Abassine ceremonies on that day in their places.  and they celebrated the feast of the cross, abstaining from white meats, because on that day they kiss the cross of Christ, and they desire to kiss it fasting. They fast also the fift of januarie from all white meats, because the sixth day of that month Christ was baptised, according to the Greekish custom. Moreover the Priests that day hollow water, whereof the Laickes drink, and that they may be pure drinking of that holy water, they fast the day before, that is to say, the fift of januarie.  
They observe no fasting the fourth and sixth day of the week: for they eat flesh on Wednesdays and Fridays, and all white meats which come from flesh, as Eggs, Butter, Milk, Cheese, etc. from the day of Christ's nativity to the foureteenth day of januarie, that is, from the 25. of December to the foureteenth of januarie, they fast not; yet they fast the fift of januarie that they may drink holy water the sixth day, whereof we spoke before. If the nativity of Christ happen on a Wednesday, or a Friday, the common people eat flesh, and all white meat: but the Monks only white meats without flesh, in honour of Christ's Nativity. Also on the sixth day of januarie, whereon Christ was baptised, the Laics eat flesh and all kind of white meats, as we said before: but the Monks eat only white meats.  
Notwithstanding in the eleventh week before Easter, they eat flesh on Wednesday and Friday: 
Dog-tale.  the reason whereof is this. In times passed there were certain Heretics, which had an excellent good Dog, who were accustomed to tie Letters about his neck, and sand him to their friends two or three day's journey from them, who when they had read the Letters, sent back others to them by the same Dog, and this they did diverse times; At the length the Dog died and returned not, than those Heretics for grief fasted Wednesday and Friday, that they might deride the Orthodox Christians, who fasted those days in honour of Christ: but when the Christians understood this, they decreed in the eleventh week not at all to fast with them, but to eat flesh on Wednesday and Friday. They call this week Archburch.  
Moreover, throughout Easter week, that is, from the resurrection of Christ until the Sunday following they eat flesh and white meats. The Fathers call it the week of renovation. After the same manner, on the day of Penticost they eat flesh, and make merry, but on the Monday next following that feast, they abstain from flesh and all white meats, because the Priests on that day after Noon gather the people into the Temple, and all the people kneel in the same place, and the Priests pray, that the holy Ghost would descend upon them, as it did formerly on the Apostles on the day of Penticost. And therefore they fast on that Monday, that is the day following, but on Wednesday and Friday of that week, they eat flesh for joy of the holy Ghost: but the Monks eat only white meats.  
The Greekish Bishops have a custom, that at three set times they give the Priests spiritual gifts, as Christ at three times especially gave to his Apostles spiritual gifts, 
Times for Orders.  and when they had received this favour thrice, than they were perfect; that is to say, the Apostles received the first gift when he gave them authority and power over all devils, and to heal diseases, Luke 9.1. he gave them the second on the day of his resurrection, when he said to them, john 20.22. Receive the holy Ghost: whose sins you remit, they are remitted to them, etc. The third gift he gave them in the feast of Penticost, when he sent his holy spirit upon them: which being finished, the Apostles were perfect. After the same manner the Graecian Bishops make other Bishops; first the Bishop makes this or that man a Priest, but no confession, only to sacrifice and sanctify. But after that the Bishop understands that that Priest is a Scholar and learned, then on the day following he gives him power to be a Confessor, and if he be unlearned he only Sacrificeth. And if he deserve to be a Bishop, on the third day two or three Bishops make him a complete Bishop, and by reason hereof every Priest hath not power to hear Confessions, but he only who hath authority from the Bishop: the Priests desire for the most part that the people confess their sins to them in the Temple, sometimes also in other places, 
Confession.  either in a private house, or in the fields, but no man is present besides themselves, whether it be in the Church or out of the Church.  
The Greeks' pray in the Temple standing upright. 
Rites of prayer etc. in their Churches.  But they have some high seats in the Temple, such as are in many Colleges, and they may sometimes sit in them, and sometimes stand. When the Priests Preach, than the lay people sit in those seats, yet they stand when they sing. But when they come into the Temple, every one takes his proper place, and then standing with his Hat off, bendeth down the three former fingers of his right hand; which being done, he intimates that there are three persons in one deity. And these fingers thus bended down, he first lays on the forepart of his head; signifying thereby that the holy trinity is in heaven. Than he removes them to his belly, signifying, that the Son and the Word of God descended to the earth, and took flesh, and was crucified, and buried for our sins. Than he placeth them on his right shoulder, signifying that Christ is risen from the dead, and sits at the right hand of the Father, as David said, Sat at my right hand, till I put thine enemies under thy feet. Than he lays them on his left shoulder, intimating that Christ should not set us at his left hand at the last day, but deliver us from that, as he hath taught us, deliver us from evil: and again when he saith, Than will he place the Sheep at his right hand, and the Goats at his left: and every one in these several spaces of time, that is from the first period of time, wherein he puts those three fingers on his head, until the laying them on his left shoulder, saith these words; Lord jesus Christ, Son, and Word of God, be merciful to me a sinner; and he bends his body, and so this figure signifies the sign of the Cross, that is, putting his fingers first on his head, after on his belly, then on his right shoulder, and lastly on his left: these actions make a Cross, and signify the Cross whereon Christ was crucified for our sins. And thus every one makes this figure three or four times, and then sits down on his seat.  
The Greeks' have a custom that the better sort of them receive the Sacrament of the precious body and blood of Christ, once, twice, thrice, or four times in the year, yet confession of their sins must go before to some spiritual Priest (they call those spiritual Priests, who have authority from the Bishop) And whosoever he be which will confess himself to such a kind of Priest, aught to come to him. And the Priest asketh him, what he desires? he answereth, 
Rites of Confession.  saying, I desire to confess my sins. Than the Priest goeth with him to the Temple, and there in some private place he gins to teach him, saying: See, the Angel of God stands before thee to receive thy confession. Take heed therefore, that thou concealest no sin, neither for shame, nor for any other cause, for I am a sinner like thyself. Than the Greek gins to confess his sins particularly: which being done, the Priest saith again, take heed that you overslip no sin through forgetfulness. Than more seriously then before he looks into himself, and whatsoever sins he can remember he ingeniously confesseth to the Priest. But if he can remember no more, he tells him, he hath confessed all that he remembers. Than the Priest imposeth him penance, that he fast so many days, and give so many alms: which being finished, he blesseth him in these words; According to the power which Christ gave his Apostles, saying, whatsoever you shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever ye shall lose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven: Again, according to the power which the Apostles gave the Bishops, and the Bishops gave me, be blessed of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, and let thy portion be with the just. Which short benediction being ended, he makes a longer prayer over his head: who ariseth and leaveth some money in the place for the Priest to pray for him afterward. And so he goes forth and performs whatsoever the Priest enioynes him. And when the time comes that he must receive the Lords Supper, he must go to that Priest or some other, who must pray over his head, he in the mean time kneeling.  

Their Temples The Quire.  All the Greekish Temples have a certain place, distinct from the rest of the Temple, wherein Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons' only enter, and wherein they perform their holies, and when the Priest will give the holy Sacrament to them that will receive it, he stands at the door of that place, and they that desire to receive it come near the door, and stand right before it. They come after this manner: when the time draws near to receive it, they come before the door where the Priest celebrates his holies and bend their knees to the East, 
Communion,  and worship God. Than they turn to the West, and kneeling, say to the people, Bless us brethren, we have sinned in word and deed. And the people answer, saying, God pardon you brethren: then they turn to the South side of the Church, and say the same words to them as before, and they answer in the same manner. In like fashion they turn themselves and kneel to the North side of the Church, saying as before, and receiving the same answer. After this they all come near to door of the place where the Priest performs his holies, and the Priest comes forth holding the Sacrament in his hands, and stands in the middle of the door, and gives to every one the body and blood of our Lord, the Bread and Wine mingled together, saying, N. N. servant of God, receiveth in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. And in the very particle of time, wherein they receive the Sacrament every one with a low voice saith to himself, Lord I will not kiss thee as judas, but as the Thief I confess thee, remember me O Lord when thou comest in thy Kingdom: And after these words he takes the Sacrament. And after that holy receiving, presently he receives of the same Priest, a small portion of the Bread, called the divine gui●t, whereof we spoke before, when we mentioned the Greekish prayers of the whole year. 
Holy bread.   
The Greeks' have certain small Vessels in the Church called Fonts, wherein they baptism Infants in this manner; 
Fonts and Baptism.  when the time comes to baptism an Infant, the kindred of the child heat water with sweet smelling herbs, and put the water into the foresaid vessel, but whiles the water warms, the Priest prays and puts Oil into the water. After the prayers, the Priest taketh the child in his arms, and puts the whole Infant thrice quite under the water, saying N. N. the servant of God is baptised in the name of the Father, than he duck's the Infant, and draws him out and then adds, and of the Son, and then again duck's him, and draws him out, and lastly adds in the name of the holy Ghost, and then again duck's the Infant and plucks him out, that is three times diving him the water, and pulling him out of the water, as Christ said to his Disciples, go forth baptising in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the holy Ghost. All which being finished, he reads certain prayers, as here in Great Britain, and restores the child to his Kinsfolk.  

Excommunication.  It is a custom amongst the Greeks' to excommunicate those that are grievous offenders (because Saint Paul saith, when you are assembled together, and my spirit also deliver that man over to Satan; and again reprove him severely) for example sake. A certain wicked man hath borne false witness, or dealt injuriously with some man, the man wronged, cities this false witness before some Priest, or Bishop, and the Bishop asketh the false witness whether his testimony be true or not: the witness affirms his testimony to be true; then the Bishop or Priest puts on his Pontifical attire (whether he be in the Church, or elsewhere) which garments signify the seamlesse and purple coat of Christ and other things. And at that time the Bishop or Priest is a type of Christ, because of those holy Garments, and the grace which he received of the Bishops. Than he commands the false witness to stand before him, and gins that Psalm, wherein it is said, O God be not silent of my praise, because the mouth of the sinner and deceitful was opened against me, and the rest which follows in that Psalm; then he adds certain prayers; and after saith, by the authority which Christ gave his Apostles, viz. Whatsoever you shall lose in earth shall be loosed in heaven, and whatsoever you shall bind in earth, shall be bound also in heaven: And by the authority which the Apostles gave to the Bishops, and the Bishops gave me, by this authority I excommunicate thee; thou shalt not converse with Christians, and shalt be separated from the Father and the Son, and the holy Ghost; and from the three hundred and eighteen Fathers, Divines of the Nicene Council, and from all Saints▪ and thy portion shall be with the Devil, and judas and thou shalt be indissoluble for ever as stones and Iron for a testimony, unless thou repentest. These things being done, he dismisseth him. And if the false witness do not afterward repent, but die in his opinion; after a year (for the Greeks' are wont to dig up the Sepulchers of those, which died in the former year, and also the sepulchre of that false witness) and they find him entire, his body black, his hair yet remaining and his nails white, and they cast him out of the Sepulchre, and set him bolt upright against a wall and he stands firmly of himself, as a solid piece of timber: and if you strike his belly it will sound like a drum, and therefore he is called Timpaniaeu●. See also Cas●●an●● in Historian in his histories calls an excommunicate person Timpaniaeum. If you doubt, you may speak to your Merchants to inquire in Palaea-patia, Thessalonica, Alexandria, Constantinople or any where else, you may also inquire of the Greeks that are in England, who will certify you of the truth.  
About threescore years since or somewhat more, the jews which inhabited about Cairo, bitterly envied the Christians; for they saw that the Governor was very courteous, and therefore they consulted together to give him a double tribute for the Christians, so that he would destroy them because Christ spoke falsely, saying, Whosoever hath Faith as a grain of Mustard seed, 
Christopher Furer mentioneth this Patriarch and his poisoned Cup, pag. 1376. He was alive 35. years after An. 1565. being then 103 years old. That of removing the Mountain I doubt Graeca fide to have been hither added from that which M. Polo relateth, To. 2. pa. 70. For Furer should as well have heard this as that, having letters of commendation from him: but he mentions it not. Addition & multiplication is no new thing with Miracle-mongers.  shall say to this Mountain, pass hither or thither, and it shall go. Math. 17.20. and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them, Mar. 16.19. Than the furious Governor called the Patriarch, and said, your Religion is false, because Christ said whosoever believeth in me although he drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt him: And presently commanded the Patriarch, that he should drink poison before him, without making the sign of the cross, because the jews had informed him, that the Christians wrought magically by it, for when they make the sign of the cross, than the poison looseth his efficacy, and therefore the Governor commanded the Patriarch, that he should not make the sign of the cross, when he drunk the poison. Than the Patriarch calling the people, prayed and fasted with them three days, and the third day took the Communion with them, and they went all to the Governor. Than the Governor being present and all the jews, one of the jews brought a cup full of strong poison, and gave it the Patriarch to drink: Than the Governor said to the Patriarch, holding the cup in his hand, take heed you make not the sign of the cross on the cup; then the Patriarch blessing the cup mystically, asked the Governor, saying, where will you that I drink, on this side, or on this, or on this, or on this? and by this means he laid his fingers on the four sides of the superficies of the cup, sanctifying the cup mystically. Than the Governor said to the Patriarch, drink where you will, not knowing that the Patriarch had blessed the cup with the sign of the cross: after this the Patriarch drank off the whole cup. And after he had drunk, he bade them bring him some water, and they brought some: then he put a little water into the cup, and washed it. Than he said to the Governor, I have drunk all the poison, let a jew drink only this water that is in the cup, that we may see his faith; then the Patriarch offered the cup to the jew that first brought it him, that he might drink it: but the jew would not. Than the Governor threatened him, saying, drink, that we may see also thy Religion. And so the jew drank the water in the cup, and presently burst in ●under. Than the jews gave great quantity of money to the Governor, saying that the Patriarch had wrought witchcraft: but Christ saith whosoever hath faith as a grain of mustard seed, shall say to this Mountain, remove thither, and it shall remove. Now let the Patriarch call that Mountain which is over against us, and if it come to us, then let the Christians slay us. Than again the Prince said to the Patriarch, that he should call the Mountain, or otherwise the Christians must die. Than the Patriarch besought the Governor to grant him three days, that the Greeks' might take counsel together: but the Patriarch and people prayed with tears day and night, and on the third day, according to their custom they received the Lords Supper; and after they had done, they all assembled together both Greeks', Turks, and jews, and came to the appointed place, and then the Patriarch stretching out his hand towards the Mountain, said, In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, Mountain, come hither; and suddenly it clove in pieces, and came to them. But all feared lest it should cover them. Than the Governor said to the Patriarch, command that the Mountain stand still, then again stretching out his hands, the Patriarch blessed the Mountain, saying, stand Mountain, and the Mountain stood there: and from that time the Mountain was called Stand-Mountaine unto this day: but in Turkish it is called Dourdag, that is, Stand-Mountaine. Than the Governor said to the Patriarch, that the Grecians should kill the jews: but the Patriarch answered the Governor, we Christians are not accustomed to kill men; but for their punishment let them cause that the water which runs beneath Cairo, may come into Cairo▪ that all men in the City may drink of it at the jews cost, which to this day is done.  
The Greeks' also have Monks, but only of the order of Basil the great. 
Greekish Monk●  But this order is divided into three orders, the first is called Monastical, the second is Anachoreticall (which live apart) the third Asceticall, or if you will Exerciticall.  
The first Order which is called Monastical is in this manner: there are Monasteries amongst the Greeks', both great and little; some of them have fifty Monks, others a hundred, 
Order Monastical.  some one hundred and fifty, some two hundred, others three hundred, others four hundred, and others more. But the Monks of this first Order live a common life; for they all dine and sup together with their Governor at the same table: And neither the Governor's meat nor drink differs from the rest of the Monks, whether they be illiterate or wise. 
Their life in common.  And whensoever the Governor eats or drinks, they all eat the same bread and the same meat, and drink the same drink. But for decency▪ the Governor, Seniors, and Priest, differ in their garments. Most of the Monks of this first Order labour with their hands: but the Priests and Deacons labour not, but attend to reading and ecclesiastical functions: but the rest live by the labour of their hands, some make the Monks shoes, some spin Sheep's wool, and Goat's hair, some are Braziers, and make Hatchets of Brass, 
Hand-labours.  others betake themselves to keep flocks of Sheep, and hire mercenary Shepherds to serve them: and are conversant with them a year, and when a year is past, they go to the Monastery and tarry there, others go to keep Horses, and remain out a year, and then others are sent out by the Ancients of the Monasteries, and according to this manner the ancients sand out Monks yearly to keep Horses, Oxen, Bees, Sheep, and other businesses, and after a year they return to the Monastery, and in this manner live the Monks in the Monasteries: many Priests also are sent by the ancients into Walachia, Moscovia, and Iberia, that whatsoever the Kings give them, they may carry to the Monastery, and they abide in the Monastery, and others are sent forth, and thus live the Monks of the first Order in their Monasteries,  

Their habit.  They wear a hat on their head, which hides their ears, signifying that they hear nothing, neither learn men's vices, but are accounted as deaf men: as Paul saith, be children in maliciousness. They wear also another Hat upon that which represents the figure of a Sepulchre, and hides the head, and hangs down almost to the girdle, intimating that he which wears this figure is dead from worldly things, neither aught he which is clothed in this habit to be careful about worldly affairs, that is, about honours, riches, kindred, friends, favour with men, nor cherishing the body, but accounted himself to be dead, not as if he were really dead, but with a kind of preoccupated opinion of death, as the Lord saith; Whosoever will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow me: And David, We are killed all the day long for thy sake.  
The second Order of Monks is called Anachoreticall, or Heremeticall, that is, when there is any rich man, 
Monks Eremitical.  that cannot live in the Monastery, than he gives as much money to the Monastery as will buy a house, and the Monks living in the Monastery give him some great house, which is distant two or three miles from the Monastery, wherein he life's with two or three poor Monks, as the Monastical do in Monasteries: but that house hath a Church, Vine-yard, Oliveyard, Nuts, Cherries, Almonds, and other things necessary to live on abundantly. And this is the second Order of Monks of Basil the great.  
The third Order of Monks is called Asceticall, or Exerciticall, that is, the Order given to exercise, 
Monks Asceticall, or vacant to stricter exercises.  for these are exceedingly exercised in virtue: these live a strict and rigid life, they are content only with little houses or Caves, and have neither Vineyards nor Fields; yet some of them have great Vines, but make no Wine of them, but nourish them to eat the Grapes: they have also Fig trees, and such like things, wherewith they live, namely Beanes, Cherries, Apples, Chestnuts boiled on the fire with water. They gather also in the Spring time Apples, Parseley, Figs, Cherries, and cut them in pieces, and dry them in the Sun: and these thus prepared they eat with bread the rest of the year, once in a day, and twice on Feast days: some eat once only on Feast days: these get their living by their sweat and labour: For the Greekish Church doth not suffer Monks or Hermit's to beg; because they remember that Paul saith, 
Not Abby-lubbers nor begging Friars.  He which will not work, let him not eat. But sometimes some rich Grecians sand alms to the Monasteries, and to the Hermit's, and these exercised men receive them: but the course of their life is such; some make upper Garments of Goats and S●eepes wool, which the Monks wear upon their Garments: some make Hats of straw, some make wooden Spoons, and some of them writ Books; and all these hand-wrought things they give to the Monks dwelling in Monasteries, and they supply the Hermits with all necessaries: and this is the third Order of Hermit Monks. I writ these things, because I am an eyewitness, and speak certainly, truly, and boldly. This is the third Order of the Monks of Basill the great.  

Monks fasts.  The fasting of the first and second Order, that is of the Monastical, and of those who are Governors of two or three Monks is on this manner: They fast through the whole year, every week thrice, Monday, Wednesday and Friday: they fast on Monday, because on Saturday and Sunday they eat twice in a day, and they eat Fish, and Butter, and Eggs, and Milk, and Cheese, and Oil, and Wine: but that their concupiscence may not be increased, they fast on Monday: on Tuesday and Thursday, Saturday and Sunday, they eat twice those things which I mentioned before. The fast of the three days is in this manner: the second hour after noon they pray in the Temple, and going out they go to the Table, and eat Beans with broth, without Oil and Butter, and some Herbs with Vinegar, or Pease, or other pulse boiled without Oil ot Butter, etc. at evening they go to the Temple, and after prayers going out, they sit near the Temple, and the Butler is wont to go round about carrying a Cup full of fragments of Bread, and g●ues to every one of the Monks a piece of Bread, and a cup of water: the younger sort take them, but the elders receive nothing; but after they have sit a while, they go again into the Temple, and pray, and sometimes the space of an hour, sometimes half an hour; and when they go forth, the Governor stands in the Church Porch, every Monk when he goeth out at the door prostrates himself before him, saying, bless Lord; but the Governor answers, saying, God grant thee this my Son, and so again they return to their houses, and it is not lawful for any, any longer to speak together, and so they begin to pray in their houses, and perform their private devotions, and kneeling before God, every one to ask pardon for himself, and for others a whole hour, and then they go to sleep till the clock sounds midnight, and then they all rise, and go all to prayers, until morning, and then going out of the Temple, they go about their private arts, and work almost till dinner; and then they go to the Temple before dinner, and when they are come from thence, they go to dinner as the day before, and when they rise from dinner the Governor stands in the door of the dining room, and every Monk going forth prostrates himself before the Governor, saying, bless Lord, and the Governor answereth, saying, God pardon thee my son. But in the time of their great Lent, they bow themselves before the Governor, both in dinner time, and after supper in the Temple answering in the same manner: and thus do they throughout the whole year. Moreover, if any of the Monks chance to sleep, and not rising at the beginning when they begin to pray but the first hour of prayer, which is called midnight, is passed, and he riseth after midnight; he on that day dineth not with the other Monks, but whiles the rest are eating, he stands at the entrance to the Table before them all, and bows himself before all that are eating, saying, Have mercy on me O God, according to thy great mercy, etc. until all of them rise from dinner; and when they rise, all would go forth together, but he fal● on the ground and saith, O holy Fathers, bless me an idle person, because I have sinned; and every one of his brethren saith, God pardon thee brother: and when all are gone out, than he eats: and they do after this manner both the elder and younger Monks: they do this willingly, that all may have a good example to rise always at the time of the first Prayer.  
The third order of Monks is called the exercised Order, these exercised eat all the year once in a day, except on solemn days, and feast days, and often then also they eat but once; 
Their Lent● fasts.  if they dine they sup not; as we declared before of the fasting of the first and second order of Monks.  
The Monks also have four Lents in the year as the Laickes. The first Lent is called the great and holy Lent, as is said before, because it is the tithing of their souls for the year, because in the eighth week the Laickes pardon their enemies, and confess and prepare themselves, that when the holy Lent comes they may be pure in heart, and supplicate God for their sins. After the same manner also the Monks until the seventh week before Easter, forgive one another their trespasses, and prepare themselves that they also may be pure in heart: they begin to fast from Monday, that is the seventh week before Easter: they fast Monday and Tuesday: but one Wednesday they eat: but on the two former days they eat nothing. But some on Tuesday about the Even eat a morsel of bread with water; and after Wednesday they begin daily to eat once until Saturday. On Saturday and Sunday, on these two days until Easter they eat Oil, and drink Wine; but on the five other days of the week they eat once, and eat dried Apples, and such like things (whereof we said the exercised eat) they eat, and the Monks in the great Lent. But some of the Monks of the two Orders, and of the Exercisers and Heremits, in the great Lent often in three days eat once. But in the great Even wherein Christ was crucified, all the Monks fast all the days, and neither dine nor sup, 
Good Friday,  but only eat a little bread on Saturday, and drink Wine moderately, that they may abide in the Church, for they watch all night singing for joy of the Resurrection of Christ.  
The Greekish Monks have an order to rise to pray every night an hour and an half after midnight: but on Sundays one hour after throughout the whole year. They watch from the Evening till Morning on Dominical Feasts, and on the Feasts of great Saints, that is; in the night of the Resurrection of Christ, and of the Ascension: Pentecost and john the Baptist, and the four and twentieth of the month of june, on the Feast of Peter and Paul, on the sixth day of August: because on that day they celebrated a great Feast for the Transfiguration of Christ on Mount Thabor: And it is called to this day, the day of the transfiguration of Christ. Moreoover, rich and poor celebrated a great Feast, and watch all the night the fifteenth day of August; because on that day Mary a Mother and a Virgin was translated from Earth to Heaven: and so on other Feast days as on Christ's Nativity.  
The Graecian Monks have a custom, that when a Laicke will be made a Monk, he first goeth to the Monastery; and there the Governor asketh him what he would have; 
Monks how made.  to whom he answers that he would be made a Monk. The Governor replies: it is necessary that you remain three years in the Monastery, in which time you may prove and examine yourself. After the three years finished, if he like not to be a Monk, he may go away and marry a wife; but if he like, 
Three years probation.  than the Governor taketh him, and leading him to the Temple thus speaketh to him: Behold, the Angel of the Lord expecteth that he may receive the confession: take heed therefore that thou desirest not to be a Monk because of any affliction (that is jest thou shouldst have killed any, and therefore for fear of death comest hither; or hast grieved thy parents, or hast desired to have carnal pleasures with some and couldst not, and for easing thy grief comes to be made a Monk, and not for love to God etc.) Than he which is to be a Monk answereth, not so honourable father, but I desire to live a quiet and peaceable life, and to abstain from worldly troubles and tumults, to fast▪ watch, and in peace to pray unto God. Than the Governor replies again: therefore dost thou desire to renounce the world, and worldly pleasures for the love of God? he that is to be a Monk answereth, yea truly honourable Father, God willing: Will you forsake Father and Mother, Brethrens, Marriage, the joys and delights of this world? (as Christ saith, Whosoever leaveth Father and Mother, etc. for the love of Christ) he answers, yea truly, honourable Father, God willing, and after this manner answers to every Interrogatory. Than the Governor after Prayers attires him in a Monkish Habit; and with a pair of Cissers cuts from his head a few hairs, and fastens them mingled with Bees Wax in some corner near the Sacring place, signifying that he is consecrated to God, nor henceforth hath power over his own body, to marry a wife: because Christ saith, No man putting his hand to the plough, and looking back● is fit for the Kingdom of God.  
The Greeks' obey the divine Law very strictly: when as the Lord saith Forgive and it shall be forgiven you, 
Forgiving one another. Obedience.  they forgive their enemies their offences: every one saith particularly these words, I hearty forgive mine enemies that God may forgive me. Also they obey the laws of the holy Apostles for example, where Paul saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there no power but of God. They obey diligently also the precepts of the Fathers which are according to the Laws of God.  

Easter why different from the Latins.  Moreover, the Greeks' celebrated the Feast of Easter according to the ancient custom for these reasons: first, that they may neither keep it before the jews, nor with the jews, as it sometimes happens that this new Passeover is observed by the Latins, before the jews, and sometimes with the jews. Secondly, because the holy Nicene Council that first and universal one saith, if any celebrated Easter before the jews, or with the jews let him be accursed. Thirdly, because near the River Nile, 
See of this Sandys sup. l. 6. p. 907.  and the City Cairo, is a great wonder the earth casting forth dead carcases (that Country gins to cast them forth on the great day of Thursday before the Feast in which day Christ made his mystical Supper) but it casts forth dead bodies daily till the day of Ascension, that is, the day on which Christ ascended into Heaven, viz. till the fortieth day after Easter, and after that day it ceaseth to cast forth any. This wonder both Grecian and Turkish Merchants mention, as many as come from those places into Greece: as also others testify, who go to jerusalem to worship Christ's Sepulchre, and after they go to that place, where the bodies are cast out of the Earth, to see the Miracle: but his Miracle is according to the number of the old Feast. The Greeks did decree twenty years since to celebrated the feast according to the new number, but the bodies were neither cast forth according to that time; neither did the holy light shine, as it was wont yearly to shine in the holy Sepulchre of Christ about the ancient time of Easter: 
See Fulcherius sup. l. 8. c. 2. p. 1206.  then the Greeks' stayed till the ancient time of Easter, about which time the holy light shined in Christ's. Sepulchre, as it was wont yearly, and the earth near Nile cast forth dead bodies: and then the Greeks' kept the Feast, saying: behold, God showeth us the true time of Easter, and we care not for humane wisdom.  
The Greeks' say, that the Cross is Christ's Sceptre, and his two edged Sword; and as a Soldier fights with his Sword, and overcomes his enemies, so Christ also because he was crucified, overcame the Devil, he could without the Cross have saved man, and vanquished the Devil; but he would not, because it seemed good to him to do so: but as when a great King goeth to war, 

The weapons of our warfare are not carnal but spiritual. 2. Cor. 10.4. Christ crucified apprehended by faith, crucifying our old man, and mortifying our lusts.  
All the spiritual worship of God would be turned to such carnal & bodily rites, as you see in this and almost all the differing Christian sects Patriarch of Constantinople. His G●ergie. His maintenance.   he sends his Sceptre before him, and armeth his Soldiers with strong weapons, that they may fight with their enemies, and that the people may know the King comes: whence it comes to pass, that the glory of the King is spread all abroad, before he comes to that place, whither he sent his Sceptre before him; after the same manner also our Lord jesus Christ doth, he defends us christian's, armed with his Cross, which Cross signifies the Passion of Christ, and wheresoever the Cross appears, having this Title written on it, jesus Christ overcomes, Christ is preached and praised: but not every Cross, or thing like a Cross is called the Cross of Christ, but that which is inscribed with this Title, jesus Christ overcomes; that is called the Cross of Christ, whether it be of silver or of metal, or of wood, these Letters consecrated that Cross to Christ: for that Cross signifies that Christ was crucified for our sins, and overcame our enemies: therefore David saith, Lord, in thy light we shall see light: the light of the Father is the Son, the light of the Son is the Cross, etc.  
The Patriarch of Constantinople hath now under him seventy and four Metropolitans; but there are more than thirty of these, that have not Bishops under them, of those which have, this hath one, this two, this three, etc. all the Bishops are seventy two or seventy and three. But all the Bishops and Metropolitans are almost a hundred and fifty. The Patriarch of Constantinople hath his proper Seat only at Constantinople. He hath for his maintenance from that City a piece of Gold at every Marriage. And he hath twelve pence of every house once in three years throughout his whole Province; viz. of every Province of the metropolitans that have their Seats subject to him: he hath also a certain small gift of the Deacons and Priest when he gives them their Orders. Also every Priest in that City yearly gives him a piece of Gold. When rich Christians die, they leave to the Patriarches of that Church; houses, fields, sheep, wealth, etc. And every Metropolitan and Archbishop when they are consecrated by the Patriarch give him some small gratuity. And every Metropolitan yearly gives the Patriarch, this man twenty pound, that thirty, another five and twenty pounds for the King's Tribute. Of which wealth the Patriarch gives annually 6000. pieces of Gold in name of all the chief Priests: 
Tribute.  that the Turkish King may let the Patriarch remain in Constantinople, and the Greekish metropolitans, Archbishops and Bishops in his whole Kingdom; and observe the Christian Religion. The Patriarches servants, and of all the chief Priests are Monks. 
His Family.  Seventeen or more Priests and Ministers eat of the Patriarches bread. He hath two Chaplains, two Deacons, a Steward, Chapel Clerk, two Singers, a Porter, a Horsekeeper, and a Keeper of his great Seal, and and another of his Privy Seal.  
In like manner every Metropolitan and Archbishop hath a proper City: 
Other Bishops.  these also receive a small reward for the election of Bishops. Also they receive yearly of every Bishop, twenty, fifteen, or ten pounds. Moreover, of the Deacons and Priests a small gratuity for their imposition of hands. Moreover, every Priest yearly gives to the Metropolitan or Archbishop a piece of Gold: they take also at every Wedding a piece of Gold; and Alms for bu●ying the dead, as is said of the Patriarch. Moreover, yearly of every Family in the City a bushel of Corn, and Wine, and Oil, and Silk, and of these things the Metropolitans live.  
After the same manner the Bishops take a small reward of the Deacons and Priests for Imposition of hands: they also receive yearly of every Priest a piece of Gold, and as much for every Marriage, also as much of every Family yearly in his Province, besides a bushel of Corn, Wine, Oil, and Silk.  
The Priests live of the superfluity of the Church, that is to say, some Churches have fields, vineyards, houses and such like: but if the Church hath not plenty of those, 
Priest's livings.  every householder gives the Priest yearly a bushel of Corn (a Bushel signifies here the third part of a horse load.) Moreover the Greeks' have yearly six and thirty feast days, twelve of them are called Dominical, that is, pertaining to Christ and the blessed Virgin, the other four and twenty are of Saint john the Baptist, of the holy Apostles and famous Martyrs: on all these Feast days the Priest must administer the Communion: and every Family gives to the Priest two pence, he prays particularly for every donor, before he gins to sacre. Moreover, on these Feast days, the Greeks' entertain many strangers: and sometimes make five or six Feasts in a Village, and the Priest must be present at every Feast, and bless the viands, and they give the Priest bread, flesh, wine, money and other things which will be sufficient for his Family the whole week, and thus do the Priests live.  
Moreover, if any living in the Cities or Provinces of the Greeks' will be made Deacons, 
Deacons.  they must first marry: and then the Bishops make them Deacons. But if they will not marry, they must first be made Monks, and then the Bishops with their Suffrages make them Monkish Deacons, and they may not after marry, because the Bishops have separated them.  
Also, the Monks sleep always with their Coats girt about them: so also the Laics sleep with their wives with their clotheses on: because Paul saith; 
Scripture abused.  I would have those that have wives to be as if they had none, and those that have none, as if they had.    

CHAP. XV. Collections out of PETER STROZA, Secretary to Pope PAUL the Fifth, his Treatise of the Opinions of the Chaldaeans, touching the Patriarch of Babylon, and the Nestorrians in Asia.  
IT happened that amongst those poor men, whose feet were on Maundie Thursday, according to the wont Solemnity, washed by Pope Paul the Fifth, in the first year of his Papacy, there were two Chaldaeans, one a Monk, the other a Layman, which a little before had made their Pilgrimage to Rome; which carried some presents to Elias the Patriarch of Babylon from the Pope, and gave him a Book of the profession of faith, propounded to the men of the East which came to Rome; whereby, and by their extolling the Pope's gentle usage, the said Patriarch Elias sent Legates to the Pope to give him thanks and to acknowledge him for their common Father and Lord, with acknowledgement of his subjection & profession of the same faith, endeavouring to make it appear that the difference betwixt Rome & them was only in words & not in sense. These Legates fell amongst Thiefs; and others were sent, which with much difficulty came to Rome, where hearing how odious the name of Nestorius was, to decline the suspicion of Nestorian Heresy, they took some pages out of the Books of their profession and rites, being persuaded thereto by a jew lately converted. They returning in this manner, and little being done, Elias consulteth with his Bishops, and sends Adam the Archdeacon of the patriarchal Chamber, Abbot of the Chaldaean Monks, to tender account of their faith, and humbly to desire correction, if aught therein were erroneous. He brought a Letter and profession the third year after the departure of the former. The Letter is this.  
From the patriarchal Chamber, Prayers and Blessings be given to you.  

The Letter of Elias Patriarch of Babylon to the Pope, A. 1610.  FRom humble Elias of the East, who by the grace of God serveth the holy See of Babylon, continual adorations, and perpetual inclinations & everlasting kneel before your holy feet: O blessed Father, and head of Fathers, Sun of Christianity, and Name on which is situated the edifice of the Church of Churches; my Lord, and my Father the Pope, Lord (and) Father of all the patriarchs which are in the Universe. Your Charity towards us may be pleased to take notice, that your Letters have come to us, and your firm Faith, and the blessing which you sent my lowliness; and I received blessing together with my people, and have given thanks to Christ, for that I am made worthy of the blessings of your Holiness, and of your illustrious memory, and you have numbered me among the sons of your Fatherhood besides my merits. I presently sent a thanksgiving and letters, and my Faith. But wicked men met my Legates, and took all things from them, and they returned to me empty: again I sent others, which came not to your Holiness, which grieved me with my Bishops and Archbishops, and I said, What shall I do? I cannot go, because the Princes our Oppressors permit me not; neither can I go to jerusalem: they hold us as Slaves, and permit us not to do our william. At last I sent thy Faith and letters of thy purity, with my faithful Son and Counsellor Father Adam, to show them in all our Regions, that we might see what was fitting to be done of us orientals, and he remained in these Regions a whole year: and we all consulted together, and have sent to your Holiness the same Father Adam; and I have sent with him my Faith and letters, and said that he should treat with your Holiness of these things further than is written, because he is the Head of Fathers and Abbat of the Oriental Monks, and we have none of more note, as all the East confesseth. And now, O Father, with bowed head we adore before thy Seat without fraud and guile, & thy Precept is received of me according to his Precept, which delivered thee the Keys. Nor will I deny that voice spoken to Peter, I have given thee the keys, and what thou shalt bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven, and what thou shalt loose on Earth shall be loosed in Heaven. And I will not resist as do others, Heretics against the precept of the holy Apostles, and orthodox Fathers, which affirmed that the See of Great Rome should hold the principality, and she is the Head of all Sees: fare be it from me, 
See what the Pope's presence can do with a poor Patriarch. Remove from me vanity and lies— lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain, Pro. 30.  but I confess that the Roman Church is the Mother of Churches, and he which doth not confess it, let him be Anathema. And our Babylonian See is not elected of itself, as of other Heretics, which have multiplied patriarchs in the world without Law, but by the Precept of the Pope, and counsel of the Roman Church, was the See of Babylon chosen, and so it is found written amongst us in the Chronicles, namely, that the Oriental Fathers were ordained at Rome. But afterwards it came to pass, that when they sent men for Confirmation they were slain in their journey, and when they did so a long time, all perished. This being told to the Church and Pope, the Pope decreed in a Council and said, Let us ordain them a Patriarch, and let us permit them to choose their patriarchs, that they die not in the way for Confirmation, nor any evils happen to them, and so we should sinne, and they remain without the Roman fold. And thus we have received power till this time, and we have done nothing of ourselves, as the rest, which have trodden under foot the Canons of the Apostles, and Laws of the Fathers, and have filled the Earth with patriarchs without 
* Yea what need, and very needy ones are they, and this too, which makes him tell more than Rome itself ever dreamt, of Rome's greatness in the East, as others have also done of the South.  need. For this cause the See of Babylon was called the Fifth, for the four Sees of the four Evangelists; and because the Patriarch was elected with the Roman Confirmation▪ and he hath given us power to make Pastors, than was the See of Babylon called, which doth accompany the four Sees, and is numbered the fifth, as one of them. For, O Father, behold my Faith hath come to your Holiness with letters, and you may see if there be fraud in our profession, or error, or recoiling from our Mother the Roman Church. Admonish, and we will do, teach, and we will obey. And if in all things we be true before your See, and there be no fraud in our faith, we desire of your benignity, that you forget not the poverty of your servants, because many of our profession have undergone dangers when they have come to you. For some have died, others were slain by enemies, and few have returned. And let this suffice your Holiness from our lowliness, that from the furthest parts of the East, we hear 
* This is the Eastern fashion to receive the Letters & Mandates of their Princes on their heads  your Precepts on our heads and eyes, and we come against all Nations with our blood, and sustain calamities that we may adore before your Excellency, and we lowly and subject may receive blessing from the Great Mother Church of Paul & Peter. Who urgeth us to do this, but the Christian faith, and your love to our lowliness? And let this suffice that we have showed to your Wisdom. But this whole labour we sustain for the Roman Church; and your Ministers at jerusalem hold all that are of my profession, as foreigners and rebels from the Church of Rome, and do not gratify us as before, because their Interpreters are of professions which hate us, and those your Ministers inquire not the truth. We desire your Holiness to admonish them, and to hold those of our profession, as of yours, and to be gentle to them. I have sent Letters to your Teachers, to command those of our profession in jerusalem, because it was written in our Annals that our Archbishop, which was in Cyprus, and those of our profession which inhabits jerusalem, and the Clergy in the Monastery of Saint james in Nisibis, are numbered amongst the sons of the Church of Rome for your Fatherhoods love to our lowliness. And now who am I, and all mine, and all the Eastern part? We are lisping before your Holiness, but as obedient servants, are subject to your Lordship, and with a mind fare from schism kiss your holy feet, and earnestly desire health to your Holiness, and flee to your prayers, and the prayers of your fellow servants Peter and Paul, that we may be made worthy of the remission of sins in the terrible judgement Day of God the Word, to whom, and his Father and the Holy Ghost, be honour and glory for ever Amen.  
His profession of the Faith followeth, part whereof we have translated: We believe in God the Father, who is the Maker of Heaven and Earth, and all things therein visible and invisible. And in the Son which is of him, and which is equal with him in Essence, and is not less than his Father and Maker of all things. And the Spirit of Sanctity, which proceedeth from the Father, and is not begetter nor begotten, and he is a glorious substance, and equal in substance with the Father and the Son. The Father is Begetter, and not begotten; and the Son is begotten, not begetter, and the Spirit of Sanctity proceeding, not begetter nor begotten, etc. God the Word descended into the Virgin and was joined with Man, which was compact in her in the power of the Spirit of Sanctity, and was made one with man, as the conjunction of fire with Iron. And we believe that he received a body and soul, and understanding, etc. And though they say against us, that we confess not that the Virgin is the Mother of God 
* 
Nestorius himself in an Epistle to Pope 〈◊〉 hath these words of the blessed Virgin: 〈…〉. etc.  
The 〈…〉, called Nestorians, & us.   but the Mother of Christ, that is, the Mother of Christ God over all: yet this is nothing, for this is set for the confirmation and reprobation of the false opinion of Apollinaris, which said that the Deity was without Humanity, and to the confusion of the wickedness of Semystius, which said, That Christ is a mere Man, to wit, Humanity without Divinity, etc. We in the denomination of Christ comprehend the two Natures, of the Deity of the Humanity, and confess not a simplicity in Christ as they traduce us, etc.  
In another Epistle written by the said Elias to the Pope, he confesseth that the differences acknowledged are brought to these heads. First, The Lord Pope, with all the Fathers of the Great Church of Rome, call the Virgin Saint Mary the Mother of God: but we of the East call her the Mother of Christ. Secondly, They confess two Natures of Christ, two Powers, and two Wills: but we confess one Power and one William. Thirdly, They confess one Person in Christ, and we confess two Persons. Fourthly, And they say that the Spirit proceedeth of the Father and the Son, and we confess that the Spirit proceedeth of the Father. Fifthly, Also the Fathers of Rome say, that that which comes out of our Lord's Sepulchre 
* See Fulcherius, l. 7. c. 2,  is not true light, and we with all ours receive it as true light. He saith, he consulted with Adam aforesaid, and with Gabriel the ancientest Archbishop and chief Grammarian in his jurisdiction: which Gabriel answered, That they had received of their Ancestors▪ that there is no division 'twixt us and the Church of Rome, but in Ceremonies, and they in all their Regions observe their own Ceremonies: and as fare▪ saith he, as I can understand, there is none other division but that one understandeth not the other. But touching thy request, behold Father Adam is before thee, which hath been proved in the desert from his youth. And I said to our Father Adam, What sayest thou of these things? He answered, give me three days space, and the third day, I will answer as much as my infirmity is able, and as much as may suffice, and the third day he brought his writing; and it pleased me and all mine. And I gave him Letters with my Faith and Thy Epistles and Faith, and sent him to the Countries and our Flock, writing that if they had any thing to answer, he should bring it. A year after he returned with Letters, that all of our profession submitted themselves. And now I have sent him, etc.  
The Treatise of the said Adam in seven Chapiters', is published by the said Stroza the Pope's Secretary, in which he laboureth to reconcile the Roman and Oriental Churches in the differences aforesaid; which by the said Stroza is learnedly discussed, and the truth enucleated and cleared from Nestorian shuffling, which the learned Reader may peruse in Stroza himself; the unlearned could hardly do it, though we had troubled ourselves to trouble him with the Translation. The effect was, Adam was reclaimed in those points aforesaid to the Orthodox Faith, and sent with the Pope's Breve (published also in the Book aforesaid) dated on the five and twentieth of March, 1614 And Adam wrote another Treatise in maintenance of his corrected faith learned at Rome, by him dated, Ann. 1974. Regis Graecorum, Romae. Diebus beatissimi Patris & Petri nostri temporis, Domini Papae Pauli Quinti, cuius oratio nobiscum sit; all published together by the said Stroza.  
Godignius and Myraeus say, that john Antony Maarierius, and Peter Metoscita two jesuites, were sent back with this Adam by the Pope, to make a more full reducing of the Nestorians.   

CHAP. XVI. A brief survey of the Ecclesiastical Polity Ancient and Modern, or of the several Patriarches, Archbishops and Bishops Sees thorough the Christian World: also of the jesuites Colleges and numbers, and of other Monastical Orders.  
AVbertus Myraeus hath written a Treatise, called Notitia Episcopatuum Orbis Christiani; and another of Ecclesiastical Polity, or the State of Christian Religion in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the New World divided into four Books; and as many more of Monastical originals; out of whom principally, and out of some others I thought fit to collect such things as might serve for our present Historical purpose; for the Readers knowledge as well of the extension of Christian Religion in these times, as the opinions and differing rites before delivered.  
Our Author gins with Italy, as being himself more than enough Italionated. The Princes now potent in Italy, are the Pope, the Spaniard (which is King of Naples, Sicil and Sardinia, and Duke of Milan) the Prince of Piedmont (which now is the Duke of Savoy) the Great Duke of Tuscaine, the Dukes of Mantua, Mutina & Parma; the Republikes or free States of Venice, Genua, and Luca. Rome is the Seat of our Author's Religion, and by him honoured with that blasphemous title of Vrbs Aeterna (as for Terrarum domina, 
Rome.  urbium Regina, Orbis compendium, they are given too, but too compendious) and was indeed of principal respect in the Church of Christ, ever since the Apostolical preaching of the Gospel, and the Apostle of the Gentiles testified that their faith was then renowned thorough the whole world; which was so fattened with the blood of their Primitive Bishops and Martyrs, 
Rom. 1.8.  that no where was a more fertile harvest then there, during the Reign of the Ethnic Emperors. Constantine subiecting his Imperial Sceptre to the Cross, her Bishops also received greater splendour of power and pomp, and being the Imperial City, was therefore reputed the first See or Seat of the patriarchs, which then were three, the Roman, Alexandrian, 
Three patriarchs in the Roman Empire. Luc. 2. Constantinople.  and Antiochian: which divided the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Roman World (so they called their Empire) betwixt them: the Constantinopolitan being after both added to the number, & preferred above the Alexandrian and Antiochian; and equalled also with the Roman, saving his mere primacy of Order (for the same cause that now it was also become New Rome, and the Imperial City) by decree of the Council of Constantinople, A. 381. and more plainly expressed by the Chalcedon Council, A. 451.  
As for reasons drawn from Scripture, I have prayed for thee, I will give thee the Keys, feed my Sheep, etc. now adays alleged as proper causes of Papal preeminence, the ancient Counsels knew them not, but alleged mere civil respects of the Imperial residence and power: which yet so puffed up the Imperious spirits of their successors, that in Gregory's days the Constantinopolitan would needs be styled Universal Bishop, which Gregory then withstood as Antichristian; and yet in few days after his death, his successor Boniface obtained of Phocas the murderer, that swelling and exorbitant Primacy and Papacy, 
See Plat. Onup. Baron. and all▪ the Writers of the Pope's lives in Bonifac. 3.  in ecclesiasticals, to the Roman See, by Phocas (to make sure of the Romans, in that slippery state of his new got Empire by blood and treason) made the Head of all Churches. Which power could yet, neither by Phocas be granted any further than the Roman Empire extended, nor was ever acknowledged in the remoter parts of the world, till in these last time's poverty hath made some of the poor Patriarches (I had almost said Parrots, whom their belly and external respects have taught their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was never with real subjection acknowledged) yea the others patriarchs of the Empire to this day gainsay it, 
Onuph. ad Plat. in Bonif. 3.  and by long use, the Constantinopolitan is styled Ecumenical or Universal Patriarch, the Roman universal Pope (which title of Pope, was in ancient times commonly given to other Bishops, as in Saint Augustine's and others Epistles is seen, and the name of Archbishop and Patriarch given as preeminent Titles to the Roman Bishop, yet extant in the Roman Counsels) who now having gotten a Spiritual Papacy, Gregory the seventh above 1070. years after Christ, began to turn the same into a Papal Monarchy, which his successors have more fully effected, not only in the absolute Principality of the Church's Patrimony, but in a wide-mouthed challenge of Supremacy to depose Kings, and dispose Kingdoms in that hypocritical pretended ordine ad Deum. But this you shall find in other Authors, and I but touch it and now return to our Myraeus. The jerosolimitan Bishop, in honour of that holy City was dignified with that patriarchal honour, 
Five patriarchs.  but later: for the Council of Nice left to the Bishop of Caesaria his Metropolitan right entire: the Council of Chalcedon gave him the Title, which some say Leo the Bishop opposed so much in pretence of the Nicene authority, that it was not fully ratified till justinian's time, 
Bellar. & alij.  in the fifth Council, A. 553. Now for a fifth See at Babylon you have heard Elias (a lie as I conceive) not to be found I think ratified by any good History: nor were the most parts of his jurisdiction ever subject to the Roman Empire. 
Patriarkship of the West, or Rome.   
The Roman or Western Patriarch had six Dioceses, Italy, Illyricum, Africa, The Galliae, Spain's, and Britain, which were subdivided into several Provinces, of which Italy is said to have seventeen, Illyricum seven, Africa six, Galliae seventeen, Hispaniae six, and Britain five, Britannia Prima, Br. Secunda, Maxi●a Caesariensis, Flavia Caesariensis and Valentia: by Gregory the Great reduced to the two Archbishoprickes of Canterbury and York, and long after Saint Andrew's and Glasco, two other in Scotland, and four in Ireland, by authority of Pope Eugenius, An. 1151. Armach, Dublin, Cassiliensis and Tnamensis. Thus much generally and briefly for the West. Now for the Eastern World, it was divided into seven Dioceses or Regions, Oriens, Egyptus, Asiana, 
Eastern division.  Pontica, Thracia, Macedonia and Dacia. Of the Oriental part (more properly called) Antioch was chief City, of Egypt Alexandria, of the Asian Ephesus, of the Pontic Caesarea, of Thracia. Constantinople, of Macedonia and Dacia Thessalonica, till justinian made justiniana Prima the Metropolitan of Dacia. The Constantinopolitan had three Dioceses acknowledged by the Chalcedon Council, Asiana, Pontica, Thracia. Asiana had eleven Provinces, Pontica as many, Thracia six. Macedonia had anciently six Provinces, Dacia five. In the time of Leo Emperor, 
Pat. of Constantinople.  which began to reign An 1386. the Constantinopolitan had eighty one Metropolitans subject to him (and before the Norman Conquest many more, when Sicilia, Calabria, and many Cities of the Kingdom of Naples were subject to the Greek Empire) and eighty three Archbishoprickes in the same Leos time.  
To the Patriarch of Alexandria the Council of Nice ascribeth Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis: 
Pat. of Alexandria.  After that there were numbered six Provinces, Egypt, Thebais, Lybia Superior, Lybia Inferior, or Pentapolis, Arcadia and Augustamnica, and after ten. The Patriarch of Antioch had the East Diocese, in which were fifteen Provinces, Syria prima and secunda; Palestina prima, secunda, 
Pat. of Antiochia.  Salutaris; Phoenicae prima and secunda, Cilicia prima and secunda, Cyprus, Euphratensis, Mesopotamia, Osrbaena, Arabia, Isauria. When the Frankes had conquered the Holy Land, the Antiochian had six Archbishops only subject to him, Tarsus, Edessa, Apamia, Helioplis, Conzensum and Manustrensem: Tyrius reckons thirteen Metropolitans in the first times, 
W. Tyr. ●ist. S.  besides nine Cities Metropolitans not Suffragans, and twelve Archbishoprickes, which it seemeth were also autocephali, as the former. But afterwards jerusalem was decked with Antiochian spoils, 
Pat. of jerusalem.  the three Palestinas being added to the jerosolimitan Patriarch. Tyrius adds two other taken from the Alexandrian Patriarch, Rubensis and Berytensis, in later times styled Petracensis and Bostrensis; and under the Frankes, Tyre, Caesarea, Nazareth and Petracensis.  
Other Patriarches there are of less note, as of Seleucia, 
Meaner Patriarchates.  whom Filesacus suspected to have removed his See to Armenia; of Ethiopia (who is nevertheless subject to the Patriarch of Alexandria) of these the Seleucian was to have the sixth place, the Ethiopian the seventh in Counsels, 
Catholici.  and they both with the Armenian were styled Catholici. The Patriarch of Aquileia is mentioned by Paulus Diaconus, and it is propable that when Aquileia was taken by the Lumbards', 
Aquileia.  the Patriarch removed to Gradus, and was called the Patriarch of New Aquileia or Gradensis. Friuli also hath had that title, and Venice hath succeeded in that Aquileian and Gradensian Patriarchate, A. 1450. by grant of Pope Eugenius. The Pisan Prelate hath been also styled Patriarch, and the Toletane in Spain, as also the Valentian, and the Archbishop of Goa, and the Archbishop of Canturbury 
* See Myr. Notit. Ep. l. 1 c. 14. Glos. d. 21 c. 1 verb. Archiepiscopus. Az●rias Fridenius a traveller , Ments, Lions, and Bituricensis, but not so commonly and constantly. The jacobites, Nestorians, Maronites, Cophti, and other Eastern Sects with their Patriarches we have already considered. There are also Franc-Armenians under the Archbishop of Nexivanum, in whose jurisdiction are the Towns Abbaran, Abbragon, Carna, Saltach, Hascassen, Meascen, Carsan, Xhabun, G●uhug, Caragus, Chensug, and Artach; in which are Monasteries of Dominicans. Azarias Fridonius an Armenian, A. 1604. was made Archbishop of Mexivan, in Armenia Maior, six day's journey from Tauris. He was a Dominican, and came from Armenia in Rome, and out of his writing this is related. The Georgians were wont to be subject to the Patriarch of Constantinople, but now are divided. (The Russians also have procured their Metropolitan the title of Patriarch, as we shall see in D. Fletcher's Relations. They tell also of a Patriarch at Damascus, at Mosul, Cairo, and other places which profess the former titles.) But let us look back to Rome, where Myraeus next to the Pope the Prince, as he calls him, of all Patriarches and Bishops placeth the Cardinals.  
The Priests and Deacons of Rome have grown with the Papacy to a strange Prelacy unknown in the first thousand years after Christ, to be not only above Bishops and Archbishops, 
Cardinals. Marc. Cor. Sa●. Cer. R.E. Of these read Onuphr●us lib. ac Epis. tit. & D.C. ● Sacr. C●r●m. R E▪  and other names of Ecclesiastical greatness, but to be Peers to Kings and Emperors and Coniudices terrarum orbis, (as Pope Pius the Second calls them.) Of these six are Cardinal Bishops, Ostia, Porto, Savina, Palestina, Fr●scati, Alba: the Cardinal Priests and Deacons have their names of the Parish Churches in Rome, (all which Cardinals were wont to be but twelve, and, when a Prelate from any place was chosen, as appeareth in our English Ecclesiastical Story, by Wendover, Paris and others, he left his former Prelacy and Residence, and attended the Pope, as one of his Privy Counsel, and another succeeded to his former place: since which time, within these three hundred years, they have not only increased the numbers at pleasure, and chosen the principal Prelates of other Nations; to make themselves strong in each Nation, permitting them there still to reside; but have procured the noblest persons for blood, and most eminent for power in each Kingdom to admit of that dignity, and have heaped greatest preferments in every Country on their Cardinals, which only sheave the fleece; and never see the face of their innumerable flocks.)  
Besides, this preferring of Priests and Deacons to Patriarches, in Rome itself (as representing the whole Church) they have instituted five patriarchal Churches, viz. S. john Lateranes, S. Peter, 
Five Patriarchal Churches in Rome.  S. Paul's S. Mary's the greater, S. Lawrences. The Church of Laterane hath an Arch. presbyter who is a Cardinal. S. Peter beareth the Title of the Church of Canstantinople, and hath an Archpriest Cardinal. S. Paul's represents the Church of Alexandria, hath an Abbot and Monks. S Mary's designs the Church of Antioch, hath an Archpriest, Cardinal and Canons as Lateran and S. Peter's. S. Laurence represents the Church of jerusalem; it once had an Abbot and Monks, now is in Commenda, and hath Canons Regulars.  

Where two are joined with this-stroke, it betokeneth an union of two Bishoprickes. Ravenna, sometimes competitor with Rome Fermo.  The Bishoprickes of the Roman Province are Sutri-Nepi, Ciuita-Castellana-H●rti, Viterbo-Tuscanella, Bagnarea, Oruieto, Perugia (an University) Città di Castello, Cività de Plebe, Castro, Arezzo, Spoleto, Terni, Narny, Amelia, Todi, Rieti, Foligno, Assisi (the Country of S. Francis) Ti●oli, Anagna, Verulo, Terracina, Sezza, Segni, Alatro, Fiorentino, Ancona-Humana, Loretto-Ricanati, Ascoli, jesi, Osmo, Fano, Camerino. Luca hath the Pall.  
The Archbishop of Ravenna hath these Suffragans, Adris, Comachio, Faenza, Brentinore, Forli Cesena, Sarsina, (Country of Plautus) Rimini, Imola, Ceruia, Fanestria, Ferrara (an University) The Archbishop of Bologna instituted 1583. hath Bologna (an University) Parma (an University) Placenza, Reggio, Modema, Crema, Borgo di S. Domino. The Archbishop of Fermo erected by Sixtus the Fi●th, hath Suffragans, Macerata (an University) Tolentino, San Severino, Montalto, Ripa, Beneuent and Auin●on follow in their places.  

Naples. Capua.  In the Kingdom of Naples, the Archbishop of Napoli (an University) Pozzuolo, Nola, Cerra, Ischia, Auersa (an exempt) to which are united Cuma and Atella. The Archbishop of Capua hath Suffragans, 
Salerno.  Teano, Calui, Caserta, Gaiazzo, Carinola, Sergna, Sessa, Venafro, Monte Cassino and Saint Germano, Aquino, Pondi, Gaieta, Sora. The Archbishop of Salerno hath Salerno (an University) Capaccio, Pulicastro, Sarno, Acierno, Marsico, Campagna, Nocera delli Pagani, Nusco, Cana. 
Amalfi.  Under the Archbishop of Amalfi are the Bishops of Capri, Scala-ravello, Minori, Lettre. Under the Archbishop of Sorrento are Vico, Massa, Stabia. The Archbishop of Conza hath Muro, Satriano Cagiano, Lacedogna, S. Angelo di Lombardi-Bisaccia, Monte Verde. The Archbishop of Cirenza and Matera hath the Bishop of Venosa, Tricarico, Potenza, Gravina-anglona, Monte Peloso. The Archbishop of Tarento his Suffragans are Motula, Castellaneta, Oria. Under the Archbishop of Brindisi are Hostuni, Nardo, M●nopoli. Under Otranto, Lecce, Capo di Leuco, Castro, Gallipoli, Vgento. Under the Archbishop of Bari and Canosa, Bitonto, Gio●enazzo, Ruvo, Conuersano, Mo●eruino, Pulignano, La●iello, Bitetto, Catzeri, Molfetta an exempt. The Archbishop of Tranni and Salpe hath Bisiglia, Andri. To the Archbishop of Manfredonia and Citta di S. Angelo are subject, Vests, Melphi-Rappollo. The Theatine Archbishop erected in Civita di Chieti, Anno 1526. hath Suffragans, Ortona, Citta di Penna-Atri, Valua-Sulmona, Aquila, Marsi, Teramo, Civita di Cali. The Archbishop Lancianensis hath no Suffragan Bishop. Pius the Fourth advanced it. The Bishop of Trivento is an exempt. The Archbishop of Reggio is over the Bishops of Catanzaro, Crotone, Tropea, Oppedo, Bone, Nicastro, Nicotera, Gieraci, Squillaci, Mileto. The Archbishop of Cosenza and Monte alto hath Marterano, S. Marco, Bisignano, Cassano. The Archbishop of Rossano hath no Suffragan. The Archbishop of San Severina hath Vmbriato, Belcastro, Isola, Cariati, Strongoli. The Archbishop of Benevento in the Pope's jurisdiction, hath Ascoli, Telese, S. Agatha delli Goti, Alive, Monte Marano, Auellino-Fergiente, Vico della Baronia, Ariano, Botano Bovino, Vulturara and Monte Coruino, Larino, Termoli, San Severo, Troia, Guardia Alfanae. So that in the Kingdom of Naples, besides the Pope's Benevento, there are nineteen Archbishoprickes.  

Number of jesuites & their Colleges in Italy.  The jesuites have in the Continent of Italy (besides the Provinces of Sicilia and Sardinia) four Provinces, the Roman, Neapolitan, of Milan, and of Venice. The Roman Province hath at Rome, Domu● professa, Collegium Romanum, Domus probationis, the College of the Paenitentiarie, the Germane College, the English College, the Roman Seminary, the College of Maronites, the Scots College. The Residence at Frascati, the Colleges of Tivoli, Loreto, Perugia, Fiorenza, Sienna, Macerata, Ricanati, Sezza, Ancona, Monte Santo, Monte Pulciano, Fermo, Citta di Castello, Ascoli, Sora. In this Province are seven hundred forty seven of the society. The Province of Naples hath in Naples Domus professa, the College, the House of Probation, the New House professed. The Colleges of Cata●zaro, Nola, Lecce, Bari, Salerno, Consenza, Barletta, Chieti, Aquila, Benevento, House of Probation at Atri, Colleges of Bovino, Trepia, Massa, Castell à Mare, Capua, Molfetta, the Residences of Monopoli, Taranto, Paula. In this Province are five hundred ninety four of the society. In the Province of Milan, are at Milan the House professed, and the College Breiden; at Genua the House professed, the College, and the House of probation; the Colleges of Turino, Como, Vercelli, Mondevi, Cremona, Bastia, Nizza, Alexandria, the House of probation at Arona, and the Residence of Pania. In this Province are four hundred and eleven of the Company. The Venetian Province hath the professed House at Venice, the Colleges of Pado●a, Ferra●a, Balogna, Brescia, Forli, Parma, with another there for the Nobility Piacenza, Verona, Mantova▪ Mirandola Reggio, Faenza, Castiglione, the houses of probation at Novellara, Imola, Busseto, the Residences of Candia and Vic●nza. In this Province are three hundred seventy three of the Society.  
Sicilia hath three Archbishoprickes, first the Panormitan, 
Sicilia the Bishops.  to whom are subject the Bishops of Mazara, Girgenti. Malta is governed by their great Master and Knight's Hospitulars. The Archbishop of Messana hath under him the Bishops of Lipari, Patt●, Cifalu. The Archbishop of Mons Regalis hath Catania and Siracosa. In it also are jesuites Colleges, 
jesuites.  Houses and Residences one and twenty. Fellows six hundred thirty eight.  
The I'll and Kingdom of Sardinia hath had fourteen Episcopal Cities, 
Sardinia.  and now hath according to Ferrarius, three Archbishoprickes, Calaris, Sassaris, Arborea, and Bishops, Vi●●a Ecclesiae▪ Bosa, Algarium, Castrum Aragonense, and Laesa.  
The Archbishop of Calaris or Caglari is Primate of Sardinia and Corsica. His Suffragans are Doli, Yglesia●-Solci. Suel is united to the Archbishop. The Archbishop of Sassaris or Torre Sassari hath Algar, Bosi, Empurias, Terra Nova. The Archbishop of Arborea hath Vsse●●a, Terra Alba, S. justa. In Sardinia are Houses, Colleges and Seminaries of jesuites eight, and in them one hundred and ninety of that Society and Province. 
jesuites. Milan.   
Milan is the Seat of the Spanish Viceroy and Counsel, and also of an Archbishop, to whom are subject the Bishops of Cremona, Lodi, Novarra, (Birth-place of Peter Lombard) Alessandria della Paglia, Tortona, Viglevano, Bergamo, Brescia, Vercelli, Aste, Casale di Monferrato, Alba, Acqui, Savona, Vintimiglia, Pavia hath the Pall and is an University.  
E●ruria is for the most part subject to the Great Duke of the Family of Medici's, 
Toscaine.  in which Florentia, Pisa and Sienna have been Free States. Charles the fifth, Anno 1530. created Alexander de Medici's his Son in Law Duke of Florence, 
Great Duke▪  whose Son Cosmus by Pope Pius the fifth was created Great Duke of Toscaine, Anno 1569. This Cosmus instituted the Knight Order of Saint Stephen against the Turks. The Archbishop of Florence or Fiorenza hath Suffragans, Fiezola, Pistoia, Volcerra, Colle, Burgo S. Sepulchro, Serzana, Monte Pulciano, where Cardinal Bellarmin● was borne, and Cortona are Exempts. The Archbishop of Sienna (which is also an Academy) hath Soana, Chiusi, Grosseto, Massa-Populonia, Pientia, Monte Alcino. The Archbishop of Pisa (an University also) hath Suffragans Civitella, Aiazzo, Sagona, Aleria.  
Mantua famous for Virgil's birth hath a Duke of the Family Gonzaga; Duke Vincent, 
Mantua.  A. 1608. instituted the Military Order of The Redeemer jesus Christ, in honour of his blood supposed there kept. Mutina and Rhegium have a Duke of the Este Family, revolved to the Papacy, Anno 1598. Vrbinum of the Family Roborea and Parma, and Placentia of the Farnesian. Vrbino hath an Archbishop and six Bishoprickes subject, the Leopolitan, Pisaurian, Calliensis, Eugubinus, Foro-Semproniensis, and Senogalliensis. Parma and Placentia with Burgo in that Principality are Suffragans to the Archbishop of Bologna.  
Venice, Genua, Luca, and Ragusi are Italian Free States; the chief is Venice, 
Four Italian Free States.  and said to incline to the French, as Genua the next, to the Spaniard: Ragusi supports itself by favour of the Turk, paying a yearly pension to him. Luca hath a Bishop subject to the Pope only, and using a Pall. Ragusi (in times past Epidaurus) is in Dalmatia, italianated in language and conditions: 
Ragusi.  it hath an Archbishop, to whom are subject the Bishops Stagnensis, Tribuniensis, Marcatensis, Rodonensis, Garzalensis, Stephanensis and Curzolensis.  
In the State of Venice are two Patriarches, one of Venice, which succeeded to Gradus, 
Venice. Two Patriar●● etc.  the other of Aquileia: and four Archbishops, Spalatensis, jaderensis, Corcyrensis, and Candrensis. The Patriarch of Venice hath Suffragan Bishops, Chioza, Torzello, both Lands. The Patriarch of Aquileia resideth in Vdene, and to him are subject the Bishops of Como (Country of both Pliny's) Verona, Pado●a, Vizenza, Treoizi, Concordia, Zeneda, Feltre, Civida di Bellun, Pola, Parenzo, Triesti, Petin, Capo d' Istria, Citta Nova, Trento and Mantova are Exempts. The Archbishop of Spalatro and Salona, Primate of Dalmatia and Croatia, hath Suffragans, Sogna, Nona, Faro-Lesina, Tran, Sanadria, Scardona (subject to the Turk) Tina, Almiza. The Archbishop jaderensis, or of Zara a Venetian Island, hath Suffragans, Arbe, Viglia, Ossaro. The Archbishop of Corcyra, or Corfu, hath the Bishops of the Island Cefalonia and Zante. The Archbishop of Crete or Candie hath under him the Bishops of Canea, Rettimo, Sittia-Hierapetra, Cheronesso, Mellip●tamo, Arcadia, Sicchimo, Budoa sometimes subject to the Seruian Archbishop. Some add Catharensem and Curzulensem.  
Genua hath in times past extended their Empire to Caffa in Taurica, Cyprus, Chio and Lesbos, 
Genua  and to Pera. It now commandeth almost all Liguria and Co●sica. To the Archbishop of Genua are Suffragans, Albenga, Bobi, Brignale, Noli, Mariana-Accia, Nebio. To the Genuois are thirteen Dioceses subject, but some of the Bishops acknowledge the Archbishops of Milan and Florenc●. Six Bishoprics are in the Island and Kingdom of Corsica, subject to that State, Mariana, Aleria, Nebiur●, Sagonia, Aciensum and Adiacium. Malta hath a College of jesuits.  
Spain first attempted, and one of the last of the Roman Provinces pacified in the declining of the Empire, 
Spain.  was possessed by the Wandals, Sueves, and Alans, whom the Goths had expelled Gaul. The Goths expelled thence by the Frankes, chased the Wandals and Alans out of Spain, and destroyed the Sueves. The Saracens Anno 720. expelled the Goths, and could not by the Gothicke remnants be quite exterminated till Anno 1492. at which time the New World also was added to the Spanish Fortunes by Colons' Discovery, and by the Match of the Heir of the Houses of Burgundy and Austria, with the Heir of Arragon and Castille, and since by Conquests etc. The Castilan hath in few years from an estate in comparison of some other Kingdoms, poor and almost contemptible grown to the present puissance and almost terrible greatness. In Spain and Portugal are these Archbishoprickes, whose names and revenues out of a Manuscript 
* The Manuscript was sometimes presented to Q. Elizabeth: and came to my hand from M. Burrough Controller of the Navy, not so perfect as I could have wished: yet as it is, not warranting the authority, I have transcribed somethings thence, and inse●ted with Myraeus. By fault of the transcriber, many names are so falsely written, that I was loath to give the adventure to prevent the Readers correction. Bertius ascribeth but 200000. Ducats to the Church of Toledo, and 80000. to the Archbishop. Dam. à Goez & Mar. Siculus have their valuations also but more ancient, & much since improved. This Manuscript reciteth the Dukes, Marquesses & Earls of Spain with their several Revenues, which are fare fare less than these of the Bishops, the Dukes from 10000 to 70000. which only Bragança exceedeth, and likewise the Marquesses. The Earls from 8000. to 20000. Bertius saith, the Duke of Infantasgi hath 120000. Ducats, and Medina Sidonia 130000. Duc. revenue. The rest not under 40000. Marquesses from 10000 Duc. to 60000. Earls from 10000 to 40000.  are thus delivered.  
Toledo, his Revenues are said to be 320000. Ducats, more than of diverse Kingdoms. Seville, 113000. Ducats. Granado, 80000. Ducats. Lisbon, 130000. Ducats. Saragosa, 70000. Ducats. Valentia, 90000. Duck●ts. Tarragena, 80000. Ducats. Burgos, 90000. Ducats. Santiago, 100000. Ducats. Brago, 90000. Ducats. He omits Euora, which he reckons among the Bishops, being latelier exalted to the Pall. Myraus reckons them thus, Toledo, Burgis, Compostella, Seville, Granado, Caefaraugusta, Tarragona, Valentia, Brararensis, Lisbon and Ebora. To the Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain are Suffragans, the Bishops of Cordova, Segovia Cuenca, Sequenza (an University) jaen, Cartagena or Murcia, Osma, Valladolid instituted by Clement the Eighth, Anno 1595. made an University also. To the Archbishop of Brugis in old Castille are subject Pamplona chief City of Navarre, Calagorra, Palencia. To the Archbishop of Compostella or Santiago in Galaecia, the Bishops of Salamanca an University erected, Anno 1240. A●ila, Placenzia, Lugo, Astorga, Zamora, Orense, Tuy, Badaios, Mondonedo, Coria, Civita Rodrigo, Leon exempt, and Ouiedo exempt. To the Archbishop of Seville in Baetica are subject Guadix, Cadiz, and the Bishop of the Canaries. To the Archbishop of Granada, erected by Alexander the sixth, Malaga and America. To the Archbishop of Caesauraugusta, or Caragosa in Arragon, Huesca an old University, jaca, Barbastro, Tarazona, Teroel, Albarazin. To the Arch. of Tarragona in Catalonia, Tortosa, Lerida an University, Barcelona an University, Vicz, Girona, Vrgel, Elna, Solsona, Perpimian, by Paulus quintus. To the Arch. of Valencia, Segorue, Orihuela, Mallorca. To the Arch. of Braga in Portugal, Porto, Viseo, Guardia, Lamego, Miranda, Leyra. To the Arch. of Lisbon, Coymbra, an University; Portalegre, Ceuta in Africa, Funchal in Madera, Angra in Tercera, Congo in Africa, Cabo Verde, or Sant Yago, San Thome, both in the Lands so called, (the Bishop of Brasil) at San Saluador, or the Bay of all Saints (lately taken by the Dutch.) To the Archbishop of Euora, erected 1540 The Bishops of Silues in Faro, Eluas, Tanger in Africa united with Centa. Pope Adrian the sixth, Anno 1523. gave the Kings of Spain power to elect and present their Bishops, as Mariana reporteth.  
My Manuscript reckoneth not so many, nor goeth to Africa and the Lands, and perhaps some of the Bishops in that time might be vacant or holden by Commenda, and so the Title drowned. The names differ somewhat, perhaps by false writing, which may be helped by the former Catalogue. For the valuations I thought them not unworthy recital together as they are in the said Book expressed, although I must entreat the Readers patience for misse-writing the names by some unlearned transcriber, which yet I present as I found.  
 Ducats.  Ducats.  Ducats.  Ducats. Sobrack 50000. Camaria 50000. Corona 50000. Osina 46000. Torrossa 50000. Cordova 56000. Rodrigo 65000. Ayda 48000. Tuy 45000. Cartagena 50000. Quadripp 64000. Placentia 53000. Vigue 58000. Cadona 56000. Quembra 75000. Valentia 54000. Alueria 55000. Pamplona 83000. Quardio 47000. Solomonea 65000. Visio 50000. Corria 58000. Questarie 47000. Segeruia 69000. Astorga 65000. Dadies 50000. Ayne 480000. Segovia 65000. Auela 60000. Sequensa 60000. Lomego 53000. Seluia 53000. Badaies 5600. Quembra 57000. Leon 57000. Malorca 57000. Barcelona 75000. Ewora 74000. Lerida 64000. Mandanedo 63000. Camora 57000. Ewa 58000. Lugo 50000. Oporta 69000. Callahora 65000.   Maliga 64000. Ouensa 58000.  
Damianus à Goes addeth that the Clergy of Spain have twice as much Revenues as the Bishops, besides Impropriations of Tithes they granted by the Pope to the King and Grandes: and that besides all this, the Monasteries and Abbeys Revenues, exceed those of the Clergy.  
There are also in Spain certain Military Orders instituted to free the Country from the Moors. Such were the Orders of Saint james, with a long read Cross, of Alcantara with a square read Cross of Calatrana with a square green Cross: which were by Pope Adrian appropriated to the King: besides the Orders of Christ and others.  
There are also jesuits divided into five Spanish Provinces: the Province of Toledo hath Colleges, Houses and Residences one and twenty, in them five hundred and seu●ntie jesuites. 
jesuites in Spain.  The Province of Castille eight and twenty, in them six hundred and thirteen. The Province of Arragon fourteen, and jesuites three hundred and ninety. The Baetike Province four and twenty, and six hundred jesuites. The Province of Portugal eighteen, and six hundred and eighty of the Society. The Isle Maiorica hath a Bishop and University. The Canaries have a Bishop also. So have the Lands of Cape Verd with a College of jesuites. Tercera likewise: and in it and Saint Michaels are jesuites Colleges. Madera hath a Bishop and jesuitical Colleges.  
IN France are numbered one hundred and seventeen Dioceses, fourteen of which have A●chbi●hoprickes, which are these, with their one hundred and three Suffragans. 
France.  The Primate Archbishop of Lion's hath Austun, Langres, Mascon, Challon Sur Saone. The Archbishop of Rone in Normandy, Baieux, Aurenches Eureux, Sais, Lizieux, Constances'. The Archbishop of Tours, hath Man's, Renes, Angers an University, Nantes an University, Cornovaille, Vannes, Leon, Triquier, Saint Brieu, Saint Malo, Dol which weareth a Pall, and is exempt. The Archbishop of Se●s, Chartres, Auxerre, Trois, Orleans an University and Duchy of the King's second Son, Paris an University and seat Royal, Meaux, Nevers. The Archbishop of Rheims, Duke and Chief Peer of France, hath Soissons, Challon, Laon, Senlis, Beaunais, Aliens, N●yon, Bouloigne Surmer. The Archbishop Bituricensis, or of Bourges Primate of Aquitaine an University, hath Suffragans Clermon, Rhodes, Albij, Caors, Lymoges, Mende, Le Tuy, Castres', Vabres, Tulle, Saint Flour. The Archbishop of Bourdeaux hath Again, Engoulesme, Santonge, Poitiers an University, Perigeux, Condom, Maillezais, Luzon, Sarlat. The Archbishop of Auch hath Aque, Letoure, Saint Bertrand de Comenge, S. Legier de Conserans, Aire, Basas, Tarbe de Bigorre, Oleron on Bearn, Lescar, Baionne. The Archbishop of Narbonne, Beziers, aged, Carcassone, N●smes an University, Lodeve, S. Pont de Tomiers, Alec, Mompelier an University, Vzes. The Archbishop Aquensis, or of Aix in Provence, hath Suffragans the Bishops of Rises, Apt, Freius, Gap, Cisteron. The Archbishop of Vienne, Geneve (now residing at Anessy in Savoy) Grenoble, Viviers, Die-valence, both Universities, S. jean de Maurienne under the Duke of Savoy. The Archbishop of Embrun hath Digne, Grass, Vence, Senez, Clandevez, Nice in Savoy. The Archbishop of Arles, Marseille, S. Paul de Tricastin, Tolon, Orange, the Principality of the Prince of Orange, an University and seat of a Parliament. The Archbishop of Tolose (an University) hath Pasmires, Montautban, Mirepoix, La Vaur, Rieux, Lombes, S. Papoul. Four of the former Bishops, Maurianensis, Genevensis Niceensis and Arausionensis are not subject to the French King: in whose room you may add Me●emsem, Tullensem, Virdumensem and Bellicensem to make up the former number.  
In France also are the Chiefs or Originals of many Orders, 
Religious and Military Orders.  as the Chuniake Order in the Diocese of Matiscon founded Anno 910. by Abbot Berno▪ Grandemont founded by Stephen, Anno 1126. Cartusia Mayor by Bruno 1084. Cistercium 1098. Praemonstratum 1120. In the Diocese of Laudun. Ceru● Frigidi by john Matha 1136. Vallis Scholarium in Champain by William an Englishman 1218. Fons Ebrald● in the Diocese of Po●tiers by Robert Blesels 1117. The Hospitulars of Saint Anthony in the Diocese of Vienna, by Gasto 1121. Our Lady's Charity 1300. S. Bernard de poenitentia, or the Reformed Cistercians by john Barrerius 1600. The Willielmites by Saint william Duke of Aquitaine. The Military Orders of the Holy Ghost by Henry the Third, and of Saint Michael, and of Saint Mary of Mount Carmel, and of Saint Lazarus approved by Paul the Fifth.  
The jesuites have five Provinces in France, the Province called of France, 
jesuits in France.  hath fourteen Houses, Colleges and Residences; the Province of Aquitaine ten, in which Province are two hundred and eighty jesuites. The Province of Lions fourteen, in them four hundred and seventy. The Province of Tolose eleven, in them three hundred and ten. The Province of Champain ten, and two hundred twenty six jesuites.  
In France, though not in the French subjection is the Country of Auinion, in which City the Popes resided seventy years together. The Archbishop hath three Suffragans, Carpe●tras, 
Auinion the Pope's County. Savoy.  Caballon, Vaison. In Savoy is the Archbishop Tarentasiensis, to whom the Bishops Augustanus and Sedunensi● are Suffragans. Piedmont is subject to the same Duke, the Metropolitan City whereof is Taurinum, Seat of the Dukes and an University, to which are subject the Bishops Eporediensis, Montis Regalis and Fossanensis; Saluzo is an exempt.  
The Duke of Savoy is Chief of two Military Orders, Of the Virgin's Annunciation, and of SS. Maurice and Lazarus. Loraigne, sometimes a Kingdom, now a Duchy, 
Two Military Orders. 〈◊〉  hath Nancie the Metropolitan City, Pontamousson an University ruled by jesuites, S. Nicola is of next note. Lorraine is subject to diverse Bishops, amongst others, Metensis, Tullensis and Virdunensis Impe●iali Cities won by Henry the second.  
The Principality of Orange, hath the B. of Orange as is said, and an University: 
 it is subject to the house of Nassau, Henry of Nassau marrying the Sister and Heir of Philibertus Cabillonensis Vi●ero● of Naples, slain at the siege of Florence, A. 1530. Renatus son of Henry was slaire 1544. William his brother's son succeeded and was traitorously murdered at Dulse 1584. His son Philip-Gulielmus after long detention in Spain, died at Brussels An. 1618. and left his Brother Prince Maurice his Heir by Testament: whose Arts, experience and exploits Military have attracted into a stupendious gaze the Eyes of all Europe,  

The Low Countries.  His Name admits us into Gallia Belgica, or the Low Countries, or seventeen Lands, of which four are Dukedoms, Brabant, Limburg, Lutzenburg and Gelderland: seven Counties or Earldoms, Flanders, Artois, Hanalt, Holland, Zealand, Namur and Zutphen: the Marquisate of the Holy Empire, and five Lordships of East Friesland, Mechlin, Vtrecht, Ouerisel, and Groningen. In these are two hundred and ten Cities walled and ditched about, Villages six thousand three hundred, besides Monasteries, Forts, Palaces and Manor-houses almost innumerable. That part which obeyeth the Archdutchesse is Romish, that which acknowledgeth the State's government is of the Protestants faith, not without Arminian and other fancies amongst many of them.  
In times passed there were but four Belgian Bishoprickes, of Cambray, Arras, Tournay and Vtrick. But King Philip the second (seeking to altar the government, which occasioned the Wars and this Division, whereby about one half of the Country have not only defended their Liberties, maugre the Austrian Greatness, American Treasures, Spanish Ambition and Italian Souldioury, to the World's amazement, many hundred thousands o● Christians being slain to purchase the Spaniard this loss; but have acquired a Free Estate, with wealth and honour, and by them have been so acknowledged, whom they would willingly with conservation of their Liberties have obeyed) Philip the second (his loss made me almost loose myself) Anno 1559. procured the Pope to constitute three Archbishoprickes, and fifteen Bishoprickes (his Inquisition shall escape our inquisition) the Archbishop of Mecholon, to whose jurisdiction are subject the Bishops of Antwerp, of Bruges, Gant, Iperen, Rurmund, Hertogenbosch: the Archbishop of Cambray, whose Suffragans are Arras, Tournay, Saint Omer, Namur. The Archbishop of Vtrecht hath Deventer, Groeninghen, Harlem, Lee●warden, Middleborgh.  
The jesuites have there two Provinces, Flandra-Belgica which hath eighteen Houses, Colleges and Residences, 
jesuites.  in which there are of that crew six hundred and seventeen. And Gallo-Belgica which hath twenty Houses, Colleges, and Residences, and six hundred fifty two Fellows of that Order, beside Augustinians, Dominicans, and I know not what others.  
GErmanie hath seven Archishops Mentz, Collen, Trier, all three Electors; Meydburg Salisburg, Breme, Bessanzon. To the Archbishop of Mentz (an University) are subject Bishops Worms, Wirtzburg an University, Speir Aichstet, Strasburg, W●rden, Chur, Heildesheim, Paderborne, Costnitz, Halberstad, Ausburg. Bamberg is exempt. To Coloigne, are Suffragans Liege, Munster, Minden, Osenbrug. To Trier, Metz, Toul, Verdun, all in Lorraine and now French. To M●ydburg, M●yssen, Merseburg, Brandeburg, Havelburg. To Salisburg (an University) Freysingen, Regenspurg, Passa●, Brixen, Goritz, Lavenmutz, Seckaw Vienna in Austria, is an University and exempt; Newstat and L●sbach are also exempt.  

German Bishops Princes.  To Breme are subject Lubeck, Rathenburg, Sw●rin. To the Archbishop of Ves●ntionensis or Besanzon (an University) are subject Basel an University, Losa●ne, Bellay en Bresse. All these, as also the Bishop of Trent are Princes of the Empire, and Lords in Temp●ralibus, except Lavenmuch, Seckaw, Chiemse, and Goritz. Meydburg and Breme, and eight Bishoprickes are Protestants.  
The late Wars have since our Authors writing so altered the face of things in Germany that just account cannot be given of their Religion and State so unsettled. And how can things be well settled where the Foxes have so many Burrowes. 
jesuites.  The jesuites have (as some say) three score Colleges in Germany, divided into three Provinces.  
The Province of Higher Germany hath thirteen Colleges, two Houses, three Residences, five hundred forty six jesuites. The Province of Rhine hath three and twenty, and in them six hundred and one. The Province of Austria five and twenty, and five hundred fifty three of the Society.  

Swissers.  The Swissers, Cantons are thirteen, Episcopal Cities six, Lucerna, Vri, Suitz, Vnderwalden Zugh, Friburg: jesuites Colleges two, at Lucerne and Friburg. They are also in great part subject in Spirituals to the Bishops of Constance, and of Basel, whose Seat is now at Bruntutum. Lausanna hath a Bishop subject to the Archbishop Bezanzon.  

Grizons.  The Grisons are divided into three leagues, in which Chur is a Bishop subject to Mentz. The Valesins have seven Commonalties, one of which Sedunum hath a Bishop. Pomerland is a Dukedom and hath four Cities, Stetin, Caminum sometimes a Bishops See, Griphswald an University, and Wolgastum.  

Bohemia.  In Bohemia, Prage is an bishopric, to which are Suffragans, the Bishops of Oluunctz in Moravia, and L●ttomssensis in Bohemia. In Silesia, V●atislauia or Preslaw is a Bishopric.  
In Hungaria, Strigonium hath been the Seat of the Archbishop & Primate, which being taken by the Turk, i● is removed to Tir●auia, and hath six Suffragans, Nitrich, Raab, Agria under the Turks, 
Hungaria.  Vaccia, Quinquecclesiae under the Turk, as is also Vesprin. Colocia is an Archbishop in Pannonia inferior, under which are the Bishops of Agram, Fairwar in Transiluania, Varadin, Sirmisch, Conad, Bossina. Transiluania hath an University at Claudiopolis and a Seminary. In Austria Vienna is also an University before mentioned: There and at Oenipont in Triol and at prague in Bohemia Ferdinand the Emperor founded jesuites Colleges. Brixina is Suffragan to Salisburg. Grath hath an Vni●ersity and College of jesuites, and is a Metropolitan City; the Bishop Secouien●is there, and Gurcensis & Laventinensis in Carinthia are subject to the Archbishop of Salisburg.  
The Kingdom of Poland containeth the Provinces of Lituania, Masovia, Samogitia, Cnia●ia, 
Poland.  Liuoni●, Varmia, Prussia Regalis, Russia Nigra, Volhima, Podol●a, and others. There are two Archbishops of the Latin Church, Guesnensis the Primate, and Leopoliensis. To the former are subject these Bishops, Krakow, Poznan, Ploczk, Mied●ikie, Preslaw in Sile●ia, Leb●●, Vladislaw, Chemnicz, Lucko, Vilen●ki or wild, Wenden, Warmerlant an exempt. Le●polis or Lu●ow is in Russia Nigra, and hath Suffragans Przemyst, Chmielnick, Kiou, Cami●nick. All these together with the Bishop Culmensis are Senators or Councillors of the State, except Preslaw and Lebus. There are also eight Russian or Greek Bishops in Poland, Kiou the Metropolitan, Vlodomir, Luceor●ensis, Polocensis, Praemissiensis or Przemyst, Leopoliensis, Chelmensis and Pinscensis, which were received into Communion by Pope Clement the eighth. Russia Nigra is subject to the Pole and Russia Alba to the Moscovite. There live also in Poland many Armenians which have a Bishop of their own, Resident at Leopolis. The Russian Bishops have no Parliament voice. The jesuites have two Provinces in these parts, that of Poland containing fifteen Colleges, Houses, and Residences, and 459. jesuites, that of Lithuania as many, and jesuites 3 36. 
Prussia.  Prussia is divided into Regalis and Ducalis. The former hath two Bishops, Varmiensis which resideth at Brunsberg, and Culmensis: the Ducal had two, but extinct with the Order of the Dutch Knights, the one of Kinningsberg, the other at Mariaewerda, The marquis of Brandenburg possesseth the Country.  
ENgland hath two Archbishops, Canterbury and York. 
England.  The Archbishop of Canterbury is Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, the other Primate of England and Metropolitan. To the former are subject the Bishops of London, Winchester, Coventree and Lichfield, Salisbury, bath and Welles, Lincoln, Excester, Hereford, Norwich, Eli●, Rochester, Chi●hester, Worcester, Saint David's, Bangor, Landaff, Saint Ass, Peterburrow, Gloster, Oxford and Bristol. To the Archbishop of York, Durham, Chester, Carlisle, to which is added Sodorensis, or the Bishop of Man. 
Scotland.  Scotland also hath two Archbishops, one of Saint Andrew's, and the other at Glasco. Suffragans to Saint Andrew's the Primate of Scotland, Myraeus reckoneth the Bishops of Dunckeld, Aberdin (an University) Moraviensis resident in Elgin, Dumblain, Brechin, Rosse, Cathnes, Orcknay: to Glasco, Galloway, Lismor, Colmkil. His Majesty hath been such a restorer, as he may in some sort be reckoned the Founder of the present Episcopal, both Sees and Government in that Kingdom. 
Book of Discipline 1560. See the Book of the Proceed at Perth, Ireland.  At the dissolution of the Bishops they erected Superintendents, changing a good Greek word for a bad Latin, but reserving to those Superintendents the greatest part of Episcopal power; and after some Changes, his Majesty hath reduced it to the present state.  
Ireland hath four Archbishops. To the Archbishop and Primate of Armah are subject, Dunensis, Conner, Derry, Mieth, Clocher, Ardache, Kilmore, Rapho, Dromore, Kiloom, Dondalck. To the Archbishop of Dublin (an University) Kilkenny or Osserriensis, Kildar●, Feru●, Leghlin, Glend●lagh. To the Archbishop of Cashel, Limricke, Lismor, Rosse, Waterford, Emmelen, Corcke, Lymbricke, Clon. To the Archbishop Tuamensis, Galuben, Achade, Alache, Olfin, Roscoman, Clonfert, Kill●loe. Thus Myraeus.  
Denmark hath the Archbishop of Lunden erected 1092. Primate of the Kingdom, 
Denmark.  Suffragans, Roschilt, Odensee, Slezwick, Rype, Wiburg, Arhusen. Norway hath Nidrosia the Metropolitan See, and Suffragans, Bergen, Staffanger, Hammer, Groenlands, Scalholt, Hola. 
Sueden.  In Suecia the Archbishop Vpsaliensis hath subject to him the B B. of Scarborow, Lincopen, Stengenes, Abo, Aroefen, Villimen. Thus Myraeus, who adds a little of Russia and Greece, which you shall found more full in the Discourses of those parts, both precedent and following: as likewise touching the Christians of Asia, Maronites, jacobites, Nestorians, etc. handled by Myraeus in his second Book. The Archbishop of Goa hath subject to him the Bishops of Cochin, Malaca, Macao, japon, Malaban, Meliaxor or San Thome. The Archbishop of Cranganor (erected by Paul the Fifth, 1608.) is called also the Archbishop of the Christians of San Thome: he hath no Suffragans. Myraeus reckons jesuits' Ho●ses, Colleges and Residences in the East Indian Province of Goa 15. and 280. of the Society. In the Province of Malabar 14. in them 150. For China and japon you shall learn better in our Relations then in Myraeus. In the Philippinas he reckons nine Residences & one hundred jesuites. Neither shall we need his instructions of Africa in his third Book, our Relations being fare more full and certain: as also of the New World handled in his fourth Book▪ He numbers therein five Archbishops, the first of Mexico, whose Suffragans are the B B. of Tlaxcala in Pnebla de los Angelos, Mechoacan in Valladolid, Guaxara in Antequera, Guadalaxara, Guatimala in Saint lago, lucatan in M●rida, Chiappa, Honduras in Truxillo, Vera Paz, Nicaragua in Leon. This Archbishop, and those of Lima and Domingo were founded by Charles the Fifth, confirmed by Paul the Third, A. 1547. The Archbishop of Saint Domingo hath Suffragans Port Rico, Sant jago de Cuba, Venezuela, some add Margarita. To the A. of Lima, Cuzco, Arequip●, Truxillo, Guamanga, Quito. Paul the Fifth erected two Archbishop Sees, Plata or Potosi in Charcas, to whom are subject the Bishops of Baranca, Paz, Santiago in Tucuman▪ Bu●nos Ayres, Pana●●a, Santiago in Chili, Imperial, Nuestra Sennora de la Assumption, Paraguay: the other Archbishop is of Saint Faith of Bogot in New Granado, to whom are subordinate the Bishops of Pop●yan, Carthagena, Saint Martha; Manilia is an bishopric in the Philippinas, to which are subject the Bishops of Cagayan, of the Name of jesus; and Cacerensis. Mexico and Lima are Universities. The jesuites Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, and the Fathers of our Lady of pity are many, besides Priests, Canons, Inquisitors, etc. The jesuites have four Provinces: that of Peru hath Seminaries, Residences, Colleges and Houses of probation thirteen, and therein 370. of the Society: that of Paraguay ten, and therein 116. that of New Granado seven and 100 of the Company: that of Mexico fourteen, and therein jesuits 340. In Brasil they have in nineteen Houses, Colleges, and Residences 180. jesuites.  
And thus have we audited Myraeus his accounts of Bishops and jesuites, names not otherwise suitable but by Papal Arts. For what concord hath Antiquity and Novelty, jesus and jesuites, Catholic and Romish, Apostolical Institutions with Apostatical? Neither hath the Church wanted Bishops in all ages and places Christian since the Apostles, or known jesuites in any age but this last, or in any Church (except as busy bodies) but the Romish: so that what they object to us, is truly their own with advantage, to be both Novatores (L●iola being fare later than Luther) and Veteratores too; like the Gibeonites, which feigned themselves Ambassadors, and took old Sacks upon their Asses, 
jos. 9  and old Bottells for Wine both rend and bound up: and old Shoes and clouted upon their feet; also the raiment upon them was old, and all their provision of bread was dried and mouled: Thus pretended they remoteness being near neighbours, to delude the Israelites; as these nearer us in time, than those others to joshua in place and habitation) chant nothing so much as Catholic and Old, when Time knew them not till yesterday, nor doth any Place yet know them but such as are Romish, except in Travels and Treasons: their old, old, old, being but the old Serpent, the old Man, and old refined rubbish to build their new Babel. Nihil mihi antiq●ius, said one in another case, 〈…〉. The ancient government of the Church by Bishops, by Papal Monopoly usurped, was set on foot by weakening Episcopal power in exempted Monasteries, that so all Monasteries might become Papal Forts, and in manner all the learned and leisurely pens might pled for the Patron of their exemption; furthered by both the one and the others investitures first, and dependence after, with subjection denied to Kings; and when the Waldenses began to shake down the Lateran, the Pope dreamt that dominic, or as the Franciscans will have it, that Francis supported the Lateran, which proved not a dream in their new devised Orders of Friars, which maintained the Papacy with no less reputation of learning and fullness of commission in those dangerous days, than the jesuites have done since Luther; which all the Devils could not have kept from falling both then and since, if they had not found such old-shooed Ambassadors to travel over the World for their Mother Babylon, and their Father the Pope, palliated with the name of the Catholic Church. I will not trouble you with recitation of their other orders particularly, but out of Myraeus will tell you that the Benedictine Order can glory beyond the jesuitical in 52000. Monasteries, 15000. Writers, 
* Thus Myraeus Hospinian hath Abbates cruditione & scriptis celebres 15700. Canonizatos 15600.  44000. Saints, 4000 Bishops, 1600. Archbishops, 200. Cardinals, and 25. Popes, which in succession of times they have had. And if the jesuite pretend his Tàm marte quàm mercurio, his mustering of Armies against the Heretics, and setting Europe in the present combustion; the Benedictine can produce Martial Orders, affixes to his profession, instituted for better purposes against Mahumetans, the Templaries (sometimes as proud as the proudest of jesuites) the Knights of Calatrava, of Alcantara, Montesia, and Mercedis in Spain, of Christ, of Advice, of Ala in Portugal, of Saint Maurice in Savoy, 
Volator. l. 21.  of Saint Steven in Toscanie, and others elsewhere. The Augustinians have 555. Monasteries in Italy, and in Europe, as Volatteranus writeth 4000 and besides other subdivided Orders, have also their Military Knights of Rhodes or Malta, the Dutch Knights of our Lady in Germany and Prussia, the Knights of Saint jago in Spain; of Saint Lazarus of jerusalem, of jesus Christ instituted by dominic against the Albigenses, of Saint Mary of Mount Carmel and Saint Lazarus (the former Lazarites being united to the Maltases) instituted by Paul the Fifth. But Monastike Religions, notwithstanding their vow of chastity have so multiplied in the West, (for in the East few Orders are found to this day) that benedict's Order hath procreated 23. Augustine's, 28. and that later of Francis 15. And for the Individualls they are like the Grasshoppers of Egypt, Pauperis est numerare pecus, The Pope is not so poor as to be able to number his Creatures. Of the Franciscans alone Sabellicus numbers in his time at once living 90000. and adds that the General to that Order offered to Pope Pius against the Turk, 30000. able warriors of this Seraphical Family without detriment to their Holies. They have (saith he) filled the wo●ld, being divided into forty Provinces, each Province into Custodiae, Wards or Wardenships', & these subdivided into Conuents and Places. These mortified Minors had in that time found the way, 
Sabel. En. 9 l. 6  five of them to the Papacy, 26. to the Read Hat: as for in●eriour Prelacies who can number them? The Dominicans in the same time (abo●e six score years since 21. Provinces, Conuents 4143. in them living 26460. Friars, and of them about 1500. Masters (or Doctors) of Divinity, besides many of them in Armenia and Aethiopia▪ or Ab●ssia, Constantinople anticipating the jesuites glory in this kind, the Augustinians also were then numbered 30000. the Carmelites more, not to speak of the rest. This course of life first beg●n by devouter persons to avoid persecution▪ Antony and others which made use of Deserts, and a solitary life to escape the Sword, and the World's infection by vice together: was after imitated by good men, both for their own devotions, freed by this means from secular interruptions, and fitted for the service of the Church both in Faith by Doctrinal studies, and exercises in their Monastic Schools, and also in charity by beneficence therein to the poor, with the labours of their hands; and lastly, degenerated into smoky superstition and ambition, of getting the glory of the World; with wealth and ease by seeming denials thereof; and became a refuge, and sinke-sanctuary to Malcontents, Bankrupts, men in danger of Law, and weary of the crosses which attends each vocation (God having set down this rule to all men, to eat their bread in the sweat of their brows, which these seem to illude) that they which cannot be In negotio sine pericul● (to use the Orator's words) may be In otio cum dignitate. A masterpiece of hypocrisy, which in another sense, and by another course can say with the Apostle, as having nothing, and yet (even carnally) possessing all things.  
But who will hope to number the persons of each Order termed Religious, when the Orders themselves cannot be reduced to due order or number? All Historians in manner mention them, but none can name them all, much less marshal them. joannes Wolphius in his Centenaries of Memorable Readins, thus expresseth many of them with the times of their Original. A. D. 341. Thabenesiotarum. 366. Ordo Publiae, 384. Order of Saint Basil. 399. Of Saint Augustine. 422. Of Paul● Romana. 495. Canonissarum Regularium: also Ordo Canonicorum. A. 530. Apostolicorum: also Benedictinorum: also Scholasticanarum Benedictinarum. 595. Gregorianorum. 610. Gerundinensium. In the seventh and eighth Centenary none. In the ninth A. 912. Ordo Cluniacensis. 950. Camaldulensium. 977. Canonicorum Secularium. A. 1012. Hospitularij. 1017. Humilitati. 1030. Ordo Ieiu●antium. 1046. Lazaritarum. 1050. Luce●lani●rum. 1076. Grandi●ontensium. 1080. Carthusiensium. 1059. S. A●tonij de Vienna. 1098. Ordo Cisterciensis A.D. 1110. Templarij. 1113. Bernhardini. 1119. Pramonstratens●s. 1121. Militiae Calatravae. 1137. Ordo Rob●rtinorum. 1148. Gilbertinorum. 1160. Carmelitarum. 1170. Ordo Militum D. jacobi de spatha. 1190. Ordo Teutonicorum Marianorum. 1190. Franciscanorum. 1200. Cruciferorum. 1201. Ordo S. Spiritus Hospitaliorum. 1202. Gladiferorum. 1205. Dominica●orum. 1211. Ordo S. Trinitatis, sive Equitum de Redemptione Captivorum. 1214. Ordo Militiae Montesiae. 1215. Ordo Eremitarum S. Pauli. 1217. O. Vallis Scholarium. 1228. O.S. Clarae. 1232. Or. Militiae S. Mariae. 1250. Ordo de Obseruantia Minorum & Praedicatorum. 1252. Ordo Fratricellorum Beghardorum, Beghinarum, seu Beguttarum. 1257. O. Bethlehemitarum 1258. O. Bonorum hominum. 1273. O. Augustinensiu● Eremitarum & Guilhelmitarum. 1282. O. Seruorum S. Mariae. 1297. Coelestinorum. 1300. Militum Sepulchri Domini. 1303. Sarabitarum. 1323. Militum jesu Christi. 1326. Alcanthare militum. 1349. Flagellantium. 1350. Charteriorum Equitum. 1360. Equitum Stellae. 1365. O. jesuatorum. 1366. Ordo Saluatoris sive Scopet●norum. 1370. S. Brigittae. 1371. Turlupinorum. 1399. Albatorum. 1400. Vallis Vmbrosae. 1405. Hieronymitarum. 1407. Can●nicorum. S. Georgij in Alga. Also Mendicantium D. Hieronimi. Also S. Spiritus. Also Montolivitensium. 1408. Canonicorum Lateranensi●m Congregationis Frisonariae. 1409. S. justinae. Also Mauritianorum Equitum. 1420. O. Equestris Annuntiationis B. Mariae. 1429. O. Eq. Aurei Velleris. 1433. S. Ambrosij ad Nemus 1453. O. Equitum S. Spiritus. 1455. S. Catherinae Senensis. 1464. Equitum Lunae. 1469. Equitum S. Michaelis. 1499. Ordo poenitentium mulierum seu meretricum. 1500. Ordo peregrinorum pauperum. 1506. Ordo Indianorum. 1529. O. Sodalitatis divini amoris sive Theatinorum. 1537. O. Paulinorum sive Gastalianorum. 1540 O. jesuitarum, sive Societatis jesu. 1549. Capucinorum. 1561. O. militum S. Stephani. 1571. Ordo minorum jesu Mariae seu Tertiariorum. 1579. O. Eq. S. Spiritus.  
Unto these Orders whereof some time is set, may be added many others of whose Original no certain time is delivered. Wolphius hath in Alphabetical order named these of that kind, Ord. Ambrosianorum, Antonianorum, Fratrum de Armenia, Ordo Equestris de Auis. Batutinorum. Bonae voluntatis. Bursfeldensium. Canonicorum Regularium, differing from the former. Capellanorum, Challomerianorum, Cellariorum, Clavigerorum, Constantinopolitanorum militum, Crucif●rorum another kind. O. Fratrum Crucis, O. Stellatorum Crucis, O. Forficerorum. O. Genettae Equestris. O.S. Gertrudis Monialium, O. Fratrum Helenae, O Fratrum de Hispania, Or. Histricis Equestris. O. Hospitalariorum. O. Fratrum D. jacobi. O. Ignorantiae. O. joannitarum de civitate. Ordo Vallis josaphati. O. josephi. Or. militum de Labanda. Lazari seu Magdalenae. Linonchlen●orum. Monialium S. Mariae. O.S. Mariae nows. Conceptionis Mariae. O. ex Fratrib. martyrum. Maturinorum. Me●sae Orbiculari● (Knights of the Round Table) O. Pauperum Voluntariorum. O. de Corbullo S. Petri. O. S. Petri i● Schunbach. O. Purgatorialium. Rebag●norum. Reclusorum sive Inclusorum. O. S. Ruffi. Ordo Monachae vel Sacerd. libera. Scalae dei. Sclavonianorum. Fratrum ex Scotia. S. Sophiae sine Gratiae. Speculariorum. Stellatorum. Militum S. Thomae. Vespillonum. Fratrum de viridi vallo. O. Valetudinario-seruientium. Vngarici eq. O. Wenceslaitarum. Zambonitarum. Zupfnonnarum.  
But it is time to have done, jest such uncouth names make some Reader fear he shall thereby conjure up some Devils, ordered to disorders. I could also out of History add others, but these are more then enough, Papal Orders enough to break all Christian orders and rules of simplicity and sanctititie, with their superstition and hypocrisy. Of their rules, habits, and other superstitions (understand this of the later, for the ancient were both without vow, and fit Schools and Seminaries for the Church, as our Universities now) the same Wolfius, Hospinian and other Authors have written at large.   

CHAP. XVII. A Discourse of the diversity of Letters used by the diverse Nations in the World; the antiquity, manifold use and variety thereof, with exemplary descriptions of above threescore several Alphabets, with other strange Writings.  
GOD the giver of every good gift, hath endowed Man (created after his own Image) with diverse privileges above other sensitive Creatures, not only with dominion over them, but with Reason and Speech, both above their Natural capacities: 
Rationis & orationis privilegia.  By the one he composeth natural syllogisms in himself, proposing to his Understanding, disposing in it, and by his Will electing what seems best of those things, which the external Senses, as the Cinque-Port-Intelligencers have brought in, and the Internal, the Common sense, Phantasie, and Memory, as Reason's handmaids have prepared to Discourse. By the other, as a Sociable creature, he imparteth those Mind-conceptions unto other men, and those which are many persons, are made as it were one body reasonable. God hath added herein a further grace, that as Men by the former exceed Beasts, so hereby one man may excel another; and amongst Men, some are accounted Civil, and more both Sociable and Religious, 
Manifold and excellent use of Letters.  by the Use of letters and Writing, which others wanting are esteemed Brutish, Savage, Barbarous. And indeed much is the literal advantage; by speech we utter our minds once, at the present, to the present, as present occasions move (and perhaps unadvisedly transport) us: but by writing Man seems immortal, conferreth and consulteth with the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Fathers, Philosophers, Historians, and learns the wisdom of the Sages which have been in all times before him; yea by translations or learning the Languages, in all places and Regions of the World: and lastly, by his own writings surviveth himself, remains (litera scripta manet) thorough all ages a Teacher and Counsellor to the last of men: yea hereby God holds conference with men, and in his sacred Scriptures, as at first in the Tables of Stone, speaks to all. And whereas speech pierceth the Ear (pierceth indeed and passeth often, in at the one, and out at the other) Writing also entertaineth the Eyes; and so long, by our own or others reading, speaks to either of those nobler Senses, as we will, and whereof we will ourselves; hushed and silent at our pleasure; always free from fear, flattery, and other humane passions. Therefore the dead were esteemed the best companions and faithfullest Counsellors, in Alfonsus his opinion, namely, in their Writings still living to perform those Offices: and want of Letters hath made some so silly as to think the Letter itself could speak, so much did the Americans herein admire the Spaniards, 
Who first invented Letters jos. Ant. l. 1. c. 2.  seeming in comparison of the other as speaking Apes.  
Thus excellent is the use of letters: how ancient, uncertain. josephus' mentions Writing ancienter than the Flood, by which, knowledge of Astronomy was commended to posterity in two Pillars, the one of Stone, the other of Brick, to outlive those two dismal destructions which Adam had prophesied should befall the World, by Fire and Water: that of Stone remaining to his time. 
Plin. l. 7. c. 56. Otho Heurnij Chaldai●us.  Pliny conceiteth an eternity of Letters, as of the World and Mankind: and supposeth that the Assyrian were such: elsewhere attributing their invention to the Phoenicians, as of Astronomy also, and the Arts of War and Navigation, and after others opinion to the Egyptians, after others to the Syrians. It is, I see not how probably by some affirmed, that Moses first received Letters in the Two Tables of the Law written by the finger of God. Master Fuller is of opinion that the Phoenicians themselves learned them of Abraham, 
Ful. Misc. l. 4. c. 4  who seemeth to him, as likely in his long stay with the Canaanites to have taught them Letters, as to have instructed the Egyptians in so short a space, in Astronomy and Arithmetic, which josephus affirmeth. And most probable it seemeth that in blessed Sh●ms posterity by Heber, Noah had left the best Arts of the former World. job is by some, upon good reasons, holden ancienter than Moses, who yet often speaks of Books and writing, 
job 13.26. & 19 23, 24, etc.  as a thing then familiarly used.  
Another no less controverted question is of the ancientest kind of Letters, which Postellas. Scaliger & others think to be the Phoenician, or as now they are called, the Samaritan, at first used by all the Canaanites (of which the Phoenicians were a part) and Hebrews; 
What Letters most ancient. 2. Reg. 17.17.10. Scal Annat. in Euseb. chron. See those Coins and Letters at the end of this Chapter. jer. praef. in 1. reg.  but after the deportation to Babylon, the Cuthaeans or Samaritans still continued them (being taught by the Israelitish Priest) but the jews grew into use of others, which Scaliger saith, are nuperae ac novitiae ex Syriacis depravatae; illae antem ex Samaritanis; quod cùm luce clarius sit, tamen quidam semidocti, semitheologi, & ut signant●us loquar semihomines, judaicas literas verè Hebraicas esse priscas audent deierare, etc. And after; Visuntur hodie Sicli qui quotidi● jerosolymis effodiuntur, & sub regibus Iuda in usu fuerunt. In illis nummis eadem litera incusae sunt, quae in scriptis Samaritanorum leguntur; and thinks it extrema insaniae & imperitiae to think that the elder Hebrews had any other.  
Saint Jerome also affirmeth, that Esdras was Inventer of the present Hebrew Letters after the Captivity. His words are, viginti & duas literas esse apud Hebraeos, Syrorum quoque lingua testatur, quae Hebraeae magna ex parte confinis est. Name & ipsi 22. elementa habent, eodem sono, sed diversis characteribus. Samaritani etiam pentateuchum Moysitotidem literis scriptitant, figuris tantum & apicibus discrepantes. Certumque est Esdram, post captam Hierosolymam, & instaurationem templi sub Zerubabel, alias literas reperisse, quibus nunc utimur, quùm ad illud uque tempus, ijdem Samaritanorum & Hebraeorum characteres fuerint.  
Postellus attributeth the reason of this new Invention to the difference of Religion, 
G. postel. ling. 12. Alphab.  which began in jeroboam, but became worse in those Cuthaans' & other strangers which were placed by the Assyrians in the Cities of Samaria, whose irreconciliable hatred I have elsewhere showed in my Pilgrimage. He allegeth also such Coins, said to be as old as since Salomons days, seen by him, 
P. Pilg. l. 2. c. 9  (two of which shall follow with their Letters.) He addeth that the jews affirmed the same, which still hate the Samaritans, but highly prise those Coins as their own Antiquities; the Inscription whereof being jerusalem the holy, could not proceed from the Cuthaean Samaritans, 
joh. 4.  which worshipped in their Mountain, (as the Samaritan woman said to our Saviour) and not in jerusalem. Postellus saw a Grammar in their Letters, but the Language Hebrew, the Exposition Arabike; the Characters their own, which now also want the points which in Saint Ieromes days they had.  
Scaliger showeth further how the ancient Greek or Ionik● Letters (like in form to the present Latin, which seem thence derived) were by Cadmus carried from Phoenicia, 
jos. Scal. ubi sup▪  and communicated to the Greeks', of him called by Herodotus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which both he and Pa●sanias affirm that they had seen; and of which Pliny testifieth, Gentium consensus tacitus primus omnium conspiraui●, ut jonum literis uterentur. Of these anon you shall see an example. Scaliger addeth that the Chaldees fashioned theirs from the Phaenician, now used by the Nestorians and Maronites. These have both Capital Letters and lesser: from which Chaldee Letters the modern jewish and Arabike are derived, the Chaldee being in a mean betwixt the Phoenicians and them.  
Our Learned Countryman Master Fuller, 
Ful. Miscella●. l. 4. c. 4.  as he will not yield that the ancient Hebrew was the Phoenician Language; so neither will subscribe to this opinion, which maketh the modern Hebrew Letter to be of later devise. But as the Egyptians had two sorts of Letters, one sacred and hieroglyphical, the other vulgar; and as with us the writing proper to the public Courts in Court and Chancery hands differ from the common writing: so the Hebrews also might have a two fold writing, the one in civil and common affairs, still read in the Samaritans Books and Coins; the other ecclesiastic or sacred, used by the Priests and Levites, and in which the holy Scriptures are preserved; which then became Secular and Vulgar, when their emulation against the Samaritans admitted nothing common betwixt them, especially in Letters, which it appeareth they learned of one of the Samaritan Priests of Bethel, of jeroboams institution, and not of Leviticall race. 
1. Reg. 12.13. & 2. Reg. 17.17.  For it is probable that jeroboam base Priests either could not, or would not writ in that Leviticall and Priestly Character, but retained unto all purposes that which before had been admitted only to civil affairs. He conceiveth them to be both of Israeliticall original; and if either be ancienter, the sacred (still styled Hebrew) to have the pre-eminence, Ecclesiastical things being of more Antiquity then civil; in which sense Irenaeus calleth the ancient Hebrew Letters, Sacerdotales; 
Iren. advers. h●r. l. 2. c. 41. Mat. 5.18.  these being also more simple and uniform than the Samaritan, as is seen in the Iod, which our Saviour citeth as the jest of Letters, which yet in the Samaritan is multiforme and large. How ever the case stands herein, it is evident they are both very ancient, and as it were Mother-letters to the rest of the World: which as we have noted already of the Chaldee, jonike and Latin, so may it be observed in the principal of those others which we shall anon present to your view.  
Pliny reporteth that Cadmus brought sixteen Letters into Greece, 
Plin. l. 7. c. 56.  to which in the Trojan War Palamedes added four others Θ Ξ Φ Χ, and after him Simonides other Ζ Η Ψ Ω. Aristotle saith there were eighteen ancient Α Β Γ Δ Ε Ζ Ι Κ & & Lgr; Μ Ν Ο Π Ρ Σ Τ Υ Φ, to which Epicarmus added Θ Χ, or rather Palamedes: veteres Graecas fuisse easdem pene quae nunc sunt latinae, he averreth out of a Brazen Table in the Palace inscribed NAUSIKRATES TISAMENO ATHENAIOS (so Scaliger expresseth it) in later Letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scaliger also out of an old Scholy upon Euripides his Orestes, affirmeth that the old Greeks' had seventeen Letters, sixteen of Cadmus his Invention, and Υ added thereto, and thinks this to be Aristotle's assertion, who would never have reckoned φ for one, being of later invention. These seventeen are Α Β Γ Δ Ε Η Ι Κ Λ Μ Ν Ο ΠΡ Σ Τ Υ. Before Θ Φ Χ were invented by Simonides, saith Marius Victorinus, they used to place after Τ, Π, Κ, the aspirate H, as ΤHΕΟΣ, ΠHΙΛΟΣ, ΚHΡΟΝΟΣ for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But let the studious herein read Scaligers whole Discourse or Digression in his Notes upon Eusebius his Chronicle, who also giveth the examples mentioned by Herodotus: ΑΜΠHΙΤΡΥΟΝ. Μ. ΑΝΕΤHΕΚΕΝ. ΕΟΝ. ΑΠΟ. ΤΕΛΕΒΑΟΝ. in the modern Letters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The like he doth in diverse others. But an old Inscription in jonike Letters I could not but transcribe from him. It was engraven in a Pillar in Via Appia, thence removed to the Farnesian Gardens; whereby it appears that these jonike Letters continued in Italy long after they had ceased in Greece. ODENI. ΘEMITON METAKINESAI 
 EKE. TO. TRIOΠIO. HO. ESTIN. EΠI. TO 
 TRITO. EN. TEI. HODOI. TEI. AΠΠIAI. 
 EN TOI. HERODO. AΧROI. O ΧAR 
 LOION. TOI. KINESANTI. MARTUS. 
 DAIMON. EN HODIA. KAI. KORES 
 ANAΘEMA. KAI ΧΘONION. ΘEON. KAI. ❀.  
The same Inscription in later Greek Letters. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ❀  

Plin. ubi sup.  Pliny saith that the Pelasgi first brought Letters into Italy: Heurnius cities these Verses out of an old Book touching the Inventors of Letters.  
Moses primus Hebraicas exaravit literas:  
Mente Phoenices Sagaci condiderunt Atticas:  
Quas Latini scriptitamus edidit Nicostrata:  
Abraham Syras & idem reperit Chaldaicas  
Isis arte non minore protulit Aegyptias:  
Gulfila prompsit Getarum quas videmus ultimas.  
But who is so literate as to reduce the Letters of each Nation to their first founder? it seeming probable, that as Nations became more civil, so some more Heroic Spirit in each Nation devised new of himself, or derived the old from some other Nation, or made a mixture of both: besides that the conquered Nations usually have received in some part both Language, and Letters, with their Laws from the Conquerors:  
We see still that those which teach short writing, can and do device new Characters daily for that purpose; that others ordain Cyphers or Characters only known to those whom the Author shall impart the skill unto; and these diversified ad libitum, as any intends to impound or pale in his secrets or mysteries of State, or Art; some of which perhaps in process of time have been made vulgar and ordinary Letters. These mystical Writers have also devised other Arts of concealment, as writing with Allume water, not to be read after it is once dried, but laid in water; with an Onion, to be read at the fire, etc.  
Now for the variety and differing forms, Art hath superabounded: both in the subject and instrument, 
Differing figures of Letters, and diversity of Instruments and materials.  some writing with Pencils as the Iap●nites and Chinois, others with Pens, others with Instruments of Iron as the Malabars, of Gems, Brass also, or other metal, in Table-books, Leaves, Barks, Wood, Stone, Aire, Sand, Dust, Metal, Paper, Cloth, Parchment, and innumerable other materials: in the form also and manner, with Quippos in Stones or Threads, as in Peru; with Pictures in Mexico, and the Egyptian Hieroglyphikes; with Characters, each expressing a word or thing, not a letter, as the Chinois, japonites, and our Arithmeticians and Astronomers in the figures of their Arts; some with fiery Torches, 
Cap. Smith, inf. l. 8.  as you may read in Captain Smiths following Relations; the most have used letters, which by Art are disposed to frame all words, and hath been the most complete kind of writing which ever was. But Babel never had more confusion of languages than Letters have sustained alteration, differenced both by place and time, yea and by the humours of men. Thus not only diverse languages have diverse letters, but the same language, as it changeth with time, so the letters also are diversified, as in the jonike and later Greek▪ hath been observed, from both which the Modern Greeks' writ much differingly. In this our Country we have had manifold successions of letters in succeeding ages, as is most easy to be seen in well furnished Libraries, 
Why Saxon letters ceased.  and that especially of the Miracle of industry in this kind, Sir Robert Cotton, both in Books, Cartels, and Letters. The Conqueror (as Ingulfus, Edmerus and others than living observe) would not endure the English Language or Letters, 
Variety of letters used with us at this day.  whereby the Saxon Letters are now commonly extinct. And both all Records of old, and the diverse Courts of this Kingdom, yea every Copy-booke, and each writing Master's Masterpiece hanged forth to public view, easily manifest the passed and present variety of Letters in common use at the same time. It is impossible therefore to give an example of all, either Letters or Languages. Yet in this so General a History, I thought it would minister some delight to the Reader, to have a taste of that immense variety, which here out of Theseus' Ambrose, Postellus, Duretus, Scaliger, Gramaye, Lazius, etc. we exhibit.  
Let the Reader take notice also of the varying in lines, some reading (as the Latins, Greeks', 
divers ways of Reading.  and most of the Europaeans) from the left hand to the Right sidewayes; the Hebrews, Arabikes, and most of the Indians (except the Malabars and Siamites) from the right to the left: the jugres, Cathayans, Tartars, that is the most of the Eastern and Northeasterne Asians writ their lines downward, and multiply them from the left hand to the right, 
japonian Charter l. 4. c. 1. §.  as you may see in the japonian charters following. And in Patane they use three, both languages and sorts of writing: the Malayan, which I have seen in Arabike characters written from the right hand; that of Siam from the left, and that of China downwards. The people of Tangut (North-neighbours to China) are said to writ from the right hand to the left, and to multiply their lines upwards. The Mexicans had writings in form of a wheel, which were read from the Centre upwards to the Circumference. 

American books. See a whole History in Pictures. To. 2. l. 5, c. 6.  
Heraldry. Magical characters and diabolical.   In Honduras they had Books of Paper made of cotton-wool, or the inner Bark of Trees, or of Metleleaves, folded like Broad-cloathes, the writing whereof was partly painting (where such things as had form or figure were therein represented) partly in hieroglyphical characters, as Fishhooks, Stars, Snares, Files, etc. In these they kept their Records. And our Herald's Art keepeth records of pedigrees in a kind of Heiroglyphikes, not much unlike. To let pass Magical characters, Theseus' Ambrose hath published a confused kind of scroll, the Copy of one (he saith) written by the Devil. I had rather mention that which Eusebius in the life of Constantine recordeth written by Divine hand, which some say was the Cross, but by his description appeareth rather to have been the two first letters of Christ's name, χ and ρ combined, with promise of victory to the pious Emperor, not in that sign (of the Cross) but in Christ himself, to whom be glory for ever, Amen.  
The Phoenician or Samaritan Letters, which some say were the Mosaical and first Hebrew, with the Names of the elder and later Syrians, and the jonike and later Greek Letters answering them, and answered by the Latin, we have transcribed out of joseph Scaliger in this form and order.  
Appellationes Syrorum posterierun. Appellationes Syrorum veterum. Phoeniciae litterae. Graecae literae recentiorum & jonum veterum. Latinae. Olaph. Alpha. א Α Α Α A αλφα. A. Beth. Betha. ב Β. βητα. B. Gomal. Gamla. ג Γ Γ Γ γαμμα. C. Dolath. Delta. ד D Δ. δελτα. D. Herald Herald ה. E Ε ει E. Wau. Wau. ו ς ϝ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 F. Zoe. Zetha. ז Ζ. ζητα. G. Heth. Hetha. ח Η. ητα. H. Teth. Tetha. ט θ Θ Θ. θητα. ... jud. jota. י Ι. ιοτα. I. Chuph. Kappa. כ Κ. Καππα. K. Lomad. Lambda ל Λ L. λαμβδα. L. Mim. Me. מ Μ Μ μ. μυ. M. Nun. Nun. נ Ν Ν. νυ. N. Semchath. Simcha. ס Ξ ξ ξι. ... E. Oe. ע ο □. ου. O. Phe. Phe. פ Π Π. πι. ... Tzode. Tzode. צ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P. Kugh. Kophe. ק . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Q. Resch. Roe. ר Ρ Ρ. ρο R. Schin. Schin. ש S Σ Σ Ϲ γ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. σιγμα S. Thou. Thou. ת Τ. ταυ. T.    Y V υ. υ. ...    Φ Φ Φ ψ. φι. ...    χ . χι. ...    Ψ. ψι. ...    Ω ω ω ◆ ω. ω. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. X.  
BY the figure of these Characters it is easy to be gathered that the Letters (which Herodotus calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seen by him in the Temple of Apollo Ismenius at the Boeotian Thebes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) were devised by Cadmus, with no great alteration in the most from the Phoenician, except in the turning them from the right had posture to the left, and adding sometimes, sometimes cutting off some patticks. The Latin no less seemeth derived from the Ionian, and are in the most the very same. Your eyes may easily discern and judge; and Scaligers Commentary is well worth your consultation herein, too long to transcribe or translate hither. Of the twenty two all had not the use of Letters and Elements of writing amongst the jonians, but sixteen only: the rest were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is notes, to wit, of Spirit or Numbers: and therefore the first note s stands for the numeral VI F is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in steed of Wan, whereof the Aeolians had frequent use, which called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & therefore was not reputed a Letter, because it might be taken away without change to the word; it stands also for a note of the spiritus lenis, as in that hexametre [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] it is neither Consonant nor Vowel, there being a Synalaeph● for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and no Position in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. H with the old jones was as H with the Latins, as in that HODOI in the former Inscription is seen: they also used E only, both long and short syllable, as in the same Inscription KINESANTI showeth, and TEI for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beda lib. de Indigitatione hath touching those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these words; Graec● omnious suis literis exprimunt numeros. Verum toto Alphabeti sui charactere in numerorum figuras extenso, tres, qui plus sunt, numeros, notis proprijs quae ex Alphabeto non sunt depingunt. Prima est s quae dicitur Episimon, & est nota numeri VI Secunda est G, quae vocatur Kophe, & valet in numero XC. Tertia est quae dicitur Enneacosia quia valent DCCCC. But let the learned read Scaliger himself.  

The Hebrew Letters and Names thereof now in use are these.   obelisk 

Aleph א  
Beth ב  
Gimel ג  
Daleth ד  
HE ה  
Vaughan ו  
Zain ז  
Cheth ח  
Teth ט  
Iod י  
Caph כ  
Lamed ﬥ ל  
Man ם מ  
Nun ן נ  
Samec ס  
Ain ע  
Phe ף פ  
Tsadi ץ צ  
Coph ק  
Rec ר  
Cin ש  
Thou ת   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   obverse of Samaritan coin 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   reverse of Samaritan coin 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   obverse of Samaritan coin 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   reverse of Samaritan coin 
I have also added two Coins of the old Samaritan letters, the higher described from Postellus his Introduction of twelve languages, the lower from Bezas' larger Annotations, Matth. 17. His words are Huius vero numi, id est dimidij Stateris argentei, qui quatuor Drachmarum erat quales ipsi Iudaei olim signarant, veram imaginem hic exprimendam curavi, expressam ex vero & puri pu●i argenti num●, mihi à sido illo Christi seruo D. Ambrosio Blaurero, donato. Habet autem hic numus Samaritanis literis insignis, una ex parte urnam illam sacram, in qua recondita fuit Manna, superposita litera Aleph, qua declaratur simplex hic fuisse siclus, duarum videlicet drachmarum, cùm duplex esset drachmarum quatuor, cum inscriptione [SCHEKEL JISRAEL] it est, Siclus Israel: ex alteravero, Virgam illam Aaronis florentem, cum inscriptione [JERUSCHALAIM KODSCHAH] idest jerusalem Sancta. That of Postellus (of Silver also) differeth somewhat in the figure and the superscription S. B. which (I conceive) signifieth that it was a double Shekel.  
I have added an Obeliske or Column inscribed with Egyptian Hieroglyphikes, copied out of Gramaye; and in the basis thereof have added another described out of Laurentius Pignorius his Mensae Isiacae expositio, where the Reader may feast himself with Characters of that kind. I also have elsewhere given some of those Egyptian figures. 
Inf. pag. 910. Socrat. l. 5. c. 16. Soz. l. 7. c. 15.  These I thought good to add for illustration of that mention of the Cross in the Ecclesiastical History against the Egyptian figures in the Temple of Sarapis, which occasioned the conversion of many ethnics to Christianity.   

The Alphabets following we have distinguished by figures, for the Readers better understanding of the exposition added. Wherein we have most followed Gramayes.  


1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
1. THe first is that of the Alans or Lumbards', set forth by Patricius: other have been published by Bonaventura Vulcanius in his Specimen Variarum linguarum, and others. 2. The old Aleman Alphabet of Trithemius, much different from those of de Bry, Hermannus Hugo, and james Bonaventura. 3. An old Magic Alphabet of Homorius Thebanus, of which there are other kinds too many. 4. An Alchymicke of Cid Abdalla, of which the Africans have other sorts. 5. Gramay saith, it is an old English Alphabet sometimes published by Sir Thomas Moor. 6. The A B C. used by the Priests of jupiter Ammon, devised by Mercurius Aegyptius. 7. The Abassine attributed to Solomon; many others by many others are so inscribed. 8 The Assyrian, ascribed to Abraham. 9 The old Apulian, which inverted and read from the bottom is one kind of the Armenian fathered on Saint john chrysostom.  


10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
The 10. is an old Asian Alphabet ascribed to Peter the Hermit. 11. The old Attic of jamael Megapolius. 12. The old Norman A. B. C. of Rollo. Duret and others have other kinds. 13. The old Alphabet of the Baleares so described by Cid Yahia. 14. The Suevian or old Frisian. 15. The old Cantabrian of Charles the Great. 16. The Bohni-Seruian or Slavonian of Saint Cyrill, that also diversified. 17. The Burgundian or Astrologian of Ishmael. 18.19. running or ●ast hand with Cicero's and Cyprians notes.  


21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
22 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
20.21.22. are Cabalistical Alphabets attributed, one to the Angel Raphael, the next to Enoch, the third to Abraham: of which sorts Duret, Postell●s and others have delivered, with like credit to these. 23. The old Celtike of Doratus 24. The Carnike or Finnike of Vlphila. 25. The old Saxon of Otfridus Monachus. Lazius, Munster, Theseus Ambrose, etc. have described others. 26. The Punic. 27. The Cretan or Phrygian of Hercules. 28. The Chaldean of Abraham, that also varied by others.  


29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
31 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
32 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
35 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
36 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
29. The old Corsica● Alphabet. 30. The old Cimbrian of Hichus. 31. The old Danes 32. The old Dacian. 33. The old Dalmatic of Methodius. 34. Lombard notes of Cicero's Tiro. 35. The East Frankes of Hanibald. 36. The old Galls of Wastnaldus. 37. Gallograecian of Rotila. 38. Old Germane of Faramund.  


38 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
41 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
42 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
43 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
44 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
46 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
47 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
39 The Georgian of Saint james. 40. Old Gotike. 41. Getike or Massagetike. 42. Old Spanish-Gotike of Rodericus. 43. Old Scythian-Hunnike of Attila. 44. Two old Hetrurian. 45. Old Heluetian-Saxon▪ of Charles the Great. 46. Illyrian of Saint Jerome. 47. An African Alphabet in the last page of Gramayes Specimen linguarum & literarum universi orbis: which he thus nameth in their order; the first A●ps, A. the word signifieth an Eare. The second Each, E. and both representeth and signifieth an Eye. The third Ifr. a Nose. I. The fourth Ombr O. The Tongue. 5. Vuld, a Hand. V 6. Lambd. L. the Earth. 7. Mah, the Sea. M. The 8. Nisp. the Air. N. 9 Rasch, Fire. R. 10. Bap. the Sun. It is a B. and with a dash P. 11. Cek. The Moon. C. and with a dash K. 12. Dagt, the Sword of Mars D. and T. 13. Goreq. G. Mercury. 14. Vaf. Venus, V and with a dash F. 15. Siach. Saturn. S. and with a dash X. 16. Theus. jupiter.  
It signifieth nothing but is added to the beginnings and ends of periods. They read, as the Hebrews, from the right hand to the left, and the line should have been set the other way.  


48 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
49 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
50 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
52 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
56 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
58 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉    
48. The Aethiopike Alphabet, with the Letter A. added throughout. 49. Syriak. 50. Arabike. They have diverse other sorts of Letters, as in Erpennius, Postellus, Megiserus and others which have written of them is seen. The Turks also use the same Letters and Points, or notes of vowels, howsoever their Language differeth much, being nearer the Persian and Tartarian. 51. Armenian. 52. Dalmatian. 53. Russian. 54. The jacobites. 55. Egyptian. 56. Indian. 57 Persian. 58. The old Syriake.  
In these we have followed Gramaye, but could have given more complete and exact Alphabets, if the cutting had not been so exceeding chargeable; This for a taste may serve, and we all know, that in our own & other Tongues and Nations (as hath been said) the Letters and kinds of writing are exceedingly diversified: so that for any man to expect all the Letters of all Countries must needs be impossible, each varying so much in itself.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
The China Characters are seen in our Map of China, the japonian in the Charter of that Emperor to our Merchants in Captain Saris his journal, as also the Indostan and Arabike; 
Tom. 2. l. 2. c. ●. Tom. 1. l. 4. c. 1. Tom. 2. l. 3. c. 23.  the Mexican Hieroglyphikes in a whole History therein written. We have ended with our own ancient Saxon Characters. But first will give you another sort of ulphilas Gotike Characters set forth by De Bry.  

ulphilas Gotike, and the Saxon Alphabet.  



See of these Gotike Letters, Tom. 2. l. 3 c. 23.   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
 A a b b c c d d E E e e F f ȝ g h h i i l l m m n n oh oh p p q q r r S S s s t t u u ƿ w X X x x ẏ y A ae Þ Th' ð th' þ th' & and ꝧ that     
The end of the first Book.   

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL THINGS CONTAINED IN THE FIRST BOOK of the first Part of PURCHAS his Pilgrims.  


A  
A Atalla, a Papal Eastern Patriarch, 151  
Abassines their habitation, Religion, Rites and opinions, 137.138.147.148.149.  
Abdesu an Eastern Patriarch, 151.  
Egypt, Christianity there sometime exceedingly flourished, 112. What Christians there now, 113.135  
Aeneas his Navigation, 71  
Aethiopian Church their rites and opinions, 138. Their faith declared at large by Tecla Maria an Aethiopian, 147.148. & seq.  
Africa hath the richest Ours in the World, 28. Her religion, 112.113 & seq.  
African tongue, 101. Almost all Afrique Mahometan or Gentiles, 112.116.118 .. jews there, 119. The torride parts of Africa resembled to a Libbards' skin, 113  
Alans, and the old Aleman Alphabet, 182  
Alcantara Order in Spain, 170  
Alexander the Great, 57.75.88. His life, Acts, Peregrinations and Conquests, 81.82. & seq. His sickness, temperance, Persian expedition, battles with Darius, 83 His marriage, and cruelty, 84 His ambition frustrate, danger, escape, view of the Ocean, 85. His marriage, feasts, guard, mourning, rage, death, 86  
Alexanders Port, 87  
Alexandria builded by Alexander, 83  
Algum trees mentioned, 2. Chronicles, 38  
Almug trees, 38  
Alphabets diverse kinds old and new, 181.182.183.184. & seq.  
Alps why so termed, 140  
Aluarez taxed for his report of the Nubians their dependence on the Pope, 137  
Amazonian tale, 84  
America thinly and newly inhabited, 30. Wither new-peopled, and when the word the●e first preached, 58. The multiplying of people and cattles there, 60. What Christians among them, and their poor Christianity, 115. Four large Regions thereof, as large as Europe possessed by the Spaniards, 115. The whole Country stored with Bears, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, etc. 120  
Ammon's Oracle; 83  
Anabaptists deny their Baptism, 7 They wickedly remove the Landmark, 16  
Anacharsis the Philosopher his travels, 75  
Anachoreticall, or Hermetical Monks, 160  
Andrew the Apostle where he preached and died, 53  
Antiochia, the place where the Name of Christians was first heard in the World, 129. The Patriarch thereof, ibid.  
Aunts casting up heaps full of golden sands, 32  
Aunts as great as a man's span, 89  
Anzichi an Idolatrous and man-eating nation, 113  
Apes, 39-436  
Apochryphas Books falsely attributed to the Apostles & others, 56  
Apollonius Tyanaeus his Pilgrimage, 76  
Apostles their mission and pre-eminence, 50. Their preaching through all the World, 51. Their tongues & miracles, 53. Their preaching in the old known World, 57  
Apostolical Acts & Conquests, 61  
Aquitaine speech, 106  
Arabian Gulf●, 40  
Arabic Language which, & where spoken, 110  
Arabia the nest that bred and fostered Mahumetism, 116  
Archbishops of the Roman Province, 168  
Archbishops of Spain and their revenues, 170  
Argyre, stored with gold & silver, 33  
Argonauts, their Voyage 69. Their Arts, 70  
Argus, 70  
Aristippus by flattery a Trencher-worme to Dyonisius the tyrant, 75  
Aristotle, his birth, life, travels, etc. 75  
A●menians their religion, opinions, and rites, 139. Their liturgy or public service, 143. Their Patriarches, numbers, Preachers, or Masters, 150  
Armozia, now Ormus a fertile Region, 88  
Arsareth a supposed Region, 123  
Arsaratha a City mentioned by the ancient, 123  
Art, but the supply of Nature's defects, 10  
Asceticall Monks, 160  
Asia, the several Religions therein: many Mahometans & Pagans', 113. In what parts thereof, Christianity hath taken root, 114. near one half thereof corrupted by Mahumetans, 116.117 Another half by Idolaters, 118. What jews found amongst them, 119  
Augustinians have 555. Monasteries in Italy, in Europe 4000 174  
Auinion in France the Pope's Country, 171  
Authors excuse for his European promise, 94  
Author of the World, Man, Peregrinations, all things, 49    


B  
Babels' Confusion, 29  
Babylon, the Metropolis of the jews, 51  
Baboons greater than women, and little differing from their shape, 79  
Bacchus his several names, his Priests, 23. His travels; with diverse his famous exploits, 68.69  
Bagisara a Harbour in India, 87  
Ballast, 38  
Baptism every year used by the Aethiopians, & the reason thereof, 148  
Baptism in the Greek Church, 158  
Barbarians vanquished by Alexander, 12  
Barna a Town where are Gardens of Myrrh, flowers, culture of trees etc. 87  
Bartholomew the Apostle, his preaching, life, death, etc. 55  
Bay called Hesperus his horn; wherein a great Island; in the Island a Lake, and in it another Island full of Woods, when in the night are kindled fires, and heard the noise of Cymbals, Drums, and infinite shouts. 78  
Beasts fed with fish, 87. A beast so big that he devoureth a whole Elephant, 89  
Beda translated some part of the Scriptures into the Saxon or English tongue, 145  
Be●emoth and Leviathan a jewish tale of them, 123  
Belgian Bishoprickes, 172  
Benedictine Order beyond the jesuitical, 174  
Benomotapa a great Kingdom in afric, 113  
Bessus his murdering of Darius, his torture, 84  
Bion the Philosopher, 75  
Bishops how differing from the Apostles, 52. Religion reomforted by them, 62  
Bishoprics of the Roman Province 168. & sequitur, Bishoprics in India, 173. Bishoprickes in Spain, France, Low-countries, Germany, Swisser, Hungaria, Poland, Prussia, England, Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, 170.171.172.173.  
Bohemia, 172  
Books of strange kinds of paper, 179  
Brachmans', their manner of living, they have no instrument to work, no beasts, tillage, use of Iron: they always worship God; always pray looking to Heaven; they eat what they find on the ground; the men live of on side Ganges, the women on the other, to whom their husbands have recourse certain months, etc. 89  
B●erewood his Inquiries of Languages, 95. of Religions professed in the World, 112  
Bread made of the meal of roasted fishes, 87  
Bread for the Greeks' Eucharist, called pure bread, made by a pure woman or man, 156  
Britain in Caesar's time, 30  
Bubarta, a small Island, 87  
Bucephalus Alexander's fierce Horse, 82  
Bucephalia a City built by Alexander where his Horse Bucephalus died, 84  
Byscaines' among the Spaniards boast that they are the right Hidalgos or Gentlemen, 107    


C  
CAbots Voyage, 28  
Cadmus, 70.177  
Calabria revolted from the Bishop of Rome, and for a long time pertained to the Patriarch of Constantinople, 128  
Calaminhan Empire containing thirteen Kingdoms, hath great riches, 34  
Calanus the Philosopher his travels, and burning of himself, 76 His Epistle to Alexander, 89  
Cambysus, the son of Cyrus his Expeditions, 73  
Canus the highest part of the Pirene Hills; whence so called, 140  
Carbuncies, 38  
Cardandan an Island plentiful for gold, lying about the head of Ganges, 33  
Cardinals in the Roman Empire, 167  
Carneades, 75  
Carthage Queen of the Cities of Africa, 108  
Carthaginians called their Cities Lybiphoenician, 79  
Castille, 170  
Cataea an Isle sacred to Mercury, & Venus, whither dedicated Goats and Sheep are yearly sent, which there grow wild, 88  
Celtaes inhabiting the middle part of France, their language, 106  
Cerne an Island in Africa, 78  
Chaldee language and Paraphrase, 111  
Chanaan, 108  
Characters Magical and Diabolical, 179  
Cheese-sunday, 155  
Chiama lake, near is many rich Ours, 34  
Chingis first founder of the Tartarian Empire, 114  
Christ the Sun of Righteousness, 8. His Kingdom not of this World, 14. His Peregrinations, 49.50  
Christians, 8. Their grace and glory, 9 Compared with Philosophers, 10. Their hold, 15. They are rich, free, and Kings, 11.12. the diverse sorts of Christians, 127. S. Thomas Christians. 55.132. Christians much fewer since the Tartars. 58. almost all Europe Christian. 112. Christians possess near about a sixth part of the known inhabited Earth, 126. Christian liberty, 7.8  
Christian Religion entered the Inner India in Constantine's days. 92  
Christian Churches under the Turks Dominion, 112  
Christians in America, 115  
Christians their Liturgy, or public Service, 143.144. & seq.  
Christian religion divided into four parts in regard of her professors through the World, 146  
Christopheros Angelos his Book, 154  
Chuniake Order, 171  
Church declining and recomforted, 62  
Chryse plentiful for Gold and Silver, 33  
chrysostom the Translator of holy Scripture into the Armenian tongue 143  
Cingianfigu a City in China, many Christians dwelling there, 114  
Circassians their abode, rites, and opinions, 130. They celebrated their divine Service in Greek, which their Priests themselves understand not, 146  
Circumcision among the Tartars, 121. Amongst what others Nations it hath been used, and from whom received, 121  
Circumnavigations of Africa rar●, 47  
Circumnavigation of the Indian and Euxine Sea, 76  
Cleo his speech, 75  
Clitomachus the Philosopher, 75  
Clitus slain by Alexander, 84  
Cloven tongues, 80  
Coins as old as since Salomons days, 177. Israel-Samaritan Coins, 181  
Colonies in England, 99  
Columbus Voyage, 28  
Comala, 87  
Communion in the Greek Church, 158  
Compass: the ancients had it not, 27  
Confession in the Greek Church, 157  
Confirmation in what manner used, 148  
Conquerors the Conquest of Religion, 59  
Conquest Apostolical, 61  
Constantinople the seat of the Turkish Empire hath above twenty Churches of Christians, 112  
Constantinopolitan would be st●led Universal Bishop, 166. He had three Dioceses acknowledged by the Chalcedon Council, 167  
Conversion of the World prayed for, 64.65  
Conversion of Indians and Iberians, 90  
Cophti or Christians of Egypt, their religion, opinions, & rites, 135.136. Their Liturgy, 145. The difference between the Cophti and the Aethiopians, 149. their Synod at Cairo, 151  
Coruina an Island, where are sheep whose flesh tastes like Sea-fowles, they being fed with fishes, and having no grass there, 87  
Council of Chalcedon caused perplexity and troubles in Eastern parts, 129  
Counterfeits fathered on the Apostles▪ 55  
Countries are to relieve and enrich one another, 5  
Country smelling of Spices, 78  
Country full of flames, in the midst whereof an exceeding high fire reaching unto the stars, 78  
Creation of Man, 49  
Creatures very strange and fabulous, 80  
C●oesus, 75  
Crocala an Isle, 87  
Crocodiles, 78.79  
Cross, how esteemed in the Greek Church, 162  
Cross Fast, 156  
Crossing of a poisoned Cup, 159  
Ctesias the Philosopher a traveller, but he● often travels from the truth, 75  
Curdi certain people in Asia their habitation, 119  
cyril, Preacher of the Gospel to Gentle Nations, and Inventer of Illyrian Characters, 145  
Cyrus his Conquests, 73    


D  
DAlmatians the vulgar translation of holy Scriptures used amongst them, which some think to be the work of Jerome 144  
Darius his expedition, 73. His battles with Alexander, 83. He is slain by reason of his own, 84  
David his talents, 36. His husbandry 37. Wither he sent ships to Ophir, 37  
Day at Wardhouse, and the North Cape reckoned two months and seven hours, 92  
Deacons in the Greek Church, 163  
Declivity of the channels of Rivers, 125  
Daedalus flight, 71  
Dendrobo●a, 87. Denmark, 173  
Devil a Traveller, 66  
Dia an I'll where Birds shot quills which kiled men, etc. 70  
Diamonds where the most & best, 37  
Diogenes comparing himself with Alexander, 10  
Dir●●otis a Village of the Babylonians, a Mart for the Spices of Arabia, 88  
Dodon a Town in the I'll. Pylora, which hath nothing but fish and water, 88  
Dog-tale of a Dogfast, 156  
Dolphins, 88  
Doma an Isle, 87  
Donha Simon a Papal Eastern Patriarch, 151  
Dragons seventy cubits long, 89  
Drusi, a people dwelling in Syria about the skirts of Libanus, 119  
Dutchmen their Sea-greatnesse, 20    


E  
EArth, her difficulties, 17. The earth divided amongst the Sons of N●an, 5. The earth at the first forming of it was in the superficies, regular and spherical, 124 The cause of the unevenness and irregularity thereof now, ibid. The quantity and proportion of the parts of the earth, possessed by Christians, Mahometans & Gentiles, 126. The earth is equally poised on both sides of her own centre, 127. The centre of the earth and of the water are all one, ibid.  
Easter how celebrated in the Greek Church, 162  
Ecclesiastical Polity ancient and modern, 166  
Egypt's multiplying by the Israelites, 60  
Elana, 22. Eloth, ibid. Elath, 23  
Elephants could not come into Peru, 27. Their nature, 39  
Elias Patriarch of Babylon, his letter to the Pope, his belief, 164.165  
Emeralds, 38  
England the Archishops and Bishops thereof, 173  
Englishmen, their Sea greatness, 20  
English Alphabet very old published by Sir Thomas Moor, 182  
Epirotike speech and Nation, 107  
Epistle of Calanus, 89  
Esdras his allegation concerning the Tartars discussed, 122  
E●hiopians their rites and faith declared by Tecla Maria an Ethiopian, 147.148  
Ethnikes hold in Villeinage, not in state of spiritual Inheritance, 15 Their sums & computation, 36  
Etruria, 169  
Evangelists, 56  
Euphrates, 88  
Europe compared with the other parts of the world, 90. The bounds, names, and quality thereof, 91 92. Her Arts, Inventions, Religion, Civility, and Languages, 93.94. Almost every part thereof Christian, 112  
Eutychian Heresy, 129.136  
Excommunication, 158  
Eziongeber, where it was, 21.22 the signification thereof, 23    


F  
FAbles, the cause thereof, 68  
Fall of man 6.49. By his fall rob of supernatural, wounded in in his natural gifts, ibid.  
Fasting days observed by the Greeks, 155. & sequitur. Difference of Fasts, 155  
Fitch, his passing through Ganges, 32. His relation of Pegu, 33  
Flatterers their baseness, 75  
Fonts in the Greek Church, 158  
Forgiveness, 162  
Fountain of Oil, 84  
Franc-Armenians, 167  
France, 171. The Dioceses, Archbishops, and Suffragans, Religious, and Military Orders, and jesuits there, 171  
Franciscans, 174  
Frankincense where gotten▪ 140 141  
Free, who so called, 11. The wiseman most free.  
Freedom by Christ, 7  
French tongue, 101. The beginning thereof 102. Diversity thereof, 106. Composition thereof, 107  
Frumentius, 90  
Fura, a Hill near to Massapa, in the Kingdom of Monomotapa, where are old ruinous walls with strange letters, which ignorant people say were built by Devils, 28    


G  
GAdira or Cadiz, a City built by the Phoenicians, 77  
Gadrosis, a people of India, 87  
Galatians had a peculiar Language beside the Greek tongue, 95  
Gallicke tongue, 101  
Gallia Belgica, or the Low Countries, 172  
Ganges the breadth and depth thereof, 85  
Gems, where the most and best, 37.38  
Gentiles, their calling figured, 37  
Genua, 169  
Georgians their habitation, rites, and opinions, 130. Their order of divine Service, 146  
Germane Bishops, 172  
Giving of Spiritual Gifts, 157  
Gospel,  
God ruleth over all, and giveth all dominion and rule 15. The Author of all things, 49  
Gold, the excellence and superexcellence thereof above Silver, Gems, etc. 35  
Golden Regions, 32.33. Gold Antinous, 32. Gold Bells, 33. Gold in some of the East parts little pre-eminence above silver, 33  
Golden Fleece, 69  
Gorgones, Savage men, their bodies all over hairy, 78  
Goths their true Native Country, 112  
Gothicke Translation of the four Evangelists, remaining in the Abbey of Werdin. 145  
Gotike Alphabet, 186  
Gotland and Thule discovered by Himilco, within 24. degrees of the Pole, where the day in june is 22. hours, 77  
Grandemont Order, 171  
Greece, the bounds thereof, 95  
Grecians obedient to the Patriarch of Constantinople, 127  
Graecian Ships muster against Troy, 70  
Greek tongue the extent thereof in ancient time, 95. The extent thereof in vulgar use, 96. The decay of the old Greek where, & whence, and how corrupted, 97 The difference of the old and modern Greek, 98  
Greek Church the opinions and Characters thereof, 128. Their Liturgy, 146  
Greeks their condition of life, their rites of Fasts, Feasts, and other Observations, gathered out of the Book of Christopher Angelos, a Greekish Monk and Priest, 154.155. seq.  
Greek letters. 177. Greek Inscriptions in jonike letters, 178 Greek Alphabet, 100  
Grizons, 172  
Gryphans, 32.33  
Gulf called Notuceras ●or the Southern, 78    


H  
HAbassia, the bounds and compass of that Kingdom, their Religion, not all Christians, but a great part Gentiles, 113  
Habassines, or midland Aethiopians their Religion, opinions, & rites, 137. In what Language they read the Scriptures, and celebrated their Liturgy, 143.144  
Halitivea, an I'll, 87  
Hanno and Himilco their Discovery of the South and North parts, 77  
Hanno his Voyage, Acts, and Discoveries on the African-Atlantine Coast, 78  
Havila, 31  
Hawkins, how long in his Voyage ere he arrived to the Indieses, 42  
Hebrew tongue, 29. divers Iewes ignorant thereof, 51.111. Not vulgarly understood after the Captivity, 111  
Hebrew letters he Inventer thereof, 177  
Hebrew Alphabet, 180.181  
Heraclites a travelling Philosopher, 76  
Hercules his travels, twelve labours, Pillars, helping Atlas, with other Wonders, 69  
Heresies their spreading, 141. The succession of Eastern Heresies, 142  
Hesperides, 79  
hieroglyphical Obeliske, 181  
Hills their height, 124  
Hiram, 62  
Histaspis his travels into India, where he learned Magic and Philosophy, 76  
Historians, their travels, 76  
Houses made of Whales bones, 87  
Hungaria, the Universities, Bishoprickes, and jesuits therein, 173  
Hubandry a remarkable Pillar of Royal magnificence, 37  
Hydaspes a River which runneth into Indus, 86  
Hyrcania subdued, 84    


I  
IAcobaean tree, 14  
jacobites whence so called, their opinions and rites, 134.135. Their Liturgy, 145. Their numbers, Bishops, Monasteries, and Churches, 150  
jacobus de Voragine translated the Scriptures into the Italian tongue, 145  
jambulus his Navigation to Ara●ia, and Aethop●a, and thence to a strange Island, etc. 79.80.81  
james the brother of john his death, preaching, etc. 93  
james called Alphaei, and the brother of our Lord, etc. 53.54  
Saint james Order in Spain, 170  
japonian Characters, 185  
Iberians converted. 90  
Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters; they make bread of the meal of roasted fishes, 87  
Idanthrysus, 73  
Idolatrous Nation in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, 118.119 How great a part of the Earth is possessed by Idolaters, 126  
Idumaea, 22  
jerusalem, 54  
jesuites their number and Colleges in Italy, 168  
jesuits in Spain, 171. In Franc●ibidem. In the Low Countries, 172 In Cermany, 172. In Hungaria, Poland, and Prussia, 173. In India, 173.174  
jewels, 37.38  
jews divided into three sorts, 51.121. Dispersed in several parts of the World, 119. Some ignorant of the Hebrew, 51. & 111. Some using the Greek, Syriake, & Chaldee tongue, 111. Their travels & dispersions. 67.119. Their public Service or liturgy. 143.  
jewish Church and Romish compared. 64. Hope of the jews Conversion. 67  
jews destructions. 67  
jews for what cause often termed in the Acts of the Apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 111  
jews when expelled and banished out of England, France, Spain, Portugal, Naples, & Sicily. 119  
jewish Fables of enclosed jews, and of the Sea. 123  
jewish Chaldee is of two sorts. 145  
Lands not yet inhabited. 58.117. A goodly Island found out by the Phoenicians. 77  
Island of jambalus, the people, rites, creatures, 80  
Island sacred to Neptune, inaccessible. 88  
Island where Pearls are found. 88  
Isles of Maledi●ia above seven thousand of them in all, 117  
Isles lying dispersed in the Ocean on the East and Southeast parts of Asia are in number two or three and thirty thousand, 119  
Images in●●●sed by the Aethiopians. 147  
Image of God, 15  
Imau● a mountain more than half the length of Asia, 117.118  
India received the name from the River 〈◊〉, 28.46. It yields st●re of the things brought from Oph●r, 39.40  
Indian Voyage examined, 42. Do. Dees calculation and others, 43  
Indian Embassy sent to Constantne, 89  
Infidels, what propriety they have in their lands and goods, 14  
Inscription on the Greeks' Eucharist, 156  
jobson his travel up the River Gambra, 28  
jocktans posterity in India. 31  
john hi● banishment, preaching, &c, 53  
john Archbishop of Seville his translation of the Scripture into the Arabike Tongue. The vulgar speech of that part of Spain, 145  
jonathan Ben Vziel his translating the Prophets and Pentatuch into the Chaldee tongue; as also his Paraphrase upon the Prophets, 111  
jonike letters, 177.178  
jonike Alphabet, 180  
Ireland the Bishoprics therein, 173  
Ishmaelites & Midianites the first Spice-merchants, 42  
Ismaelites and Saracens the same Nation, 121  
Israelites their multiplication in Egypt, 60  
Israel's peregrination in the Desert, 24.66  
Italy the Prince's potent there, 166  
Italian free States, 169  
Italian language the beginning thereof, 102. The diversity thereof, 106  
judaisme in what Regions professed, 119  
jupiter, Sacrifices to him by Alexander, 88  
Just men, their use of this World, 14    


K  
KIne so multiplying in America, that one man had abo●● sixteen thousand, and another of one Kow the increase of eight hundred, they grew wild and were killed only for their hides, 60  
Kings their right, 10. Heroical Kings, 12. how good a good and wise King, 12. Good Kings stirred up in the declining age of the Church, 62.  
King JAMES his wisdom, learning, government, etc. 13.14.48.  
King of Georgia his Letter to the Pope, 152  
King Read, who gave name to the read Sea, 88  
Knighthood Orde's, 174  
Kni●et his journal and Friar-like report of Saint Thomas preaching in Brasill, 60    


L  
LAcides the Philosopher, 75  
Land not level, where the highest, 125  
Languages, a discourse of the confusion thereof, 29. The Languages of several Nations, 95.96. Et seq. Fourteen Languages or Mother tongues in Europe, besides Latin, which remain not only not abolished, but little or nothing altered by the Romans, 100  
Latin tongue, the Antiquity, dignity and extent thereof, 98.99  
Latin abolished not the vulgar languages in the foreign Provinces of the Roman Empire, 100  
Latin not vulgarly spoken in all places of the Roman Empire, 102  
Latin degenerating into other languages, 103. Threefold corruption thereof 104. Objections concerning the extent of the Latin tongue with their solutions, 105  
Latin Alphabet, 180  
Learning received by Printing, 63  
Lebanon a cragged and steep Mountain covered continually with Snow, 140  
Legends burdensome to the Church, 55  
Lents observed amongst the Greeks' 154. Four Lents every year, 155. Et seq.  
Leonard Bishop of Sidon his Relations of the jacobites, 150  
Letters the diversity thereof used by the divers Nations in the world, the Antiquity, manifold use and variety thereof, with Exemplary descriptions of above three several Alphabets, with other strange writings, 176.  
Et seq.  
Letters 28. used by the Inhabitants of the Island of jambulus, but seven Characters, 80  
Library at Cairo very famous, 1●1  
Lice leave men and die when they arrive at the Indieses, 20  
Liturgies of Christians in the several parts of the world, in what language celebrated, 142, 143.  
Et seq.  
Loadstone, 26.38. whither Solomon knew the use thereof. 27  
Lorraine, 171  
Lord of all God, 7. The poorest Sl●●e Lord, 7  
Low-Countries, 172    


M  
MAceta a Rock, whence Cinnamon and Spices are carried to the Assyrians, 88  
Magic Alphabet, 182  
Mahometan professors in the world 116. Their multiplying in Africa, and Asia, and the cause thereof, 117. How great a part of the Earth they possess, 126. Their Liturgy or public service, 143  
Malabar writing, 185  
Malana the utmost border of the Orilae, 78  
Man's threefold tenure, Microcosmicall, Cosmopoliticall, Spiritual, 6. His Creation, Fall, Recovery by invaluable price, 49. His Pilgrimage, 50  
Mantua, 169   

Maps.  
Map of the Desert, 24  
Map of Saint Paul's peregrination, 57  
Map of the Christian world, 65.115  
Map of the Navigation of Aeneas, 71  
Map of the Roman Empire, 74  
Map of Alexander's Expedition, 85  
Maronites, their Religion, Patriarch, Opinions, and Rites, 140, 141. Their Liturgy, 146. their errors collected out of their own Books by a jesuite, 152, 153  
Massilianss spoke three Languages, 106  
Masterdom over our s●l●es the greatest possession, 7  
Matthew the Apostle his Preaching, etc. 55  
Maurice Prince of Orange admired of all Europe, 172  
Megasthenes his testimony of old Expeditions, 73  
Melchites, whence so called, 129. They are subject to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of A●tiochia, ibid. They are for Religion merely of the Grecians opinion, 129  
Menelaus Travels, 71  
Mengrelians their rites and opinions, 130  
M●nippus the Philosopher, 75  
M●n dwelling in Caves, and running faster than Horses, 78  
Merchants, the first mention of them and the diverse Marts for Spices, 42  
Merchandising, proved by God's law, Nature, Nations, 5  
Meroe an ●le inhabited by Mahumetans, 113  
Meropius a Philosopher his sailing to India, 90  
Mesambria a Peninsula very fertile, 88  
Mesha, 32  
Metals their excellence, 35  
Methodius his translating of the Scriptures into the Sla●●nike tongue, 145  
Meum & Tuum, 16  
Mexicans writings in form of a wheel, read from the Centre upwards to the Circumference, 179  
Microcosmicall state of Man, 7  
Military Orders in Spain, 171  
Military Orders in France, 171  
Milan the number of Bishops there, 169  
Miracles ceasing, 62  
Mi●hridates spoke twenty two languages without an Interpreter, 95  
Moenhemage a great Kingdom in Africa, 113  
Monks Er●meticall, and Asceticall, 160  
Monks of the Exercised Order, 161  
Monks of Saint Anthony's Order, 137  
Monks fasts, 155. Greekish Monks 159. Their life, hand-labour, habit, diversity, fasts, penacne, night-prayers, probation, forgiveness, Easter, conceits of the Cross, etc. 160, 161, 162.163  
Monothelites their heresy, 141  
Morduites a people in Europe, possessing the middle Confines betwixt the Precopile Tartars, and the Muscovites, 119  
Morontobaris, 87  
Mountains their height, 124. The highest pass not in perpendicular erectnesse ten furlongs, ibid.  
Mountain full of Trees, the wood whereof is odoriferous, and of diverse colours, 78  
Mountain called the Chariot of the Gods, 78  
Multiplication by divine providence, 60  
Muscovites their Religion, Rites, and opinions, 130. Their Liturgy, 144  
Musaeus Bishop of Doleus his Indian Voyage, 89  
Mutual Necessity, the Mother of mutual Commerce, 5  
Muzal patriarchal See of the Nestorians, 132    


N  
NAbuchodonosor, 73  
Nations now 〈◊〉, which formerly were very barbarous, 59  
Nature's inheritance greater riches than the greatest Kings beneficence, 10  
Navigation, the lawfulness thereof proved from Solomon, 4. The necessity, commodity, dignity thereof, 17, 18, 19.62, 63  
Nearchus his Voyage, and Fleet set forth by Alexander the Great, from the River Indus to the bottom of the Persian Gulf, 86, 87. Et seq. His Voyage from Indus to Tigris, honoured by Alexander, 88  
Negroes Country, 78. Merry Negroes, 79  
Nestorians scattered fare and wide in the East, their Patriarch, Religion, and heresy, 131. Their opinions and rites, 132, 133. They celebrated their Liturgy in the Chaldee or Syriake tongue, 145. Difference betwixt them and the Greeks', 165  
Ninive builded by Ninus; the stateliness of the building▪ etc. 72  
Ninus his Marches, Travels, and Conquests, 72  
Not new thing under the Sun, how to be understood, 26  
Normans seeking to destroy the English tongue, 100  
North parts discovered, 77  
Nosa an Isle sacred to the Sun, of which it was reported that if any went on shore, he should never be seen after, but Nearchus found it false by experiment 88 Another tale was that a Nymph dwelled there which lay with Men and after turned them into Fishes, 88  
Nubia a large Region in afric, having from the Apostles time professed the Christian Faith, it hath again above a● 100 years since forsaken it, 112. Want of Ministers the cause thereof; the Nubians their petition for supply. 113. The Nubians that are yet Christian their Religion, and obedience to the Patriarch of Alexandria, 137.    


O  
OAracta an Island abounding with Vines, Palms, and Fruits, 88  
Obryzum the purest Gold, 35  
Olympia her Dream, 81  
Ophir, where situate, 25. Et seq. Her derivatives, 31. The bounds thereof, 45 Conjectures of the course taken in the Ophirian voyage, 39.40. Et seq.  
Orange, 171  
Orders termed religious, the several sorts, and originals thereof, 175  
Oritae, 87  
Ottoman Sultan's their several Seats, 110  
Oil a fountain thereof found, 84    


P  
PAlestina, the City thereby figured, 4  
Palladius his swiftness & travels, 90  
Palmtree the ensign of Phoenicia, 108  
Panonian tongue, 101  
Papall-religious Orders, the numbers, kinds, and beginnings thereof, 175  
Parrots, 39 Paruaim, the name of the Ophirian gold, 25  
Patriarch travels, 66  
Patriarches in the Roman Empire, 166  
Patriarch of Constantinople his jurisdiction, 167.127.162. The reason why his Authority so great, 128. His tribute, family, 163  
Patriarch of Antiochia his jurisdiction, 129, 167.  
Patriarches titular obeying Rome, 151  
Patriarch of the Nestorians, 131  
Patriarch of Mozall or Seleucia, 133  
Patriarch of jerusalem a jacobite, 134 167  
Patriarch of Alexandria his jurisdicton, 163, 167  
Patriarch of the Maronites, 141  
Patriarch of Babylon, 163. The beginning and alteration of the number and power of Christian Patriarches, 166  
Patriarchship of the West, 166. Of the East, 167  
Patriarch of Seleucia, 167  
Patriarch of Aethiopia, 167  
Patriarch of Aquileia, 167  
Paul the Apostle his Preaching, life, death, etc. 56. The Map of his Peregrination, 57 Peacocks, 39  
Pegu, infested with wild Beasts, 33. Famous for riches and jewels, 33.34  
Pelasgi first brought letters into Italy, 178  
People, the world peopled by degrees, 30. People speaking at one time perfectly with two men, both answering and discoursing; and having clo●●● tongues, 80  
Peregrinations of Christ, 49.50. A world of Peregrinations have happened in the world, 68  
Peru, why and whence so named, 25  
Peru is not Ophir, 27  
Persians' discomfited by Alexand. 83, 84. Persian Gulf, 87, 88  
Persian Kings Palaces, 88  
Peter his Preaching peregrination, etc. 51. Not Bishop of Rome, 52  
Peter Stroza, Secretary to Pope Paul the 5 his Treatise of the Opinions of the Chaldaeans, touching the Patriarch of Babylon, and the Nestorians in Asia, 163  
Philosophy two kinds, 74. It formerly flourished in Asia, but now suppressed, 117. Philosophers held themselves of themselves complete, 7. Their estate 8. Compared to Horses, 8  
Philosophers & Christians compared, 10  
Philosophers Travels, 7●, 76  
Philotas slain by the command of Alexander, 84  
Philip his Preaching, etc. 54  
Philip the Father of Alexander his dream, and Aristander the Diviner his exposition thereof, 81  
Philippinas, certain Isles in Asia called by that name, the number whereof is eleven thousand, 114  
Phine●s blinded by jupiter for revealing the God's secrets, 70  
Phaenician Voyages, 77. A goodly Island found out by them near the Libyan shore, 77  
Phaenician Antiquities, 48. Phaenician Alphabet, 180. Phaenicians the same with the Canaanites, 108  
Phoenix, true in Mystery, not in History, 23  
Pilgrimages, or Peregrinations, 49, 50  
Pillar of Stone inscribed, I Alexander came hitherunto, 89  
Pillar in the Capital at Rome, dedicated to the memory of Duillius with the Latin inscription, 106  
Pinator Lake, near it much Gold, and a rock of Diamonds, 34  
Plato his travels, 75. His disciples, ib.  
Poetical fictions, 69.70.71  
Poison drank by a Patriarch of Alexandria without hurt, 159  
Poland the Provinces, Universities, Bishoprickes, and jesuites therein, 173  
Polanders of the Greek Religion, 131  
Pomerland a Dukedom, the Cities, and Bishoprickes therein, 172  
Pope denies his Baptismal name, 7. His usurpation, 12.166. No such power as he pretends 16. He is despised by the Greek Church, 128. The title of Pope was anciently given to other Bishops, 166  
Pope Innocent the 3. charged that in Cities where was concourse of diverse Nations that differed in language, divine Service should be celebrated ac-according to that difference, 144  
Popish rites in giving Orders, 149  
Pope Clement the 8. his Messengers and gifts to the Maronites, 152  
Port of Sur, the place of the City of Tyreso called, 129  
Portugals their Sea-greatnesse, 20  
Porus King of a great part of India, 84  
Praying standing, 157  
Preaching of old to the Americans, 59  
Presbyter john, King of Tenduc, his rule in the North-east parts of Asia, his Religion, Scaligers error touching him, 114  
Priests livings in the Greek Church, 163  
Princes, no impeachment to them but true advancement of honour to use all frugal husbandry and means of thriving at home, 37  
Printing, the Art of Arts, 62. Learning thereby revived, 63  
Propriety the Subject's state, 10  
Prussia Regalis & Ducalis, the Bishoprickes and government thereof, 173  
Ptolomeiss degr. false or uncertain, 79  
Punic Tongue, little differing from the Hebrew, 109.29. The Chananitish or old Hebrew language, 108  
Purgatory 148  
Pyrrho the Philosopher his travels, 76  
Pythagoras the Philosopher most famous both for Travels & Science, 76    


Q  
QVeda plentiful for Gold, 33  
Queen Elizabeth, her wisdom virtue, government, etc. 12.13.48  
Quinsay, the greatest City in the world in it but one Christian Church, 114  
Choir in the Greeks Temples, 158    


R  
RAbbi Benjamin a jew, his Travels, 123  
Redemption of Man, 49  
Red-Sea, whence so named, 22  
Reeds, bread made thereof, 80  
Reeds increasing and decreasing according to the Moo●e, 81  
Religion reviving, 62  
Religions professed in the World, by Christians, Mahometans, jews, and Idolaters, 112.113. Et seq.  
Renovation weeks, 157  
Richeses, their contempt, 9 Greater riches in Nature's inheritance, then in the greatest Kings beneficence, 10  
River of S. Mary, and Rio Grande, 79  
River-horses, 78, 79  
Rivers fiery, 78.79  
Rivers slide from the higher ground to the lower till they come to the sea, 125  
Rome the seat of the Romish Religion, 166. Five patriarchal Churches in Rome, 168  
Roman Bishops, 52  
Roman Navigations to the Indieses, 40  
Romish & jewish Church compared, 6●  
Rome City, 98. The compass and number of Inhabitants when it was first founded, 98  
Roman-Emperours travels, 73  
Roman Empires bounds, 98  
Roman Empire, when and by whom it fell, 104  
Roman tongue, The antiquity, dignity, and extent thereof, 98, 99 Threefold corruption thereof. 104  
Rubies, where the most and best, 38  
Russia, some part thereof Idolatrous, 113. They were converted to Christianity by the Grecians; and remain of their Religion, 130, 133    


S  
SAcalasis, 87  
Salomons Navy sent from Ezion-Geber to Ophir, 1. The history thereof borrowed from Scripture, 2. The Allegorical and Anagogical sense or application thereof, 3. Solomon signifying Christ, 3. His right to spoil the Egyptians and Ophirians, 4. The combination of wisdom and royalty in his person, 10. His excellenty, fame, and renown, 18, 19 The end of his Navigation, 18. His revenue audited, 36. His servants who, 42. Our Solomon, 12, 13, 14  
Salonichi or Thessalonica, a City in the Turkish Empire hath above thirty Christian Churches, 112  
Samaritan Letters, whether ancienter than the present Hebrew, 177  
Saphires, where the most and best, 38  
Saracens, whence they had their name, of all other Nations most addicted to rapinc, 121  
Saracens of Arabia their scourge amended the posterity of the Eastern Church, 142  
Saranga a Region, 87  
Savage people clothed in beasts skins, 78  
Savoy the Duke thereof chief of two Military Orders. 171. Saxon Alphabet, 186  
Scorpions a cubit long, 89  
Scotland the Bishoprics therein, 173  
Scriptures in vulgar tongues, 143.144  
Scripture-translators 145  
Scripture misapplyed by the Greeks', 154  
Scythia termed Hominum Officina; it contended with Egypt for antiquity of habitation and prevailed, 123  
Sc●yth●●s chased by Alexander 84  
S●as manifold serviceableness, 17. It adds true greatness to greatest Kings, 19 It teacheth temperance, ●0. It is a Temple of Theological virtues, 20. It is deeper than the highest Hits, 124. The face thereof is in all parts naturally level, or equally distant from the centre of the water, whence called Aequor, 126. Sailors in equal distance from the land, observe an equal deepness of the Sea, in both South and North latitude. 127  
Selfe-knowledge, 6  
Seleucia, the Metropolis of Assyria, 132. divers opinions of that City, ibid. It was inhabited by the Citizens of Babylon, 133  
Semiramis her exploits, her building Babylon, invading India, etc. 72  
Seminary of Mar●nites, 152  
Senacherib invaded judah, 73  
Senses external the Cinque-port-Intelligencers Internal reasons Handmaids, 176  
Sensual liberty amongst the Turks, 117  
Sephar, 32  
Serica, a Region where are Trees which bring forth very fine wool, of which they make garments called Serica, 89  
Sesostris, his Army, and Pillars, 73  
Sheba, 31.73  
Ship of Noah a figure of Baptism, 21. Every Christian man is a Ship, 3  
Shipwreck of Faith, ibid.  
Sicilia the Bishops and number of jesuites there, 169  
Simon called Cananite, and Zelotes, his preaching peregrinations, 54  
Simon Sula●a a Papal Eastern Patriarch amongst the Chaldeans, 151  
Sins mortal, 148  
Slavonians, they exercise their public divine Service in their own Language, 144  
Slavonish Tongue, 109  
Socrates, 75. Sofa●a is not Ophir, 28  
Soloente a Promo●tor● of Africa, 78, 79  
Solon, 75. Somatra ●amous for Gold, 33  
South Continent, 58, 127  
South parts discovered, 77. Spain, 107  
Spanish Kings Titles, 94. Spanish Antiquities, 48. Spain fitted against Rome, 64  
Spanish Tongue, 101. The beginning thereof, 102. The Composition thereof, 107  
Spanish Bishoprickes and their revenues, 170  
Spices, whence fetched, the several Ports, 43 Succession of Ports and Staples for the Spice-trade, 44. Spinel a precious Stone, 38  
Stand-Mountaine, 159  
Stars which appear to us not seen to some, 81  
Stuta a great River, 86  
Subjects truly obedient to their King, 12  
Sues a Desert place where no Herb groweth, the Armada for India made there, 23  
Sumatra stored with Gold, 34  
Susians, 88 Swissers, 172. Sueden 173  
Synods in Egypt, 112. Synod held in Goa, 133  
Syriake Language, 110.  
Syriake Testament, 133, 134  
Syrians or Melchites, for number the greatest sect of Christians in the Orient, 128. Their Order of divine Service, 146    


T  
TAbernacle, what, 62  
Talon how much it containeth, 35. Solomon and David's Talents, 36  
Taprobane, an Island judged by the Ancients another world. 40. Governed by four Princes one of which is chief, to him are subject a thousand Lands, 89  
Tartars subdued Asia, and banished thence Christianity, 114. Whence their name and signification thereof, 120. They are not Israelites, 120.121.122. Are Idoloters, violaters of the Law, Sabbath-breakers, etc. 122  
Thais a Strumpet, she fired Xerxes' palace, 83  
Thales his Epistle to Pherecides a Syrian, 74  
Tharsis, or Tharshish, 44.46. Wither the same with Ophir, 45  
Tartessus not Tharshish, 47  
Thebaeus his Indian voyage, 89  
Theseus his Trancis, and Acts, 69  
Thomas the Apostle, called Dydimus, his preaching, life, death, etc. 55  
Thomeros, a River, 87. Ships there a novelty; the Inhabitants have long and sharp nails wherewith they kill Fish, & cut wood; their garments, Beasts or Fishes skins, 87  
Tearcon, 73  
Tecla Maria an Abyssine, his Answers to questions touching the Religion of the Abyssines and Cophti, 147.148. Et seq.  
Temple and mysteries thereof unuailed, 4. A figure of Heaven, 21. Parallel of Tabernacle and Temple, 62  
Testament in the Syriake tongue, corrupted by the Nestorians, the imperfections thereof, 133  
Tholomon plentiful for Gold, 33  
Thymiaterium a City without Hercules pillars built by Hanno, 78  
Ticsiui●acocha, 59  
Tiglah Pileser K. of Assyria his Expedition, 73  
Timber much growing and brought to Asion-Geber, 23. Timpaniaeus, 158. Titha●●an, 73  
Tithing of Children, 15●  
Topaz, where found, 3●  
Travel commended for antiquity, God him-himselfe was a mystical Traveller in the Tabernacle, etc. 66. Christian Church always travelling, 68 Travels Nationall, 68 Travels fabulous, 68, 69. Et seq.  
Trees bringing forth very fine wool, 89  
Trees for Salomons building, 39  
Trees producing at the same time blossoms and fruits, 89  
Tribute which the Christians in Europe pay the Turk, 112. Greeks Tributes diverse, 154  
Truth occasion of Fables, 68  
Turks Dominion in Europe, 112  
Turkish Language, 110. Their Letters, and points, 185. Tigers, 33. Tyrus treasure, 5  
Tyrus a City anciently called Sarra, it gave name to the Syrians, 129    


V  
VAlesius, 171  
Venice 169. In it two Patriarches, and four Archbishops, 169  
Vexores the Egyptian his Conquests, and being conquered, 72, 73  
Vitriacus Bishop of Acon, and the Pope's Legate in the East, 113. Ulysses Travels, 71  
Universal possessors of the Universe, 8  
Voyages. The first Voyage of Mankind, 66  
Vulphilas Bishop of the Goths, Inventer of the Gothicke Alphabet, and translator of the Scriptures into the Gothicke tongue, 144    


W  
Welsh Language of the Celtaes, 107  
Water the nature thereof, 124, 126  
Whales, 87, 123. A Whale fifty cubits long, with Oysters growing on his skin, 88 Other strange hyperbolical Whales, 124  
Wiseman most free, 11  
Wolves, how England was cleared thereof, 27  
Women common, 80. Woman's Port, 87  
World how peopled, 30. World's Centre, 127  
Writing the Excellency and Antiquity thereof, 176. Writing strange kinds, 80    


X  
XEnophon, both in Arts and Arms, and Travels famous, 75  
Xerxes his invasion, 73. His Palace fired by Thais the Strumpet, 83    


Z  
ZEngitana a Province wherein Carthage stood, in it were 164. Bishops under one Metropolitan, 112. Zeno his Travels, 76  
Zerah the Ethiopian with a m●●ion of men overthrown by King Asa, 73  
Zocotora an Island of 60. miles in length, and 27. in breadth, 146. The Religion of the Inhabitants, ibid.     

A DESCRIPTION OF ALL THE CIRCUMNAVIGATIONS OF THE GLOBE. THE SECOND BOOK.  

CHAP. I. Of the improvement of Navigation in later Times, and the means whereby the World in her old Age hath been more than ever discovered.  

§. I. Of Magnetical and Astronomical Instruments, first applied to Navigation.  
GOD, the giver of every good Gift, having first made the World, made Man, as it were a visible God of this visible World; infusing in his superadmirable Creation, the knowledge of it, of himself, of GOD. This Trinity of Knowledge was defaced by Man's voluntary Rebellion, which enforced against him the Sentence of Curse from the euer-blessed TRINITY: Which yet in judgement remembering Mercy, did not at once dissolve the World, or Man, but altered his Tenure, suffering him as a Customary Tenant for term of life (to be holden at the Will of the Lord) to occupy and husband it for the necessity of his Body; leaving also some sparks of that Heavenly Fire in his Soul (maugre those darkest flames of Hell) whereby he might by laborious Art (being rob of his white and pure Robes, wherewith Nature had adorned him) patch together Leaves or Skins for a time, to cover some part of his nakedness. Neither is 
* In the sweat of thy Brows thou shalt eat, etc.  it any more, or of more worth, that here we labour for, and get as Servants, than some light Plumes and broken Feathers of that goodly Fowl, which wholly without labour God had first given us as Children.  
Thus in regard of this temporal state; which yet he (out of a Curse producing Blessing) made the Seedtime of a better Harvest, a richer Possession (raised out of this Rubbish of our Ruin) by fare then that which we had lost: for Time, which we had forfeited, giving us Eternity, which cannot die; for Paradise, Heaven; and GOD himself for the World; an earnest whereof we have already, his SON given for us, his SPIRIT to us, and the promise of HIMSELF in ineffable fruition.  
Yea, meanwhile, to solace this our weary Pilgrimage, he hath given an erected 
* Os homini subls me dedit, Coelumque vide●c, etc.  Countenance to the Body, still to be viewing the utter Court of our promised Palace, the fair Walls of our fairer Inheritance; and to the Soul the Eye of Art, whereby not leaving the greater, or her little, Earth, it can in a moment mount and surmount Heaven, and compass all this spacious extension (that I speak not of that spiritual Eye of 
* Faith is the evidence of things unseen. Heb. 11.1. Deut. 34.  Faith, which sees things unseen, the privilege of his Saints.) Yea, she hath found out means, by the Givers bounty, to carry her beloved Body (not from some high Mountain to overlook the lowly Plains, or as Moses into Mount Nebo, in Vision, to see that, which to see with joyful enjoying, was denied; but) really and actually to possess and use the remotest Seas and Lands. She emboldeneth the Body to forsake her Earthly Nest, and (like young Eaglets on the Eagles' Wings) carrieth her to take a Natural and Universal Possession of the Universe, 
Ps. 104.  where the Heavens alone 
*— Nil nisi pontus & aether.— Coelum undique & undique pontus.  are spread about her as a Curtain, where the Beams of her Chambers are (in properest sense) laid in the Waters; where the Clouds are her Chariot (the Wheels at lest) whereby she walketh on the wings of the Wind, and those swelling Spirits are made her Drivers; the angriest Element being tamed by industrious Art, which useth all their Natures to her best purposes.  
To compass this in former times, was impossible, and how many Seas to our forefather's impassable, for want of the Compass? The Stars and Coasts were then the Guides, and without those Stilts, and Stays, Navigation durst not adventure, in that her impotency and infancy, to go into the Main. And if any disastrous Storms had made sudden surprise of Ship and Men, the Master found himself and his Art at a loss in the midst of his Ship and Mariners; and if the frowning Heavens long refused with wont Eyes to look on him, and the absented Earth forgot to extend her Lap and Arms, lost he must be for ever. Not great Discovery was otherwise by the Art of the Ancients performed; nor durst any repeat that Lesson by Art, which Tempest had occasionally taught him, fare from the Coast, against his william. Chance is a forgetful Mistress, unless Art be the Usher of her School, teaching and emboldening to repetition of her casual Lectures.  
GOD Almighty pitying this Frailty, intending better things to the last and worst Ages of the World (as in this fullness of time he sent his Son and the Spirit of his Son to prepare Men for Heaven, so since, I hope to further the former) hath given the Science of the Loadstone and Astronomical Rules and Instruments, applied by Art to Navigation, that he might give more ample Possession of the Sea and the Earth to the sons of Men. 
Too later helps of Navigation unknown to Antiquity.  Let others applaud, admire, adore, the Stones called Precious: this shall be to me Pearl and Ruby, and Saphire, and Diamant, and more than all those multiplied Names of Gems, which all are also made ours by help of the Loadstone. This Magnetical virtue was hidden to the Golden and Silver Ages, her Iron sympathy hath long been known to the Iron World; but her constant Polar ravishments, and her no less constant inconstancy by Variation, were Mysteries reserved to later Posterities. The former of these Qualities yields the Compass, the Needle by Magnetical touch directing the way in wayless Wildernesses by Land, and thorough the vastest Watery Plains.  
This virtue of the Loadstone, to be the Leadstone and Way-directing Mercury thorough the World, Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Galen, Lucretius, Pliny his Solinus, and Ptolomee, Scholars of the highest Forms in Nature's School, knew not, though the Magnetical attraction of Iron be mentioned in their Works. Some have also added some Physical Virtues, and some the Fables of the Adamant and Garlic preventing that attraction, which later Authors have received by authority, without due examination. But if any list to see Armies of Authors mustered, and their Writings also of this Subject examined, Dr Gilbert in his learned Work of the Magnete, 
Gilbertus' de Magnete.  hath done it in six whole Books; the causes also enquired both of that attraction, and this (whereof we now speak) Polar motion. This invention some ascribe to Solomon: which I would believe, if he had written of Stones, as he did of Plants; or if the Tyrians, which were almost the engrossers of 
* Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus.  Navigation in that Age, and were the Seamen which Solomon used in his Ophyrian Discoveries (which we have laboured in fit place to discover) had left any Tradition or Monument thereof to Posterity: which could no more have been lost then sailing itself; which the Greeks', Carthaginians, and other Nations successively derived from them. Others therefore look further into the East, whence the Light of the Sun and Arts have seemed first to arise to our World; and will have Marco Polo the Venetian above three hundred years since to have brought it out of Mangi (which we now call China) into Italy. True it is, that the most magnified Arts have there first been borne, 
Vid. §. 7.  Printing, Guns, and perhaps this also of the Compass, which the Portugals at their first entry of the Indian Seas (whereof you shall presently hear) found amongst the Moors, together with Cards and Quadrants to observe both the Heavens and the Earth. 
1503. Vert. c. 14.  And Vertomannus about the same time traveled with them over the Arabian Deserts to Mecca and Medina, directing their course by the Compass, and there also observed that Tale of Mahumets Body hanging in the Roof of the Temple by the attractive power of Lodestones (which Chinocrates is reported to have intended to himself at Alexandria, in the Temple of Arsinoe, making the Roof of these Stones, so to attract his Iron Image, prevented by death) to be but a Tale and Fable. But as neither Printing nor Ordnance were brought from thence to us, but (casual Acts opening a passage to industrious Arts) were invented by European heads, and brought to riper perfections then in the East, which had known them before, so I also conceive of these Marine Instruments. Nor will I envy to john Goia of 
a A Town in the Kingdom of Naples: of which is this Ver●, Prima dedit ●●●tis usum Magnetis Ama●phis.  Malsi, that whatsoever glory of the first Invention, which Blondus and others (some 
b Lo●. de Gomara, cap. 9 Bellon. O●s. ●. 2. c. 16.  naming him Flavius) have ascribed to him. Italy indeed hath best deserved in Discoveries, for her Polo and Goia, and Vertoman, now mentioned, and for her Colombo and Cabota, of which is question, whether first found out the Variation of the Needle, or whether discovered more of the New World; though another Italian, Americus Vesputius, carried the 
c America. Vide Epist. Ed. Wright. ante Gilb. op. de Mag.  Name away from them both.  
This Variation is, when the Magnetical Needle points not out the true Pole, but is distracted somewhat either with an Easterly or Westerly deflexion. This Variation of the Compass is the best remedy yet found out against the Mariner's Variation from their Compass, and Deviation from their scope and intended course. And although the Variation cannot without Star or Sun be observed, as the direction of the Compass may (which gives Light in the darkest Night, pointing still toward the Pole) neither can hereby the true longitude of Places be discovered (this Light shines most out of Darkness, and from Eclipses, which I have therefore in this History taken all occasions to observe, is most illustrious and plain) yet for ordinary and general use in Discoveries and Navigations in unknown Seas, this yields best supply of that knowledge of Longitudes, by reason of the constant inconstancy (as I said) of this Variation. For howsoever it varies from the true Pole, yet it never varies from itself, but in the same place eternally holds the same Variation, if it be exactly observed; which sometimes, by want in the Instrument or Workman, and almost always by Sea, through the unsteadinesse thereof, falls out, and therefore is better fare, being taken in calm Wether, and best, if opportunity serve, on Land.  
Now for the Causes 
d How vain ● thing is Man? who can by reason manifest the number of the Spheres? of the Elements? or that there are Spheres? their substance, operation m●tion? yea, whether the Earth or the Heavens move, or both, is yet undecided. How many opinions of the Ancients are now proved false by experience? And had not God given us his Word for the ground of our faith (which the Devil envying, hath here also obtruded Tradition) what certainty had remained, but knowledge of evil unto his Posterity, who for knowledge lost Paradise?  either of Direction or Variation, Philosophers have rather busied their own, then established others Conceits from variation by their Directions, and pointing out the causes hereof in nature: some, telling us of Hyperboreall Magnetical Mountains; some, deriving the cause from the Pole of the Heaven; some, from a Star in the tail of the greater Bear; some, from the Heavens near to the Pole; some go also beyond the Poles and Heavens, to I know not what Magnetical Power, placed out of place; some lead us into a Magnetical Island (Ly-land) every man will say somewhat, and so do they that fly to hidden Miracles in Nature. But that somewhat is nothing: And we indeed are less than Nothing and Vanity; which, whiles we call all our Arguments Demonstrations, and all our Arts Sciences, neither know God, nor the World, or Nature, nor ourselves, how ever vainly puffed up with the Conceits and Deceits of Knowledge. Ego vero quid? (saith 
e Scalig. Exerc. 131.  Scaliger of this Subtlety, who yet hath a Reason too, though as reasonless (perhaps) as those of others; so fortunately doth our Wit found itself unfortunate, and knows but one thing, that it knows nothing) quid aliud nisi unum verum? nos in luce rerum tenui caligare, in mediocri caecutire, in maiori caecos esse, in maxima insanire. Quid aliud quàm me nescire? Solus omnium ego nihil afferendo veritatem attuli.  
Most laborious have been the pains, most probable (perhaps) the reasons of our Countryman Doctor Gilbert, by many years experiments in this subject, who hath observed the whole Earth to be as a great Loadstone, the Loadstone and the Iron (which naturally also with exact trial he hath observed, even without 
f By help of the Loadstone, rich vennes of Iron and other Metals are discovered. In Military Affairs, both in Mining, levelling of Pe●ces in the dark, al●o in Building, conveying of Waterworks, and a thousand other Deui●es, is use of the Loadstone  touch, to hold like Direction and Variation, in respect of the Pole) to contain the principal Qualities of the Earth; that the Direction and Variation are both, not from Contraction or Coition, or other hidden cause, but from the disposing power of the Earth, and the convertible nature of the Magnete, the Earth itself being Mother and original Fountain of the Magnetical virtues and operations. He deriveth the Direction from the Polar conformity of the Earth; the Variation, from the inequality of the same, in the Superficies thereof; partly by Seas, partly by Mountains, which have difformed though not deformed the Globositie of this Globe, in paying to other places by excessive height whatsoever was taken from the Deeps, to make Channels for the Waters. Hence the greater Continents of Earth have greater force and power, and where the Earth is most depressed or weakened, there hath it lesser; yet so, as these Magnetical Motions being from the constant Magnetical nature of the whole Earth, a small Island cannot prejudice or prevent the claim of the greater Continent. Thus in the Azores the Needle hath no apparent Variation, which on the Coast of Guinnee inclines Eastward to the African 
g Having doubled the Cape of Good Hope, the Variation doubles and looks to the West from the Pole, as the Land doth.  Continent, and near the American bends Westward; in these Lands as indifferent betwixt two equal Continents, aims at the Pole of the Earth, and therefore Magnetical. His many 
h All Compasses are not fi●●or all Navigations i● appe●res by the differences of those in the Straitss, and here etc. the variation least near the Line in 60.70. or 80. very great, etc.  Rules, Experiments, and Observations are worthy a learned and leisurely Reader: Myself having haste to travel over the World, and that with so many Travellers, cannot stand in this Muse, or Maze rather of Philosophers. Let us now consider not the natural Causes, which are hard, but take easier view of the sensible effects thereof in the furtherance of Navigation, wherein the touched Needle is the Soul as it were of the Compass, by which every skilful Mariner is emboldened to compass the whole Body of the Universe. Let the Italians have their praise for Invention: the praise of Application thereof to these remote Discoveries is due to the Portugals, who first began to open the Windows of the World, to let it see itself. These first also of all Europeans, applied by the direction of King john (as followeth in this story) Astronomical Instruments to this Magnetical, and occasioned those Spanish Discoveries in the New World, by Colombo's Industry.  
The Loadstone was the Leadstone, the very Seed and engendering Stone of Discovery, whose soever jovial Braire first conceived that Minerva. But the juno Lucina, that helped Nature in this happy Conception and educated Discovery to that strength, that it durst ordinarily adventure beyond the known World, and made way to that Maturity, whereby it opened soon after another World, was Prince Henry of Portugal.  

Portugal's praise.  Thus doth the Great GOD raise up the lest things to Greatness: and this, one of the last and lest of European Kingdoms, was dignified with the first search and Science of Discoveries. Spain and Portugal, after a long servitude, fattened their Soil with the blood of the Moors, and thence have grown by Divine Blessing not only to free themselves of that Yoke, but with farre-spreading Boughs to overlook and over-awe the remotest East and furthest West; paying themselves with the Drugs and Gems of Asia, the Gold and Slaves of Africa, the Silver and Possessions of America, as Wages for that European slavery under the Mahometans, many Ages continued, which now shall follow to be declared.   

§. II. Of HENRY, third son to JOHN the first King of Portugal by an English Woman, the Prince of later Discoveries: and of the helps both against the Moors, and in their Discoveries which the Portugals have received of our Nation.  
THe Saracens (as we have related 
a P. Pilg. l. 3. c. 2. §. 2.  elsewhere) about the year 
* Some say 714.  712. brought by julianus Earl of Cepta (to revenge the deflowering of his Daughter Caba by Rodericus, the last of the Gottish Kings) into Spain, under the conduct of Muses, conquered and subjected the same to Vlit the Chalipha. Pelagius 
b See Spanish Hist. Turquet. li. 1. Bar. Dcc. 1. li. 1.  began first to make head against these Barbarians, whose successors had succeeded in the same Quarrel with prosperous success above three hundred years space, when Alphonsus the sixth took Toledo from the Moors. He, in recompense of good services in the Wars, gave unto Henry of Lorraine, whom some call Earl of Limbourg, his Daughter Teresa, with the Country of Portugal in Dowry, and whatsoever he could further conquer from the Moors, by Title of an Earl: whose son Don Alphonso was the first King of that Realm, newly erected on the blood and desolation of the Moors in those parts, whom by degrees they chased quite out of that Kingdom, from that time till that of john the first. He pursuing that Hereditary Quarrel, passed over Sea into Africa, and there taken Cepta, and broke the Ice to his Posterity, which made valiant and successful progress in those Designs of Africa, till their Navigations into Asia with greater hopes and happiness, made them neglect that nearer and dearer Purchase.  
This Conquest of Cepta, or Seut, is mentioned by Thomas 
c T. Wals. Hist. Ang. An. 1415.  Walsingham, which then lived, in these words: This year the King of Portugal relying on the help of the Merchants of England most of all, and of the Almans, overcame the Agarens in the Land of the King of the Betinarines, many thousands of them being sent to Hell; and took their City, seated on the Sea, called Sunt, very large, compassed with a Wall, as they say, of twenty miles. Some reason the English had to this Assistance: for the Wife of Don john was Philip, Daughter of john of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Sister to Henry the fourth, whose son Henry the fifth than reigned in England. They did imitate also their English Ancestors, who long before, in the time of Henry the second, had joined themselves with other Northern 
d A.D. 1188. vid. Mat. Paris. in fine Hen. 2.  Pilgrims for the Expedition to the Holy-Land, and sailing together from Dartmouth, about 37. ships well manned touched at Lisbon, where the Portugal King besought their aid against the Moors in the City Syluia, or Syluis, proffering to them the spoil in recompense. Which they attempted, and on the third day of the Siege, broke into the Suburbs, and forced Alchad the Prince to yield the City, wherein were of all sorts above 60000. Moors, whereof 47000. were slain, and the Mahometan Temple consecrated to the Mother of God.  
Thus both at home and abroad were the Portugals indebted to the English; as also in the example of some Englishmen, and namely one Macham, which had been by tempest driven on shore in Madera: but in nothing more, than that English Lady before mentioned, whose third son Don Henry was the true foundation of the Greatness, not of Portugal alone, but of the whole Christian World, in Marine Affairs, and especially of these Heroic endeavours of the English (whose flesh and blood he was) which this ensuing History shall present unto you.  
This illustrious Henry having given proof of his valour against the Infidels at Cepta, devised 
e See Dam. a Goes de Aethiop. Mor. Barrius, Dec. 1. l. 1. Osor. de Reb. Eman. l. 1. Maffaeus Hist. Ind. l. 1.  with himself, how he (being Governor of the Military Order of JESUS CHRIST, formerly instituted, and endowed to maintain Wars against the Moors, already expelled out of Portugal) might advance the honour of his Name and Order, in Conquests which others had not yet attempted, and therefore in Discoveries of Countries yet unknown. To this end he spent his life in single estate, and in the studies of the Mathematics: for which purpose, he chose the clearer Air of Cape S. Vincent, that there he might better intent his Mathematical Theory, the practic thereof in Instruments, and the use, in sending out Ships at his own charge to discover remoter parts, whereof he had both heard by enquiry of Captives taken at Cepta, and conceived by his own study and reason (for besides that of Macham, ancient Histories give some light to the studious, in the 
f Vide P. Pilg. l. 7. c. 12. §. 2.  reports of Menelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others) that the Atlantike and Indian Seas had concourse, the one yielding passage to the other, or rather being one continued Ocean. He also from Maiorca caused one Master james, a man skilful in Navigation, and in Cards and Sea Instruments, to be brought into Portugal, there at his charge, as it were, to erect a School of Marinership, and to instruct his Countrymen in that Mystery.  
The first Ships which he sent, discovered no further than Cape Bogiador, 180. miles beyond Cape 
g Of which their Proverb was, He which shall pass the Cape of Non, shall turn again, or else be gone.  Non (the Non ultra before, of the Spanish Navigations) beyond which they durst not pass, because of the lofty breaking of the Surge, caused by the Capes extension fare into the Sea: not daring (such was then the infancy of Navigation) to avoid the same, to put further off into the Sea, jest they might hap to loose themselves, if they lost the sight of Land. That which Art durst not, Tempest compelled in the next Bark sent for Discovery, which with distress of Wether driven into Seas out of the Mariner's knowledge, happily encountered that Island, which they hereupon named Porto 
h Porto, for that it was their Haven: and Santo, for that it was found on the day of All Saints.  Santo, and without further coasting the shore of Africa, returned home with the news, and desire of licence to people it; so well did they like of the Air, Soil, and gentle Condition of the Natives. The Prince accordingly sent three Ships, two of which he committed to john consalvo Zarco, and Tristan Vaz, the former Discoverers; the third to Bartholomew Perestrello, who with Seeds and Plants carried thither a 
i Coneys strangely multiplied.  Conie great with young; which lighting her burden by the way, and together with them put forth, so multiplied in two years, that they grew weary of all their Labours, destroyed by those Coneys. Whereupon Perestrello returning, the other two, consalvo and Vaz would needs discover whether it were Land or not, which appeared unto them like Clouds or Vapours, and found it indeed the Island 
k The Island of Madera or Wood discovered.  Madera, or Wood, so called of the abundance of Wood which then over-shadowed it, and with the moist Vapours had seemed to bury it in a Cloud. They returning with this news to the Prince, received by the King's consent the same Island, divided betwixt them; the one part, called Funciale, to consalvo and his heirs; the other, called 
* Macham an Englishman.  Machico, to Vaz. This was so named of an Englishman, called Macham, which had before arrived 
l Ant. Galuano, An. Do. 1344.  there by Tempest, and buried therein a Woman, whom he loved, with a memorial thereof engraven on the Stone of her Tomb; after which, with a Boat made of one Tree, he passed to the Coast of Barbary without Sail or Oar, and being presented to the King for a Wonder, was by him sent to the King of Castille.  
In the year 1420. began that 
m ●ar. Dec. ●. l. 1. c. 3.  Plantation, and the thick Trees being by consalvo set on fire, continued burning seven years: which destruction of Wood hath caused since as great want. The Prince caused Sugar Canes to be carried from Sicilia thither, and men skilful of that 
n Madera Sugar.  Art, whereof the increase hath been such, that in some years the fifth part (which the Prince reserved to his Military Order) hath amounted to above threescore thousand Arrobes (every Arrobe is five and twenty pounds) growing only in one place, little more than nine mile's compass. To Perestrello 
o Po●to Sant● peopled▪  he gave Porto Santo, on condition to people it, which hardly he could do for the Coneys, whereof in one little I●let at one time were killed three thousand.  
Twelve years had passed, since the Prince had begun this Enterprise▪ before Cape Baiadore could be passed; such was the 
p Difficulties pretended, to stay the Prince from discovering further.  conceit of tempestuous Seas, strong Currents, Whirlpools which would swallow Ships, beyond that Cape: yea they added, that the Land was not fit for habitation, but like the sandy Deserts of Libya. Much did they murmur, that the Natures of the Land were exhausted in Discoveries, which before, wise and provident Kings would have undertaken, had there been likelihood of success, who yet contented themselves with the known World, and sought not a torrid Zone, unfit for humane dwelling. These costs might with less danger have been bestowed in the barrenner parts of the Kingdom at home, without Sea-perils.  
These murmurings I recite, as always attending and preoccupating great Actions, and to show the poor Prenticeship which Navigation then served, that it might attain that Freedom which the next Age brought forth. The patiented Prince endured these Exceptions, with quarrelings at the Victuals, Money, and Men spent in a Service so unserviceable and needless, so dangerous, so hurtful, and so! what every barking Tongue could allege; nor could the apparent profits of Madera and Porto Santo stop their mouths. His men also, which he sent forth, preyed on the Coasts of Barbary, and took Slaves, which help bore charges.  
But one of his servants, named 
q Baiadore first passed.  Gilianes, seeing the Prince discontent that they went no further, adventured that Herculean Labour (as it then seemed) and passed that Turne-againe or Baiadore Cape, with some proof of the Plants, report of the Seas passable, and commendations of the Air and Soil in those parts. This happened An. 1433.  
The next year Anton. consalvo pierced forty miles further, and found the Country inhabited. Nor could much more be effected, till the year 1441. when Nugno Tristan discovered 
r Cape Blanco.  Cape Blanco, and took some Prisoners. After which, Prince Henry obtained 
s Pope's Donation, as security against Foreiners and an incentive to the vulgar, according to the conceit of those times.  of Pope Martin the fifth a perpetual Donation to the Crown of Portugal, of whatsoever should be discovered from Cape Baiadore to the East Indies inclusively, and Indulgence plenary for the Souls of all such as should perish in that Conquest: which the succeeding Popes, Eugenius, Nicholas, and Sixtus confirmed, at the instance of King Alphonsus and his son john.  
At the next 
t 1443.  return they traded with the Negroes for exchange of their Men, for which they had Gold and other Slaves, whereupon they called the place the Golden River, and passed further to the Isles of Argin and Garze. Gold made a recantation of former Murmur, and now the Prince was extolled; yea, 
u 1444.  now the inhabitants of Lagos capitulated with the Prince to set forth Carueiles at their own charges, which took many Captives.  
The year 1445. Denis Fernandez passed the River 
x Sanaga and Cape Verde.  Sanaga, which divideth the Azenegui from those of Guinea, called Gialof, and discovered also Cape Verde. Other Discoveries successively followed; in which, some having made slaves of friends, the Prince made the Author's apparel and sand them back at their own charges, to the Canaries, whence they had stolen them.  
These 
y Canaries. Ant. Galuano. Macham first discoverer of Madera and the Canaries.  Canaries, by relations of Macham the Englishman aforesaid, became known to the French and Spaniards; and Betancor, which held three of them in possession, compounded for them with Prince Henry: but the Spaniard challenged them, as conquered by that Frenchman through the aid of Cast●le; under which Crown they now are, after many chopings and change. But the Prince never gave over his endeavours of Discovery, till he discovered the Celestial jerusalem, which 
z Prince Henry his death.  happened the thirteenth of November, 1463. three and forty years after Madera had been descried: in all which time, his Travel succeeded no further then from Baiadore to Sierra Liona, one thousand one hundred and ten mile's space, in near fifty years continued Cares and Costs. So hard a thing is it to discover. An argument of patience to our Modern Discoverers, which are ready to murmur, and almost to mutiny, if new Worlds drop not into their mouths at the first Voyage.  
A little before his death, the Lands of 
* Lands of Cape Verde d●scou●red. Bo●ero d. Iso●●.  Cape Verde were discovered by Antonio di Nolle, A Genuois, licenced by the Prince. On May Even was Maio found, and on the next day two others, called also of the Time, one Philip, and the other jacob, or jago, which was first peopled. In his time 
* Terceras discovered, or A●ores, or Flemish Lands.  also were discovered the Terceras, by certain Fleming's sailing to Lisbon; which first began to be peopled An. 1449.  
King Alphonsus having little leisure for further Discoveries, farmed the same to Fernand Gomez, a Citizen of Lisbon, for five years space, with condition every year to discover three hundred miles, to begin from Sierra Liona, and so to proceed along the Coast. He discovered 
* Mina.  Mina by Santaren and Scovare his Captains; and after that, to Cape S. Catarine, on the South side of the Line. In that time was also discovered the Island of Fernand Po, the Lands also of S. Thomas, S. Matthew, Annobon, & del Principe; the Names of the Discoverers are unknown.   

§. III. Of King JOHN the second his Discoveries, and advancement of the Art of Navigation.  
KIng john the second having some experiment of the Profits of Guinea, which King Alphonso had bestowed on him for his Princely maintenance, could not now by the Objections of the length of the Way, unholesomenesse of the Country, expense of Victuali, and the like, be detained by his Counsellors; but in the year 1481. he sent a Fleet of ten 
* One of the Captains was an Englishman called Diego or james Ruiz.  Caravels, under the command of Diego Dazambuia, to build the Castle of S. George della Mina, which in the year 1486. he dignified with the Privileges of a City. In the Church thereof was ordained a perpetual Soule-Priest for Prince Henry aforesaid: and three years after that Castle was builded, he added to his Regal Title, Lord of Guinea. Caramansa the Lord of the Country would have hindered that Building, and the people (which worshipped the Stones and Rocks) mutined; but the Pope's Gift, with their Strength, Gifts, Cunning, and some Revenge, prevailed: The King commanded, that Stone Crosses or Pillars, with the Portugal Arms, 
Stone Crosses or Pillars erected in places discovered.  should be set up in convenient places, expressing the time and Authors of such Discoveries. So did Diego Can 1484. on the Banks of the River Zaire, in the first Discovery of the Kingdom of 
a Zaire & Congo.  Congo (the King whereof, as also the King of Benin, desired Priests, and Baptism) and in his next return two others, having discovered six hundred miles, and in both his Voyages 1125. miles from Cape Catarine, further on the Coast.  
By the Ambassador of the King of Benin (which is not fare from Mina) the King of Portugal understood of the 
b News from Benin of Presbyter john.  Abassine, commonly called Prester john, by them Ogane, whose Vassal the King of Benin then was, none being 
c King of Benin tributary to him.  acknowledged lawful Prince, till he had sent his Ambassador to the said Ogane, and had received from him a Cross to wear about his neck, in token of his admission. Hereupon King john sent both 
d Enquirie for him by Sea and Land.  by Sea and Land to inquire both of the Indieses, and of this great Negus, or Ogane: by Sea, two Pinnaces, of fifty Tons apiece, under the conduct of Bartholomew Diaz, with a little Victualling Bark, in August, 1486. He set certain Negroes on shore in diverse places, which had been before carried into Portugal, and well used, that among those Savages they might relate the Portugal Civility and Greatness; carrying also with them some shows thereof in Apparel, and other things given them; and to make known, if it were possible, his desire, to found by his Discoveries means of acquaintance with Prester john. He gave Names to places discovered, and erected Pillars or Crosses of Stone (as is said) the last in the I'll called hereof, the Cross; where his people with much disquiet urged his return, alleging their Victuals spent, and the loss of their Victualling Bark. Yet after consultation, he proceeded so fare, that he first discovered the famous Cape, which for his manifold troubles he termed Cabo Tormentoso, or the tempestuous Cape: but King john hoping thence to discover the Indieses, named it at his return the 
e Cabo Tormentoso, or of good Hope, first discovered.  Cape of Good Hope; where he placed another Pillar of Stone, called S. Philip; as the other were termed S. George in the River of Zaire, S. Augustine in the Cape thereof so termed, and likewise the rest. He returned in December, 1487. sixteen months and seventeen days after his setting out, having discovered a thousand and fifty miles of Coast. He found by the way his Victualler, wherein he had left nine men, of which, three only were left alive; 
f Death caused by sudden joy. The like happened to an Englishman, left 14. months in S. Helena.  one of which, Fernand Colazzo, died with sudden joy of this fight nine months after the loss of each other.  
By Land, the King had sent some by the way of jerusalem to pass with the Abassine Pilgrims; which yet, for want of the Arabic Tongue, returned. Whereupon he sent Peter 
g Peter Covilian first discoverer of Prester john, and of the Indieses, & Sofala.  Covilian, well skilled therein, and with him Alphonso Paiva, in May, 1487. which went to Alexandria, thence to Cairo, and thence with certain Moors to Aden: from whence Paiva went to seek a passage to Prester john, but died at Cairo. Covilian from Aden, near the straits of the read Sea, unbarked himself for Cananor, and thence to Calicut and Goa in the East Indies: from whence he returned unto Africa, near the Ours of Sofala, and after that to Cairo, with purpose of return into Portugal. But the King had sent by two Spanish jews, Rabbi Abraham and R. joseph, the later of which had been at Bagdad, and had acquainted the King with the Trade at Ormus, and from thence had passed to Aleppo and Damascus, and was now sent back to Covilian, that by the one an answer might be brought what he had done, with charge not to desist, till he had been with the Abassine, to whom he employed him in Embassage: the other, to go to Ormus, and inform himself of the Affa●res of those parts. By joseph, Covilian wrote to the King, and to encourage his Navigations, sent him a Map of his Discoveries in India, and on the African Coast. He pierced after this, to the Court of Alexander the Abassine, who kindly entertained him, but soon after died; neither would his successors permit that Ulysses to return, a man of many Languages, 
Francis Aluares.  and much useful for his experience in the World: but to Francis Aluares, which accompanied Roderike de Lima in an Embassage thither almost thirty years after, he related the sum of his Travels.  
Many other worthy Acts were performed by King john, in seeking to reduce some of these wild people both in Guinea and Congo, to holy Baptism and Christian Religion, not so pertinent to this our purpose: but this was the furthest of his Discoveries. He had omitted an opportunity offered by Columbus, whom in his first return from the Indieses with his new Indians, he saw in March, 1493. But Occasions Head in the hinder parts was bald, the Spaniard having before fastened on her fore-lockes. Yet doth Navigation own as much to this Prince as to any, 
Rules of Astronomy first applied to Navigation.  who had employed Roderigo and joseph, his jewish Physicians, cunning Mathematicians of that time, with Martin Bohemus the Scholar of john Monte Regius, to device what helps they could for the Mariners in their sailings thorough unknown Seas, where neither Stars (as unknown) nor Land (being out of ken) could guide them. These first, after long study, applied the Astrolabe, before used only by Astronomers, to Marine use, and devised the Tables of Declinations, 
Astrolabe, and Tables of Declinations.  to found out the Latitude of Places, and how to direct their course (which was afterwards by the knowledge of the Variation, exceedingly furthered) whereby the Mariner's Art first began to free itself from the rudeness of former times, and in these Navigations of Canus and Dias, as those also of Columbus, to prepare a Way to open our Eyes in these parts, to see a new World, and there in those, to see a new Heaven by Evangelicall Light, whereof a little misled glimpse they have already; an Earnest (as we hope) of more, and more perfect, by God's grace in due time to be revealed.   

§. FOUR Of the Conjectures touching a New World by CHRISTOPHER COLON or COLUMBUS, and his manifold Difficulties therein.  
ANd unto Portugal was Spain beholden for Columbus, and Columbus also for his skill, whereby the Columbian (so fitlier named, than American) World was discovered. This Columbus or Colombo (by the Spaniards for easier pronunciation termed Colon) was borne, some say, at Sarona, some at Nerui, others in Cicurco, in the territory of Genua, 
Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 7. Gomara Hist. Gen. c. 14. See Ede●s Preface to Pet. Mart. Dec.  of an ancient House, of great reputation in the Empire of Otho the second (whose Charters to the Family of the Columbi are yet extant) but now almost antiquated, rotten and ruined with antiquity. He began to embrace the Sea, and use Navigation in his Childhood, and traded many years into Syria and other parts of the East; and became also a maker of Cards for the Sea. The fame of the Portugal Navigations brought him thither, to learn the Coasts of Africa, and with their skill to amend his Cards, and withal, his fortunes. There he married a Wife, Philippe Mumiz de Perestrello (by whom he had his son james) and traded the Coast of Guinea. Some skill, it is manifest, he had in the Latin Tongue, and was very studious of the Mathematics, being also in his Religion (according to that knowledge he had) very devout, 
Botero Rel. vn. parte 4. l. 2.  frequent in Prayer, observant of Fasts, temperate in Diet, modest in Attire, gravely courteous in Behaviour, abstinent of Oaths, and abhominating Blasphemies. Such an one did God make him, before he would make him a Discoverer. And as the Psalmist singeth of Heavenly, 
Ps. 25.  it is true also in Earthly Mysteries, The secret of the Lord is with them that fear him, and the meek he will guide in judgement: Which easily showeth the cause why no better success hath followed some men's endeavours, who going forth with high swollen Sails, filled with puffs of Pride, and blasts of Arrogance, addicting themselves to Swearing, Cursing, and other resolute Dissoluteness (as if they sought Discoveries in the infernal Regions, and acquaintance with those Legions of Hell, rather than to discover Lands, and recover Infidels to internal peace by the eternal Gospel) either perish at Sea, or return with the gain of loss, and shame, in stead of glory. Our Christopher Columbus was such in Deed as in Name, carrying Christ in his heart, and Dovelike lovely carriage in conversation.  
He is reported by Gomara, Mariana, and others, to have been first moved to this Discovery by a Pilot, which had been before by distress of Wether driven upon the Lands of America, 
Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. Ouiedo l. 2.  which the most judicious Spaniards either omit or deny; Benzo and Ramusio think it a trick of Spanish envy, derogating from the worth of an Italian. But the reasons more probable, are his piercing Wit, judicious observation of Occurrents, learning in the Mathematics, and the special instinct of Divine Providence, without which no humane patience could have sustained such magnanimous Endeavours, so long contemned, so much, so variously condemned. Experience of the Portugals, amongst whom he dwelled, 
Columbo's grounds for discovery of the new World  had taught him the vanity of Antiquity touching the Antipodes, the Torrid Zone not habitable, and that the Sea was every way Navigable. Art instructed him of the roundness of this inferior Globe (which in the Moon's Eclipse is visible) and the proportionableness of the Earth to the Water, that as much dry Land might be as well on that, as on this side the Line: neither was it likely, that so huge a quantity of the Globe should be covered with Waters, which was made principally for the use and habitation of Man; or that this Globe was not equally poyzed on both sides that Centre, which is one to it and the Water; or that there should be such huge Lands (if they were Lands) in this old Age of the World, no● inhabited by Man, 
Gen. 1.28. & 9 ●▪  whose Blessing from the Creator was to fill or replenish the Earth, renewed again after the Flood; or that the Indieses in the East might not in the Earth's Globositie be as readily found out by the West, following the Sun in his daily journey, which with all his Night-watch of Stars was as unlike to be there appointed a continual course and circular Race for the Seas or Desert Lands. Experiments had also taught him, both by relation of the Portugals in their longer Voyages, and in his own on the West of Spain, that the Western Winds holding a constant course yearly, and that also fare off at Sea, could not but arise from some Lands further Westward, than any yet known: And Martin Vincent, a Mariner which used the Azores or Terceras, had told him, that he was once carried four hundred and fifty leagues to the West of Cape S. Vincent, and there took up a piece of Wood or Timber, wrought by man's hand, and that, 
Herald. Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 2.  as fare as he could judge, without Iron, which he imagined had come from some Western Island. Pedro Correa, which had married his Wife's sister, had likewise signified to him, that at Puerto Santo he had seen the like Piece driven thither by the Western Winds, wrought in the same fashion: and beside, he had seen great Canes, which in each knot might contain above two gallons of Water, which he also sent to him to see; which being unlikely to grow in the known parts of the West, and having read of such growing in India, he supposed, that some long and violent Western Winds had brought them thither from thence. The inhabitants also of the Azores had told him, that strong West and Northwest Winds had brought by Sea upon Graciosa and Fayal certain Pine trees, two dead men also on the Coast of Flores, with larger faces than are usual in these parts, and of other favour, and two Canoas' another time driven also by the Wind. Antonio Leme of Madera had related, that being carried in his Caruile fare Westward, he had seemed to see three Lands: And another of that Island had sued to the King of Portugal in the year 1484. for licence to discover certain Land which he swore he had seen every year overagainst the Azores. Diego Velazques had forty years before been carried fare into the West, and there observed the Seas and Winds such, as if the Land were not fare off, as he affirmed to Columbus: and another Mariner told him of Land he had seen fare West from Ireland, which is supposed to be Newfoundland. Petro de Velasco had signified the like, in his going for Ireland; and Vincent Diaz, a Portugal Pilot, had seemed to himself, in his return from Guinea, to see an Island in the height of Madera, for which also search was after made, but no discovery.  
These things argue his laborious industry and diligent enquiry: his readings of Marco Polo and other journals (that I mention not the Ancients) did not a little animate him, as may appear in his enquiry for Zipango, mentioned by Polo, supposed now to be Japan; and naming Hispaniola Ophir, thinking, or seeming to think, that he had found out the East Indies. 
Why America called India.  And for that cause was this New World called the Indieses also, with distinction of West: and this was his main argument to such Princes as he sought to patronise this his discovery, the riches of the East Indies, promised by a Western Navigation. And herein his resolution was admirable, that howsoever some derided as folly, others rejected as impossible, his suit, yet he never desisted.  
He first propounded it to his Countrymen the Genuois, and found, that a Prophet found no profit at home; he seconded it in Portugal where he dwelled, and was married at Lisbon, and had learned most of his Art and Intelligence, 
I. di Barros in his Dec. 1. lib. 3. cap. 11. saith, that he was not believed at all, and licenced by the King to go for Cast●le. But we have followed Herera in the most part of this relation.  confirmed therein also by Martin Bohemus the Mathematician; but john the second did not second his desires, as adjudged vain by Roderigo and joseph the jews, before mentioned, with other Committees; which yet moved with his reasons, counselled the King secretly to sand a Carvel, under colour of a Voyage, to Cape Verde, to make this Discovery; wherein crossed with foul Wether, they effected nothing. This made him out of love with Portugal, and to sand his brother Bartholomew to King Henry the seventh of England with the same suit: who falling into the hands of Pirates, was forced to sustain himself with making Sea-Cards, and so long deferred for want of suitable suits, to make his suit and petition to the King, that when it was granted, and his brother sent for, he had sped before in Spain. Thither had he himself repaired in the year 1484. secretly, and by Sea, for fear of the Portugals, which had before deluded him: Ferdinand and Isabel the Catholic Princes being then busied in War against the Moors of Granada. But having spent five years in pursuing his suit, his answer from the Court was, That the King's Treasure was so exhausted in the Conquest of Granada, that they could not entertain new expenses: but those being ended, they would better examine his intent, and give him dispatch.  
Much was Columbus aggrieved at this answer, yet failed not his constancy. He caused his desires to be made known to the Dukes of Medina Coeli, and of Medina Sidonia, but with effect like the former. Twice he purposed (as his son Fernand Columbus writeth) to leave Spain, and go himself into France or England, whence he had not heard of his brother Bartholomew: but Divine Providence otherwise disposed. And he which hitherto had not found credit to advance (nay, scarcely means, but in great part, by the bounty of Alphonso di Quintaniglia the King's chief Auditor, to sustain) him, obtained the Letters of Friar Ivan Perez de Marchena to Friar Fern●ndo di Talovera the Queens Confessor, and at last, by the mediation of the Cardinal Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, procured audience and grant of the Catholic Kings, Queen Isabel taking order with Lewis of S. Angelo to empawne some of her jewels, to the value of two thousand ducats for his Expedition, which yet he lent out of his purse: so low was the Treasure of Spain, when God offered them the Western Treasury.  
Magnanimous Columbus, not broken with Poverty at home, with Affronts and Discountenances abroad, with imputations of impotent, almost impudent, at lest as imprudent as importunate fancies of impossible, impassable Navigations by unknown Seas to unknown Lands! not amated so fare, as to abate his Conditions of no small nature to him and his heirs, as if he had already effected his designs: not desiring any reward, except he found somewhat answerable to his promise, nor less then, than the Office and Title of Admiral by Sea, and Viceroy on Land, with the Tenth of the Profits thorough all the Seas, Lands, or firm Lands (to himself during his life, and after, to his heirs and successors) whatsoever he should discover: which (saith Ouiedo) he enjoyed whiles he lived, 
Ouied. Hist. deal Ind. l. 2. c. 5. Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 10.  his son Admiral, james or Don Diego Colombo, after him, and his nephew Don Lewis Colombo the Admiral at this day. This composition was made betwixt him and the Catholic Kings in the Field before Granada, then besieged, in the midst of the Army, the seventeenth of April, 1492. as if God would reward their endeavours and expenses, in rooting out the Moors, which had possessed those parts of Spain above seven hundred years, with this New Discovery, so profitable to the Spanish Crown.   

§. V COLUMBUS' his first Voyage, and improvement therein of the Mariners Art.  
ON Friday, the third of August, the same year, he set forth with his three Caravels from Palos; himself in the Admiral, called 
* Ouiedo hath Gallega.  Santa Maria; the second Pinta, in which, was Captain Martin Alonso Pinçon, and his brother Francisco Martinez Pinçon, Master; the third Ninna, whose Captain and Master was Vincent Yannez Pinçon, which found half that eighth part of the expense which Colombo had covenanted to contribute. 
Mart. Dec. & Ouiedo.  There were in all (some say) an hundred and twenty men; Herera hath but ninety. On the fourth of August, the Rudder of the Pinta proved lose, which they fastened as well as they could with Cords, but soon after with force of Wind broke, and they were all compelled to strike sail; which, in such a Voyage as this (they knew not whither) could not but be troublesome, and seem also ominous. On the eleventh of August they had sight of the Canaries; where having refreshed themselves in the I'll Gomera, they hasted thence the sixth of September, for fear of the Portugals, who had set forth three Carvels to take them. The seventh they lost sight of Land, with sighs and tears, many of them fearing never to see it again; whom Don Christopher comforted as well as he could, with promises of rich Discoveries: and sailing that day 
* When he had run above 700. he reckoned less than 600. nor their Pilots much more deceived by the wind always large.  eighteen leagues, he reckoned no more than fifteen, diminishing his account, to make them seem nearer home. On the foureteenth of September he first observed the Variation of the Compass, which no man till then had considered, which every day appeared more evident. On Sunday, the sixteenth, they saw pieces of 
* This Grass they call Salgazzi, or Saragasso, floating in diverse places this and ●hat way, which at first terrified them, as if they had encountered sunken Lands.  Grass, or Herbs, on the Water, of a pale green colour, and on one of them a Grasshopper alive, and some signs of Land approaching, made some believe they had seen it. On the nineteenth they saw an Alcatraz (a kind of Sea-Fowle) and the next day two, which with other Grass every day increasing, increased their hopes of Land, save that the Grass sometimes hindered their sailing.  
All this while he had the Wind in poop, which on the two and twentieth of Septembe● came cross at South-west; and the Spaniards murmured, that the former Winds, which had been large to bring them hither, would never permit their return to Spain, and now began to blame the King and Queen, which had listened to that bold Italian, resolving to pursue the Voyage 〈◊〉 further (the Admiral using all his Wits to the contrary in vain, mixing with 〈…〉 Prayers, Threats and Menaces) alleging, That he thought to make himself a great Lord with the price of their lives; and that they had already done their duty, sailing further from Land then ever any had: nor aught they to be guilty of their own deaths, proceeding they knew not whither, till Victuals failed them, which already would scarcely hold out their return, nor yet the Carvels, being already spent, and faulty, with other like quarrels: threatening to throw him into the Sea, if he would not return; and if he were so desperate to perish, they would save themselves. Colombo sweetly calmed those tempests with gentle words and rich promises, 〈◊〉 (as is thought, before agreed upon) talking with Vin●ent Pinçon, suddenly cried, Land, Land, on the five and twentieth of September, which filled them with cheer and hope, which yet proved but Clouds: and therefore howsoever the mutinous tempest was for a time stilled, yet on the second of October that storm revived with such force, that he having prolonged as fare as he might, with likelier signs daily of Land, at last he indented with them for three days. This they promised to try, but not one hour longer▪ saying, all were Lies which he had promised. The first of these days he perceived by the Sunset, that Land was near, and commanded, that they should abate their Sails in the Night; in which Night he spied Light.  
Two hours after Midnight, Rodrigo de Triana descried Land on the eleventh of October, 
Rod. de Triana first saw Land.  1492. which when it was day, they saw to be an Island of fifteen leagues compass, plain and woody, with a great Pool of fresh Water, the naked people wondering on the shore, thinking their Ships were living Creatures. They went on Land, and termed it San Saluador, 
Guanahani, or San Saluador.  by the Inhabitants called Guanahani, one of the Isles Lucayos, nine hundred and fifty leagues from the Canaries, and having said a Te Deum on his knees, with tears in his eyes, Colombo took possession in name of the Catholic Kings, Ferdinand and Isabel, in presence of Rodrigo de Escovedo, Notary; the Spaniards also acknowledging him for Viceroy. The people wondered at the Beards, Whiteness, Clothing of the Spaniards, who gave them coloured Caps, Glassebeads, and other Toys. And when they departed, the naked Natives followed, some in Canoas', 
A Conoa is a Boat made of one tree, which they wrought into that form with sharp stones, & help of fire: some carried but one, & some above 40. or 50. men in them. S. Maria de la Conception. Fernandina. Isabel.  others swimming after them. They were all naked, their hair bound up, their stature mean, bodies well form, colour like those of the Canaries, Olive, painted some black, others of other colours, in part, or all over the body, as each best fancied. They knew not the use of Iron, or Weapons, but laid their hands on the edge of the Sword. They saw no living Creatures but Parrots among them. They trucked for Cotton Yarn, and had Rings of Gold in their Nostrils, which they said that it came from the South, where they had a King rich therein. They took the Spaniards to be men come from Heaven.  
On the fifteenth of October he went seven leagues thence to another Island (which he called Santa Maria de la Concetion) the seventeenth, to Fernandina, where the Women, with Cotton short Coats, from the Navel to the mid Thigh, covered their nakedness. The fourth Island he called Isabel, and thereof (as of all the former) took solemn possession. He would not suffer any of his company to take aught from the Natives in any place. Thence he passed to Cuba, and went on Land, thinking it to be Zipango; and some Indians which he carried with him, signified, that there was Gold and Pearls. 
Cuba.  He sent two Spaniards with two Indians to search the Country, which found a Town of fifty houses of about a thousand persons (for a whole Kindred or Lineage dwelled together in one house) where the people kissed their hands and feet, thinking them heavenly Wights, gave them Bread of a Root, and perfumed them with certain Herbs burned. They saw store of Cotton growing of itself, and strange kinds of Birds and Trees. The Spaniards had most mind to the Gold which they saw in their Noses, of which they questioned these Indians, who answered Cubanacan, that is in the midst of Cuba, which the Spaniards understood of the Can of Cathay, mentioned by Marco Polo. In hope of singular success, Martin Alonso Pinçon left the Admiral, who also left Cuba, which he called juana, in honour of the Prince of Castille, to seek that Island which he named Hispaniola, before Hayti. For having demanded of Zipango in Cuba, the Indians thinking he had meant Cibao, which is one of the richest Ours of Hispaniola, directed him thither. Here giving a Woman which they took, Meat, Drink, and Clotheses, he sent with her some of his Indians, which reported much good of the Spaniards, whence grew much acquaintance betwixt them, and after, with their King Guacanagari, which entreated Colombo to come aland. Here he lost his principal Ship, and erected a Fort called the Nativity, 
A Fort.  and understood of the Golden Provinces of this Island: and having good remonstrance of his Golden Hopes and Haps also, in exchange for Trifles, with some Indians taken with him, leaving eight and thirty Spaniards in his new Fort, after reconciliation with Pinçon (the Indians, which carried the Admiral's Letter to him, attributed their mutual understanding to some Deity therein) he prepared for his return.  
Before this, he charged them to behave themselves with all due respects to Guacanagari, and to his Indians, without wrong to any: and on Friday, the fourth of january, in the year 1493. (after their account) sailed from the Port of Nativity. He saw three Mermaids leaping a good height out of the Sea, Creatures (as he affirmed) not so fair as they are painted, 
Three Mermaids.  somewhat resembling Men in the face, of which at other times he said he had seen on the Coast of Guinea. In his return, he discovered a great part of the Coast of Hispaniola, and gave Names to Capes and Harbours. In this Voyage, Colombo is said first to have taught the Spaniards, in their sailing, to observe the Sun and Pole in their Navigations, which they before knew not. Observing by his skill in Astronomy, that the Moon being in conjunction with Mercury, and opposition with jupiter, and the Sun also in like opposition, to produce great Winds, he made some stay, and had new commerce with other Indians, where accidentally happened the first quarrel and skirmish betwixt the Spaniards and Natives. But soon after their King sent them his Crown of Gold, and much Victual, and gave them further intelligence. From this Gulf de las Flechas, or of Arrows, on Wednesday the seventeenth of januarie, he departed, and made homewards: in which it is observed, that as in their way to the Indieses, having the Wind large, they reckoned fare lesser leagues than they sailed, so in their return they accounted more, the Admiral's reckoning being a hundred and fifty less than theirs.  

Pilgrimages vowed.  A tedious Tempest befell them in February: wherein other remedies seeming to fail, they vowed Pilgrimages to our Lady by Lot; the first fell on the Admiral himself, to Guadalupe; the second to Loretto, on Pedro de Villa; and a third Vow was common to all, that they should at the first Church of our Lady they came to, make Procession in their shirts, with other like devoted Devotions.  
How unlike was this to that of the Psalmist, in like storms happening to them that see the Wonders of the Lord in the Deep. 
Ps. 107.24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31.  For the Lord commandeth and raiseth the stormy Wind, which lifteth up the Waves thereof. They mount up to the Heaven, they go down again to the Depths, their Soul is melted because of trouble. They reel too and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wit's end. Than they cry unto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out of their distresses. He maketh the Storm a Calm, so that the Waves thereof are still. Than are they glad, because they be quiet. So he bringeth them unto their desired Haven. O that men would praise the Lord (not go on Pilgrimage to our Lady) for his goodness and for his wonderful works to the children of men, etc.  
The Psalmist in like case is to distressed Mariners a better Admiral than Colombo, whose devotion herein failed in the Object. 
Providence, jest the Voyage should miscarry.  Yet his diligence and wisdom in this is to be commended, that fearing shipwreck, jest this famous Discovery might also be lost, he writ the whole Discourse in Parchment, and folding it in a Cerecloth, he put it in a Barrel or Hogshead, which he threw into the Sea.  
But on the fifteenth of February they saw Land, being S. Mary's Island, one of the Azores; where going on shore to fulfil their vowed Pilgrimage, the Governor came upon them, and after many words told them, that he had order from the King of Portugal to take them. But making an escape, another Storm took them, and caused another Pilgrimage to be vowed to our Lady of Cinta, the Lot falling on the Admiral: And thus was he forced to Lisbon; 
Bar. Dec. 1. l. 3. c. 11.  where, after much contesting with the Portugals, the King sent for him, being now much grieved for omitting such an opportunity; yet used him kindly, although there were that offered to kill Colombo, before he should carry news of this Discovery to Spain; the rather, for his boldness, objecting to the King his neglect. But the gentle King reproved these cruel Gentlemen, and after kind usage, licenced him to departed.  
True it is, that the Portugal Nation have in their Books and Writings sought to obscure this Exploit of Columbus, attributing it rather to a Dream of Zipango out of Marco Polo, and his confident glorious nature, seconded by success unlooked for (for which, as idle imaginations, their King had refused his offer) than any such excellency as the Castilian Writers ascribe to him. 
Enuy.  But Envy is the dark shadow, that always follows him at the heels, which walks in the bright Sunne-light of Virtue and high Attempts. Even the Spaniards themselves, not only by the tale of the Pilot before mentioned, but by light esteem of his worth have showed a contemptible contempt of him: some of whom objecting to himself the easiness of this Discovery, as he sat at Table, he prayed to make an Egg, which then he gave them, to stand on end; which when they could not, he bruising the shell, and making the end flat, made it to stand thereon: thereby insinuating, how easy it was for them to do that which they had seen and learned of him.  
Yea, the Pinçons, his chief Associates, by like spirit of proud Envy, maligned him; one of which had, after the Islands discovered, forsaken him, as ye have heard: which he was forced to dissemble, and be reconciled, the most of his company being of kin to the Pinçons, or at least inhabitants of Palos with them. They also entered suit with Colombo, and arrogated to their own valour this Discovery, which Columbus would (after so many days not finding Land) have forsaken, but was proceeded in by their resolution. And in his third Voyage 1949. Roldanus Ximenius raised a Rebellion in those parts, and effected, that Bovadilla was sent Governor into Hispaniola, who sent the Admiral, with his Brother, Prisoner's all the way, of his long Discovery into Spain, for which he had so adventured. These Iron Chains could cold Envy, for so much Gold, for such a World, tender unto that Worthy of Men. But the Catholic Kings of higher Spirits (for Envy, the first sin we read of in the Devil, 
Impatientiae ●atales ab ipso Diab. deprehendo. Diabolus iam tum 〈◊〉 Deus universa opera h●mi●i subiecisset, impatienter 〈◊〉. Nec enim doluisset si sustinuisset, nec invidisset si non doluisset. Tert. de patientia. Cyp. de beno pat. Diabo●us hominem ad imagin●m Dei factum impatienter tulit, inde & 〈◊〉 primus & perdidit.  and which made him a Devil, as Tertullian and Cyprian in their Tractates of Patience have observed, the first also in the firstborn Man, which made him an incarnate Devil and Murderer, is but the sink● and settled Dregss of Baseness, which wanting proper worth, maligns it to others) these much honoured Columbus, as well they might, and confirmed his Privileges anew, besides many special graces done him, as did also the Cardinal of Spain, and still is done by their ingenuous Writers, Ouiedo, Herera, and others.  
This Story at large I have set down, that Discoverers may by this example learn to digest greater Storms at home, than the boisterous Elements in their tempestuous Conspiracy yield them; and to know, that Pusillanimity and Impatience are the unfittest Attempters in the World. The Spaniards other Discoveries in the American parts (for so were they called of Americus Vesputius, a Florentine, who accompanied Colombo in his first Voyage, and after discovered a greater part of the Continent than the Admiral had, as Cabota in that did more than they both) I list not to pursue; easy it is to know, that Gold bartered for Glass, Beads, Needles, and other Toys, would be strongly active, and strangely attractive to new Discoveries. Dimidium facti qui bene caepit, habet. Cortes his Conquest of Mexico, and Pizarro his Peru were not comparable to their Master's Masterpiece, who found the New World, to found them work. Before Colombo went his second Voyage, he left a Card, containing the description of the whole Navigation and Discovery, in Spain with the Kings, and his sons, Pages to the Prince.   

§. VI Of the Pope's Bull made to Castille, touching the New World.  
THe Catholic Kings, presently after that first Discovery, gave account thereof to the Pope, which then was Alexander the sixth (before named Borgia, a Spaniard of Valentia) by his Ambassador, and desired his favour for the Crown of Castille and Lions, in the Grant of these New Discoveries, made or to be made: For long since had the Pope challenged Christ's right over the Christian World. Adrian the fourth, in his Letters of Ireland to King Henry the second affirmeth, That all Lands under the Sun, of righteousness belong to Papal disposition. This second Alexander, in God's right, claims all the World: & in ordine ad Deum, for the conversion (forsooth) to the Faith, the temporal Estates of the whole World are by his Parasites usually put under that triple Diadem. So they thought, or so would seem to think, in regard of Papal Grants before to the Crown of Portugal (whence was like to arise some grievance and impediment to their Affairs, as pretending a Monopoly, by former Dispensation in Indian Discoveries) and therefore sought this favour of that Monster of Men, then sitting in that Chair. This Bull, because it is not common, I have here transcribed.  


EXEMPLAR BULLAE SEV DONATIONIS, Autoritate cuius, Episcopus Romanus ALEXANDER eius nominis sextus, concessit & donavit Castellae Regibus & suis successoribus, Regiones & Insulas Novi Orbis.  
ALEXANDER Episcopus, seruus seruorum Dei, 
Hanc Bullam habet Lopez de Gomura, in hist. gen. parte 2. c. 19 & R. Eden.  Charissimo in Christo filio FERDINANDO Regi, & Charissimae in Christo filiae ELIZABETH Reginae Castellae, Legionis, Arragonum, Siciliae, & Granatae, illustribus, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.  
Inter caetera Divinae Maiestati beneplacita opera & cordis nostri desiderabilia, illud profecto potissimum existit ut fides Catholica & Christiana Religio nostris praesertim temporibus exaltetur ac ubilibet amplietur ac dilatetur, animarumque salus procuretur, ac barbarae Nationes deprimantur & ad fidem ipsam reducantur. Vnde cum ad hanc sa●ram PETRI Sedem Divina favente clementia (meritis licet imparibus) evocati fuerimus, cognoscentes vos tanquam veros Catholicos Reges & Principes: quales semper fuisse novimus, & à vobis praeclare gesta, toti penae Orbi notissima demonstrant, nedum id exoptare, sed omni conatu, studio, & diligentia, nullis laboribus, nullis impensis, nullisque parcendo periculis, etiam proprium sanguinem effundendo efficere, ac omnem animum vestrum, omnesque conatus ad hoc iam dudum dedicasse, quemadmodum recuperatio Regni Granatae à Tyrannide Saracenorum hodicrnis temporibus per vos, cum tanta Divini nominis gloria facta, testatur. Digne ducimur non immerito, & debemus illa vobis etiam sponte, ac favorabiliter concedere per quae huiusmodi sanctum ac laudabile ab immortali Deo acceptum propositum, indies feruentiori animo ad ipsius Dei honorem & Imperij Christiani propagationem, prosequi valeatis. Sane accepimus quòd vos qui dudum animum proposueratis aliquas Insulas & Terras firmas remotas & incognitas, ac per alios hactenus non repertas, quaerere & invenire, ut illarum incolas & habitatores ad colendum redemptorem nostrum & fidem Catholicam profitendum reduceretis, hactenus in expugnatione & recuperatione ipsius Regni Granatae plurimum occupati, huiusmodi sanctum & laudabile propositum vestrum ad optatum finem perducere nequivistis. Sed tandem, sicut Domino placuit, Regno praedicto recuperato, volentes desiderium vestrum adimplere, dilectum filium CHRISTOPHORUM COLONUM, virum utique dignum, & plurimum commendatum, ac tanto negotio aptum, cum Navigijs & hominibus ad similia instructis, non sine maximis laboribus, ac periculis, & expensis destinastis ut Terras firmas & Insulas remotas & incognitas, huiusmodi per Marev●i hactenus Navigatum non fuerat, diligenter inquireret. Qui tandem (Divino auxilio facta extrema diligentia in Mari Occano Navigantes) certas Insulas remotissimas, & etiam Terras firmas, quae per alios hactenus repertae non fuerant, invenerunt. In quibus plurimae gentes pacifice viventes, & (ut asseritur) nudi incedentes, nec carnibus vescentes, inhabitant: Et ut praefati Nuncij vestri possunt opinari, gentes ipsae in Insulis, & terris praedictis habitantes, credunt unum Deum Creatorem in Coelis esse, ac ad fidem Catholicam amplexandum & bonis moribus imbuendum, satis apti videntur: Spesque habetur, quod si erudirentur, nomen saluatoris Domini nostri jesu Christi in Terris & Insulis praedictis facile induceretur. Ac praefatus CHRISTOPHORVS in una ex principalibus Insulis praedictis, iam unam turrim satis munitam, in qua certos Christianos qui secum inerant in custodiam, & ut alias Insulas ac Terras firmas remotas & incognitas inquirerent posuit, construi & aedificari fecit. In quibus quidem Insulis & terris iam repertis, Aurum, Aromata, & aliae quam plurimae res praeciosae diversi generis & diversae qualitatis reperiuntur. Vnde omnibus diligenter, & praesertim fidei Catholicae exaltatione & dilatione (prout decet Catholicos Reges & Principes) consideratis, more progenitorum vestrorum clarae memoriae Regum, Terras firmas & Insulas praedictas, illarumque Incolas & Habitatores, vobis Divina favente clementia subijcere, & ad fidem Catholicam reducere proposuistis. Nos itaque huiusmodi vestrum sanctum & laudabile propositum plurimum in Domino commendantes, ac cupientes ut illud ad debitum finem perducatur, & ipsum nomen saluatoris nostri in partibus illis inducatur, hortamur vos quamplurimum in Domino, & per sacri lavacri susceptionem, qua mandatis Apostolicis obligati estis, ut per viscera misericordiae Domini nostri jesu Christi attente requirimus, ut cum expeditionem huiusmodi omnino prosequi & assumere prona ment Orthodoxae fidei zelo intendatis, populos in huiusmodi Insulis & Terris degentes, ad Christianam Religionem suscipiendum inducere velitis & debeatis, nec pericula nec labores ullo unquam tempore vos deterreant, firma spe siduciaque conceptis, quod Deus omnipotens conatus vestros foeliciter prosequetur. Et ut tanti Negotij Provinciam Apostolicae gratiae largitate donati, liberius & audacius assumatis, motu proprio non ad vestram vel alterius, pro vobis super hoc nobis oblatae petitionis instantiam, sed de nostra mera liberalitate, & ex certa scientia, ac de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, omnes Insulas & Terras firmas inventas & inveniendas, detectas & detegendas versus Occidentem & Meridiem, sabricando & construendo unam lineam à Polo Arctico, scilicet Septentrione, ad Polum Antarcticum, scilicet Meridiem, sive Terrae firmae & Insulae inventae, & inveniendae sint, versus Indiam, aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, quae linea distet à qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis, versus Occidentem & Meridiem. Itaque omnes Insulae & Terrae firmae repertae & reperiendae, detectae & detegendae à praefata linea versus Occidentem & Meridiem, quae per alium Regem aut Principem Christianum non fuerint actualiter possessae usque ad diem Nativitatis Domini nostri jesu Christi proxime praeteritum, à quo incipit Annus praesens Millessimus quadringentessimus nonogessimus tertius, quando fuerunt per Nuncios & Capitaneos vestros inventae aliquae praedictarum Insularum, Autoritate Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato PETRO concessa, ac Vicari●tus jesu Christi, qua fungimur in Terris, cum omnibus illarum Dominijs, Civitatibus, Castris, Locis, & Villis, iuribusque & iurisdictionibus ac pertinentijs universis vobis, haeredibusque, & successoribus vestris (Castellae & Legionis Regibus) in perpetuum tenore praes●ntium donamus, concedimus, & assignamus: Vosque, & haeredes, ac successores praefatos illarum Dominos, cum plena, libera, & omnimoda potestate, autoritate, & iurisdictione, facimus, constituimus, & deputamus. Decernentes nihilo minus, per huiusmodi donationem, c●ncessionem, & assignationem nostram, nulli Christiano Principi, qui actualiter praefatas Insulas & Terras firmas possederit usque ad praedictum diem Nativitatis Domini nostri jesu Christi ius quaesitum, sublatum intelligi posse, aut auferri debere.  
Et insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctae obedientiae (ut sicut pollicemini & non dubitamus pro vestra maxima devotione & Regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos) ad Terras firmas & Insulas praedictas, viros probos & Deum timentes, doctos, peritos, & expertes ad instruendum Incolas & habitatores praefatos in fide Catholica, & bonis moribus imbuendum, destinare d●beatis, omnem debitam diligentiam in praemissis adhibentes. Ac quibuscunque personis, cuiuscunque dignitatis, etiam Imperialis & Regalis status, gradus, ordinis vel conditionis, sub excommunicationis latae sententiae poena quam eo ipso, si contra fecerint incurrant, districtius inhibemus ne ad Insulas & Terras firmas inventas & inveniendas, detectas & detegendas versus Occidentem & Meridiem, fabricando & construendo lineam à Polo Arctico ad Polum Antarcticum, sive Terrae firmae & Insulae inventae & inveniendae sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, quae linea distet à qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis versus Occidentem & Meridiem ut praefertur, pro mercibus habendis, vel quavis alia causa accedere praesumat, absque vestra ac haeredum & successorum vestrorum praedictorum licentia speciali: Non obstantibus constitutionibus & ordinationibus Apostolicis, caeterisque quibuscunque: in illo in quo Imperia & Dominationes & bona cuncta procedunt, Confidentes quod dirigente Domino actus vestros, si huiusmodi sanctum ac laudabile propositum prosequamini, brevi tempore cum foelicitate & gloria totius populi Christiani, vestri labores & conatus exitum foelicissimum consequentur. Verum quia difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula quaeque loca in quibus expediens fuerit deferri, volumus ac motu & scientia similibus decernimus, quod illarum transsumptis manu publici Notarij inde rogati subscriptis, & sigillo alicuius personae in Ecclesiastica dignitate constitutae, seu Curiae Ecclesiasticae munitis, ea prorsus fides in iudicio & extra, ac alias ubilibet adhibeatur, quae praesentibus adhiberetur si essent adhibitae vel ostensae.  
Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam nostrae commendationis, hortationis, requisitionis, donationis, concessionis, assignationis, constitutionis, deputationis, decreti, mandati, inhibitionis, & voluntatis, infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum PETRI & PAULI Apostolorum eius, se noverit incursurum.  
Datum Romae apud Sanctum PETRUM, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1493▪ quarto nonas Maij, Pontificatus nostri, anno primo.   

THE SAME ENGLISHED.  
ALEXANDER Bishop, the Servant of the Servants of GOD, 
This was Englished and published by R. Eden, 1577  to our most dear beloved Son in CHRIST, King Ferdinando, and to our dear beloved Daughter in CHRIST, Elizabeth, Queen of Castille, Legion, Arragon, Sicily, and Granata, most Noble Princes, greeting, and Apostolical Benediction.  
Among other Works acceptable to the Divine Majesty, and according to our hearts desire, this certainly is the chief, that the Catholic Faith and Christian Religion, specially in this our time, may in all places be exalted, amplified, and enlarged, whereby the health of Souls may be procured, and the barbarous Nations subdued and brought to the Faith. And therefore, whereas by the favour of God's Clemency (although not without equal deserts) we are called to this holy Seat of PETER, and understanding you to be true Catholic Princes, as we have ever known you, and as your noble and worthy Facts have declared in manner to the whole World, in that with all your study, diligence, and industry, you have spared no Travails, Charges, or Perils, adventuring even the shedding of your own Blood, with applying your whole Minds and Endeavours hereunto, as your Noble Expeditions achieved in recovering the Kingdom of Granata from the Tyranny of the Sarracens in these our days, do plainly declare your Facts, with so great Glory of the Divine Name. For the which, as we think you worthy, so aught we of our own free will favourably to grant you all things, whereby you may daily, with more fervent minds, to the honour of God, and enlarging the Christian Empire, prosecute your devout and laudable Purpose, most acceptable to the Immortal God. We are credibly informed, that whereas of late you were determined to seek and find certain Lands and firm Lands, fare remote and unknown (and not heretofore found by any other) to the intent to bring the Inhabitants of the same to honour our Redeemer, and to profess the Catholic Faith, you have hitherto been much occupied in the expugnation and recovery of the Kingdom of Granata, by reason whereof you could not bring your said laudable Purpose to the end desired. Nevertheless, as it hath pleased Almighty God, the foresaid Kingdom being recovered, willing to accomplish your said Desire, you have, not without great Labour, Perils, and Charges, appointed our well-beloved Son Christopher Colonus (a man certes well commended, as most worthy and apt for so great a Matter) well furnished with Men and Ships, and other Necessaries, to seek (by the Sea, where hitherto no man hath sailed) such firm Lands and Lands fare remote, and hitherto unknown, who (by God's help) making diligent search in the Ocean Sea, have found certain remote Lands and firm Lands, which were not heretofore found by any other: in the which (as is said) many Nations inhabit, living peaceably, and going naked, not accustomed to eat Flesh; and as fare as your Messengers can conjecture, the Nations inhabiting the foresaid Lands and Lands, believe that there is one God, Creator in Heaven, and seem apt to be brought to the embracing of the Catholic Faith, and to be endued with good Manners: by reason whereof, we may hope, that if they be well instructed, they may easily be induced to receive the Name of our Saviour JESUS CHRIST. We are further advertised, that the forenamed Christopher hath now builded and erected a Fortress, with good Munition, in one of the foresaid principal Lands, in the which he hath placed a Garrison of certain of the Christian men that went thither with him, as well to the intent to defend the same, as also to search other Lands and firm Lands fare remote, and yet unknown. We also understand, that in these Lands and Lands lately found, is great plenty of Gold and Spices, with diverse and many other precious things, of sundry kinds and qualities. Therefore all things diligently considered (especially the amplifying and enlarging of the Catholic Faith, as it behoveth Catholic Princes, following the examples of your Noble Progenitors, of famous Memory) you have determined, by the favour of Almighty God, to subject unto you the firm Lands and Lands aforesaid, and the Dwellers and Inhabitants thereof, and to bring them to the Catholic Faith.  
We greatly commending this your godly and laudable purpose in our Lord, and desirous to have the same brought to a due end, and the Name of our Saviour to be known in those parts, do exhort you in our Lord, and by the receiving of your holy Baptism, whereby you are bound to Apostolical Obedience, and earnestly require you by the Bowels of Mercy of our Lord JESUS CHRIST, that when you intent, for the zeal of the Catholic Faith, to prosecute the said Expedition, to reduce the People of the foresaid Lands and Lands to the Christian Religion, you shall spare no Labours at any time, or be deterred with any Perils, conceiving firm hope and confidence, that the Omnipotent God will give good success to your godly Attempts. And that being authorised by the Privilege of the Apostolical Grace, you may the more freely and boldly take upon you the Enterprise of so great a Matter, we of our own motion, and not either at your request, or at the instant petition of any other person, but of our own mere liberality and certain science, and by the fullness of Apostolical power, do give, grant, and assign to you, your heirs and successors, all the firm Lands and Lands found or to be found, discovered or to be discovered, toward the West and South, drawing a Line from the Pole Arctic to the Pole Antarctic (that is) from the North to the South: Containing in this Donation, whatsoever firm Lands or Lands are found, or to be found toward India, or toward any other part whatsoever it be, being distant from, or without the foresaid Line, drawn a hundred Leagues toward the West, and South, from any of the Lands which are commonly called De los Azores and Capo Verde. All the Lands therefore, and firm Lands, found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, from the said Line toward the West and South, such as have not actually been heretofore possessed by any other Christian King or Prince, until the day of the Nativity of our Lord JESV CHRIST last passed, from the which beginneth this present year, being the year of our Lord a thousand four hundred ninety three, when soever any such shall be found by your Messengers and Captains, we by the Authority of Almighty GOD, granted unto us in Saint PETER, and by the Vicarship of JESUS CHRIST which we bear on the Earth, do for ever, by the tenor of these presents, give, grant, assign, unto you, your heirs and successors (the Kings of Castille and Legion) all those Lands and Lands, with their Dominions, Territories, Cities, Castles, Towers, Places, and Villages, with all the Rights and jurisdictions thereunto pertaining; constituting, assigning, and deputing you, your heirs and successors, the Lords thereof, with full and free Power, Authority, and jurisdiction: Decreeing nevertheless by this our Donation, Grant, and Assignation, that from no Christian Prince, which actually hath possessed the foresaid Lands and firm Lands, unto the day of the Nativity of our Lord beforesaid, their Right obtained, to be understood hereby to be taken away, or that it aught to be taken away. Furthermore, we command you in the virtue of holy Obedience (as you have promised, and as we doubt not you will do, upon mere Devotion and Princely Magnimitie) to sand to the said firm Lands and Lands, honest, virtuous, and learned men, such as fear God, and are able to instruct the Inhabitants in the Catholic Faith and good Manners, applying all their possible diligence in the premises. We furthermore straight inhibit all manner of persons, of what state, degree, order, or condition soever they be, although of Imperial and Regal Dignity, under the pain of the Sentence of Excommunication, which they shall incur, if they do to the contrary, That they in no case presume, without special Licence of you, your heirs, and successors, to travail for Marchandizes, or for any other cause, to the said Lands or Lands, found or to be found, discovered or to be discovered, toward the West and South, drawing a Line from the Pole Arctic to the Pole Antarctic, whether the firm Lands and Lands, found and to be found, be situate toward India, or toward any other part, being distant from the Line drawn a hundred Leagues toward the West, from any of the Lands commonly called De los Azores and Capo Verde: Notwithstanding Constitutions, Decrees, and Apostolical Ordinances whatsoever they are to the contrary. In him from whom Empires, Dominions, and all good things do proceed: Trusting, that Almighty GOD, directing your Enterprises, if you follow your godly and laudable Attempts, your Labours and Travails herein, shall in short time obtain a happy end, with felicity and glory of all Christian People. But forasmuch as it should be a thing of great difficulty, these Letters to be carried to all such places as should be expedient; we will, and of like motion and knowledge do decree, That whither soever the same shall be sent, or wheresoever they shall be received, with the subscription of a common Notary thereunto required, with the Seal of any person constitute in Ecclesiastical Dignity, or such as are authorised by the Ecclesiastical Court, the same faith and credit to be given thereunto in judgement, or elsewhere, as should be exhibited to these Presents.  
Let no man therefore whatsoever infringe or dare rashly to contrary this Letter of our Commendation, Exhortation, Request, Donation, Grant, Assignation, Constitution, Deputation, Decree, Commandment, Inhibition, and Determination. And if any shall presume to attempt the same, let him know, that he shall thereby incur the Indignation of Almighty GOD, and his holy Apostles, Peter and Paul.  
Given at Rome at Saint PETER, In the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 1493. The fourth day of the Nones of May, the first year of our Popedom.    

ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE SAID Bull of Pope ALEXANDER.  
ALthough some deny liberty of Examination and Censure to Historians, but will have them leave all to the judgement of the Readers, to conclude what their own judgements shall gather out of Historical Premises: Yet because we writ 
a Seneca.  vitae non Scholae, and History is not 
b Cice●o.  only vita Memoriae, but Magistra vitae, is the School of Divine Providence, wherein by Example is always read that Rule, Discite iustitiam moniti; let me have like leave as almost all Historians, Divine, Ecclesiastical, and Human, have with thanks also obtained: And let the severer Critic call it a Digression, or Parenthesis, or what he pleaseth, so it may profit the feebler feet of such as may stumble hereat, and confirm the firmer and more resolved: Difficile est Satyram non scribere. It is almost necessary in this Treatise of Navigations (most of which are, or seem thereby inhibited) not to suffer this Bull (as Butcherly in sequel, as those the Statute includeth) to pass unbaited.  
It was now the time that the Antichristian Kingdom was grown to the height, and began to sink under the weight of itself, and the Prophecies of the Church's Restauration and Reformation began to ripen and hasten to the Birth, when this 
c He was before c●lled Roder●cus Borgia, a Spaniard of Val●n●ia.  Borgia ascended the Papal Throne, styling himself Alexander, a Name ominous to the World, to the Church, and to themselves; in some, to some of them; in this (the total sum of Mischief) to all. This appeared in that Great Macedonian, who was called 
d Lucan.  Foelix terrarum praedo; and to whom a 
e Aug. de Ciu. 〈◊〉 c. 4. Qu●● tibi ut O●●em terrarum? sed quia id ego exiguo facio navigio, latro vocor, quia tu magna class, imperator.  Pirate, charged with Sea-rovings, objected his greater World-rovings and robbings, this only differing, that the one did little with his little Ship, and therefore was called a Thief, the other doing great harm with his great Army, was surnamed Great: who after his great C●nquests, and greater ambition of Deity, with a little Poison was confined to his little Earth, a few Feet, a few handfuls of Dust; leaving the Ptolemeys and Seleucidae, which succeeded in part of his State, to exceed in cruelty to the Church.  
To the Christian Church, such have been the Popes that have named themselves Alexanders. Thus Alexander the second (the first that assumed that Name rejecting Anselmus, which in his Baptism he had received) brought forth a Schism with his Papacy, proceeded like an Alexander in Wars, and died in Prison (as some think of Poison) to give place to 
f B●n. Card. Bal. etc. vid. script. vit. Pontif. de hoc & seq. PP.  Hildebrand, the true Scanderbag of the Papacy. The next Alexander was procreated in 
g This History hath many Testimonies of their own Authors: see it maintained against Baron. by Morn. Myst. Iniq. pag 323. in Fol. V●d. ●im. Schard ex v●a. Ge●m. scr●●ta.  Schism, betrayed Fredrick the Emperor to the Sultan, sending him his Picture to that end, and after degenerating from the Macedonian Alexander's Humanity, trodden on his Neck in the Temple of S. Mark at Venice, and profaned Scripture, super aspidem etc. to that Diabolical Design; first made the Law of Canonization, and then with devout Bernard canonised T. Becket 
h He maintained the Pope's po●e● against 〈◊〉 K●ng and the Clergies immunity (which had committed above a hundred Murders, as Neubrig. l. 2. then living, testifieth) from the King and justly therefore by Divine Providence (though with humane Injustice) was murdered himself.  (an Angel of Light, and of Darkness yoked together, this being murdered or martyred in the Devil's Quarrel) had at once (beyond all Alexander's Pomp) the Kings of England 
i King Henry the second held the Bridle to the Pope's Legate twice, and suffered many stripes on his naked flesh with Rods.  and France attending on foot, and holding his Bridle. The next Alexander began with Excommunications, Persecutions, Wars against manfred King of Sicilia, which to maintain, he used Extortions and Exactions, such as had never been heard of; 
k Etsi illa Curia fide●es Christi multoties excruciaverit, nunquam tamen tam lethaliter sauciau●t, etc. Mat. Par. 1255.  the Cry whereof ascended to God, the Lord of Revenge, that the Bishop of London protested he would rather lose his head, the Bishop of York writ to him, to feed, not to shear, to flay, to eviscerate, to devour the Sheep like a hungry Wolf, as Matthew Paris, who then lived, recordeth. The Tenth which was granted for the Holy Land, and the prizes of Absolution for Homicide, Treason, Sodomy, Witchcraft, Perjury, and all Crimes, he thus employed; and after that public Pestilence of the Decretales published, he died of Thought, Event not seconding his Alexander-like Designs. The fifth Alexander 
l See Theod. de Ni●m, whi●h lived with him, his three last Chapters of the third book.  was produced in the greatest Schism that ever befell the Papacy; he deposed Ladislaus King of Naples, and gave that Sceptre to Lewis the Duke of Anjou; as also the Kingdom of the Romans, from Rupertus to Wenceslaus; guided in all things by Balthasar, full of fierceness and secularity; he died of Poison, given him by his Physician, at the procurement of Balthasar his successor, leaving a year of Pestilence and Famine to infested the World.  
But this sixth Alexander was Heir of all their Vices: who having procreated many Bastards, procured the Papacy 
m Whence those Verses, Vendit Alexander C●uces, Altaria, Christum, Vendere iu●e potest, emerat ille prius.  by Simony (some add, Diabolical 
* Bal. ex H. Mar. Euseb. Cap.  Contracts) to advance them and himself, with unjust justice miserably plaguing those Simoniacal 
n See Onuph. in vit. Al. 6.  Cardinals, which for Price and Promise had exalted this Plaguesore into that Chair of Pestilence, where he acted the Monster of Men, or was indeed rather an incarrate Devil. Bellarmine 
o Bel. de R. Pont. in praefat.  himself (a man not of the tenderest Forehead) blusheth at his Name, though ashamed of that shame, he returns with greater impudence, and from the immanity of this and some other Popes, would have us more admire the steadfastness of that Romish Rock, which hath sustained such portentous Beasts, as an argument of Divine Providence, that the Gates of Hell shall never prevail (and what else but Vices, are the Gates of Hell!) against it. In vain do we Heretics labour to set forth the Vices of some Popes, which themselves confess, but so, that the glory of that See is thereby exceedingly amplified. Egregiam vero laudem! An exceeding amplification of Bellarmine his Wit! 
p Onuph. in vit. Al. 6. Pontifex in eam totus incubuit curam ut ingentes filio opes vel summa cum omnium iniuria pararet. And, Inopiae, m●tu rapax atque ingenio immani saevus. opulentiss quemque in Aula Sacerdotem & in his Cardinals A●iquot caeteris ditiores veneno tollendos constituit.— Homo ad Italiae exitium natus etc. So Guic. l. 1. non sincer●ta, non fede, non religione avaritia insatiabi●e crudelta piuche barbara & ardentiss. cupidita di essaltare in qualunque modo ei figlivol▪ iquali erano molti. Vid. jou. Volat etc.  Onuphrius, jovius, Guicciardine, Volaterrane, and others of their own seem amazed at this man's monstrosity, though Vices be no rarities in Popes, and of the ordinary ones, one 
q Guic. l. 16. Ne nostri corrotti costumi è laudata la bonta del Pontefice quando non trapassa la malignità de gli altri huomini.  saith, that he is accounted a good Pope (not whose Virtues equal his Vices, and hold some counterpoise, as Comminaeus of a Prince, but) whose Wickedness doth not exceed that of other men. To omit the Deluges of Waters, of Famine, Plague, Wars, which overflowed the City and all Italy in his times, Rome was by the impunity of Assassinates made a very 
* Volat. Roma Nobilis iam carnific●na facta.  Butchery; within it, no going by Night; nor without, by Day. And for his personal Virtues, Theological and Cardinal, his Love was unnatural Lust, to his Daughter, and for his Sons; his Faith, perfidy to all which trusted him: Gemes the Turkish Emperors Brother, for Turkish 
r 200000 Ducats▪ & Christ's seamelesse Coat. jon. Hist. l. 2:  Gold he betrayed, and with a white sweet lingering Poison, mixed with his Wine, murdered; his reconciled Enemies he fraudulently betrayed to massacre; to his Guests invited to his Table, he gave poisoned Potions, in exchange of their great Richeses (in one of which Banquets, himself at unawares, by a mistaken Cup, was paid in his own Coin, the Son also pledging the Father; but to the World's greater scourge, by the benefit of Youth and Physic, recovering.) His Hope was to make his Son Caesar Borgia (which had slain his Brother, and is said to communicate with his Father in his 
* Pontanus of Lucretia▪ the Popes daughter, Hoc iacet in tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re Thais, Alexandri filia, spo●sa, nurus.  Sister's Bed) the Caesar of the Church's State or Patrimony. His Fortitude was daring to any Mischief; in Prudence, he was not wise as a Serpent, to prevent, but a wise Serpent to invent Evil. With his Temperance I will not further distemper your patience; but consider his justice in this Donation, of he knew not whom, to he knew not what Misery.  
And if it seem impertinent to have said so much of the Person, let such know, that I have done it to show, that here was Dignum olla operculum, Lips suitable to the Lettuce, and amongst all the Popes of later times, the Devil (which is a Murderer from the beginning) could not have found a fit Vicar, whether we regard the bloody Executions and Depopulations that ensued, wherein both Alexander the Macedon, and Alexander's Popes, and if there be any Alexander Devils, are by the event of this Bull surmounted all; or whether that the Devil, foreseeing by the Prophecies of Babylon's Fall (confirmed also with the 
s Volater. & Bal.  Fall of the Angel in this Pope's time from the top of S. Angelo) that his Kingdom would soon decline, raised up this Alexander to be another Alexander, a Conqueror of another World, by his Spiritual Weapons, under a seeming Conversion to Christianity, to make a 
t Conuersio à converrendo. Cic. in Ver. ac. 4. O verrea praeclara. Etenim quam tu Domum, quam Vrbem adijsti, quod fanum denique quod non cu●rsum atque extersum reliqueris?  Conversion (of another Ciceronian Etymology) a sweeping of a World of Men out of the World together, and wiping 
u 2. Reg. 21.13.  them as a man wipeth a Dish, wiping it and turning it upside down; this first, and in the remainders a Conversion to such a Christianity, as should make them 
x Mat. 23.  twofold more the Children of Hell, which is by themselves 
y See the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage, lib. 9  testified of the Indians: Or whether the Pope, his Vicar, as honest as that 
z Lu. 16.  Steward in the Gospel, fearing to be cast out of this European Stewardship, bethought him, by giving so great a part of the World, whereof his Master is called 
a 2. Cor. 4.4.  the God, to procure entertainment somewhere else, and thereupon was so liberal of the Devil's peculiar, this Ethnic World: Or that in the decay of the Spiritual Power, that Genius of the Papacy sought to supply it with Temporal (whereof the Christian Kings are more jealous) and therefore hath new forged the Keys into Sword, that what his Keys could not unlock (nay, had nothing to do with, as being no part of the House, like the first Alexander in the Gordian Knot) his Sword might chop in asunder, and give the one half to one, and the other half to another. Once, the Sword hath made way to the Keys in those parts, and made the Farm of the Pope's Pardons a good Revenue.  
I question not the Right of the Spanish Crown in those parts: Quis me constituit iudicem? It is the fault I found in this great Ardelio. The Castilian Industry I honour (as appears in the former Relations) their Right may, for that which is actually in their Possession, without this Bull, pled Discovery even before this was written, the Sword, Preseription, subjection of the Inhabitants, long and quiet Possession; which, howsoever the 
b Bar. Ius Regis, l. ●. c. 3. at possessio malae fidei 〈◊〉 procedit? ●ercle non in primo possessore nec in haerede proximo aut necessario, sed legitime in posteris & valide etc. licite suff. ad conti●uat. dominij non ad inchoationem.  Case was at first (wherewith I meddle not) must now, after so long Succession, be acknowledged Iust. I quarrel the Pope only, and the Claim of that See, herein truly Catholic, or Universal, challenging even in the Devil's 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lu. 4.5. hoc ille titulo & 〈◊〉 Oecumenicus Papa.  style, Omnia Regna Orbis Terrae, and, Potestatem hanc universam & gloriam illorum, quia mihi tradita sunt, & cui volo, do illa. He as the Devil's Vicar (cui tradita sunt, who by Tradition challengeth a Right to them, and by Tradition, that is, Treason, disturbs Right and Rites in them) doth Tradere, betray the Rights of them, by Sentences, Censures, and I know not what Bulls. True it is, that the Catholic Kings had other reasons to ask this furtherance from the Pope, in regard of the Portugal, which had obtained former Bulls (as is before related; as 
d Taurum Neptuno taurum tibi pulcher Apollo. Virg.  Neptune with the Ethnikes, so Navigation with these, is propitiated with Bulls) and challenged a Monopoly of Discovery; in regard of other Princes, to whom the Pope's Censures (as Thunder in a dark Night) were in those times terrible, especially in a Case otherwise just, where they had made Discovery, and taken and continued Possession before all others; and in regard of the People, and (those blind Leaders of the blind) the Friars and Priests, who (si dolosi spes refulserit nummi) could with this Bull, as a Bag full of Wind, make Music to the Vulgar, and 'cause them dance over the Seas in this Attempt, as no less holy (approved by that Holy Father) than 
e 2. Sam. 6.  DAVID'S dancing before the Ark. The Bulls bellowing, Authoritate Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato PETRO concessa, ac Vicariatus JESV CHRISTI, quae fungimur in terris, where Gold and Glory were really proposed, with Conceits of Heaven and Merit annexed, could not but to Minds credulous, covetous, and therefore willing, add Wind in Poop, and become another general Wind, to carry them to this New World. Besides, in Minds scrupulous touching the lawfulness of that Design, but acknowledging that fullness of Apostolical power without examination or scruple, it was almost necessary to obtain that, which had it been necessary to themselves, and in their own Consciences had begun the lawfulness of that Action, they would not first have discovered and possessed (as the Bull itself intimates) and afterwards have demanded the Popes Grant; they would not have devoured that was sanctified and set apart from their use, and after the Vows have enquired.  
Reason of State is evident (abundans cautela non nocet) Religion of Episcopal power to be reason of giving just Title of Inheritance, and that to a World, to an Ethnic World, 
f Ter. beaut.  Religio est dicere, is not only (as the Mysteries of Religion are) beyond and above, but utterly against and contrary to reason. But from these Reasons of State, have the Romists (whose Religion at Rome is little else but Reason of State, as appeared in their late erected Pillar and ground of Truth, which peeled and cast the Truth to the ground, their 
g Se● the Hist. of that Council published in English, translated out of Italian by M. Brent, which discovers the particular workings of that Mystery.  Council of Trent) gathered a Sovereignty over Kings and Kingdoms; and therefore whatsoever was done in this kind, whiles their Hour and the Power of Darkness lasted, is set upon the Last, and stretched, to make it a fit Slipper for the Pope's pride-swollen Foot to tread upon the Necks of Kings and Emperors, as super Aspidem & Basilicum, with conculcabis Leonem & Draconem. Thus Alexander served Fredrick, and thus of the second Fredrick, said 
h Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. An. 1245.  Innocentius, then angry with the Kings of England and France, Expedit ut componamus cum Principe F. ut hos Regulos conteramus recalcitrantes: Contrito enim vel 
* Yet Michael the Archangel, when he striven against the Devil, durst not blame him with cursed speaking. jude 9  pacificato Dracone cito Serpentuli conculcabuntur. These things he spoke voce susurra, oculos obliquando & nares corrugando. Yea, now Bellarmine is much 
i Mirum est quòd is qui in angulo Septentrionis d●as insulas subiectas habet, ita de se praesumat, ut dicat, nulla exparte me Pontifice esse inferiore a credo. Apolog. p. 26. Vid. resp. E●. E●. pag. 78.  amused and amazed, that his Majesty should presume to compare himself with the Pope, being a King of two Lands in a Corner of the North, forgetting that Great Constantine, the Sun of the Empire, arose from this Northern Corner, which first filled the Horns of the Pope's Mitre with secular Light, and by removing the Imperial Seat, made way for that Star to become a full Moon: which though a long time (as the Moon whiles the Sun shineth). made no great show, the Imperial Greatness continuing; yet in the Eclipse of the Empire, or that irrecoverable Night rather by Barbarian Deluges (these also God raised out of the contemned North, to tread under foot the Roman Pride) seemed to become, in that Night of Darkness, Lady of the Light, indeed a light Lady; which dazzled with selfe-reflecting her borrowed Beams, challenged to be the Sun, and glories to have procreated this later Moon, in translating and erecting the Western Empire; which, and all other Christian Kingdoms must no longer shine, than they admit the light of the Papal Sun: otherwise their Opposition must be a Conjunction, and thence Thunder-striken, like young Phaeton's, they must lose their Light, and Life, and Empire together, becoming as opacous Earth (so some conceit the Moon) yea, as dark Hells of Heresies, for not acknowledging the Pope. 
Ad An. 1245.  Let this contemner of the North remember, that this Northern Corner was once 
k Matth. Paris verè ho●tus noster deliciarum, est Anglia verè puteus ine● bausius est, & ubi multa abundant, multa possunt extorquers de multis.  their Paradise and Garden of Pleasures, where the Pope himself 
l Idem. A. 1245.  would have personally for a time resided, and was rejected, even in his Son's days, who (Bellarmine saith untruly) de 
m Vid. ●esp. ad Apol. R.P. Epist. El. pag. 82. vid. & T●rt. T. pag. 217.  consensu Bar●num, resigned his Crown to the Pope. And let him remember, that of the ten Horns which shall hate the Whore, and make her desolate and naked, and eat her flesh, and burn her with fire, some may come out of some corner of the North. The ancient Alms of 
n Constat ab Ad. ●. Po●t. dat●m fuiss● Hib. Hen 2. An. 1126. pag. 29.  Peter-pences he calls Tribute, and allegeth Ireland to be the Pope's Gift. Sure we are, that the Popes have done their best and worst against the English Right in Ireland, Paul 
o Hist. Con. Trent.  the fourth stomacking the Title of King, without Papal Licence, Pius the fifth impiously deposing Queen Elizabeth by his Bull, and Gregory the thirteenth intending it also to his Son, sending Forces with Stukley to that purpose, which (the Pope's Blessing notwithstanding) perished before they came there. Neither need we here or there fear Balac or 
* Balaams' counsel for Peor, his idolatrous Priests are more to be feared then his Bulls.  Balaam (their Curses are Blessings, though Sanders also play the Shemei. But for that of Ireland, one of his own Religion hath answered the Cardinal (whom he applauds in Divinity, but in forensibus aut rebus saeculi esteems haud mediocriter peritum) That if the Pope or his predecessors ever had right, yet by his Bull, Possession taken by the English, and Prescription, they are utterly excluded. He allegeth also, besides the succession of diverse Ages, that the Roman Court knows well enough, that 
q Primus titulus ius est. socialis belli etc. 〈◊〉. tit. verus profecto & Germanus est invitatio ordinum regni & totius Cleri, 4. Archiep. 28. Epis●. etc.  Ius socialis Belli, and that voluntary submission, yea supplication of the Irish to King Henry for that purpose, which he accepted and performed, their Letters (as he saith) still remaining in the Vatican. 
r Baron. to. 12. An. 1171.  Baronius hath testified, Hiberniam sponte deditam sibi consensu omnium vendicavit, and mentions the transcript of those Letters to Pope Alexander. Adrian indeed writ to King Henry, who had before consulted with him, being an Englishman, about those Irish Affairs, ask his advice and assistance (Consilium exiges & favorem Sedis Apost. are Adrian's words, and the whole Epistle is of advice) but by that Epistle nothing was attempted. Fifteen years after, King Henry offered aid to King Dermitius at his humble solicitation, and by his Sword, not the Pope's Keys (as the 
s Vid. Ep. El. est Card. Bel. Apa●. resp. pag. 86.  most learned Bishop hath answered the Cardinal) together with the submission of the Irish, obtained that Sovereignty. 
p G. ●arret I.C. li. 3. c. 3. ●d Lud. 13. Gal. K.   
The same challenge may they make to France, for consultation with Pope Zacharie, when Hilderike or Childerike was deposed by the French. Yea, what Kingdom do they not find some Window or Postern to creep into, and though these unjust Stewards cannot 
t Lu. 16.  dig, and to beg are ashamed; yet herein, where they have begged for 
u Matth Paris ad An. ●155.  Peter-pences (as Adrian in that Letter of King Henry) even of such Begging will make an Instrument to dig thorough and steal; as some Rogues, which by Begging obtaining an Alms, have seized on the whole Purse, and rob their Benefactor.  
Thus he, which at first was a holy Bishop, after, by beneficence of Princes, became a Princely Prelate in the Church: next, by a Murderer and Traitor was made Head and Prince of the Church, in Church-Affaires 
x Onuph in vita Bonifac. 3.  Ecumenical Pope: after which, by Prince's bounty made a Prince, but tributary; by Treason against his Prince, made himself his Prince's Peer, and exalting himself above all that is called God, from the time of Gregory the seventh hath bestirred him to make himself the Prince of all Prince's 
* Nun Rex A●glor●m noster est vasallus & ut pius d●cam mancipium, said the Pope, angered with a Letter o● Rob. Gro●●ed A. 1253. ap. Mat. Par. t●rao aspectu & s●●e●bo etc.  Christian, and now in this Alexander, a God of the World, the Style (as is said) of the Devil. For whereas Adrian had challenged 
y Mat. Paris A●. 1155.  omnes Insulas quibus Sol iustitiae Christus illuxit & quae documentae fidei Christianae susceperunt, ad ius B. Petri & SS. Rom. Ecclesiae pertinere, he doth it but of Christians, and for his 
* The very word 〈◊〉 are 〈…〉 & ●.  Peter-pences, as an argument to receive Alms, not to give Sceptres: but this Bull hath a louder bellow, and opens his mouth wider, Omnes Insulas & Terras firmas, inventas & inveniendas, detectas & detegendas— versus Indiam aut aliam quamcunque partem— and that with an imagined Line from the Arctic to the Antarctic Pole, by the imaginary authority of Almighty God; with all their Cities, Castles, Dominions, Rights, jurisdictions: inhibiting all others, under pain of Excommunition, to presume thither for Merchandise, or any other cause, etc. Do they not challenge the Kingdoms of Hungary, of Arragon, of Spain itself, of Denmark, of Dalmatia and Croatia, of Portugal, of Naples, Sicilia, jerusalem, Sardinia, Bohemia, Swethen, N●rway, Poland, Scotland, and all the Kingdoms of Europe; as 
〈◊〉. de Mag. R.E. l. 2 c. ●. 〈◊〉 tit. R. E. potestas in 〈◊〉 Principes 〈◊〉 creaadospunc; and having named very many, he con●●u●e●, E●t 〈…〉 S. Sedis e●●mia ●ot ●●as in Provincijs Ch●i●tianis su●t 〈◊〉 h●●●tate Reges 〈…〉 etc.  Stapleton, 
〈…〉 ap. Stench. l. 2. cont. Vallam pro Dan. Const. Bodin. de Re●ub. l. 1. c. 9 vid. & Tort. Tort. p. 21●.  Steuchus, Marta, and others have written. We r●ad of a mad man at Athens, which esteemed every Ship that came into the Haven his own, and therefore to●ke Inuentories of the Goods. Such is the sobriety of Rome, as if the World had been created for the Papacy; whatsoever Promises are made to the Church in Scripture, is their Inheritance; the Pope is the Church, and Peter, and Bishop, and Apostle, and Prince: yea, Christ, and God, and Caesar, and all, and more than all; his Centre at Rome, his Circumference every where and nowhere. Accordingly he gives, as if he had all things: he takes, scrapes, rakes, as if he had nothing. Wittily did 
a  Sanctius, Brother of the King of Arragon, show himself grateful to his Holiness for like bounty, whom when the Pope by 〈◊〉 of Trumpet had proclaimed King of Egypt, he requited him with like bounty by his Trumpeters, proclaiming the Pope Chaliph of Baldach, that is, Mahomet's Vicar (so Chaliph signifies) and supreme Head of the Saracens. Not less wisely did Earl Richard, Brother to King Henry the third, acknowledge 
b Mat. Paris, An. 1254. Idem e●t acs●●●is dic●ret, ven●o vel do tibi lunam, ascend & apprehend eam.  the Pope's bountiful Gift of the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicil, taken from King Conradus, demanding Hostages, Money, and some Forts in the Pope's hand, to be delivered him: otherwise (saith he) it is all one as if he should give me the Moon, and bid me climb up and fetch it. And well had it been, if King Henry himself had so answered him. Yea, the Catholic King 
c Phi●. R. Hisp. Cath. Edictum cont. tractat. C. Bar. de ●ion. Sic.  himself, in this inheritance of Sicill, was sensible of the Pope's claim, and prohibited that part of Baronius which maintained it.  
But whence this Power so boundless? Is he the Vicar of Christ? This is he, that being Heir 
d Heb. 1.  of all things, 
e Col. 1.  by whom and for whom all things were created, yea, 
f Ap 3.  the beginning of the new Creation of God, did 
g Ph. 2.  exinanire se, took on him the form of a Servant, that is, not the show, but the substance, as is his form of God, and 
h Lu●. 2●.  came not to be served, but to serve: He in his Birth would be 
i Luc. 2.  taxed or enroled a Servant to a foreign Prince; in his Life paid Tribute Money, yea for Peter as well as himself; did it, 
k Mat●. 22.  and taught so to do; in his Death paid that he never took (vile & servile supplicium) openly witnessed a good confession to Pilate, That his 
l Io. 18.  Kingdom was not of this World; yea, that this power over him was given from above to Pilate: and when they would have 
m 6.15.  made him a King, he refused; nor would 
n Luc. 12.  divide the Heritage betwixt the Brethrens, rejecting it with Quis me constituit? Whereas his pretended 
o ●on. 8. unam s●nc.  Vicar hath made a Constitution of purpose to arrogate both Swords, and this Alexander hath excluded all others, and divided almost all the World to two Brethrens.  
But the Pope is Successor of Peter and Paul the Apostles, yea, the Heir of all Apostleship! And why not then of that 
p Mat. ●0. Luc. 22.  Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic? And why doth he not listen to Peter's, 
q 1. Pet. 5. These places are produced by Victoria in his Relect. de▪ Indis, n. 27. & de pet. Ecclesiae.  Non dominantes in clerum, much less in mundum? And why doth he not with Peter, put up his Sword into his sheath, not drawing in such an Exigent for his Master's Life, such a Weapon with approbation? Malchus his right Ear, the King's servants faithful Ear, by this High Priest is cut off, and they made Recusants to God's Service and the King's Allegiance by his Sword, and Bellarmine his Armour-bearer. Yet if he love's so well Armour, why doth he not follow Paul in his 
r 2. Cor. 10.  Arma Militiae nostrae carnalia non sunt? and if he will needs be a Soldier, why breaks he Paul's Rule, 
s 2. Tim. 2. vid. Amb. ad istum lo●.  Nemo militans implicat se Negotijs saecularibus? If yet he will change Peter's Keys into Paul's Sword, let him know Mucro furor Sauli, that Sword makes him the Successor of Saul a Persecutor, not Paul an Apostle. King Richard the first 
t Mat. Par. An. 1196.  being requested by the Pope to free his Son the Bishop Beluacensis, taken in the field, sent the Pope his Armour wherein he was taken, with this Message, Vide utrum tunica filij tui sit, anon: which caused the Pope modestly to disclaim him, Non filius meus est vel Ecclesiae, quia potius Martis quam Christi Miles indicatur. Mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur: The reason is strong against the Pope's challenging temporal Power and Kingdom, for which the 
u Io. 18.36.  servants must fight in the judgement of Truth itself, with Weapons correspondent. Si utrumque habere voles, saith 
x Bern. ●e consid. l. 2.  Bernard (aut dominans Apostolatum, aut Apostolicus dominatum) perdes utrumque. The 
y Can. Ap. 80. & 82.  Canons are strict herein; but the Pope is like the late Prophetical King of 
z See my Pilg. l. 6. c. 11. §. 3.  Barbary, which could 'cause (as they report) the Bullets to remain in the discharged Pieces, and therefore adventured himself and his on the Ordinance, without harm.  
But what should I multiply words in this Argument, wherein not only our 
a D.D. Epis●. El. T●rt. T. & Resp. & D. Morten & Abbat. & B●ck. & Down. & Arch. Spalat. l. ●. c. 10. D. Sutl. de Pont. R. l. 4. c. 14. D. Whitak. & Rain. & Col. etc.  men have taken this weighty Crown from the Head of this Man (who worse than that Ammonite, serves not Ambassadors, but Kings themselves in that homely fashion, cutting off their garments by the Buttocks, not leaving to cover their nakedness, or his own shame) and set it on David's Head; but even 
b Barclayus P. & F. G. Barret. joan. Paris. jac. Alma●n. Serbona ●n Tanquerelli Pali●od. Relect. Victoriae etc.  their own, also both Schoolmen and Lawyers, and Universities and States, have written, decreed, by Pen and Pike sought to maintain (as at Venice lately) the right of the Crown free from the Triple Diadem. And Melchior Goldastus hath published a large Library of this kind. But this Argument hath found a Kingly Writer, a King a Writer, a King of Writers, as pattern and patron of other Learning, so herein also a Defender of the Faith. And foolishly do I further pour Water into this Sea, into which Pope Alexander's Bull hath brought me: But their Romish Shop and Mint of Doctrines provoke me, which having 
c Bulla juramenti de profess. ●d.  lately hammered a new Creed, annexed to their Tridentine Anathema's, and made a Bull to proclaim them, like 
d See my Pilg. l. 3. c. 3.  Mahomet's Bull, which in the Turks Legend brings the Koran in his Horns, seek haply to add this as a Thirteenth, of the Pope's Monarchy over Monarches, so strangely rather then strongly defended by jesuitical 
e See twenty such Articles against the state of Kings, drawn out of Bellarmine by the B. of W. in his learned Answer to the Apology. Pag. 62.  Spirits, no less jebusiticall, in denying David's right, then jezabellicall, in painting the face of their Idolatrous Mother, whose Witchcrafts and Whoredoms remaining in too many, will not suffer even Children to hold their Peace. And indeed to recite, is to refute the Arguments of their Popes and Cardinals, as those of Boniface 
f Bon. Exti●●. vn●m sanc.  the eight: In principio: ecce duo gladij: spiritualis homo iudicat omnia, and other of like light moment. So that of Cardinal Bellarmine, Pasce Oues, and of Baronius, Occide & manduca, and before them, of our Countryman Cardinal 
g Reg. Pol●. de sum. P. c. 47.  Poole, for the Pope's Temporal Power, Haec omnia adijcientur vobis, Mat. 6. & Filij eorum qui te humiliaverunt curui ad te venient ut adorent vestigia pedum tuorum, Es. 60. for Princes submitting their Sceptres to the Pope; and the Divine Providence, in giving some Temporal peculiar for S. Pe●ers Patrimony, In qua administranda exemplo suo Imperatores & Reges proprium corum hoc est Reg●am a●tem & veram regendi po●ulos rationem docerent. And yet how many of them lived in France, and never saw S. Peter's Patrimony? And well had it been, if this Alexander had lived in this new World, or quite out of the World: yea, in the rest, their own Historians show no man more transported either by faction or affection to their kindred, whom they seek with public loss to advance: such examples they have been at home. And what good examples they have been abroad, appears in that 
h Mat. Par. in H. 3. An. 1252. nun dom. Papa m●ltoties factum suum revocat? Nun opposito hoc repagu●o Non Obstante chartas cassat pr●concessas? Sic & ego &c.  King, which denied his own and his progenitors Grants, pretending the example of the Pope his playing fast and lose with his Non obstante; and the Pope's practice of dispensing with Oaths both of Princes and subjects, can testify; y●a, most Corruptions, which Histories observe in secular Government, thence may derive easy Originals. Hence did that justice's complaint arise, Heu, heu, hos ut quid dies expectavimus? E●ce iam civilis Curia exemplo Ecclesiasticae coinquinatur & à sulfureo fonte riwlus intoxicatur. The same Historian tells of Oaths that multoti●s iuraverat obseruare idem Rex contraire non formidavit, credens pro munere ●bsolui, which is now devolved to the people, both prohibited and absolved from Oaths by the Pope, now that Kings begin to discover and to hate the Whore, and are not as he than saith, PP. & Rex in gravamen Ecclesiae consoederati. And much less needs it, that the Pope should give that which is out of the Church, and none of Christ's Flock: For what power have the Keys of the 
i Idem A. 1251. 1254. & 1256. etc.  Kingdom of Heaven to shut the Doors of Earthly, of mere Earthly Kingdoms? Or to shut out such as were never let into the Church? Yea, when Christ saith, 
k Mat. 18.  Let him be as an Ethnic unto thee, expressing the utmost extent of the Keys, how can Ethnikes be included, who are not sicut, but m●rè & verè Ethnici, already? S. Paul saith, 
l 1. Cor. 5.12, 13.  Quid mihi de ijs qui foris sunt iudicare? Nun de ijs qui intus sunt, vos iudicatis? Nam eos qui foris sunt Deus iudicabit. This is cited by 
m Fr. à Vict. Relec. de Pot. Eccl. s.  Victoria, a Spanish Divine, to prove, that the Pope non habet dominium in Terris Infidelium quia non habet potestatem nisi intra Ecclesiam; adding, that Infidels are verè Domini, seeing the Apostle commands 
n Rom. 13.  Tribute to be paid them, and that the contrary is merum commentum in adulationem & assentationem Pontificum: largely proving these Propositions, That the Pope is not Lord of the World, That the Temporal Power depends not of him, That it is not subject to his Temporal Power, and that he hath nothing to do ordinarily to judge of Prince's Cases, Titles, jurisdictions, nor hath any Power merely Temporal; That the Temporal Power doth not at all depend of the Spiritual. And in his R●lections of the 
o Relect. de Ind. n. 38.  Indians he saith, That it doth not appear to him, that the Christian Faith hath so been preached to them, that they are bound sub novo p●ccato to believe it, having had no probable persuasion, as Miracles and examples of Religious life, but the contrary: yea, had the Faith been never so probably propounded, and they rejected it, yet might they not therefore be spoilt of their Goods, or pursued by War. And what right then had the Pope to propound that Method in his Bull, Vobis sub●cere & ad fidem Catholicam reducere? Is any thing more free, then to believe? Else if 
p Ca●et. ad sum. 22. q. 66. ar. 8. Do●ini quamuis Infidel●s l●gitimi D●min sunt, nec sunt ●●op●er i fid. à D●●inio suo●um 〈…〉, cù 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 ex D●uino iure etc.  ethnics had been to be compelled to enter into the Church (for it is otherwise with the Children of the Kingdom) he would have sent Captains, Conquerors, Alexanders (as the Saracens did, and this Alexander imitates) not Fishermen, Tent-makers, Publicans, as Sheep amongst Wolves, not Wolves amongst Sheep. On whom did David, or M●ses▪ or any of the ancient Kings make War only for Infidelity? Vnde grau●ssimê peccaremus (saith Cardinal 
q Caiet. ubi s●p.  Caietan) si fidem Christi jesu per hanc viam ampliare contenderemus; nec essemus legitimi Domini illorum, sed magna latrocinia committeremus, & teneremur ad restitutionem, utpote iniusti debellatores aut occupatores. Good men (saith he) should be sent, by their Preaching and living to convert them to God; and not such as shall oppress, spoil, scandalise, subject, and make them twice more the Children of Hell, like the Pharises.  
And this may be the cause of all those Misorders which happened in the Indieses: the most by a blind zeal, thinking they did God service in punishing the Idolatries, Man-eating, and Sodomies, and other Vices of the Ethnikes, with Invasion and War, especially where Terr●r might bring them, or, they being slain, others by their example, to admit the Gospel; that had not the piety and pity of some eye-witnesses excited the Royal Provision of the Catholic Kings in this case (which over so wide Seas and spacious Lands they could not discern) even Hell itself had been loosed on Earth, under the pretext of Heaven, and the Prince of Darkness had effected his blackest and cruelest Designs, in habit of an Angel of Light Tantum Religio poterat suadere malorum, may we say of this Religious irreligious Bull. Thus Nunho di 
r  Gusman, a Spanish Commander, relates in an Epistle to the Emperor, his manner of invading: first, after his Martial Prologue, preaching to the Indians, GOD, the Pope, and the King of Spain, Minister of GOD on Earth, whom all men in the World aught to obey; the s●lly Indians for fear acknowledging themselves ready to worship the King, till his better instruction. He also persuades the Emperor not to give liberty to the Christian Indians, and to allow nothing but necessaries, that by much subjection they might be made good Christians. He quarrels those Quarrellers, that hold this War unjust, and seek to disturb it, being the most holy and meritorious Work that can be done in the service of God, for which himself hoped the diminution of his sins. And if I should show out of 
f Bart. Cas. of the Spanish Cruelties.  Casas, a Spanish Bishop in those parts, the executions of this Bull, you would say, that the Brazen Bull of Phalaris, the Monster-Bull of Minos, the fire-breathing Bull subdued by Hercules, the jews 
* See P. Pilg. lib. 2. cap. 20. Of Egypt, their Mnevis, Apis, Ba●is, Onuphis, etc. l. 6▪ c. 4.  Behemoth, and those of Egypt, were but Calves to this of Pope Alexander: Hinc illae laechrymae. They had been Heretics, if they had not obeyed the Pope, Subijciendo & ad fidem Catholicam reducendo. All that we have talked of Kings all this while, see effected in 
t Cort. Narrat. ad Imp ●ar.  Mutezuma (no mean, though an Ethnic Prince) out of Cortes his own Relations to the Emperor, and in Attabaliba or Atahualpa, the mighty Inga, related by 
u Benzo l. 3. c. 3. See the whole Oration grounded on th●s Bull, the Pope thereby giving Terras incogni●as, idque vi coactum etc. S●c Lop. Vaz, L., Gomera, G●rc. de la Vega, etc.  Benzo, the Dominican Vincentius de valle viridi preaching the Pope's Gift, to which if he did not willingly yield, he should be forced; which that Heathen disclaimed as unjust, saying, That the Pope was foolish and impudent, to give so liberally another man's goods. Whereupon the Friar cruelly cried to the Spaniards, to execute that which was in that manner easy to effect, saying, agite Christiani, trucidate istos canes etc. What should I speak of Millions perishing without the Faith by this new Article of Faith, Subijcere & ad fidem Catholicam reducere? Of Shambleses of Man's flesh, and other Cruelties? I delight not in such Tragaedies, I only show the Choragus, the Western Alexander his Bull, or Bucephalus, the very Cerberus which produced those Dogs which hunted and devoured the Indians, and yet as Casas hath, were more mild than their Masters, Masters indeed of 
x ●●ter arma sil ni Leges. Non ex iure manu consertum, sed mage ferro Rem repetent. I. Acosta de procuranda Indorum salut●, l. 1. c. 13, 14. l▪ 2. c. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15. l. 3. c. 3, 4, 5. l. 4. c. 4, 5, etc. He also shows how natural Merchandise is, and how unjust it is to prohibit it: producing he example of the Chinois; he might, of this Bull.  immanity and inhumanity, but proceeding in this School, and writing Comments and a world of Glosses on this Bull-Text with the blood of a world of men in that New World. How doth Acosta and others deplore these bloody and therefore slippery foundations of the Faith? That from these forced beginnings, Nihil pium & salutare nisi per vim agant? That they have received but a show of Christianity, closely embracing their old Superstitions? As a Plant (saith he) growing crooked at first, must either be broken, or still suffered so to grow, Ita prorsus cùm Indorum natio bellici apparatus potius authoritate quàm germana praedicatione magna ex parte Christum acceperit etc. So amongst these Indians, as the fear of War, not true Preaching, made way to Christianity, so do they still retain fear and a servile condition, not freely translated to be the Children of God by Regeneration. For nothing is so contrary to Faith, as is all force and violence. But of their Christianity I have spoken 
* In the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage.  elsewhere out of their own Authors; I here show the root of it, this Apostolic Bull. The Poets tell of Europa deflowered by jupiter, having conveyed her thorough the Sea in form of a Bull. The Roman jupiter of the Vatican Capitol, or S. Angelo Veiovis, hath conveyed over this greater part of the World, this New World, America, to be both deflowered and devoured by Catholic Soldiers, by his Catholic Bull, in fair show of reducing to Faith, but first mentioning Forts, and Subjection. That Bull by the Poets was exalted to a Constellation in Heaven: This Bull having made such havoc on Earth, rather deserves Hell, except some Poets which can make their Gods (as the Pope in Canonization, the Priest in Consecration) can device also to make new Antarctic Heavens to place this Bull in: Our Arctic is now too full of Constellations, to admit any such Monsters, jest he should make terrible Tragedies there also, being since grown so huge, that he incompasseth the two Hemispheres with his horny Hemi-circles.  
And for his prohibition of all Christians else to attempt those parts for Merchandise or other cause; what is it, but with his two Horns to push at, and out, both Nature and Grace? That in so large a Tract of the World it may neither be lawful to carry Spiritual, nor recarry Temporal Commodities, without leave obtained, under pain of Excommunication? And is it not Bulla, a bubble and froth, the babbling or babelling of Babel, That a Bishop should countermand Merchandise, and the Servant of God's Servants should make himself a Lord of Heathen Lords, to give the Crowns of Kings by Apostolical Salutem & benedictionem? What more Apostatical or Apotacticall? What could Alexanders Malediction have done more, or worse? Is subijcere the way to bring to the Catholic Faith? Proh fidem istam Catholicam! Proh Deûsm atque hominum fidem! Rara fides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur.  
And yet one clause of Baptism is more Bullish or Hellish than the rest (per sacri lavacri susceptionem qua Mandatis Apostolicis obligati estis) That Christians, that Kings are obliged, by their very Baptism obliged to the Apostolical, that is, in their sense, the Pope's Commandments. 
a 1. Co. 1.13.  Divisus est Christus? Nunquid PAULUS crucifixus est pro vobis, aut in nomine PAULI baptisati estis? said that glorious Apostle of the Gentiles: but this gentle glorying Apostle will needs in a new Catholic Faith be either crucified for us with Christ, or make a fourth Person in the Trinity, unto whose Mandates alone we are baptised. But Boniface had answered this, 
b Bon. 8. Extr. de 〈◊〉. & ob.  Vnum caput, non duo capita quasi monstrum, Christus & ipsi Vicarius. This also favours Alexander, which would needs be a God, the son of jupiter, and was so by his Parasites acknowledged. And right so the Pope by his flatterers, who affirm, 
c B●llar. in his Ma●. Tort. vid. T●rturam T. pag. 32.  R●ges cum hac conditione admitti ad Ecclesiam ut Christo Scept●a subijciant, and consequently, to his Vicar the Pope. We poor men had thought, that in the Sacraments God had vouchsafed us a great dignity, that we are therein equal with Kings; that in 
d 1. Cor. 12.13.  one Spirit we had been all baptised into one Body, whether jews or Gentiles, whether bond or free; that 
e Gal. 3.27, 28.  whosoever were baptised in Christ, had put on Christ, and that there was neither jew nor Greek, neither bond nor free, neither male nor female: omnes enim vos unum estis in Christo jesu. But see how this h●rned Beast, with his Scepter-pushing Bull blesseth and makes us more happy then baptised Kings: for we may enjoy our Possessions, our Professions as more free, at lest not impaired by Baptism; but Kings are admitted into the Church, with subjection of their Persons and Crowns to the Pope; their subjects also may disclaim, not swear, forswear Allegiance; yea, it shall be tolerable, nay lawful, nay commendable, yea, and meritorious for Heaven, to kill the Kings of the Earth, which shall be immorigerous to his Holiness. Protestants are generally beholden to his Catholic Keys, which open Rome, the Catholic Mother City, to Strumpets, to jews, but lock out our Generation to the consuming f●ames: but Protestant, yea, Catholic Kings, are less in favour then other Catholics, and in condition like the jews: for as they must, in converting to Christianity, renounce their former Wealth (as 
f Vict. de Carb. l. 1. c. 4, 5.  Victor de Carben, a Christened jew, complains) together with the World and the Devil, embracing beggary with their Christianity, which makes so few Converts; so Kings (which even amongst Heathens knew no Superior but God) must in their Baptism make a tacit renuntiation of their Kingdoms, when their holy Lord the Pope (in ordine ad Deum) shall so adjudge. And if he obey not, he loseth his Baptism, becomes now an Heretic, and his subjects, by virtue of that his Baptism also, which obliged him to the Pope, are at the Pope's Bulls first lowing to depose him. jam sumus ergo pares, Kings and jews may say: it is better (in secular respects) not to profess Christ, not to be baptised. The reason out of Tortus his new Kabala (as that learned 
g Tort. T●●ti. pag. 201.  Bishop calls it) ortus cuique duplex, in our natural birth we are borne subjects to our Prince, in our supernatural (by Baptismal Regeneration) congenitum aliud & tacitum iuramentum ad obediendum Pr●ncipi spirituali, Christi Vicario, Papae, we are therein sworn forsooth to the Pope. It is no marvel that this Bull hath begotten such brutish Christians in America, as the 
h Accost. sae irin l●b. de proc. ●●d. shall.  jesuites complain; I hope in the East they teach otherwise.  
That the Pope renounceth his Baptismal Name, I never knew the reason before, nor do I now marvel; for than our Roderigo Borgia was sworn in Baptism to Christ, and tacitly to the Pope: but now he is made Pope himself, a Name in opposition to all obedience, free from both, 
i 2. Th. 2. vid. Down. de Antich. l 5. c. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exlex ille; not more Roderigo the Christian, subject (it is a term of all others most odious to Popes) to Christ and the Pope, but Alexander the Great, the very Pope, emulous to Christ; his Vicar, which doth and receiveth all things, as one and the same Head with Christ (giving a World, receiving Kings in Baptism, as here) and therefore very Antichrist, both as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, opposing, and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Name of Christ's Vicar, with his two Horns like the Lamb, extolling himself 
k 2. Th. 2. vid. Down l. 4. c. 1.  above all that is called God, or that is worshipped, ita ut in Templo Dei sedeat ostendens se tanquam sit Deus. And so I leave him, and his Apis, his Egyptian babylonical Bull: In baiting whereof, if I have played the fierce English Mastiff, no man that hath read the story of the Spanish Dogs in the West Indieses (which came out of this Kennel) can be justly offended. And (besides that the place where I writ this, 
Ch. Col.  hath been a place of argument to move me to enter these Lists) the argument of this great Work, Navigations, English Indian Navigations exacted some Apology, to shroud themselves from this Bulls pushing and loud bellowing Thunders, Nulli omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire: si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis DEI ac beatorum PETRI & PAULI Apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. The Curse that is causeless, shall not come: GOD will do good to David for Shimeis cursing. The Catholic Princes of those days did not believe him, nor have they since. The Portugals (as you shall presently hear) regarded it not; and not the Bull, but other compromise, stayed them from open Hostility. The peaceable and wise King of England, Henry the seventh, sent presently after, Cabota to discover: The French, in their France Antarctike, and new France, and other East and West Navigations, have contradicted. These believed not, that the Sun shined only in one Kingdom, whatsoever Combustions this portentous Comet diffused. And long, long may his Majesty of Great Britain spread his long and just Arms to the furthest East and remotest West, in the gainful Traffics, in the painful Discoveries, in the Glorious and Christian Plantations of his Subjects (maugre such Bugbear, Bullbeare bellow) Solomon and Hiram, Israelites and Tyrians, all Arts and Religions concurring into one Art of Arts, the Truth of Religion, and advancing of the Faith, together with the glory of his Name, the splendour of his State, the love of his People, the hopes of his Royal Posterity to the last of Ages. Amen. Amen.    

§. VII. Of the Portugals discontent and compromise with the Spaniard, and their first Discovery of the East Indies.  
THe King of Portugal was much discontent, and sent his Ambassador to the King and Queen, who also sent unto him in Embassage Garcia de Herera; and after that, seeing that the Portugal intended by force to defend his supposed Right to the Ocean, and by a strong Fleet to dispossess the Castilians of their late Discovery, sent Don Pedro de Ayala, and Lopez de Caruaial; the substance of whose Embassage, was to congratulate with King john his desire of Peace to be conserved betwixt them, which was also the care of their Catholic Majesties: And as for that difference touching Discoveries, which the King by Apostolical Grant and by Possession and Prescription challenged, they would yield unto any honest course, which might maintain brotherly love and amity; themselves being persuaded, that their late Discovery no way concerned him, nor disturbed their mutual League, as not near Guinea, or any of the Portugal Discoveries: That they were content to name fit persons, by way of justice to determine the Controversy, or to put it to his Holiness, to be heard in the Court at Rome. 
Barr●us quo sup. M●ff. hist. ●nd. l. 1. H●rera, Dec. 1. l. 2. c. 8, 9, 10.  But secretly they gave order, that the Business should at lest be protracted, and continued on foot, till they might hear how their second Fleet succeeded: which the Ambassadors performed cunningly, but not unperceived of King john; who said, that Embassage of the Castilians had neither Head nor Feet: smartly insinuating the lame Leg of the one, and the light and vainglorious Brain of the other Ambassador. The Portugal Ambassador had made overture of all the North Discoveries thorough the World, to belong to Castille, from the Canaries, and thence Southward to the Portugal. But this was not accepted. Afterwards, three Counsellors of State, on the behalf of each Kingdom, were employed in this Discovery of the right and just Titles and Bounds of the Discoverers: which on the seventh of june, 
The Pope's authority infringed by a latter accord.  1493. agreed, That the Line of Partition, contained in the Bull of the Pope, should be extended 270. Leagues further to the West, all from thence Westward to remain to the Castilian, and Eastward to the Portugal Navigation and Conquest: That there should be free sailing on both parts, but neither should sand to trade without these Limits. This was put in Writing, and confirmed on the second of july by the Castilian, on the seven and twentieth of February by the Portugal, Kings; and Cosmographers also employed, which should design the said Limitation. And now each party intended to prosecute new Discoveries, King john preparing a Fleet for search beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on the Coast of Africa, whereof Covilian had given him intelligence. But amids these preparations, God calls him to the fatal and final peregrination of all Flesh.  

Emanuel King of Portugal.  Don Emanuel succeeded him in that Crown the twentieth of October, 1495. And the year 1497. employed Vasco di Gama with three 
* Bar. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 1.  Ships, one Victualler with 160. men. This Voyage had been the rather thus long deferred, because the Portugals in the former Discovery having met with such storms and tempests near the Cape which therefore they called Tormentoso, a new Conceit possessed most of the Mariners, as had done before touching Cape Bogiadore, that there was no sailing any further. But Gama feared no such fantasies, and receiving Covilians' Map and Instruction, with Letters to the Indian Kings, hoist sail on the ninth of july (a season unfitting, 
Osor. de reb. Eman. l. 1. Bay of Saint Helena.  as Experience after showed) and passing by the I'll of Saint james, directed his course Eastwards. The first Land he saw, was that which he termed the Bay of S. Helena (for this was their Customs, to name Lands at their first discovery, of that Saint on whose day they discovered the same) where, after three months ill weather, they went on Land. They took some Negroes of curled hair, whose Language none of theirs could understand; which receiving Glassebeads, and Bells, with other trifling kindnesses, procured their Countreymens' familiarity and traffic by signs for such Victuals as they had. But one Portugal desiring to go with them to their houses, not liking their diet, and returning with much company, when he came in sight of his own, more for fear then any just cause, cried out for their help. This caused the Portugals to come in to secure, and the Negroes to fly, which with their Poles sharpened at the end with Horns, 
The folly of a cowardly follow.  as with sharp Darts, wounded the Christians, and amongst many others, Gama himself. By this fool's occasion they hastened thence, towards the Cape of Good Hope, and encountered such Winterly storms in the way (the time of the year being then unseasonable) that they were forced to strike sail, and commit themselves to the Winds boisterous tuition; and the company importuned Gama not to permit them to so terrible a death, 
Mutiny the forerunner of greatest Exploits.  but to hast his return. Which when he constantly refused, they conspired his death: but by his brother Paul's relation forewarned, he fore-armed himself with vigilant circumspection, and laying the Masters in the Bolts, became Master himself.  
On the twentieth of November he doubled the Cape, and sailed continually near the Land, which they saw full of Cattles, and People like those at S. Helena, naked, enclosing their privities in a receptacle of Wood, uttering their speech out of the Throat, as it were sobbing. Having refreshed themselves not fare from the Cape, they proceeded, and the eight of December a storm drove them out of sight of Land, whereto with fair Wether they presently returned: and having passed two hundred and thirty miles from their last Watering place, seeing a pleasant Country, and the Sea deep hard by the shore, and much people, on the tenth of januarie he sent one on shore with a Present, who was kindly used, and with their Country Presents returned. 
Benefit of condemned persons.  Here Gama set two condemned persons on shore (ten of which he had with him, having pardon of their lives, with condition to be set on shore where the Governor saw meet) there to observe the Country and People. And proceeding, he came to a goodly Country, where the people coloured as the former, were more bold and familiar▪ and one with ill Arabike signified, that in a Country not fare thence, Ships like theirs used to come: whence he termed that the River of good signs, hoping thence to found out India quickly; erecting also a Stone-Crosse, and naming the Country S. Raphael, leaving there likewise two other condemned persons.  
After refreshing his sick company, he departed, and on the first of March they espied seven small Sails, which made toward the Admiral, and coming near, with a loud cry saluted them in Arabike, and made them much Music. The men had Garments of Silk, with Linen Turbans wrought with Gold, and Falchion's girded to their sides. They came aboard, were well entertained, and tell, that the name of the Island was Mozambique, the people Ethnic, 
Mozambique discovered.  but a great part inhabited by Mores or Mahumetans. For some knowledge of Divine Scripture hath in usual appellation caused a distinction of these from others which have no knowledge of God but merely natural, whom therefore Authors usually call Idolaters, or Gentiles and Ethnikes. It was subject to the King of Quiloa, and thence was ordinary Trade into Arabia, India, and other parts of the World. They learned, that they had passed Zophala, where is much Gold.  
It is remarkable, that these Moors used both 
* The Compass, and Sea-Cards and Quadrants in use with Mor●s in the Indian Seas▪ before the Portugals discovered them.  Compass, and Sea-Cards or Plaits; Quadrants also, wherewith they observed the height of places, the Sun's declinations and distance from the Line; and were furnished with diverse Maritime Mysteries, not much short of the portugals. They mistook the Christians for Mahometans of Barbary, and therefore used them so kindly. Zacoeia, the Governor of the place, to whom they had sent Presents, visited them in great pomp, and was feasted on shipboard (the sick being removed out of sight, and the rest well armed, for fear of Treachery) neither did their superstition forbidden them to drink Wine, if it were not ignorance rather of that Liquor. He inquired of them (not doubting of their Mahumetism) whether they were 
* Moors, who are usually called: I think that they were first so called, because out of Mauritania, they passed first into Spain: and therefore ●ll of that Religion, which the Spanish Na●ion found in their Discoveries of Africa and India, they called Mores. But the other Nations Mahometan, of which, the knowledge hath come to us over land, & not by the Castilian or Portugal▪ retain their own titles, as Turks, etc. His question is, whether they came out of Barbary▪ which before called Mauritania, gave them this name of Moors, or out o● Turkey?  Mores or Turks (usually all Mahometans of Africa, Arabia, and the Indian Coasts are called Mores, from which name, the Greatness of the Turk, Tartars, Persian, and Mogul, with I know not what differences of Sect, have in ordinary appellation exempted them) he asked also of their Weapons and Mahometan Books. Gama answered, That they came out of the remotest West; that they used such Armour as he saw, with such Ordinance able to ruin Castles; and for his Books, he would show them when he had finished his journey: for he was now in his way to India, and desired his help for Pilots to Calicut. This Zacoeia promised; and the next day brought him two, with whom he agreed how much Gold he should give to conduct him thither. But in the midst of all this kindness it being perceived that they were Christians, they devised all mischief against them, which was by one of those Pilots revealed to Gama. They set upon the Christians also as they were filling Water.  
Hereupon Gama with his three ships (for the fourth was set on fire before) went to 
a Quiloa.  Quiloa, but either by necessity, or their Pilots treachery, were hindered from shore: This Pilot persuaded them to go to 
b Mombaza.  Mombaza, dissembling, that a great part of that City were Christians, and that it was a fit place to refresh his sick men, many of his company being dead, and the rest feeble. The Land is there fertile, the Air wholesome, the People he found treacherous. For the King sent a ship with a hundred men, armed 
c Morish treachery.  Turk-fashion, which would all have entered; but Gama only suffered four of the principal, who related their King's desire of his acquaintance, and proffered all kindness, if he would bring his ships nearer the City. The King also by two condemned persons whom he put on shore, sent him Spices, and so wrought, that Gama intended to fulfil his mind: but in the way fearing a shelf, suddenly commanded to cast anchor. Whereupon his More-Pilots, by self-guiltiness accused, leapt into the Sea, suspecting that their treachery was revealed, having before covenanted with the King of Mombaza, to set the ships either on ground, or in easy possibility of taking. The treacherous Pilots escaped in Boats: and in the Night the King sent others closely to cut their Cables, which by vigilant care they avoided.  
They departed thence for 
d Melinde.  Melinde, and there arrived on Easter day. The Houses he found of hewn Stone, stately and usefully built, the Country fruitful, the People Idolaters, black, with curled hair, from the Navel upwards naked, thence clothed with Silks to the middle Leg. Here he found 
e Christians of India.  Christians of India, which much rejoiced at the sight of the Portugals, and admonished them of many things fitting to their Voyage. He was kindly used of the Prince (the King himself was decrepit) who gave him a Master, an Indian for his Navigation. Hence they departed the two and twentieth of April, and having passed the Line, with joy recovered sight of the Stars, which so long they had not seen.   

§. VIII. Of GAMAS Acts at Calicut, and his return.  
THe nineteenth of May they had sight of Land, being the high Mountains near to Calicut, and came within two miles of the City the same day. He gave thanks to God, and set one of his condemned persons on shore, who was almost oppressed with multitudes pressing to see a man of so uncouth habit, till at last two Merchants of Tunis easily knew him to be a Spaniard: and Monzaida, one of them, asked him in Spanish of what parts of Spain he was; and being answered, of Portugal, invited him home: and having made him eat and drink, went on board with him to Gama, and proffered him all kindness; telling him, that the King of Calcutta (whose Customs were his chief Revenues) would be glad of their coming. To him Gama sent two of his company with Monzaida, which declared to him, that their King moved by his worthy fame, had sent one of his Captains thither, to establish mutual love and amity. The King gladly heard them, and willed them to bring their Fleet to Pandarane (where he than was) because the road of Calcutta was dangerous in that season of the year, and sent a Pilot to effect it. Soon after, the King sent an Officer or Magistrate, called Catual, honourably to conduct Gama unto him: who appointing Paul Gama his brother over the Fleet, bade him, if aught amiss happened to him, that he should return home, without further care of him. For neither could he effect his King's designs otherwise, nor they resist that King's power to relieve him.  

Nairos are the Guard and Soldiers.  They were no sooner landed, than a Litter received each of them (many Nairos attending on foot) and after that another, and were brought into a sumptuous Temple, esteemed of great sanctity, which Gama supposed by the structure, and other 
* Images at the first sight, etc.  signs, and because he had heard of many Christians in those parts, to be Christian. At the Temple door four men met them naked to the navel, thence clothed with silk to the knees, having three threads from the right shoulder crossed to the left side (the habit of Bramenes) which sprinkled holy water on them, and gave them sweet powders. The walls of the Temples had many Images painted on them. In the midst was a round high Chapel, with a brazen narrow door, having many steps to it, and within, an Image which the darkness would not suffer them to discern, neither might any enter but the Priests, who approaching to the Image with their finger pointing to it, twice called 
* How near a consanguinity is in all kind's o● Idolatry? How e●sie a passage from ye worship ye know not what, to the worship of the Devil himself? Of these Devotions, see my Pilgrimage▪ l. 5. The like happened to the japon Christians, which seeing the Picture o● Venus and Adonis in Captain S●ris his Ship, worshipped the same, m●st king it for the Picture of the Virgin, etc.  Maria, whereat the Catual and his company falling flat on the Earth, presently arose and said their prayers. The Portugals thinking it to be sôme Service of the Blessed Virgin, worshipped her after their wont manner. Thence they passed to another Temple of like magnificence, and after that, to the King's Palace, Trumpets and Pipes sounding all the while: and the people so thronged, that had not the Nairos made way with their Swords, they could not have passed. At the Gate they were met by certain Nobles, called Caimaes, and approaching to the room where the King was, an aged man clothed in silk from the shoulders to the ankles, coming forth, embraced Gama. This was the chief of the Bramenes. The others being f●rst permitted entrance, he last of all holding Gama by the hand, followed. It was a large Hall, with many Benches artificially wrought one above another, in form of a Theatre. The Floor was covered with Silk, the Walls hanged with Curtains of Silk, embroidered with Gold. The King lay in a rich Bed, with a Tire on his head set with Stones and wrought with Gold, clothed with Silk, having many golden Clasps on the Breast. On his Ears hung jewels of great value: his Toes and Fingers, with Rings and Gems made a glorious splendour: His personage was comely, tall, majestical. Gama saluted him as the use here is to the King, and was then placed in a Seat next him; the other Portugals also sat down. Water was brought to wash and cool their hands, and diverse Fruits to refresh them. After this, he questioned Gama of his Embassage: who answered, that it was not the Portugal custom to declare Embassages in promiscuous and public Assemblies, but to communicate the same only with the King and his Council, or Committees. Hereupon the King removeth into a fairer Room, and there heard Gama relating the worth of his Master King Emanuel; who in a magnanimous spirit, having heard of the renowned greatness of the King of Calicut, and of the rarities of India, had in desire of league and friendship, sent him thither, to begin it in his Name, whence might both Honour also and Profit arise to both parts; and signified, that he had Letters of Credence unto him. The King courteously received his words, and promised to acknowledge the King of Portugal as his Brother: giving order to the Catual to conduct him to the House appointed for his Lodging. The City was large, the Houses not being continued, but with Orchyards and Gardens distinguished, meanly built, the Law so providing, only the King's House of Stone. 
Osor. l. 2.  This King at that time was chief of all the Princes adjoining both in wealth and power.  
After three days, Gama conducted by the Catual, delivered the King his Letter, and withal a Present, which the King seemed to contemn, but was excused by the uncertainty of the Navigation: neither was any Present so good, as the friendship of such a Prince; from whom also if he expected profit, it should be effected by ships of Merchandise yearly trading thither. He desired, that his King's Letters might not be interpreted by Saracens, forasmuch as he perceived by Monzaida, that they sought him a mischief. Monzaida interpreted the Letter, and the King admonished him to be vigilant against Saracenicall frauds: for which he thanked him, and departed. These Moors consulted their ruin, 
Malice of Moors.  and bribed the Courtiers to that end, traducing Gama also for a Pirate and a Spy in show of a Merchant, a spark (if not timely quenched) likely soon to bring that whole State in combustion. This they did partly in hatred of the Christian Name, and partly in fear of decaying their Trade, communicated thus to portugals. The King wearied with their importunities, fearing to loose their Customs, and feared by the examples of the Moors and Negro in Africa, with some exploits in the way, whose beggary also he saw in their King's contemptible Present, and their poor Merchandise, as if he had sent to some wild Negro Prince; threatened with their departure to some other Prince, and to remove their Staple thither with his manifest loss, perhaps their own gain; yielded to them, and sent the Catual to persuade Gama, with promise of all kindness, if he would bring his ships nearer, and for security deliver up his sails. But he writ to his brother, That if he saw him long detained, to set sail homewards: and after much contention, agrees to sand on shore his Merchandise, with men to cell them, whereupon he is dismissed to his ship. He complained to the King of the Catual, who gave him fair promises, but caused his Merchandise to be carried to Calicut, where he said was better sale.  
Gama was content, and every day sent two or three together, to observe the City, which yet received no offence. He desired of the King to leave a Factor there: whereto the King making angry answer, made no reply, which caused further anger, and two of his men on shore to be committed to custody, with their Wares. Which when he could not reobtain by entreaty, he set upon the next ship which came thither, and took thence six principal men, and then put off further into the Sea. The King sent to him, saying, he wondered much he would apprehended his servants, seeing he detained the two Portugals only, till he had written to King Emanuel, whom also the next day he sent with Letters: but withheld the Wares for their Factor, if he would sand any, to dispose thereof. But Gama said he would now leave none, and would keep the men till he had his goods. The day after, Monzaida came to them, and told them, that he had been in danger of his life for their sakes, which having very hardly escaped, he prayed to carry him with them to Portugal; which they did, and there he became Christian. The King sent his Wares in seven Boats; but Gama refused, and said he would carry those Malabars into Portugal, to testify how injuriously the King of Calicut had used him: and presently discharging his Ordnance, chased them away. The King was enraged, but his Navy was at that season unrigged, and in harbour. Yet he sent out threescore Merchants against them, which were by sudden tempest dispersed.  
Gama from the next Port where he could arrive, sent a Letter with good words to the King, by one of his Captives servants. There he was assaulted by Timoia, a Pirate, 

Timoia a Pirate.  
Anchediva. Goa, and their treachery.   with eight ships, whereof he took one well furnished, the rest fled. He went to Anchediva, to amend his ships, and there was saluted by a servant of Zabaius, Lord of Goa, an Italian, who in the name of his Master offered him all kindness, if he would go thither. This man professed himself an Italian, captived by Pirates, and so brought to serve a Mahometan in these parts. Gama perceiving him witty, but curious and busy, suspected and apprehended him, who being tortured, confessed himself a Tartarian jew, sent by Zabaius for a Spy, whom he carried with him into Portugal, where he was baptised, and proved serviceable in many things to the King.  
Thence he now hasted his departure, and the time being unseasonable, came slowly to Magadoxo, on the African shore: and because they were Mahumetans, 
Magadoxo.  sunk and spoilt their ships, and ruined a great part of their Walls. At Melinde he was kindly entertained, 
Melinde.  and his men well refreshed: and within five days, for fear of Winter at the Cape, set sail, with an Ambassador from Melinde to Portugal. He burned, as unfit for the Voyage, the ship of Paul Gama, having need of the Mariners to supply the other two.  
On the seven and twentieth of February he came to an Island called Zanzibar, 
Zanzibar.  four and twenty miles from the Continent, where he was well entertained and refreshed of the Prince, though a Moore. He refreshed himself again at Saint Blazes watering, 
Watering of S. Blaze.  and on the five and twentieth of April doubled the Cape. Thence to Saint jago, where by tempest they were parted; Coelius the other Captain next way to Lisbon, Gama to the Tercera, where his brother Paul died; and soon after, to Lisbon, in the year 1499. where Coelius had related all to the King before. Of an hundred forty eight, or as others report, an hundred and threescore, there returned only five and fifty, and those very feeble.   

§. IX. The second Fleet sent to the East Indies: Their discovery of Brasill, and other Acts.  
KIng Emanuel set forth a second Fleet of thirteen ships, well furnished, with fifteen hundred soldiers and munition, under Peter Aluarez Capralis, whom he commanded to hold peace and confirm amity, if it might be, with the King of Calcutta, and if it were possible, to get leave of him to build a Fort near the City, where they might be secure from Saracenicall Hostility. He sent also five Franciscans for holy Offices, both to the Portugals, and if means were offered, for conversion of the Infidels. He departed from Lisbon the eight of March, 
1500.  in the secular year: and holding his course to S. jago, there met with a storm which scattered the Fleet, and forced one ship to return home.  
The rest of the Fleet having two days after the Tempest stayed in vain for it, set sail Westward, 
Land of Brasil first discovered  and on the three and twentieth of April had sight of Land, with no less marvel than joy. Capralis commanded the Master to go near, and take view of the shore, which returned news of a fertile and well watered Soil, the Natives naked, with long hair, and Bows and Arrows. But that night a storm took them, which much tormented them, till at last he light into a safe Harbour, 
Puerto Seguro  which thereupon he called Puerto Seguro. They took two Fishermen, which by no signs could or would understand them, whom with Bells, Bracelets, and Glasses they restored on shore; which brought the rest with store of Meal and Fruits for like Traffic. He named this Land of the holy Cross, since of store of that Wood, called Brasill; and having erected a Stone Pillar, sent one of his ships back to Portugal with that news. He had Mass and a Sermon on shore, to the great astonishment of the Savages.  

Difficulties in all great Attempts.  On the fift of May he departed, and on the three and twentieth a sudden violent storm sunk four of their ships, not one man escaping; and soon after, the remaining seven with another tempest were severed: and on the five and twentieth of july six of them held their course together, one being separated, which pierced into the Arabian Gulf, or Read Sea; and thence returned home with only six men, the rest perishing by famine and diseases. The other six having doubled the Cape of good Hope, found Land pleasant and fertile, but the people would not trade with them, then destitute of provision. At last they espied two ships at anchor, which having sight of the Portugals, fled, but were pursued and taken: but learning that they belonged to Foteima, a Prince in amity with the King of Melinde, he let them pass with great store of Gold which they had brought from Zofala, 
Zofala.  with other rich commodities. At Mozambique he watered without impediment, and bought Victuals, and hired a Pilot to Quiloa. 
Quiloa.  The King of Quiloa's Dominion extended nine hundred miles in length, his subjects being some black, some coloured, speak Arabike, besides other Languages, Merchants of diverse Countries trading amongst them. It is separate from Land with a narrow Sea, four hundred miles from Mozambique, full of Springs, Trees, Cattles wild and tame, rich in Soil and Fishing. The City great and populous, with magnificent Houses, with store of furniture: Their ships, for want of Pitch, trimmed with a bastard Frankincense. Capralis sent to Abrahem the King, who kindly entertained the Messengers, and promised next day to come aboard: which he did in Barges gallantly decked, his company attired in Gold, Purple, or Silk, with Swords and Daggers, having in the Hilts gems of great splendour; the Air filled with Trumpets and Pipes, confused with the Trumpets and Ordinance of the Portugals, who in their best attire went into their Boats to meet him. The King heard his Letters and Embassage with joy, and promised to hold his Master for his brother, and the next day was designed for confirmation of the League. 
Moor's treachery.  The Moors with wily arts interuert this amity, upbraiding to the King his simplicity, that would give such credit to Pirates.  
Capralis hearing this, holdeth on his way to Melinde, where with incredible gladness he was welcomed, 
Melinde.  and the Ambassador now returned to his Master with the King of Portugal's Presents, namely, a fair Horse sumptuously trapped, with other gifts. Here Capralis would not stay, but left two exiles or condemned persons there, to inquire if any way were open to Prester john, and to learn the Customs of the Country. On the two and twentieth of August he came to Anchediva, 
Anchediva.  and there a while refreshed his company; which having done, he sailed to Calicut. 
Calicut.  The King sent two Nairos with a Guzarate Merchant to salute Capralis, who sent with them back his Christened jew, and four of those Nairos, or Courtiers, which Gama had taken the year before (too he detained as Pledges) with john Sala a Portugal, all in Portugal habit, whereat the King rejoiced. In a Palace near the shore, the King entertained Capralis, who had left Sancius Thoare with command of the Fleet, and after much compliment, promised him more than he asked: Gave them free liberty of Trade, and Houses fitting thereto, the Patent or Charter being a Table of Gold, with Letters engraved, for perpetual memory. He gave them leave to erect the Banner of King Emanuel on their House top, as a Monument of his love to their Master. Hearing of a strong and well manned ship coming from Cochin to Cambaia, with a mighty and warly Elephant therein, he sent to entreat Capralis to take it, whereto he employed one of his smallest Vessels: whereat the King marvelled, having before set certain Saracens or Moors of purpose to observe their behaviour in that Enterprise, especially seeing the great ship chased to Cananor, 
Cananor.  about forty mile's North from Calicut, into which they compelled her the next day as Captive to return.  
This did but kindle the envy of the Moors, who to their wont Arts added the forestalling the Market, and giving greater prices: so, that whereas they had been promised lading in twenty days, they had expected three months, when mean time the Saracenicall ships were laden and gone, contrary to their late League, which concluded them the first to be served. He sent notice to the King, who seemed to be offended with the Moors, giving them leave to lad themselves out of their ships, paying them their money laid out. Capralis fearing to execute this, by Correa the Cape Merchant was importuned; and one ship now setting sail, 
War begun 'twixt Mores and Portugals.  was brought back by them into the Haven, whereupon grew great broils, the King seeming contented they should try it out betwixt them. They therefore with a company of Nairos, on the seventeenth of December rush into the Portugal House, which Correa by a sign erected signifieth to the Fleet. He had with him seventy men against four thousand, so that he with fifty others were slain: the rest were by the assistance of their fellows in Boats conveyed aboard. Capralis then sick of a Quartane, and more of this disaster, perceiving the King conscious (a Fautor, if not Author) of this design, assailed the next day ten great ships of the Moors, and slew six hundred of them, distributed the rest as slaves in their ships, and laded themselves with the goods, being forced for want of provision to kill three Elephants, and salt them for food. Which done, he set the ships on fire, and that in the night, for greater terror. The morrow next he assaulted the Town with Ordnance from his ships, and slew many, one of which a Courtier, at the King's feet.  
After this, Capralis went to Cochin, a hundred and seventy miles Southward, 
Cochin.  being a sure Haven. The King was then poor, and tributary to Calcutta. To him he sent an Indian jogue, a begging Friar of that Bramene Religion, which by the Portugal Friars had been converted and baptised by the Name of Michael. The King promised all that they requested, and entertained them in a House fit for Trade. 
Coulam.  The Kings of Cananor and Coulam sent thither to them offer of League and Traffic. But Capralis fixed here his Staple: 
Staple erected at Cochin.  where two Christians of Cranganor, twenty miles distant, desired and obtained of him to carry them into Portugal, that they might have a sight of Rome and jerusalem.  
Not long after, he had news of the King of Calicuts' Fleet, of twenty great ships, and many small, with fifteen hundred men therein, sent to be revenged of the Portugals, which he went forth to assail, but was scanted of Wind which they had, and willingly wanted, for fear of the Ordnance. So leaving two Factors at Cochin, and having taken in the rest of his freight at Cananor, he departed the sixteenth of january, and near to Melinde taken a ship, which perceiving it belonged to a Moore of Cambaia, he dismissed, professing no quarrel in India, but to Calcutta alone, and the Moors of Mecca. One of their ships was here wracked, the remainders whereof he burned, to prevent the enemy's spoil. He employed one of his ships in the search of Zophala, and returned with the rest to Lisbon, where he arrived the last of july, and was welcomed of the King, who had before sent three other ships on the same Voyage. 
The third, and fourth, and fi●t Voyages to India.  And in the year following, 1502. he sent Vascus Gama again with ten ships, and Soderius with another Fleet, giving him commission to make himself 
* Commission to mak● themselves LL. of the Sea.  Lord of the Sea, and to do his utmost against the Moors. This consisted of fifteen ships. Five others he sent under Stephen Gama, and so proceeded in his fortunes, that in a few years he made himself Lord of the Indian Trade and Navigation, and subdued the Kingdoms of Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, with other parts of the East, to the Portugal Sceptre, to the great enriching of that State, and the Indian partakers; whereof Cochin hath from a poor estate arisen to greatness, and Calicut been eclipsed.  
But as those Spanish Western Discoveries and Acts, so these Eastern of the Portugals I leave to their own Authors: such as for the former, are P. Martyr, Cicça, Viega, Ouiedo, Herera, Gomara, Benzo, and the rest; and for the later, Barrius, Osorius, Maffaeus, Castaneda, and others. I intent in this place only to show the beginning of Trade, and Navigation in both parts: and the occasion hence arising, of the first sailing round about the Globe.   

§. X. ALBUQVERQVES Exploits, and the first knowledge of the Molucca's.  
YE have heard of the Quarrel 'twixt Seville and Lisbon, or the Castilian and Portugal compounded, each sharing a moiety of the World. Some question grew of the Molucca's, 
Molucca's.  after the discovery of them by the Portugals, whether they appertained to the Castilian or Lusitanian share. It is to be considered, that ten years after Gamu's discovery, and ill usage at Calcutta, the portugals sought all this time revenge, and in great part effected it, notwithstanding the Indian Potentates, the Egyptian Sultan's assistance (as long after the Turks succeeding in that State and Quarrel) maintaining their Trade, and propagating their Sea and Land-soveraigntie in those parts, although with some vicissitude of fortune, and with loss even this Summer of some of their principal Commanders: Almeida the late Viceroy basely perishing near the Cape of Good Hope, by the hands of wild Negroes; Cotinius, whiles he envied any partner in the glory of taking the King's Palace at Calcutta, whiles Albuquerque set the City on fire, and permitting his soldiers to overhasty pillage, losing his lategotten purchase, and himself; and Albuquerque himself carried away near dead, with diverse wounds.  

Maff. l. 4. Malacca. Cape Cory. G. of Bengala. Samotra.  Whiles these things were done at Calcutta, Didacus Lupius Sequeria was sent out of Portugal, to begin amity with Malacca: who was the first that having passed the Promontory Cory, and sailing thorough the Bengalan or Gangetike Bay, touched on Sumatra, divided by a narrow and dangerous Straight from the Continent of Malacca, either being or supposed to be in old times a Chersonessus or Pen-Insula (every where encompassed with Waves, but by one Neck of Land fastened to the Main) and called as some will have (though others ascribe it to Malacca and the Siam Kingdom) Aurea, 
Chryse, or Aurea Chersonessus.  or the Golden, being indeed rich in Gold, and other Metals, as this ensuing History will show.  
Sequeria having here made League with the Kings of Pedir and Achen, and erected such Stone Pillars as before are mentioned, in both places, as Monuments thereof, passed to Malacca, where he received great kindness of Mamudius a Mahometan, which had usurped that State by force from the Siamite, who yet as the Samorin, or King of Calcutta, by the Moors was altered, and sought by Treason to murder the Portugals, and seize on their ships. For pretending, after League confirmed, to entertain him in a Feast, Sequeria having intelligence, excused himself by sickness: whereupon he offered extraordinary favour to lad his ships (contrary to the custom of that Port) before all those which had been there before them, 
Moor's treachery at Malacca.  which must be carried closely, for fear of disgust and mutiny of other Merchants; which Sequeria accepted thankfully, and sent his men to diverse places assigned. Patiacus, the son of Vtimutis, the next man in Malacca after the King, was sent aboard to compliment with him, till a sign given by smoke from a certain place, should at once arm the rest in other places, and him on shipboard to sudden and unexpected slaughter. It happened, that Sequeria, at Patiacus his coming, 
Chess-play in India.  was at Chess; which he dissemblingly willed him to continued, that he might observe our difference from them in that Play. But whiles he waited the smoke, others of Malacca had not that patience, but misorderly began their fury, which was espied from the ship tops by a Mariner, who cried Treason: whereupon they running to their Arms, the Malaccans leapt over board, and they sent some to help their fellows, whiles the rest cut their Cables, to have Sea-room for their Ship-fights, and by terror of their Ordnance easily chased the Navy, set purposely to assail them. But of those on shore, forty were slain, and more captived, which ministered just cause of quarrel to their Countrymen, whom Sequeria had sent notice hereof, himself passing directly to the Cape, and so to Lisbon.  
Albuquerque had now recovered of his wounds, and minded to recover Ormuz, the King whereof had before acknowledged Vassalage to King Emanuel, 
Ormuz tributary to Portugal.  with fifteen thousand Serafines of Gold yearly tribute, and leave to the Portugals to erect there a Fort; which the slackness first, and after that, open mutiny of his own men, had frustrated; Zeifadin the King having intelligence thereof, 
Bar. Dec. 2. l. 10. Maff. l. 4. in fine. See Bar. Dec. 2. l. 5, 6 & 7. Osor. de reb. 〈◊〉. 7, 8, 9, 10.  and thereby taking occasion to shake off the Portugal yoke. He pretended fear of Ishmael the Persian Xa, or Sophi, whose tributary he was, but was regained afterwards (it was the last Act of Albuquerques Life) and the Persian also not discontented, yea, sending an Ambassador to treat of Peace, as having their Actions in admiration. But at this time having collected a Fleet of one and twenty sail, in his way thither was intercepted by the opportunity of Goa, whose Prince Zabaius, in the midst of his preparations against the Portugals, was lately dead, leaving his young son Idalcan as full of troubles, as empty of experience. Timoia, a famous Pirate, and Lord of an Island not fare off, gave this intelligence, 
Goa won and lost, and recovered again.  with proffer of his best assistance therein: Whereupon a sudden Siege, and surprise thereof, was made, upon Conditions; the Portugals wondering to see themselves so easily Lords of such Wealth. But Idalcan with force and famine soon expelled them; which yet, not long after, they recovered, to the great honour of that Nation in those parts.  
Intending next to enter the Read Sea, 
Read Sea.  the Northwest Winds repelled this victorious General or Viceroy from that attempt, but offered fair opportunity for Malacca, which he readily apprehended: and first demanded his Prisoners of Mamudius, which he said were fled; but seeing his Town on fire, was forced to present unto him. And when his Conditions demanded seemed great, namely, the charges of both Fleets, and restitution of things lost; Mamudius was animated by some, rather to defend himself by War: the effect whereof, was the loss of that petty Kingdom, and of himself with grief. 
Malacca won.   
In the way thither, Albuquerque had met with some ships lately come from thence, which he assaulted and took: in which prelude of a greater War, this happened remarkable, That Naodabeguea, one of those which had before conspired against Sequeria, received diverse wounds, by which at last he fell, but neither Blood nor Soul issued, which both, as from a broken Vessel, suddenly fled, after a gold Chain was taken from his arm. The cause, they learned to be a Bone of a Beast called Cabis, in the Country of Siam, 
A Chain of strange virtue. Cabis, a strange Beast.  which being included in that Chain, included the blood also, those open passages notwithstanding. This jewel was sent into Portugal for a rarity, but perished by shipwreck in the way.  
The victory at Malacca spread the Portugal fame, caused Leagues and Legates of diverse Nations; and occasioned their search and discovery of the Lands of Amboino, Banda, and the Molucca's. Yea, the Samorin of Calcutta, and Idalcan himself sought their amity, 
Amboino, B●nda, Molucca's.  and the Negus of Abassia or Prester john sent an Ambassador into Portugal. The King of Maldiva became Vassal to King Emanuel. Antonius Abreus was employed for the Molucca's: 
Maldiva.  which first came to java, then to Amboino, setting his Stone Pillars in both places: next to Banda, the name of diverse Lands, where Nutmegs and Mace only, for aught then known, in all the World, did grow. The fame of Malacca had pierced hither, and prepared ea●e Conditions to a League; as also to the Molucca's: where the two emulous Kings of Ternate and Tidore were ambitious which should first win them to their side; their mutual Quarrels opening a ready advantage to the Portugals, by taking part with one to make his best of both.  
These Quarrels they have transmitted to their Posterity; and even at this day the Hollander taking part with the one, and the Spaniard (who hath here succeeded the Portugal) with the other, out of their evils gather benefit to themselves. So foolish, and not impious alone, is Strife, that besides mutual mischiefs to and by each other, they expose themselves to foreign both scorn and gain.    

CHAP. II. Of FERNANDUS MAGALIANES: The occasion of his Voyage, and the particulars of the same, with the compassing of the World by the Ship called San Victoria; gathered out of 
* Pigaf●tta's Book is extant in Ramusio 's first Tome; and a great part thereof Englished by R. Ede●, to which here is added other necessary p●rts thereof, out of Ram. his Copy.  ANTONIO PIGAFETTA, an Italian of Vicenza, who was one in the said Circum-navigation, as also from diverse other Authors.  
ONE which served under Albuquerque in these victorious Wars, was Fernandus Magalianes, a Portugal, a Gentleman of great spirit: who having made good and manifold proof of his valour and value both in Africa and India, and being rejected in a suit to the King, for augmenting his stipend half a Ducat a month; conceiving deep indignation hereat, he renounced his allegiance to his Master King Emanuel, 

Os●r. l. 11. Maff. l. 8.  
Magal Voyage translated out of Portug.  
Ma. Transiluano Epist. ad Ramus. Herera Dec. 2. l. ●. c. 10.  
Lop. Vaz. etc.   and betook himself to the Court of Castille, with Ruy Falero, a professed ginger (the Portugals say, a Conjurer) and acquainted the Emperor, that the Lands of Banda and of the Molucca's (the one the only Storehouse of Nature for Nutmegs and Mace, the other for Cloves) appertained to him, by that Division which King john the second and King Ferdinand and Isabel of Castille had agreed on, that is, to the Western moiety of the World, from the prescribed Limits before mentioned. And with a bold and admirable attempt, offered also by the West to discover these rich Lands of Spicery.  
The Portugal Authors speak here nothing but Treason, and cry out upon him as a Traitor, for sowing Seeds likely to produce War 'twixt Castille and Portugal: Nor do I, in those things, undertake to justify him. But out of his whatsoever evil, God produced this good to the World, that it was first by his means sailed round: Nor was his neglect of his Country neglected, or revengeful mind unrevenged, as the sequel manifesteth, by his untimely and violent death.  
Five ships were furnished at the Emperor's command: the Trinity Admiral, Stephen Gome● a Portugal, Pilot; of San Victoria, was Lewis de Mendoza Captain; john de Cartagena of the ship S. Antonio; john Serran of the ship S. jago; and Gaspar de Quexada of the ship Conception: Magalianes himself being made General. The whole company was two hundred thirty seven, or (as some say) two hundred and fifty; of which, thirty were Portugals. On the tenth of August, 1519. they departed from Seville; the six and twentieth of September they arrived at Tenarife; the third of October they sailed betwixt the Lands and Cape Verde. They sailed many days in the sight of the Coast of Guinea, and had a great calm seventy days, which they spent in attaining the Line.  


They lost the sight of the North star. The Island of Brasile.  
The South Pole.  
Sugar.   When they had sailed past the Equinoctial Line, they lost the sight of the North star, and sailed by the South-west, until they came to a Land named Brasilia, being two and twenty degrees and a half toward the South Pole or Pole Antarctic. This Land is continuate, and one firm Land with the Cape of Saint Augustine, which is eight degrees from the Equinoctial. In this Land they were refreshed with many good Fruits of innumerable kinds, and found here also very good Sugar Canes, and diverse kinds of Beasts and other things, which I omit for brevity.  
They departed from this Land, and sailed to the four and twentieth degree and a half, toward the Pole Antarctic, where they found a great River of fresh Water, and certain Cannibals. 
Cannibals. Giants.  Of these, they saw one out of their ships, of stature as big as a Giant, having a voice like a Bull. Our men pursued them, but they were so swift of foot, that they could not overtake them. About the mouth of this River are seven Lands, in the biggest whereof they found certain precious Stones, 

Insule Gemmarum.  
Cap. S. Maric.   and called it the Cape of Saint Mary. The Spaniards thought, that by this River they might have passed into the South Sea: But they were deceived in their opinion; for there was none other passage then by the River, which is seventeen Leagues large in the mouth.  


The Pole Antarctic.  
Pengwins and Seals.   Thus following this Coast by the tract of the Land toward the Pole Antarctic, they came to a place where were two Lands replenished with Pengwins and Seals. These were in such number, that in an hour all the five ships might have been laden with Pengwins, being all of black colour, and such as cannot fly. They live of Fish, and are so fat, that they could scarcely slay them. They have no Feathers, but a certain Down, and their bylls' like Ravens bylls'. Here were they in great danger by Tempest: But as soon as the three Fires, called Saint Helen, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clare, appeared upon the Cables of the ships, suddenly the tempest and fury of the Winds ceased.  

The 49. degree of the South Pole.  Departing from hence, they sailed to the nine and fortieth degree and a half, under the Pole Antarctic: where being Wintered, they were enforced to remain there for the space of two months, all which time they saw no man, except that one day by chance they espied a man of the stature of a Giant, 
Giants.  who came to the Haven dancing and singing, and shortly after seemed to cast dust over his head. The Captain sent one of his men to the shore with the ship Boat, who made the like sign of peace. The which thing the Giant seeing, was out of fear, and came with the Captain's servant to his presence into a little Island. When he saw the Captain with certain of his company about him, he was greatly amazed, and made signs, holding up his hand to Heaven, signifying thereby, that our men came from thence. This Giant was so big, 
The bigness of the Giants.  that the head of one of our men, of a mean stature, came but to his Waste. He was of good corporature, and well made in all parts of his body, with a large Visage, painted with diverse colours, but for the most part yellow. Upon his Cheeks were painted two Hearts, and read Circles about his Eyes. The Hair of his Head was coloured white, and his Apparel was the Skin of a Beast sowed together. This Beast (as seemed unto us) had a large head, and great ears like unto a Mule, with the body of a Camel, and tail of a Horse. The feet of the Giant were folded in the said Skin, after the manner of shoes. He had in his hand a big and short Bow, the String whereof was made of a sinew of that Beast. He had also a Bundle of long Arrows, made of Reeds, feathered after the manner of ours, typt with sharp stones in the stead of Iron heads. The Captain caused him to eat and drink, and gave him many things, and among other, a great Lookingglass: In the which, as soon as he saw his own likeness, he was suddenly afraid, and started back with such violence, that he overthrew two that stood nearest about him. When the Captain had thus given him certain Hawks Bells, and other great Bells, with a Lookingglass, a Comb, and a pair of Beads of Glass, he sent him to land with four of his own men well armed.  
Shortly after, they saw another Giant, of somewhat greater stature, with his Bow and Arrows in his hand. 
Another Giant.  As he drew near unto our men, he laid his hand on his head, and pointed up toward Heaven, and our men did the like. The Captain sent his ship Boat, to bring him to a little Island, being in the Haven. This Giant was very tractable, and pleasant. He sung and danced, and in his dancing, left the print of his feet on the ground. He remained long with our men, who named him john. He could well speak, and plainly pronounce these words, jesus, Aue Maria, johannes, even as we do, but with a bigger voice. The Captain gave him a Shirt of Linen Cloth, and a Coat of white Woollen Cloth; also a Cap, a Comb, a Lookingglass, with diverse such other things, and so sent him to his company. The day following he resorted again to the ships, and brought with him one of those great Beasts, which he gave the Captain. But after that day they never saw him more, supposing him to be slain of his own company, for the conversation he had with our men.  
After other fifteen days were passed, there came four other Giants without any Weapons, 
Four other Giants.  but had hid their Bows and Arrows in certain Bushes. The Captain retained two of these, which were youngest and best made. He took them by a deceit; giving them Kayves, Shears, Looking-Glasses, Bells, Beads of Crystal, and such other Trifles, 
Two Giants are taken by a policy.  he so filled their hands, that they could hold no more: then caused two pair of shackles of Iron to be put on their legs, making signs, that he would also give them those Chains; which they liked very well, because they were made of bright and shining metal. And whereas they could not carry them, because their hands were full, the other Giants would have carried them: but the Captain would not suffer them. When they felt the shackles fast about their legs, they began to doubt: but the Captain did put them in comfort, and had them stand still. In fine, when they saw how they were deceived, they roared like Bulls, and cried upon their great Devil Setebos, to help them. Being thus taken, 
The Devil Setebos.  they were immediately separate and put in sundry ships. They could never bind the hands of the other two: yet was one of them with much difficulty overthrown by nine of our men, and his hands bound; but he suddenly loosed himself, and fled, as did also the other that came with them. In their flying, they shot off their Arrows, and slew one of our men. They say, that when any of them die, 
Devil's appear to the Giants when they die.  there appear ten or twelve Devils, leaping and dancing about the body of the dead, and seem to have their bodies painted with diverse colours, and that among other, there is one seen bigger than the residue, who maketh great mirth and rejoicing. This great Devil they call Setebos, and call the less Cheleule. One of these Giants which they took, declared by signs, that he had seen Devils with two horns above their heads, with long hair down to their feet; and that they cast forth fire at their throats both before and behind. The Captain named these people Patagoni. The most part of them wear the Skins of such Beasts whereof I have spoken before: 
Patagoni.  and have no Houses of continuance, but make certain Cottages, which they cover with the said Skins, and carry them from place to place. They live of raw Flesh, and a certain sweet Root, which they call Capar. They are very jealous of their Women. When they are sick at the stomach, they put an Arrow half a yard or more down the Throat, which makes them vomit green choler and blood. For headache, they make a cut over the forehead, and let themselves blood. The like they do on the arm, or leg, in any Aches. They cut their hair like Friars, but a little longer, and bind it with a Cotton hayre-lace. By reason of Cold in those parts, they truss up themselves so, as the genital member is hidden within the body. 
The Giants feeding.  One of these which they had in their ships, did eat at one meal a Basket of Biscuit, and drunk a Bowl of Water at a draught.  
They remained five months in this Port of Saint julian; where certain of the under Captains conspiring the death of their General, were hanged and quartered: among whom, 
They conspire against their Captain.  the Treasurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certain of the other Conspirators he left in the said Land of Patagoni; namely, john de Cartagena, and a Priest. They erected there a Cross, in token of possession.  
Departing from hence to the two and fiftieth degree, toward the Pole Antarctic, lacking a third part, they found a River of fresh Water and good Fish. Their ships were here in great danger. They remained two months in this Port, where they made new provision of fresh Water, Fuel, and Fish. Here the Captain caused all his men to be confessed. 
Confession.  Approaching to the two and fifty degrees, they found the Straight now called the Straight of Magellanus, being in some place a hundred and ten Leagues in length, and in breadth somewhere very large, 
The Straight of Magellanus.  and in other places little more than half a League in breadth. On both the sides of this Straight, are great and high Mountains covered with Snow, beyond the which, 

The South Sea.  
Mare Pacificum.  
The Giants died for heat.   is the entrance into the Sea of Sur. This entrance the Captain named Mare Pacificum. Here one of the ships, Saint Antonio, stole away privily, and returned into Spain: In this was one of the Giants, who died as soon as he felt the heat that is about the Equinoctial Line.  
When the Captain Magalianes was past the Straight, and saw the way open to the other main Sea, he was so glad thereof, that for joy the tears fell from his eyes, and named the point of the Land from whence he first saw that Sea, Capo Desiderato. Supposing that the ship which stole away, had been lost, they erected a Cross upon the top of a high Hill, 
Capo Desiderato.  to direct their course in the Straight, if it were their chance to come that way.  
They found, that in this Straight, in the month of October, 
Short nights in the month of October.  the Night was not passed four hours long. They found in this Straight, at every three miles, a safe Haven, and excellent Water to drink; Wood also, and Fish, and great plenty of good Heroes. They think, 
 that there is not a fairer Straight in the World. Here also they saw certain flying Fishes.  

 The other Giant which remained with them in the ship, named Bread, Capar; Water, Oli; read Cloth, Ch●ecai; read Colour, Cheic●e; ●lacke colour, Amel: And spoke all his words in the t●r●●t. On a time, as one made a Cross before him, and kissed it, showing it unto him, he 〈◊〉 cry●d Setebos, and declared by signs, that if they made any more Crosses, Setebos 〈…〉 into his body, and make him burst. But when in fine he saw no hurt come thereof, 〈◊〉 to●ke the Cross, and embraced and kissed it oftentimes, desiring, that he might be a 〈◊〉 ●efore his death. 
Th● Giant is 〈◊〉.  He was therefore baptised, and named Paul.  
Departing out of this Straight into the Sea called Mare Pacificum, the eight and twentieth day of November, in the year 1520. they sailed three months and twenty days before they 〈◊〉 Land: 

Three months styling without the sight of Land.  
  and having in this time consumed all their Biscuit and other Victuals, they fell into such necessity, that they were enforced to eat the powder that remained thereof, being n●w f●ll of Worms, and stinking like Pass, by reason of the salt Water. Their fresh Water was also p●trif●ed, and become yellow. They did eat Skins and pieces of Leather, which were fielded about certain great Ropes of the ships: but these Skins being made very h●rd, by reason of the Sun, Rain, and Wind, they hung them by a Cord in the Sea, for the spac● of four or five days, to mollify them, and sod them, and ate them. By reason of this Famine, 
Diseases of Famine.  and unclean feeding, some of their gums grew so over their teeth, that they died miserably for hunger. And by this occasion died nineteen men, and also the Giant, with an Indian of the Land of Brasyle, otherwise called Terra de Papagalli, that is, the Land of Poping●y●s. Beside these that died, five and twenty or thirty were so sick, that they were not able to d●e any service with their hands or arms for feebleness: so that there was in manner none without some Disease.  
In th●se three months and twenty days, they sailed four thousand Leagues in one Gulf, by the said Sea called Pacificum, that is peaceable: which may well be so called, forasmuch as in all this time having no sight of any Land, they had no misfortune of Wind, or any other Tempest. During this time also, they discovered only two little Lands habited, where they saw nothing but Birds and Trees, 
Unfortunate Lands.  and therefore named them infortunate Lands, being one from the other about two hundred Leagues distant. The first of these Lands, is from the Equinoctial toward the Pole Antarctic fifteen degrees, and the other five. Their sailing was in such sort, 
What they sailed daily.  that they sailed daily between fifty, threescore, to seventy Leagues. So that in fine, if God of his mercy had not given them good Wether, it was necessary, that in this so great a Sea they should all have died for hunger.  
They considered in this Navigation, that the Pole Antarctic hath no notable star, after the sort of the Pole Arctic. But they saw many stars gathered together, which are like two Clouds, 
The stars above the Sou●h Pole.  one separate a little from another, and somewhat dark in the midst. Between these, are two 〈◊〉, not very big, nor much shining, which move a little: and these two are the Pole Antarctic.  

The Needle of the Comp●s.  The Needle of their Compass varied somewhat, and turned ever toward the Pole Arctic; nevertheless, had no such force, as when it is in these parts of the Pole Arctic: Insomuch, that it was necessary to help the Needle with the Leadstone, 
The Leadstone.  before they could sail therewith, because it moved not, as it doth when it is in these our parts. When they were in the mi●dest of the Gulf, they saw a Cross of five clear stars, directly toward the West, and of equal distance the one from the other.  
In these days they sailed between the West and South so fare, that they approached to the Equinoctial Line, 
The Equinoctial Line.  and were in longitude from the place from whence they first departed, a hundred and twenty degrees. In this course they sailed by two Lands of exceeding height, whereof the one named Cipanghu, 
The Lands of Cipan●hu and Sumbdit.  is twenty degrees from the Pole Antarctic; and the other named Sumbdit, fifteen degrees. When they were past the Equinoctial Line, they sailed between the West and Southwest, at the quarter of the West, toward the South-west more than a hundred League, changing their sails to the quarter of the South-west, until they came to the thirteen degrees above the Equinoctial, toward the Pole Arctic, intending as much as w●re p●ssible, to approach to the Cape called of the old Writers Cattigara: the which is not found as the old Cosmographers have described it, but it is toward the North about twelve degrees as they afterward understood.  
When they had thus sailed seventy Leagues of this Voyage, in the twelfth degree above the Equinoctial, ●nd a hundred forty six degrees of Longitude (as I have said) the sixth day of March th●y dis●●uered a little Island toward the Northwest, and two other toward the South-west; but the one was higher and bigger than the other. In the biggest of these, the General would have rested himself a while, but he could not, by reason the people of these Lands resorted continually to the ships with their Canoas', and stole now one thing, and now anoher, in such sort, that our men could take no rest; and therefore demanded of the Captain, that they might strike their sails, to bring the ships to Land. But the General being provoked to anger, went aland with forty armed men, and burnt about fifty of their Houses, with many of their Canoas', and slew also about seven men, and recovered a shippe-boat which the Barbarians had stolen; and so departed, following his Voyage. He named these Lands, 
Insulae Latronum.  Insulae Latronum, that is, the Lands of Thiefs. When our men had so wounded some of them with Arrows, that they were stricken through both sides, they pulled forth the Arrows, not ceasing to marvel at them, till they fell down dead: And yet could not the other so departed, but still followed the ships with more than two hundred of their Boats, approaching as near to the ships as they could, and proffering our men certain Fishes. As the ships passed with full sail in the midst of their Boats, they saw in some of them certain Women, lamenting and tearing their hair, which our men thought they did for the death of their Husbands. As fare as they could perceive, these people live at their own liberty, without any Ruler or Governor. They go naked, and some of them have black Beards, 
People with long ●ayre.  and black hair on their heads, which they wear long, down to their Wastes. They are of the same stature that we are, and well made, of colour like unto an Olive. Their Women are wellfavoured, with black and thick hair on their heads, reaching to the ground. They wear also, for a covering before their privities, the inner bark of the Palmtree; are whiter than the men, and seldom go out of doors, but at home make Mats and Nets of the Palmtree, and other household necessaries. Some of the men wear Bonnets on their heads of Palmtree. They colour their teeth read and black, which they esteem a comely thing. Their food, is Cocos and Battatas, Birds, Figs a handful long, Sugarcanes, flying Fishes, and other things. They anoint their bodies and head with the Oil of Cocus. Their Boats are some all black, some white, and some read, and have Sails made of the broad Leaves of Date-trees, sowed together. In the stead of a Rudder, they use a certain broad Board, with a staff in the top, and may when they will, make the Stern the Forecastle, or the Forecastle the Stern. They sail so swiftly, that they seem a fare off like Dolphins swimming above the Water. Their Houses are made of Timber, covered with Boards, and Leaves of Figtree, a yard long: They have a Hall, Windows, and Chambers. They have Palme-Mats for Bed-furniture, and sleep on Palm Leaves, which are soft. Their Weapons are Clubs or Poles, with a Horn head.  
The tenth day of March, in the year 1521. they went aland upon a little Island, 
The Island of Zamal.  named Zamal, thirty Leagues distant from the Island of Thiefs. The next day he went on shore on another Island, not inhabited: they rested here a while, where the Captain caused a Pavilion to be pitched for the sick and crazed men, and a Hog to be killed. The Island was called Humunu, and hath two clear Springs, and Gold and white Coral, and many Fruit-trees. They gave it the name of Good Signs.  
The eighteenth day of March, they saw a Boat with nine men coming toward them, showing themselves joyful, and rejoicing of their coming. They brought many presents with them, and seemed to be people of much humanity. They gave the Captain a great Fish, and a great Vessel of the Wine of those Date-trees, which bear the Fruit Cocus. They made also signs, that within the space of four days they would bring Rice, 
Wine of Date-trees.  and diverse Fowls and Beasts, as they did indeed.  
This Cocus is a Fruit of certain Date-trees, whereof they make Bread, Wine, Oil, and Vinegar. They make Wine in this manner: They cut a big branch of the Tree, 
The marvellous Fruit Cocus.  and hung thereat a Reed as big as a man's Leg, into the which droppeth a sweet Liquor from the Tree, like unto white Wine, somewhat tart, and let the Reed continued there from Morning till Evening, and from Evening to Morning. The fruit of this Tree, called Cocus, is as big as the head of a man, or more. The first Rind of this, is green, and of the thickness of two fingers, having in it certain Threads, whereof they make Cords, with the which they tie their Boats. Under this Rind there is a thick shell, which they burn and make powder thereof, and use it as a remedy for certain Diseases. Under this shell, is a white substance, like the kernel of a Nut, being a finger in thickness, which they eat with Flesh and Fish, as we do Bread. It hath the taste of an Almond, and is used in the stead of Bread, when it is dried. In the midst of this kernel, is a clear and sweet Water, being very wholesome and cordial. This Water sometime congealeth, and lieth within the shell like an Egg. When they intent to make Oil hereof, they lay it to putrify in Water, and boil it until it be like Oil or liquid Butter. When they intent to make Vinegar, they suffer only the Water to putrify, and then set it to the Sun, where it becometh Vinegar, like unto that which is made of white Wine. And when they mingle the kernel with the Water which is in the midst of the Fruit, and strain it through a Cloth, they make a Milk thereof, like unto Goat's Milk. These Date-trees are like unto them that bear Dates, but are not so full of knots. With the juice of two of these Date-trees, a whole family of ten persons may be maintained with Wine, using one eight days, and the other, other eight days; for they should else be dried and withered. These Trees: continued for the space of an hundred years. This Island, where they found this humane and gentle people, is called Zuluan, 
The Island of Zuluan.  and is not very big.  
They invited the General to their Boats, in which were their Merchandise, viz. Cloves, Cinnamon, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Mace, Gold made in diverse things, which they carry to and fro with their Barks. He had them also aboard the ship, and caused a piece of Ordnance to be shot off; which terrified them so, that they were ready to leap overboard: but he appeased them, and gave them gifts. The two and twentieth of March they brought Oranges, and a Cock, and Cocos, with Palme-Wine, in two Barks. The men were naked, had two Gold Rings at their ears, and many jewels fastened with Gold to their arms. With these Cocos they refreshed their sick men. They told of people in near Lands, with ears down to their arms. They had Daggers, Knives, and Lances garnished with Gold.  

The Sea called Archipelago di San Lazaro: this name Archipelago, is given to Seas full of Lands.  About this Island they found many other Lands, and therefore named this Sea Archipelago di San Lazaro, that is, the great Sea of Saint Lazarus, being ten degrees above the Equinoctial toward our Pole, and a hundred threescore and one from the place from whence they departed. The people of this Island are Gentiles. They go naked, saving that they cover their privy parts with a Cloth made of the rind of a certain Tree. The chiefest men have about their heads a silken Cloth of Needlework. They are gross and broad set, and of the colour of an Olive. They anoint their bodies with the Oil of Cocus, to defend them against the heat of the Sun, 
Gentiles.  and dryness of the Wind. The five and twentieth day of March they departed from hence, and directed their course between the West and Southwest, and sailed between four Lands, named Cenalo, Huinanghan, Hibusson, and Abarien, 
Four Lands.  etc.  

The Island of Buthuan.  The eight and twentieth day of March they came to the Island of Buthuan, where they were honourably entertained of the King and the Prince his son, who gave them much Gold and Spices. The Captain gave the King a Vesture of read Cloth, and another of yellow, made after the Turkish fashion, and also a read Cap: and gave likewise to other that came with him, certain Knyves, Glasses, and Beads of Crystal. After that the Captain had showed the King the secrets of his ship, and such Merchandise as he had therein, he caused a piece of Ordnance suddenly to be shot off, whereat the King was greatly amazed, until the Captain comforted him. Than the Captain commanded one of his men to be armed from the head to the foot, and caused three other to strike him with their Swords: whereat the King marvelled greatly, and said to the Interpreter (who was a slave borne in Malacca) that one of those armed men was able to encounter with a hundred of his men. But he marvelled much more, when the Captain told him by the Interpreter, how he found the Straight by the Compass and Loadstone, and how many days they were without sight of any Land. Than ask licence to departed, the Captain sent two of his men with him, of the which, Antony Pigafetta was one. When they came on Land, the King lifted his hands to the Sky, and after that, towards the two Christians: these did the like, and all the company after them. The like ceremony they used in drinking one to another. The King's Palace was like a Hay-house, covered with Palm and Fig-leaues, built on high Timbers aloft, that they mounted thereunto on Ladders. They sit at meat crosslegged, like Tailors. They make Light in the Night with a gum of a Tree, wrapped in leaves of Palmtree. When the King saw Antony Pigafetta writ the names of many things, and afterward rehearsed them again, he marvelled yet more, making signs, that such men descended from Heaven. The King brought them first to his Palace, where he entertained them honourably, and gave them many gifts, as did also the Prince in his Palace, 
The Island of Caleghan.  being in another Island named Caleghan.  
As they sifted a certain Mine of Earth in the King's Island, they found pieces of Gold, some as big as Nuts, and other as big as Eggs. All the King's Vessels were of Gold, and his House well furnished. 
Plenty of Gold.  In all the whole Nation there was no man of comelyer personage than the King: He had his hair long, down to his shoulders, and very black, with a veil of Silk rolled about his head, 
The King of Buthuan.  and two great Rings of Gold hanging at his ears. He had about his middle a Cloth wrought of Cotton and Silk, impaled with Gold, and reaching down to his knees. On his one side, he had a long Dagger with a Haft of Gold, and the sheathe of a fair kind of carved Wood He had on every finger three Rings of Gold, and had his body anointed with Oil of Storax and Benjamin. The natural colour of his face was like unto the colour of an Olive; and all his body beside painted with diverse colours. The King's name was Raia Colambu, and the Prince was called Raia Siagu. They easily understood each other, by means of a slave which they carried with them, taken before at Sumatra. One man offered for six threads of Crystal Beads a Crown of massy Gold, with a Collar: but the General would not permit such bartering, that they should not perceive more account to be made of their Gold by the one, then by the other of the Spanish Wares. The people are nimble, naked, painted. The Women go clothed from the Waste downwards, with their long black hair hanging to the ground. They wear earrings of Gold in diverse forms. They always are chewing Arecca, a certain Fruit like a Pear, cut in quarters, and rolled up in leaves of a Tree called Better (or Vetele) like Bay leaves; which having chewed, they spit forth. It makes the mouth read. They say they do it to comfort the heart, nor could live without it.  
The Captain or General caused a Cross to be brought forth, with Nails, and a Crown of Thorns, giving commandment to all his men to give reverence thereunto, and signifying to the Kings, by the Interpreter, that that Banner was given him by the Emperor, his Lord and Master, with commandment to leave the same in all places where he came, to the great commodity and profit of all such as would reverendly receive it, as an assured token of friendship: and that he would therefore leave it there, as well to accomplish his Lord's commandment, as also, that if at any time any ships of Christians should chance to come that way, they might, by seeing that Cross, perceive that our men had been well entertained there, and would therefore not only abstain from doing them any hurt or displeasure, but also help to aid them against their enemies: And that therefore it should be requisite to erect that Cross upon the top of the highest Mountain that might be seen from the Sea on every side; also to pray unto it reverently: and that in so doing, they should not be hurt with Thunder, Lightning, and Tempests. When the Kings heard these words, they gave the Captain great thanks, promising gladly to observe and fulfil all such things as he required. Than the Captain demanded, whether they were Mores or Gentiles? They answered, 
Mores and Gentiles.  that they had none other kind of Religion, but that lifting up their hands joined together, and their faces toward Heaven, they called upon their God Abba. Which answer liked the Captain very well, because the Gentiles are sooner persuaded to our Faith then the Moors.  
Departing from hence, they came to the Lands of Zeilon, Zubut, Messana, and Calaghan, by the conduct of certain Pilots of the said Kings. Of these, Zubut is the best, 
Many Lands.  and hath the Trade of best Traffic. In the Island of Messana they found Dogs, Cats, Hogs, Hens, Goats, Rise, ginger, Cocus, Mill, Panic, Barley, Figs, Oranges, Wax, and Gold, 
The Island of Messana.  in great quantity. This Island is above the Equinoctial toward our Pole nine degrees, and two third parts, and a hundred threescore and two degrees from the place from whence they departed. They remained in this Island for the space of eight days, and then directed their Voyage toward the Northwest, and passed between these five Lands, Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barba●, and Catighan. In this Island of Catighan are certain great Bats, as big as Eagles, of the which they took one: they are good to be eaten, and of taste much like a Hen. 
Bats as big as Eagles.  There are also Stock-doves, Turtle-doves, popinjays, and certain Fowls as big as Hens: these Fowls have little horns, and lay great eggs, which they cover a cubit depth in the Sand, by the heat whereof, and virtue of the Sun, they are hatched, 

Fowls with horns.  
Eggs hatched in Sand.   and the young Birds creep out of the Sand by themselves. From the Island of Messana to Catighan, are twenty Leagues, sailing toward the West. And because the King of Messana could not follow the ships, they tarried for him about the Lands of Polo, Ticobon, and Fozon, where the Captain took him into his ship, with certain of his principal men, and so followed their Voyage toward the Island of Zubut, which is about fifty Leagues distant from Catighan.  
The seventh day of April, about Noon, they entered into the Port of Zubut: 
The Island of Zubut.  and passing by many Villages and Habitations in Trees, they came to the City, where the Captain gave commandment to the Mariners to strike their sails, and to set themselves in order, in manner of Battell-ray, causing all the Ordnance to be shot off, wherewith all the people were put in great fear. After this, the Captain sent an Ambassador with the Interpreter to the King of Zubut.  
When they approached near to the City, they found the King with a great company of men sore astonied at the noise of the Guns. But the Interpreter advertised them, that it was the custom of our men, in all such places where they come, to discharge their Ordnance in token of friendship, and to honour the Lord of the City. With which words the King and his company were well quieted. After this, the Interpreter declared, that his Master was the Captain of the ships of the greatest Prince in the World, and that they went to discover the Lands of Molucca: And further, that hearing of his good name and fame, by the report of the King of Messana, they determined to visit him, and to have Victuals for exchange of their Merchandise. The King answered, that he was well content therewith, and that they were hearty welcome: Nevertheless, that it was a custom in that place, that all such ships as entered into that Haven, should pay tribute: And that there were not many days past, since a ship laden with Gold and Slaves, did so pay. In token whereof, he caused to come before him certain Merchants of that company, which yet remained with him. 
A ship laden with Gold and Slaves.  To this the Interpreter answered, That for as much as his Lord was the Captain of so mighty a Prince, he never paid tribute to any King in the World, and would not now begin: Willing him to take this for a resolute answer, That if he would accept the Peace that was proffered him, he should enjoy it; and if he rather desired Wa●re, he should have his hands full. When the Interpreter had said these words, one of the said Merchants (who was a Moore) spoke to the King in this manner, Catacaia Chita; that is, Take heed Sir: For these men are they that have conquered Calcutta, Malacha, and all the greater India, and are of such power, that if you entreat them otherwise then well, you may too late know what they are able to do, 
Calcutta. Malacha.  more than they have done at Calcutta and Malacca. When the Interpreter heard these words, he said, That the King his Lord was of much greater puissance, and more Dominions, and Lord of more ships than was the King of Portugal: declaring further, that he was King of Spain, and Emperor of all Christendom. Adding hereunto, that if he would not be his friend, he would hereafter sand thither such a power of armed men as should destroy his Country. The Moore conferred all these words with the King, who said, That he would further deliberate with his Council, and give them a full answer the day following. In the mean time he sent them certain Victuals and Wine.  
When all these things were declared to the King of Messana, who was the chiefest thereabout next unto him, and Lord of many Lands, he went a Land, and repaired to the King of Zubut, and declared unto him the great humanity and courtesy of the general Captain. Shortly after, the Captain sent certain of his men with the Interpreter, to the King of Zubut, to know his pleasure, and what answer he would make them. As they went toward the Court, they met the King coming in the street, accompanied with many of his chief men. He caused our men to sit down by him, and demanded of them, if there were any more than one Captain in their company; and whether it were their request, that he should pay tribute to the Emperor. They answered, that they desired none other thing, but that they might exercise Merchandise with them, and to barter Ware for Ware. The King made answer, 
Shedding of blood is a token of friendship.  that he was well content therewith: willing the Captain, in token of friendship, to sand him a little blood of his right arm; affirming, that he would do the like.  
After this, the King of Messana, with the King of Zubut his Nephew (who was the Prince) and certain other of his Gentlemen, came to the ships, and brought the Captain many goodly presents. They entered into great amity, and had large communication of many things. The Captain persuaded them to the Christian Faith: which they gladly embraced, and took such pleasure in hearing the Articles of our Belief, that the tears fell from their eyes for joy. They were baptised: 
The King of Zubut is baptised.  and shortly after, all the people of the Island. They esteem nothing more precious, then drinking Glasses of Venice work.  
When they came to the City, they found the King in his Palace, sitting upon a Floor or Story made of the Leaves of Date trees, wrought after a curious Device, like a certain kind of Mats. 
The King of Zubut his Apparel.  He had upon his body none other Apparel, but only a Cloth of Bombasine Cotton, hanging before his privy parts. On his head he had a Veil of Needlework, and about his neck a Chain of great price. At his ears hung two Rings of Gold, wherein were enclosed many precious Stones. He was but of small stature, but somewhat gross, and had the residue of his body painted with diverse colours, whereof some were like unto flaming fire. Before him, he had two Vessels made of the fine Earth called Porcellana, with sodden Eggs. Also four Vessels of Porcellana, full of Wine made of Date trees, and covered with many odoriferous Herbs. 
Well favoured Women.  The Prince brought them to his House, where he had four Daughters, very well favoured and white, like ours. He caused them to dance all naked, and therewith to sing, and play on certain Timbrels made of Metal. At this time it so chanced, that one of the Spaniards died in one of the ships: and when certain of their company desired the King to give them leave to bury him on the Land; he answered, That for as much as he and all his were at the commandment of their King and Master, how much more aught the ground so to be? They greatly marvelled at the Ceremonies pertaining to the manner of our Funerals, and honoured the Crosses which were set at both the ends of the Grave. They live with justice, and use Weights and Measures. Their Houses are made of Timber and sawn Boards, and are so builded above the ground upon Props and Pyles, that they ascend to the same by certain stairs. Under their Houses, they keep their Hogs, and Goats, and Hens. They told of certain goodly Waterfowl as big as Crows, called Laghan, which the Whales of those parts sometimes swallow down, but so are themselves devoured, the Fowl gnawing the heart of the Whale, and killing him; by the people found in the dead body, floating to Land, still living in the same. The flesh of this Fowl is delicate, but the skin is black.  

Bartering.  When they came to bartering, they gave Gold, Ryce, Hogs, Hens, and diverse other things, for some of our trifles of small value. They gave ten Pesos of Gold for fourteen pounds' weight of Iron. 
Pesus what it is.  One Pesus is in value a Ducat and a half.  
The Sunday following, the King was baptised with great solemnity: at which time, the Captain admonished him before, not to be afraid at the shooting off of the Ordnance, because it was their custom so to do at such solemn Feasts. After this, the Captain caused them to break all their Idols, 
They break their Idols, and erect the Crosse.  and to set up the Cross in diverse places, praying to the same both Morning and Evening, kneeling on their knees, and holding up their hands joined together. The King in his Baptism was named Charles, after the Emperor's name, and the Prince Ferdinando, after the name of his Majesty's Brother. The King of Messana was named john, and the Moore Christopher. To all other they gave such names as are commonly used in Christendom. 
Five hundred men baptised.  And thus before Mass was begun, were five hundred men baptised. When Mass was finished, the Captain invited the King to dine with him in his ship, and at his coming, caused the Ordnance to be discharged. The Queen was also baptised, with forty of her Gentlewomen, and her Daughter the Prince's Wife. 
The Queen of Zubut.  The Queen was very young and fair, having her body covered with a white Cloth. Her Lips were read, and she had on her head a Hat, on the top whereof was a triple Crown, much like the Popes: this Crown and the Hat were made of the Leaves of Date trees.  
Within the space of eight days, the Inhabitants of the Island were baptised, except one Village of Idolaters, who would not herein obey the King's commandment. Whereupon the Captain sent certain of his men thither, who burned the Town, and erected a Cross in that place, because the people of the Village were Gentiles (that is) Idolaters. But if they had been Mores (that is, Machumetists) they would have erected a Pillar of Stone, because the Moors are more stubborn and harder to be converted then are the Gentiles.  
When the Queen came to the place where she should hear Mass, she came forth with great pomp and solemnity, having going before her three young Damosels, 
The Queen's Apparel.  and three men with their Caps in their hands, whom she followed apparelled in white and black, with a great Veil of Silk upon her head, fringed about with Gold, which covered her Hat, and hung down to her shoulders: she had also a great train of Women following her, being all barefooted and naked, except that upon their heads and privy parts, they wore certain Veils of Silk, and had their hair spread.  
Before the King of Zubut was baptised, he was named Raia Humabuon. When the Captain demanded of him, Why all the Idols in the Island were not burnt, according to his promise? he answered, That they esteemed them no more as Gods, but only made sacrifice to them for the Prince's Brother, who was very sick, and as noble and witty a man as was in the Island. The Captain answered, That if he would burn all his Idols, and believe faithfully in Christ, and be baptised, he should be immediately restored to health, and that he would else give them leave to strike off his head. By these words and persuasions of the Captain, he conceived such hope of health, that after he was baptised, he felt no more grief of his disease. And this was a manifest Miracle wrought in our time, whereby diverse Infidels were converted to our Faith, and their Idols destroyed, and also their Altars overthrown, on the which they were accustomed to eat the sacrificed flesh. The people of the Island pay the King a portion of Victuals for their tribute, by all their Cities and Villages.  
Not fare from this Island of Zubut, is the Island of Mathan, 
The Island of Mathan.  whose Inhabitants use marvellous Ceremonies in their sacrifices to the Sun, and in burying the dead. Before their Swine-sacrifice, they ring certain Bells: then bring three Platters; in two of which, are Viands of Rice and Honey boiled, rolled up in Leaves, and roasted Fishes; in the other, is a Linen Cloth, with two Fillets or strings, which is spread on the Earth. Than come two old Women, each with a Reed-Trumpet in hand. These mount upon the Cloth, and having worshipped the Sun, cover themselves with the Cloth. One of them applies one of the strings or Fillets with two horns, to her forehead, holding the other in her hand, and thus sounding and dancing, calleth on the Sun. The other followeth: both praying, sounding, and dancing round about the Hog, tied in the midst. The horned Beldame mumbleth to the Sun, the other answering: Than a Cup of Wine is brought, and making semblance to drink, after diverse mutual mumblings, she poureth it on the Hog. After which, this horned Mother hath a Lance brought her: with which, after a deal of masking and mumming Ceremony, she kills him. All this while a Light is burning, and now is put into the mouth of the Swine. The other Beldame washeth the Head of the Trump in the blood, and with her finger imbrued with blood, first signeth her Husband's forehead, and after, other men's. Which done, they both disrobe themselves, and eat the Viands in the other Dishes, only Women communicating with them. They sing the Hog: the flesh they may not eat, till it be thus consecrated by those Witches. They go naked, except a little Cloth before their privities. The Males▪ great and small, make a hole thorough the skin, near the head of the Yard, and therein a Gold Ring is put, as big as a Goose-quill. They take as many Wives as they will, but one is principal. When a man of s●rt dies, the principal Women go to his House, and set Boughs in Cords, fastened about the Corpse, in every Bough a piece of Cotton, so that the place is like a Tent. Herein they sit, arrayed in white Cotton, each having a Girdle, with a Fan of Palm tree, to 'cause wind. One comes after with a Knife, which cuts off by little and little the hair of the deceased. After which, his principal Wife lieth upon him, applying her Lips to his, her Hands to his Hands, and her Feet to his. When the one cutteth, this other laments; when she ceaseth to cut, this sings. About the Chamber, are Porcelain Dishes with fire, on which they burn Myrrh, Storax, and other Sweets. This Ceremony lasts five days. All which time, at Midnight (they say) there comes as it were a Raven, which lights on the House, and cries; the Dogs with howling, holding with the Ravens crying, all lack Sanctus for five hours each Night. After all this, they enclose the Corpse in a House closed round with Wood  
The Island is governed by two Princes, whereof the one is named Zula, and the other Cilapulapu. And whereas this Cilapulapu refused to pay tribute to the King of Spain, the Captain went against him in his own person with threescore of his men, armed with Coats of Mail and Helmets. Cilapulapu divided his Army into three Battles, having in every Battle two thousand and fifty men, with armed Bows, Arrows, Darts, and javelins, hardened at the points with fire. This continued long, and sharp. But the Captain being a valiant man, and pressing himself in the brunt of the Battle, was sore wounded with a venomed Arrow, and after, with a Lance of Cane thrust in his face, slain, for as much as the most of the Barbarians directed all their force against him. 
The Captain Magellanus is slain.  Beside the Captain, were slain of our men about eight or nine: Of the Barbarians, were fifteen slain, and many sore wounded. After the death of the Captain, they chose two other in his place; of the which, one was Odoardo Barbosa, a Portugal, and the other, john Serrano, who was shortly after betrayed by the Interpreter, and taken prisoner with diverse other. The Enemies would not permit Magalianes' Body to be ransomed at any price.  
Certain days before the Captain's death, they had knowledge of the Lands of Molucca, which they chiefly sought. Departing therefore from the Island of Mathan, they sailed fare, and came to the Cape of another Island, 

The Island of Bohol.  
They burned one of their ships.  
Black men.   named Bohol. In the midst of this main Sea (which they named Archipelagus) they consulted to burn the ship named Conception, because they were now few in number, and to furnish the other two ships with the Artillery thereof. Thus directing their course toward South-west, they came to another Island named Paviloghon, where they found black men.  
Shortly after, they arrived at another great Island, whose King, named Raia Calavar, entreated them very friendly in all things, as did the King of Messana. This Island is rich in Gold, and hath plenty of Rice, Ginger, Hogs, Goats, Hens, and diverse other things. It is named Chippit, 
The Island of Chippit.  and is eight degrees above the Equinoctial Line toward our Pole, and in longitude from the place from whence they first departed, an hundred and seventy degrees, and about fifty Leagues from Zubut.  
The King, in token of peace, drew blood of his left hand, and therewith anointed his body, face, and the top of his tongue. The like was done by the Spaniards. Pigafetta was entertained by the King and his two Wives with deep Carouses; which he refused to pledge, excusing, that he had supped. Here he saw much Gold, but small provision of Victual.  

The Island of Caghaian.  Departing from hence, they came to another Island, named Caghaian, being forty Leagues from Chippit, as they sailed between the West and Southwest. This Island is very great, and in manner habited. The people are Mores, and were banished out of the Island of Burnei, which some call Porne. They use poisoned Arrows, and have store of Gold.  
From this Island, about five and twenty Leagues between the West and Northwest, they found a marvelous fruitful Island, 
The Island of Pulaoan.  named Pulaoan, being toward our Pole above the Equinoctial nine degrees, and a third part, and an hundred seventy and nine degrees, and a third part, in longitude from the place of their departing. In it is store of Rice, Ginger, Hogs and Goats, Hens, Figs half a yard long, as big as a man's arm, very good, and others of lesser kinds; Cocos, Battatoes, Sugar Canes, and a kind of pleasant Roots. The King in token of friendship wounded his Breast with a Knife, touching with the blood his Tongue and Forehead; and the Spaniards did likewise. The people go naked, use poisoned Arrows, have great Cocks, which they use in Cock-fighting, but not for food, by reason of a reasonless superstition. They have Wine of Rice, better than that of the Palmtree, easily causing Drunkenness.  

The Island of Burnei, or Porne.  From this Island, ten Leagues toward the South-west, they saw another Island, which seemed to them sometimes to mount, as they sailed by the Coasts thereof. As they were entering into the Port, there arose a boisterous and dark Tempest, which ceased as soon as the Fires of the three Saints (whereof we have spoken before) appeared upon the Cables. From the beginning of this Island to the Port, are five Leagues. This Island is great and rich, and the chief City thereof containeth five and twenty thousand Houses. The King entertained our men very friendly, 
A great City.  and sent them, beside many other presents, two Elephants, trapped with Silk, to bring them to his Palace, 
Elephants.  that brought the presents which the Captains sent him. He hath a magnificent Court, and a great Guard, also, a multitude of Concubines. He is a Moore, and is named Raia Siripada. He is a King of great power, and hath under him many other Kings, Lands, and Cities. This Island of Burnei is above the Equinoctial, toward our Pole, five degrees and a quarter, and in longitude from the place of their departing, an hundred seventy six degrees, and two third parts. They use here Betele and Arec●a, and Rice-Wine, called Arach. Their reverence to the King, is three times to hold the 〈◊〉 closed over the head, then to lift up the feet one after the other, and lastly, to kiss their hands. The King hath ten Scribes, or Secretaries, which writ his affairs in Barks of Trees. His household was all ordered by Women, and the chief men's Daughters.  
On the nine and twentieth of july they were assaulted by an hundred Prawes and junkes, of which, they took four; in one of which, was the son of the King of Lozon, Captain general to the King of Borneo, who now was returned from the sack of Lao, a great City in the Island towards java: For the ethnics, or Natives, and the Moors of this Island are in fierce Wars against each other. And had not the Pilot for a bribe let this man escape closely, he had been worth much to them in ransom. This King of Borneo had two Pearls, as it were Hen Eggs, and so round, that on a plain Table they would not stand firmly. In this Island grows Camphir, which is the gum of the Tree Capar, and Cinnamon, Ginger, Mirabolans, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar, Cucumbers, Melons, Swine, Goats, Hens, Dear, Elephants, Horse, etc.  
Departing from Burnei, they came to an Island called Cimbubon, 
The Island of Cimbubon.  being eight degrees seven minutes above the Equinoctial Line. Here they remained forty days, to calk their ships, and furnish them with fresh Water and Fuel, which was to them great pain and travel, because they were in manner all barefooted, their shoes (and in manner their other Apparel) being worn, by reason of the long Voyage. In the Woods of this Island they found a Tree, whose Leaves as soon as they fall on the ground, do stir and remove from place to place, 
Leaves of trees which seem to live.  as though they were alive: they are much like the Leaves of a Mulberry Tree, and have on every side as it were two short and blunt feet. When they are cut or broken, there is no blood seen come forth of them: Yet when any of them are touched, they suddenly move, and start away. Antony Pigafetta kept one of them in a Platter for the space of eight days, and ever when he touched it, it ran round about the Platter. He supposeth, that they live only by air. Here were Crocodiles, and wild Hogs, and Ostriches. They took also a Fish, headed like a Swine, with two horns, the rest of the body all of one bone, and as it were a saddle on the back.  
Departing from hence, they directed their course by the West quarter toward the Southeast, to found the Lands of Molucca, and sailed not fare from certain Mountains, where they found the Sea full of great Weeds and Herbs. 
A Sea full of Weeds.   
From hence, they came to the Lands of Zolo and Taghima, in the which are found Pearls of exceeding bigness. The King of Borneo had his two Pearls from hence, 
Pearls.  captiving the King his father in Law, and making him pay them for ransom.  
Following their course toward the North-east, they came to a great City named Mangdando, lying above the Lands of Buthuan and Calaghan, where they took a Canoa of certain of the Inhabitants: by whom being informed of the Lands of Molucca, they left their course toward the North-east, and followed the Southeast, near unto a Cape of the Island of Buthuan. They were advertised for certainty, that on the banks of a certain River, there dwelled men, called Benaian, overgrown with hair, which killed men, 
Men overgrown with hair.  and did eat their hearts raw, with the juice of Oranges and Lemons. They are tall and strong, use Bowes and Swords of Wood In these Lands grows the best Cinnamon, whereof they had seven and twenty pound in exchange for two Knives. Here is the great City Mangdando. Being in six degrees, seven minutes, they made their way Southeast, and encountered four Lands, Ciboco, Biramboia, Sarangani, Candingar.  
A great Tempest here assailed them the four and twentieth of October: but after their prayers, the three Lights appeared on their shrowds, whereupon the darkness ceased, if a worse did not remain. For they hereupon vowed to set free a slave in honour of the three Saints, S. Helena, S. Nicholas, and S. Clare. How much more tolerable is that Ethnic adoration of the Sun and Stars, than this of inferior Meteors, if it may any way be tolerable to give the glory of God to a Creature?  
After the Tempest, they came to harbour in the I'll Sarangani, where they heard was Gold and Pearls. Here they took by force two Pilots for the Molucca's. They passed eight Lands, some inhabited, some not; their names were Ceana, Canida, Cabiaio, Camuca, Cabalu, Chiai, Lipan, Nuzza; and then came to a fair Island, called Sanghir, in three degrees and a half, where were four Gentle Kings. They passed five other Lands, and then espied four others, which their Pilot said were the Molucca's. This was the sixth day of November, and the seven and twentieth month after their departure out of Spain. Being therefore joyful, and giving thanks unto God, they discharged all their Ordnance. In the Coast of all these Lands, even unto the Lands of Molucca, sounding with their Plummet, 
The Lands of Molucca.  they found the depth of the Sea to be no less than a hundred and two yards, which is contrary to the saying of the Portugals; who affirm, That no ship can pass that way without great danger, 
The Portugals are reproved.  by reason of the shallowness, and Rocks or Shelves, and for the darkness which the Clouds cause in the Heaven. All which things they feigned, to the intent that none other should have knowledge of their Voyages.  
The eight day of November, in the year 1521. before the rising of the Sun, they entered into the Port of the Island of Tidore, being one of the chief Lands of Molucca, 
Tidore one of the Lands of Molucca.  where they were honourably entertained of the King: who declared, that he had long before dreamt, that certain ships should come from a fare Country, to the Lands of Molucca: And that whereas, for the better certificate thereof, he considered the stations of the Moon, 
A Vision in the Planets.  he saw therein the coming of our ships, and that we were the men whom he seemed to see in the same. Whereupon he proffered himself to enter into league of friendship with the King of Spain, and to accept our men as his Brethrens and Children, willing them to come aland, as into their own Houses. Also, that for their coming, that Island should no more be called Tidore, but Castille, for the great love which he bore to their King, whom he reputed as his Lord and Master. This King is a Moore, and is named Raia Sultan Mauzor. He swore upon the Alcoran (laying it three or four times on his head, and saying certain words) to be friend to the King of Spain.  

The five Lands of Molucca. Tarenate.  The Lands of Molucca are five in number, and are thus named: Tarenate, Tidore, Mutir, Macchian, and Bacchian. Of these, Tarenate is the chiefest; and the King thereof, was sometime Lord of them all. Mutir and Macchian were now governed of the people. Bacchian had a King. The Clove-trees are as big as a man about, tall; the Boughs large in the midst, and pointed at the top; the Leaves, as of Bay-trees; the Bark, of Olive colour. The Cloves grow ten and twenty together, in the tops of the Boughs; first white, read at ripeness, black by the drying. They gather them twice a year, in june and December. The Leaf, Bark, and Wood being green, is as strong as the Clove. If they take them not in their time, they grow great and hard. Every man hath his own Trees, and bestows little Husbandry on them. The Women are brutish, and go naked, save that before their privities they have a covering made of a Tree, which being steeped in water, is beaten into as large a form as they will, even to the thinness of Silk.  


The Island of Gilolo.  
Mores and Gentiles.   Directly against the Island of Tidore, there is another great Island, named Gilolo, inhabited of Mores and Gentiles. The Moors have two Kings; of the which, one hath six hundred children, and the other six hundred and fifty. The Gentiles keep not so many Women as do the Moors, nor yet live in such superstitions. They pray to the first thing that they meet in the Morning, when they go forth of their Houses, and honour that as their God for that day. 
Gold. Water in Reeds.  The King of the Gentiles is very rich in Gold. In the said Island of Gilolo are Reeds as big as a man's leg, and full of clear water, wholesome to be drunk.  
The twelfth day of November, the King of Tidore appointed our men a Warehouse in the City, 
Their manner of bartering.  where they might cell their Merchandise. Their manner of exchange was in this sort: For ten yards of good read Cloth, they had one Bahar of Cloves, which amounteth to four Cantari, and six pound weight; and one Cantar is a hundred pound weight. For fifteen yards of Cloth, somewhat worse than the other, they received in Cambie, one Bahar. For five and thirty drinking Cups of Glass, they had one Bahar. For seventeen Cathyls of Quicksilver, one Bahar. They came daily to the ships, with many of their Barks full of Goats, Hens, Figs of a span long, also the Fruit called Cocus, with diverse other kinds of Victuals, in such quantity, that it was a marvelous thing to behold. They furnished also their ships with fresh Water, 
Water of a strange quality.  which is hot as it issueth out of the Spring, but is very cold when it hath stood a while in another place. It springeth from the Mountains, on the which the Clove-trees grow. They saw a Cloud rise in manner daily, which compasseth about the said Mountains of Clove-trees. There were some Nutmeg-trees also.  

Birds of a strange form.  The King of the Island of Bacchian sent the King of Spain two dead Birds, of strange form: They were of the bigness of Turtle-doves, with little heads and long bylls'; also long and small legs, and no wings, but in the stead thereof, certain long feathers of diverse colours, and tails like Turtle-doves; all the other feathers are of one colour, much like unto Tawny, except those of the wings: they fly not, but when the wind bloweth. These Moors are of opinion, that these Birds come from the heavenly Paradise, and therefore call them Manuccodiata, that is, the Birds of God.  
When they were determined to departed from the Lands of Molucca, certain Kings of the Lands accompanied them with their Canoas', and conducted them to an Island called Mare, where they refreshed their ships with fresh Water and Fuel. The Kings sent the Emperor's Majesty many presents; and embracing our men, departed with the tears in their eyes: and our men, for their last farewell, shot off all their Ordnance.  

They leave one of their ships behind them.  In the Island of Mare they perceived, that one of their ships leaked and took water very sore, whereby they were enforced to tarry there three days: but seeing that they could find no remedy for the same, but in long time, they determined to leave it; giving order, that if afterward it could be repaired, they should return into Spain as well as they could.  

The Lands of Molucca.  In all the Lands of Molucca, is found Cloves, Ginger, Bread of the branches or inner parts of Sagu, Rice, Goats, Sheep, Hens, Figs, Almonds, sweet Pomegranates and sour, Oranges, Lemons, 
Honey of Flies.  and Honey, which is made of certain Flies less than Aunts: Also Canes of Sugar, Oil of Cocus, Melons, Gourds, and a marvelous cold Fruit, which they name Camulicai, and diverse other Fruits. 
popinjays.  Furthermore, white and read popinjays, and other of variable colours. It is not past fifty years since the Moors first inhabited any of these Lands, which were before inhabited only with Gentiles.  
The Island of Tidore is above the Equinoctial Line toward our Pole, 
The Island of T●dore.  about seven and twenty minutes, and in longitude from the place from whence they departed, a hundred seventy one degrees, and from the Archipelagus, in the which is the Island of Zamal, which our men named the Island of Thiefs, nine degrees and a half, and runneth to the quarter of South South-west, and North North-east. Terenate is under the Equinoctial Line four minutes, 
Terenate. Mutir. Macchian. Bacchian.  under the Pole Antarctic. Mutir is directly under the Equinoctial Line. Macchian is fifteen minutes toward the Pole Antarctic: and Bacchian, one degree. These Lands are like four sharp Mountains, except Macchian, which is not sharp. The biggest of all these, is Bacchian.  
Departing from the Island of Mare, and directing their course toward the South-west, with only six and forty men in their ship, and thirteen Indians, 
Many Lands.  they passed by the Lands of Chacovan, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, Sulacho, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambon, Budia, Celaruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon, Zorobua, Zolot, Nocevamor, Galian, and Mallua, 
The Island of Mallua.  with diverse other Lands both great and small, of Moors, Gentiles, and Cannibals. Our men remained fifteen days in the Island of Mallua, to repair their ship in certain places where it took water. All the fields of this Island are full of long and round Pepper, 
Pepper.  and is situate toward the Pole Antarctic, under the Equinoctial Line, eight degrees and a half, and is in the longitude of a hundred sixty nine degrees, and forty minutes. The people are Men-eaters. The Women use Bows and Arrows. The Men wear their Hair and Beards in Canes. There grows much Pepper, both long and round, with Leaves like Mulberry, and climbing, like to ivy.  
The Pilot which our men brought out of the Lands of Molucca, told them, 

Little men with long ears; a ●abulous report. Such hath been the ground of fabulous Monsters in Pliny, etc.  
The Island of Timor.  
White Saunders and Ginger.  
The Devil appeareth.  
Saint job his disease.   That not fare from thence was an Island named Arucetto, in the which are Men and Women not past a Cubit in height, having ears of such bigness, that they lie upon one, and cover them with the other. But our men would not sail thither, both because the Wind and course of the Sea was against them, and also for that they gave no credit to his report.  
The five and twentieth day of january, in the year 1522. they departed from Mallua, and the day following arrived at a great Island named Timor, being five Leagues distant from Mallua, between the South and South-west. In this Island is found the Wood of white Saunders, and Ginger, and diverse kinds of Fruits. Also sundry kinds of Beasts, and plenty of Victual and Gold. They of the Lands of Giava, Molucca, and Lozon, resort to this Island for Saunders. The Inhabitants are Gentiles. They say, that when they go to cut the Wood of Saunders, the Devil appeareth to them in diverse forms, and asketh them what they have need of: And that after this Vision, many of them are long sick. In all the Lands of this Archipelagus, reigneth the Disease of Saint job (which we call the French Pox) more than in any other place in the World. This Island stands in ten degrees Antarctic, and a hundred seventy four in longitude.  
Fare from this Island, between the West and Northwest, they came to an Island named Eude, in the which groweth great plenty of Cinnamome. In this Tract are found many Lands, lying in order (as it were) one directly behind another, 
Cinnamome.  even unto the Island of the greater Giava, named Giava maior, and unto the Cape of Malacha, being in East India. 

The Lands of Giava.  
Malacha.   Giava the less is as big as the Island of Madera, and is but half a League distant from Giava maior.  
The eleventh day of February, in the year 1522. they departed from the Island of Timor, and were ingulfed by chance in the great Sea called Lantchidol, 
The Sea of Lantchidol.  and took their course between the West and South-west, leaving the North Coasts on their right hand, fearing jest if they should sail toward the firm Land, they might be seen of the Portugals, who are of great power in Malacha: and therefore directed their course without the Island of Sumatra, 
Malacha. The Island of Sumatra. Cap. de Buona Speranza.  called in old time Taprobana. And more safely to pass the Cape of Buona Speranza, being above Africa, they sailed about two and forty degrees toward the Pole Antarctic, and remained seven weeks about that Cape, with many fetches compassing the Wind, with their sails continually aloft, because they had a West and Northwest Wind in the prow of their ship, which would not suffer them to pass. The Cape of Buona Speranza is toward the Pole Antarctic, beneath the Equinoctial Line, four and thirty degrees and a half, and a thousand six hundred Leagues from the Cape of Malacha, and is the greatest and most dangerous Cape that is found at this day in all the World.  
When they had by these perils over-passed this Cape, certain of them, as well for lack of Victuals, as also by reason of Sickness, were minded to sail to a Haven of the Portugals, named Mozambique, above Africa: But the other answered, That they would rather die, 
The Port of Mozambique.  then go to any other place then directly to Spain. They followed their course therefore, sailing toward the South-west two months continually, without touching at any Port, in which time there died about one and twenty of their company, whom they cast into the Sea. And surely, if God of his infinite mercy had not preserved the residue in time, they had all died of famine.  
In fine, being enforced of necessity, and half of their company dead, they sailed to one of the Lands of Capo Verde, called Insula Sancti jacobi, that is, Saint james Island, pertaining to the King of Portugal. Where, as soon as they arrived, they sent certain aland in the shipboat for Victuals, declaring to the Portugals with all love and favour, what necessity they were driven to, and what miseries and travails they had sustained: informing them furthermore of their marvelous Voyage, and such things as they had seen in both the East and West India, with such other gentle words, whereby they obtained certain Measures of Rice. But when afterward thirteen of them returned for more Rice, they were detained. Whereupon the rest which remained in the ship, fearing the like chance, departed with full sails, and the seventh day of September, 
The Port of S. Lucar, near unto Sivile.  with the help of God, entered into the Haven of San Lucar, near unto Sivile: where discharging all their Ordnance for joy, they went immediately to the great Church, in their shirts, and barefooted, with a Torch before them, to give thanks to Almighty God, who had brought them safe to their own Country, and restored them to their Wives and Children.  
Of this ship San Victoria, which returned, and had first discovered the Straitss, they were called the Straitss of Victoria, which name passed after to Magalianes himself.  

What became of the other ship. Dariena.  The other ship, which they left behind them to be repaired, returned afterward by the Archipelagus aforesaid, and by the great Sea, to the Coasts of the firm of the West India, and arrived at a Region of the same, being against Dariena, where the South Sea of Sur is separate but by a little space of Land from the West Ocean, in the which are the Lands of Hispaniola and Cuba, and other Lands of the Spaniards.  
The Portugals took the Trinity, and the Castilians in Tidore, and overthrew their factory. They built also, by leave, a Port in Ternate, and established a factory for themselves, indenting, that they alone should have the Cloves sold to them. john Sebastian Canon, which brought home the ship Victoria into Spain, was well rewarded by the Emperor. But much strife hereby grew betwixt Spain and Portugal, each challenging the Molucca's to his own division. Cosmographers were in fine appointed to define the Controversy, with Pilots and judges on both sides deputed: and after much menaces, and brabbles, and delays, the Portugals Trade being great, and loath to loose such a morsel, took the advantage of the Emperor's marriage to the Lady Isabel, sister to King john of Portugal: which having use of money, empawned the Lands and Trade of Spicery (going then into Italy to be crowned, Anno 1529.) to the said King for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, without term limited. In the year 1548. Cortes offered to repay that money for six years profits of that Trade, and to leave the same after that to the Crown: But the Emperor would not admit it. And so it continued, till the Crown of Portugal itself was annexed to the Castilian.  
Before also, some had attempted this discovery our of New Spain by the South Sea: but unluckily, as by the relation of Ivan Gaetan, a Castilian Pilot, 
* This Voyage is in Romusio his first Tome.  appeareth: Who set sail from the Port of Nativity, in twenty degrees, 1542. and came to the Molucca's, where the King of Tidore gave them kind entertainment, but their weak ship forced them to agreed with the Spaniards. This Sea is yearly navigated by the Spaniards to the Philippina's, which now also concur with the Molucca's.   

CHAP. III. The second Circum-navigation of the Earth: Or the renowned Voyage of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, the first General which ever sailed about the whole Globe, begun in the year of our Lord, 1577. heretofore published by M. R. HACKLVYT, and now reviewed and corrected.  
THE fifteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord 1577. M. Francis Drake with a Fleet of five Ships and Barks, and to the number of a hundred sixty four men, Gentlemen and Sailors, departed from Plymouth, giving out his pretended Voyage for Alexandria: but the Wind falling contrary, he was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth Haven in Cornwall, where such and so terrible a Tempest took us, as few men have seen the like, and was indeed so vehement, that all our ships, were like to have gone to wrack: but it pleased God to preserve us from that extremity, and to afflict us only for that present with these two particulars; The Mast of our Admiral, which was the Pelican, was cut overboard, for the safeguard of the ship, and the Marigold was driven ashore, and somewhat bruised. For the repairing of which damages, we returned again to Plymouth: and having recovered those harms, and brought the ships again to good state, we set forth the second time from Plymouth, and set sail the thirteenth day of December following.  
The five and twentieth day of the same month, we fell with the Cape Cantin, upon the Coast of Barbary: and coasting along, the seven and twentieth day we found an Island called Mogador, lying one mile distant from the main; between which Island and the main, 
The Isle of Mogador on the Coast of Barbary.  we found a very good and safe harbour for our ships to ride in, as also very good entrance, and voided of any danger. On this Island our General erected a Pinnace, whereof he brought out of England with him four ready framed.  
While these things were in doing, there came to the Water's side some of the inhabitants of the Country, showing forth their Flags of Truce: which being seen of our General, he sent his shippe-boat to the shore, to know what they would. They being willing to come aboard, our men left there one man of our company for a pledge, and brought two of theirs aboard our ship, which by signs shown our General, that the next day they would bring some provision, as Sheep, Capons, and Hens, and such like: whereupon our General bestowed amongst them some Linen Cloth, and Shoes, and a javelin, which they very joyfully received, and departed for that time. The next morning they failed not to come again to the Water's side, and our General again setting out our Boat, one of our men leaping over-rashly ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, they laid violent hands on him, offering a Dagger to his Throat, if he had made any resistance, and so laying him on a Horse, carried him away: So that a man cannot be too circumspect and wary of himself, amongst such Miscreants.  
Our Pinnace being finished, 
januarie.  we departed from this place the thirtieth and last day of December: and coasting along the shore, we did descry, not contrary to our expectation, certain Canters, which were Spanish Fishermen; to whom we gave chase, and took three of them: and proceeding further, we met with three Caravels, and took them also.  
The seventeenth day of january we arrived at Cape Blanco, where we found a ship riding at anchor, within the Cape, and but two simple Mariners in her: which ship we took, and carried her further into the Harbour, where we remained four days; and in that space our General mustered, and trained his men on Land, in warlike manner, to make them fit for all occasions. In this place we took of the Fishermen such necessaries as we wanted, and they could yield us; and leaving here one of our little Barks, called the Benedict, we took with us one of theirs, which they called Canters, being of the Burden of forty Tons, or thereabouts.  
All these things being finished, we departed this Harbour the two and twentieth of january, carrying along with us one of the Portugal Caravels, which was bound to the Lands of Cape Verde for Salt, whereof good store is made in one of those Lands.  
The Master or Pilot of that Caravell did advertise our General, That upon one of those Lands, called Mayo, there was great store of dried Cabritoes, which a few Inhabitants, 
The Isle of Mayo.  there dwelling, did yearly make ready for such of the King's ships as did there touch, being bound for his Country of Brasile, or elsewhere. We fell with this Island the seven and twentieth of january: but the Inhabitants would in no case traffic with us, being thereof forbidden by the King's Edict. Yet the next day our General sent to view the Island, and the likely hoods that might be there of provision of Victuals, about threescore and two men, under the conduct and government of Master Winter and Master Doughtie: and marching towards the chief place of habitation in this Island (as by the Portugal we were informed) having traveled to the Mountains the space of three miles, and arriving there somewhat before the day break, we rested ourselves, to see day before us; which appearing, we found the Inhabitants to be fled: but the place, by reason that it was manured, we found to be more fruitful than the other part, especially the Valleys among the Hills.  
Here we gave ourselves a little refreshing, as by very ripe and sweet Grapes, which the fruitfulness of the Earth at that season of the year yielded us: 
Ripe Grapes in Winter.  and that season being with us the depth of Winter, it may seem strange that those Fruits were then there growing: but the reason thereof is this, because they being between the Tropic and the Equinoctial, the Sun passeth twice in the year through their Zenith, over their heads, by means whereof, they have two Summers; and being so near the heat of the Line, they never loose the heat of the Sun so much, but the Fruits have their increase and continuance in the midst of Winter. The Island is wonderfully stored with Goats and wild Hens, and it hath Salt also without labour, save only that the people gather it into heaps, which continually in great quantity is increased upon the Sands, by the flowing of the Sea, and the heat of the Sun kerning the same; so that of the increase thereof, they keep a continual Traffic with their Neighbours.  
Amongst other things, we found here a kind of Fruit called Cocos; which, because it is not commonly known with us in England, I thought good to make some description of it. 
The description of the Tree that beareth Cocos.  The Tree beareth no Leaves nor Branches, but at the very top the Fruit groweth in clusters, hard at the top of the stem of the Tree, as big every several Fruit as a man's head: but having taken off the uttermost Bark, which you shall found to be very full of strings or sinews, as I may term them, you shall come to a hard shell, which may hold of quantity in Liquor a Pint commonly, or some a Quart, and some less: within that shell, of the thickness of half an inch good, you shall have a kind of hard substance, and very white, no less good and sweet then Almonds; within that again a certain clear Liquor, which being drunk, you shall not only found it very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable and cordial.  
After we had satisfied ourselves with some of these Fruits, we marched further into the Island, and saw great store of 
* Or Goats.  Cabritos' alive, which were so chased by the inhabitants, that we could do no good towards our provision: but they had laid out (as it were) to stop our mouths withal, certain old dried Cabritoes, which being but ill, and small, and few, we made no account of.  
Being returned to our ships, our General departed hence the one and thirtieth of this month, 
The Isle of S. jago.  and sailed by the Island of Saint jago, but fare enough from the danger of the inhabitants, who shot and discharged at us three Pieces, but they all fell short of us, and did us no harm. The Island is fair and large, and as it seemeth, rich and fruitful, and inhabited by the Portugals: but the Mountains and high places of the Island are said to be possessed by the Moors; who having been slaves to the Portugals, to ease themselves, made escape to the desert places of the Island, where they abide with great strength.  
Being before this Island, we espied two ships under sail, to the one of which we gave chase, and in the end boarded her with a shipboat without resistance, which we found to be a good Prize, 
A Pri●e, and Nuno da Si●ua, a Portugal Pilot, taken.  and she yielded unto us good store of Wine: which Prize our General committed to the custody of Master Doughtie; and retaining the Pilot, sent the rest away with his Pinnace, giving them a But of Wine, and some Victuals, and their wearing Clotheses, and so they departed.  
The same Night we came with the Island called by the Portugals, Ilha del fogo, that is, the burning Island: 
The Isle of Fogo.  in the North side whereof is a consuming fire, the matter is said to be of Sulphur, but notwithstanding it is like to be a commodious Island, because the Portugals have built, and do inhabit there. Upon the South side thereof lieth a most pleasant and sweet Island, the Trees whereof are always green and fair to look upon, in respect whereof, they call it Ilha Brava, that is, the brave Island. From the banks thereof, into the Sea, do run in many places reasonable streams of fresh Waters, easy to be come by, but there was no convenient Road for our ships: for such was the depth, that no ground could be had for anchoring, and it is reported, that Ground was never found in that place: so that the tops of Fogo burn not so high in the Air, but the roots of Brava are drenched as low in the Sea.  
Being departed from these Lands, we drew towards the Line, where we were becalmed the space of three weeks, but yet subject to diverse great Storms, terrible Lightnings, and much Thunder: but with this misery, we had the commodity of great store of Fish, as Dolphins, Bonitoes, and flying Fishes, whereof some fell into our ships, wherehence they could not rise again, for want of 〈◊〉; for when their Wings are dry, they cannot fly.  
From the first day of our departure from the Islands of Cape Verde, we sailed four and fifty days without sight of Land, and 〈…〉 that we fell with, was the Coast of Brasil, 
April. 33. Degrees.  which we saw the fift of April, in 〈…〉 of three and thirty degrees towards the Pole Antarctic: and being discovered at 〈◊〉 ●he inhabitants of the Country, they made upon the Coast great fires for a Sacrifice (〈◊〉 ●ee learned) to the Devils; about which, they use Conjurations, making heaps of Sand, a●d other Ceremonies, that when any ship shall go about to stay upon their Coast, not only Sands may be gathered together in Shoalds in every place, but also that Storms and Tempests may arise, to the casting away of ships and men, whereof (as it is reported) there have been diverse experiments.  
The seventh day, in a mighty great Storm both of Lightning, Rain, and Thunder, we lost the Canter, which we called the Christopher: but the eleventh day after, by our General's great care in dispersing his ships, we found her again; and the place where we met, our General called the Cape of joy, 
The Cape of joy..  where every ship took in some Water. Here we found a good Temperature, and sweet Air, a very fair and pleasant Country, with an exceeding fruitful Soil, where were great store of large and mighty Deer, but we came not to the sight of any people: but travelling further into the Country, we perceived the footing of people in the Clay-ground, showing that they were men of great stature. Being returned to our ships, we weighed anchor, and ran somewhat further, and harboured ourselves between a Rock and the Main, where, by means of the Rock that broke the force of the Sea, we rid very safe: and upon this Rock we killed, for our provision, certain Sea-Wolues, commonly called with us Seals.  

Their entrance into the River of Plate.  From hence we went our course to six and thirty degrees, and entered the great River of Plate, and ran into four and fifty and three and fifty fathoms and a half of fresh Water, where we filled our Water by the ships side: but our General finding here no good harbour, as he thought he should, bore out again to Sea the seven and twentieth of April, and in bearing out, we lost sight of our Flie-boat wherein Master Doughtie was: but we sailing along, found a fair and reasonable good Bay, wherein were many, and the same profitable Lands, one whereof had so many Seals, as would at the lest have laden all our ships; and the rest of the Lands are as it were laden with Fowls, which is wonderful to see, 
Abundance of Seales.  and they of diverse sorts. It is a place very plentiful of Victuals, and hath in it no want of fresh Water. Our General after certain days of his abode in this place, being on shore in an Island, the people of the Country shown themselves unto him, leaping and dancing, and entered into traffic with him, but they would not receive any thing at any man's hands, but the same must be cast upon the ground. They are of clean, comely, and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seem to be very active.  
The eighteenth day of May our General thought it needful to have a care of such ships as were absent, and therefore endeavouring to seek the Flie-boat wherein Master Doughtie was, 
May.  we espied her again the next day: and whereas certain of our ships were sent to discover the Coast, and to search an Harbour, the S and the Canter being employed in that business, came unto us, and gave us understanding of a safe Harbour that they had found, wherewith all our ships bore, and entered it, where we watered, and made new provision of Victuals, as by Seals, whereof we slew to the number of two hundred or three hundred in the space of an hour.  
Here our General in the Admiral rid close aboard the Flie-boat, and took out of her all the provision of Victuals and what else was in her, and haling her to the Land, set fire to her, 
The Flie-boat cast off and burnt.  and so burnt her, to save the Iron work: Which berng a doing, there came down of the Country certain of the people naked, saving only about their Waste the Skin of some Beast, with the fur or hair on, and something also wreathed on their heads: 
The people of the Country.  their faces were painted with diverse colours, and some of them had on their heads the similitude of horns, every man his Bow, which was an Ell in length, and a couple of Arrows. They were very agile people, and quick to deliver, and seemed not to be ignorant in the feats of Wars, as by their order of ranging a few men, might appear. These people would not of a long time receive any thing at our hands: yet at length our General being ashore, and they dancing after their accustomed manner about him, and he once turning his back towards them, one leapt suddenly to him, and took his Cap with his Gold Band of his head, and ran a little distance from him, and shared it with his fellow, the Cap to the one, and the Band to the other. Having dispatched all our business in this place, we departed and set sail, and immediately upon our setting forth, we lost our Canter, which was absent three or four days: but when our General had her again, he took out the necessaries, and so gave her over, 
The Cape of Good Hope.  near to the Cape of Good Hope.  
The next day after, being the twentieth of june, 
june.  we harboured ourselves again in a very good harbour, called by Magellan, Port S. julian, where we found a Gibbet standing upon the Main, 
Port S. julian.  which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company. And here M. Thomas Doughty was tried, and received sentence of death, which was also here executed. 
M. Thomas Doughtie executed.  Here also some of our men going ashore, were by the Savages forced to retire.  
The seventeenth day of August we departed the Port of S. julian, and the twentieth day we fell with the Straight or Fret of Magellan, going into the South Sea, 
August.  at the Cape or Head-land whereof, we found the body of a dead Man, 
The Straight of Magellan.  whose flesh was clean consumed.  
The one and twentieth day we entered the Straight, which we found to have many turnings, and as it were shutting up, as if there were no passage at all, by means whereof, we had the Wind often against us, so that some of the Fleet recovering a Cape or Point of Land, others should be forced to turn back again, and to come to an Anchor where they could. In this Straight there be many fair Harbours, with store of fresh Water, but yet they lack their best commodity: for the Water is there of such depth, that no man shall found ground to anchor in, except it be in some narrow River or Corner, or between some Rocks; so that if any extreme Blasts or contrary Winds do come (whereunto the place is much subject) it carrieth with it no small danger.  
The Land on both sides is very huge and mountainous; the lower Mountains whereof, although they be monstrous and wonderful to look upon, for their height, yet there are others which in height exceed them in a strange manner, reaching themselves above their fellows so high, that between them did appear three Regions of Clouds. These Mountains are covered with Snow: At both the Southerly and Easterly parts of the Straight there are Lands, among which the Sea hath his indraught into the Straitss, even as it hath in the main entrance of the Fret. This Straight is extreme cold, with Frost and Snow continually: The Trees seem to stoop with the burden of the Wether, and yet are green continually; and many good and sweet Herbs do very plentifully grow and increase under them.  
The breadth of the Straight is in some place a League, in some other places two Leagues, and three Leagues, 
The breadth of the Straitss of Magellan.  and in some other, four Leagues: but the narrowest place hath a League over.  

Abundance of Pengwins in the Straight.  The four and twentieth of August we arrived at an Island in the Straitss, where we found great store of Fowl which could not fly, of the bigness of Geese, whereof we killed in less than one day three thousand, and victualled ourselves throughly therewith.  

September.  The sixth day of September we entered the South Sea at the Cape or Head shore.  
The seventh day we were driven by a great storm from the entering into the South Sea, two hundred Leagues and odd in longitude, and one degree to the Southward of the Straight: in which height, and so many Leagues to the Westward, the fifteenth day of September fell out the Eclipse of the Moon, at the hour of six of the Clock at Night: but neither did the Eclipticall conflict of the Moon impair our state, nor her clearing again amend us a whit, but the accustomed Eclipse of the Sea continued in his force, we being darkened more than the Moon sevenfold.  
From the Bay (which we called, The Bay of severing of Friends) we were driven back to the Southward of the Straitss, 

57 Degrees and a terce of Southerly latitude.  
Botero writeth, that another hath found this place all Lands.   in seven and fifty degrees and a terce: in which height, we came to an anchor among the Lands, having there fresh and very good Water, with Herbs of singular virtue. Not fare from hence, we entered another Bay, where we found people, both Men and Women, in their Canoas', naked, and ranging from one Island to another, to seek their Meat; who entered traffic with us, for such things as they had.  
We returning hence Northward again, found the third of October three Lands, in one of which was such plenty of Birds, as is scant credible to report.  
The eight day of October we lost sight of one of our Consorts, wherein M. Winter was, who, 
M. Winter separated and returned.  as than we supposed, was put by a storm into the Straitss again: which, at our return home, we found to be true, and he not perished, as some of our company feared.  
[He still (I think) is alive. I conferred with him of this Voyage at bath, in Septemb. 1618. He told me, and desired that it should be published, That formal Possession was then and there taken of the said Straitss and Territories, with Turf and Twig, after the English manner; Captain Drake delivering him the said Possession, in the name and to the use of Queen Elizabeth, and her Successors.]  
Thus being come into the height of the Straitss again, we ran, supposing the Coast of Chili to lie as the general Maps have described it, namely, Northwest, which we found to lie and trend to the North-east, 
The trending of the Coast of Chili.  and Eastwards: whereby it appeareth, that this part of Chili hath not been truly hitherto discovered, or at the lest not truly reported, for the space of twelve degrees at the lest, being set down either of purpose to deceive, or of ignorant conjecture.  

The Isle la Mocha, in 38. degrees and 30. minutes.  We continuing our course, fell the nine and twentieth of November with an Island called lafoy Mocha, where we cast anchor, and our General hoisting out our Boat, went with ten of our company to shore, where we found people, whom the cruel and extreme dealings of the Spaniards have forced, for their own safety and liberty, to fly from the Main, and to fortify themselves in this Island. We being on land, the people came down to us to the Water side, with show of great courtesy, bringing to us Potatoes, Roots, and two very fat Sheep, which our General received, and gave them other things for them, and had promise' to have Water there: But the next day repairing again to the shore, and sending two men aland with Barrels to fill Water, the people taking them for Spaniards (to whom they use to show no favour, if they take them) laid violent hands on them, and as we think, slew them.  
Our General seeing this, stayed here no longer, but weighed anchor, and set sail towards the Coast of Chili, and drawing towards it, we met near to the shore an Indian in a Canoa, who thinking us to have been Spaniards, came to us and told us, That at a place called S. jago, there was a great Spanish ship laden from the Kingdom of Peru: for which good news, our General gave him diverse Trifles, whereof he was glad, and went along with us, and brought us to the place, 
The Port of Valparizo, in 33. degrees, 40. minutes.  which is called the Port of Valparizo.  
When we came thither, we found indeed the ship riding at anchor, having in her eight Spaniards and three Negroes, who thinking us to have been Spaniards, and their friends, welcomed us with a Drum, and made ready a Bottija, of Wine of Chili, to drink to us: but as soon as we were entered, 
Wine of Chili.  one of our company, called Thomas Moon, began to lay about him, and struck one of the Spaniards, and said unto him, Abaxo Perro, that is in English, Go● down Dog. One of these Spaniards seeing persons of that quality in those Seas, all to crossed and blessed himself: but to be short, we stowed them under Hatches, all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt overboard into the Sea, and swum ashore to the Town of S. jago, to give them warning of our arrival. They of the Town being not above nine Household's, 
The Town of S. jago taken.  presently fled away, and abandoned the Town. Our General manned his Boat, and the Spanish ships Boat, and went to the Town: and being come to it, we rifled it, and came to a small Chapel, which we entered, and found therein a Silver Chalice, two Cruets, and one Altar-Cloth, the spoil whereof our General gave to M. Fletcher, his Minister. We found also in this Town a Warehouse, stored with Wine of Chili, 
Wine of Chili.  and many boards of Cedar-Wood; all which Wine we brought away with us, and certain of the boards, to burn for firewood: and so being come aboard, we departed the Haven, having first set all the Spaniards on land, saving one john Griego, a Greek borne, 
john Gr●ego, a Pilot, taken.  whom our General carried with him for his Pilot, to bring him into the Haven of Lima.  
When we were at Sea, our General rifled the ship, and found in her good store of the Wine of Chili, and five and twenty thousand Pezoes' of very pure and fine Gold of Baldivia, 
Gold of Baldivia.  amounting in value to seven and thirty thousand ducats of Spanish Money, and above. So going on our course, we arrived next at a place called Coquimbo, where our General sent fourteen of his men on land to fetch Water: but they were espied by the Spaniards, 
Coqu●mbo in 29. degrees, 30. minutes.  who came with three hundred horsemen and two hundred footmen, and slew one of our men with a Piece; the rest came aboard in safety, and the Spaniards departed: we went on shore again, and buried our man, and the Spaniards came down again with a Flag of Truce; but we set sail, and would not trust them.  
From hence we went to a certain Port, called Tarapaça: where being landed, 
Tarapaxa.  we found by the Sea side a Spaniard lying asleep, who had lying by him thirteen Bars of Silver, which weighed four thousand ducats Spanish; we took the Silver, and left the man.  
Not fare from hence, going on land for fresh Water, we met with a Spaniard and an Indian Boy driving eight Llamas or Sheep of Peru, which are as big as Asses; every of which Sheep had on his back two Bags of Leather, each Bag containing fifty pound weight of fine Silver: so that bringing both the Sheep and their Burden to the ships, we found in all the Bags eight hundred weight of Silver.  
Hence we sailed to a place called Arica: and being entered the Port, 
Arica in 1●. degrees 30. minutes.  we found there three small Barks, which we rifled, and found in one of them seven and fifty Wedges of Silver, each of them weighing about twenty pound weight, and every of these Wedges were of the fashion and bigness of a Brick-bat. In all these three Barks we found not one person: for they mistrusting no strangers, were all gone aland to the Town, which consisteth of about twenty Houses, which we would have ransacked, if our company had been better, and more in number. But our General contented with the spoil of the ships, left the Town, and put off again to Sea, and set sail for Lima, and by the way met with a small Bark, which he boarded, and found in her good store of Linen Cloth, whereof taking some quantity, he let her go.  
To Lima we came the thirteenth day of February: and being entered the Haven, we found there about twelve sail of ships, lying fast moored at an anchor, 
Lima in 11. degrees, 50. minutes.  having all their sails carried on shore: for the Masters and Merchants were here most secure, having never been assaulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach of none such as we were. Our General rifled these ships, and found in one of them a Chest full of Rials of Plate, and good store of Silks and Linen Cloth, and took the Chest into his own ship, and good store of the Silks and Linen. In which ship he had news of another ship, called the Cacafuego, which was gone towards Paita, and that the same ship was laden with Treasure: whereupon we stayed no longer here, but cutting all the Cables of the ships in the Haven, we let them drive whither they would, either to Sea, or to the shore, and with all speed we followed the Cacafuego toward Paita, thinking there to have found her; but before we arrived there, she was gone from thence towards Panama: whom our General still pursued, and by the way met with a Bark laden with Ropes and Tackle for ships, which he boarded and searched, and found in her fourscore pound weight of Gold, and a Crucifix of Gold, with goodly great Emeralds set in it, which he took, and some of the Cordage also for his own ship.  
From hence we departed, still following the Cacafuego, and our General promised our company, that whosoever could first descry her, should have his Chain of Gold for his good news. It fortuned, that john Drake going up into the top, descried her about three of the clock, and about six of the clock we came to her and boarded her, and shot at her three Pieces of Ordnance, and struck down her Misne: and being entered, 
The rich ship called the Cacafuego, taken.  we found in her great Richeses, as jewels and precious Stones, thirteen Chests full of Rials of Plate, fourscore pound weight of Gold, and six and twenty Tun of Silver. The place where we took this Prize, was called Cape de San Francisco, 
Cape de San Francisco, in 1. degree to the North.  about an hundred and fifty Leagues from Panama.  
The Pilots name of this ship, was Francisco: and amongst other Plate that our General found in this ship, he found two very fair gilt Bolles of Silver, which were the Pilots: to whom our General said: Signior Pilot, you have here two Silver Cups, but I must needs have one of them; which the Pilot, because he could not otherwise choose, yielded unto, and gave the other to the Steward of our General's ships.  
When this Pilot departed from us, his Boy said thus unto our General: Captain, our ship shall be called no more the Cacafuego, but the Cacaplata, and your ship shall be called the Cacafuego: Which pretty speech of the Pilots Boy ministered matter of Laughter to us, both then and long after.  
When our General had done what he would with this Cacafuego, he cast her off, and we went on our course still towards the West: and not long after, met with a ship laden with Linen Cloth, 
China si●kes, and Porcellan.  and fine China Dishes, of white Earth, and great store of China Silks; of all which things, we took as we listed. The Owner himself of this ship was in her, who was a Spanish Gentleman: from whom, our General took a Falcon of Gold, with a great Emerald in the breast thereof; and the Pilot of the ship he took also with him, and so cast the ship off.  

Guatulco.  This Pilot brought us to the Haven of Guatulco: the Town whereof, as he told us, had but seventeen Spaniards in it. As soon as we were entered this Haven, we landed, and went presently to the Town, and to the Town-house, where we found a judge sitting in judgement, being associate with three other Officers, upon three Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Town: both which judges and Prisoners we took, and brought them a shipboard, and caused the chief judge to writ his Letter to the Town, to command all the Townsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there. Which being done, and they departed, we ransacked the Town, and in one house we found a Pot, of the quantity of a Bushel, full of Rials of Plate, which we brought to our ship. And here one Thomas Moon, one of our company, took a Spanish Gentleman, as he was flying out of the Town; and searching him, he found a Chain of Gold about him, and other jewels, which he took, and so let him go.  


The Portugal Pilot set on land: his name was Nu●oda Syl●a.  
The Island of Canno.  
A ship with a Governor for the Lands of Philippina's.   At this place our General, among other Spaniards, set ashore his Portugal Pilot, which he took at the Islands of Cape Verde, out of a ship of S. Marry Port of Portugal: And having set them ashore, we departed hence, and sailed to the Island of Canno; where our General landed, and brought to shore his own ship, and discharged her, mended, and graved her, and furnished our ship with Water and Wood sufficiently. And while we were here, we espied a ship, and set sail after her, and took her, and found in her two Pilots and a Spanish Governor, going for the Lands of the Philippina's: We searched the ship, and took some of her Merchandizes, and so let her go.  
Our General at this place and time, thinking himself, both in respect of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our Country and Prince in general, sufficiently satisfied, and revenged: and supposing, that her Majesty at his return would rest contented with this service, purposed to continued no longer upon the Spanish Coasts, but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Country. He thought it not good to return by the Straitss, for two special causes: The one, jest the Spaniards should there wait and attend for him in great number and strength; whose hands, he being left but one ship, 
It was the more stormy at his being there, because it was then the Winter sea on in those parts.  could not possibly escape: The other cause, was the dangerous situation of the Mouth of the Straitss in the South Sea, where continual storms reigning and blustering, as he found by experience, besides the Shoalds and Sands upon the Coast, he thought it not a good course to adventure that way. He resolved therefore, to avoid these hazards, to go forward to the Lands of the Molucca's; and thence, to sail the course of the Portugals, by the Cape of Buena Esperança.  
Upon this resolution, he began to think of his best way to the Molucca's; and finding himself where he now was becalmed, he saw that of necessity he must be forced to take a Spanish course, namely, to sail somewhat Northerly, to get a Wind. We therefore set sail, and sailed six hundred Leagues at the lest for a good Wind; and thus much we sailed from the sixteenth of April, till the third of june.  

june. Sir Francis Drake sailed on the backside of America to 43. degrees of Northerly latitude. 38. degrees.  The fift day of june, being in three and forty degrees towards the Pole Arctic, we found the Air so cold, that our men being grievously pinched with the same, complained of the extremity thereof; and the further we went, the more the Cold increased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek the Land, and did so, finding it not Mountainous, but low plain Land, till we came within eight and thirty degrees towards the Line. In which height, it pleased God to sand us into a fair and good Bay, with a good Wind to enter the same.  
In this Bay we anchored, and the people of the Country having their Houses close by the Water's side, 
A description of the People and Country of Nova Albion.  shown themselves unto us, and sent a present to our General When they came unto us, they greatly wondered at the things that we brought: but our General (according to his natural and accustomed humanity) courteously entreated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to cover their nakedness; whereupon they supposed us to be Gods, and would not be persuaded to the contrary. The Presents which they sent to our General, were Feathers, and Kawles of Network. Their Houses are digged round about with Earth, and have from the uttermost brims of the Circle, Cliffs of Wood set upon them, joining close together at the top like a Spire-Steeple, which by reason of that closeness, are very warm. Their Bed is the Ground, with Rushes strewed on it: and lying about the House, have the fire in the midst. The Men go naked: the Women take Bulrushes, and comb them after the manner of Hemp, and thereof make their lose Garments, which being knit about their middles, hung down about their hips, having also about their shoulders a Skin of Deer, with the hair upon it. These Women are very obedient and serviceable to their Husbands.  
After they were departed from us, they came and visited us the second time, and brought with them Feathers and Bags of Tobacco for Presents: And when they came to the top of the Hill (at the bottom whereof we had pitched our Tents) they stayed themselves; where one appointed for Speaker, wearied himself with making a long Oration: which done, they left their Bows upon the Hill, and came down with their Presents. In the mean time, 
A long Oration.  the Women remaining on the Hill, tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheeks; whereby we perceived, that they were about a Sacrifice. In the mean time, our General, with his company, went to Prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures; at which Exercise they were attentive, and seemed greatly to be affected with it: but when they were come unto us, they restored again unto us those things which before we bestowed upon them.  
The news of our being there, being spread through the Country, the people that inhabited round about came down, and amongst them, the King himself, a man of a goodly stature, and comely personage, with many other tall and warlike men: before whose coming, were sent two Ambassadors to our General, to signify that their King was coming; in doing of which message, their speech was continued about half an hour. This ended, they by signs requested our General to sand some thing by their hand to their King, as a token, that his coming might be in peace: Wherein our General having satisfied them, they returned with glad tidings to their King; who marched to us with a Princely Majesty, the people crying continually after their manner: and as they drew near unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with comeliness. In the forefront was a man of a goodly personage, who bore the Sceptre or Mace before the King, whereupon hanged two Crowns, a less and a bigger, with three Chains of a marvelous length: the Crowns were made of knit work, wrought artificially, with Feathers of diverse colours; the Chains were made of a bonny substance, 
Chains like those of Canada  and few be the persons among them that are admitted to wear them; and of that number also, the persons are stinted, as some ten, some twelve, etc. Next unto him which bore the Sceptre, was the King himself, with his Guard about his person, clad with Coney-skins, and other Skins: after them, followed the naked common sort of people, every one having his face painted, some with white, some with black, and other colours, and having in their hands one thing or another for a Present; not so much as their children, but they also brought their Presents.  
In the mean time our General gathered his men together, and marched within his fenced place, making against their approaching, a very Warlike show. They being trouped together in their order, and a general salutation being made, there was presently a general silence. Than he that bore the Sceptre before the King, being informed by another▪ (whom they assigned to that Office, with a manly and lofty voice proclaimed that which the other spoke to him in secret, continuing half an hour: and a general Amen as it were given, the King with the whole number of men and women (the Children excepted) came down without any Weapon, who descending to the foot of the Hill, set themselves in order. In coming towards our Bulwarks and Tents, the Scepter-bearer began a Song, observing his Measures in a Dance, and that with a stately countenance, whom the King with his Guard, and every degree of persons following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women, which danced and kept silence. The General permitted them to enter within our Bulwark, where they continued their Song and Dance a reasonable time. When they had satisfied themselves, they made signs to our General to sit down, to whom the King, and diverse others made several Orations, or rather Supplications, that he would take their Province and Kingdom into his hand, and become their King, making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title of the whole Land, and become his Subjects. In which, to persuade us the better, the King and the rest, with one consent, and with great reverence, joyfully singing a Song, 
The King resigns his Crown and Kingdom to Sir ●rancis Drake.  did set the Crown upon his head, enriched his neck with all their Chains, and offered unto him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed, a sign of Triumph: which thing our General thought not meet to reject, because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our Country. Wherhfore in the name, and to the use of her Majesty, he took the Sceptre, Crown, and Dignity of the said Country into his hands, wishing that the Richeses and Treasure thereof might so conveniently be transported, to the enriching of her Kingdom at home, as it aboundeth in the same.  
The common sort of people leaving the King and his Guard with our General, scattered themselves together with their Sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent view of every person: and such as pleased their fancy, (which were the youngest) they enclosing them about, offered their Sacrifices unto them with lamentable weeping, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nails, whereof issued abundance of blood. But we used signs to them of disliking this, and stayed their hands from force, and directed them upwards to the living God, whom only they aught to worship. They shown unto us their wounds, and craved help of them at our hands, 
The like they did in Hochelaga.  whereupon we gave them Lotions, Plasters, and Ointments, agreeing to the state of their griefs, beseeching God to cure their Diseases. Every third day they brought their Sacrifices unto us, until they understood our meaning, that we had no pleasure in them: yet they could not being absent from us, but daily frequented our Company to the hour of our departure, which departure seemed so grievous unto them, that their joy was turned into sorrow. They entreated us, that Being absent we would remember them, and by stealth provided a Sacrifice, which we misliked.  
Our necessary business being ended, our General with his Company travailed up into the Country to their Villages, 
Great Herds of Dear.  where we found Herds of Dear by a thousand in a company, being most large, and fat of body. We found the whole Country to be a Warren of a strange kind of Coneys, 
Abundance of strange Coneys.  their bodies in bigness as be the Barbary Coneys, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the tail of a Rat being of great length: under her chin is on either side a bag, into the which she gathereth her meat, when she hath filled her belly abroad. The people eat their bodies, and make great account of their Skins, for their King's Coat was made of them. 
Nova Albion.  Our General called this Country Nova Albion, and that for two causes: the one in respect of the white Banks and Cliffs, which lie towards the Sea: and the other, because it might have some affinity with our Country in name, which sometime was so called. 
Gold and Silver in the Earth of Nova Albion.  There is no part of Earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not some probable show of Gold or Silver.  
At our departure hence, our General set up a Monument of our being there, as also of her Majesty's Right and Title to the same, namely, a Plate, nailed upon a fair great Post, whereupon was engraven her Majesty's Name, the day and year of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the Province and People into her Majesty's hands, together with her Highness' Picture and Arms, in a piece of six pence of currant English Money, under the Plate, where-under was also written the Name of our General. It seemeth, that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in this part of the Country; neither did ever discover the Land, by many degrees, to the Southwards of this place.  
After we had set sail from hence, we continued without sight of Land till the thirteenth day of October following; 

Their departure.  
October. Certain Lands in eight degrees.  
Strange Canoas', like those of java.   which day in the morning we fell with certain Lands, eight degrees to the Northward of the Line: from which, came a great number of Canoas', having in some of them four, in some six, and in some also fourteen men, bringing with them Cocos, and other Fruits. Their Canoas' were hollow within, and cut with great art and cunning, being very smooth within and without, and bearing a gloss, as if it were a Horn daintily burnished, having a Prow and a Stern of one sort, yielding inward Circlewise, being of a great height, and full of certain white shells, for a bravery, and on each side of them lie out two pieces of Timber, about a yard and a half long, more or less, according to the smallness or bigness of the Boat. This people have the neither part of their Ears cut into a round Circle, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, whereon they hung things of a reasonable weight. The Nails of their Hands are an inch long, their Teeth are as black as Pitch, and they renew them often, by eating of an Herb with a kind of powder, which they always carry about them in a Cane for the same purpose.  

Lands.  Leaving this Island the Night after we fell with it, the eighteenth of October we lighted upon diverse others, some whereof made a great show of Inhabitants. We continued our course by the Lands of Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portugals, the first whereof hath growing in it great store of Cinnamome.  

November.  The foureteenth of November we fell with the Lands of Molucca: Which day at night (having directed our course to run with Tydore) in coasting along the Island of Mutyr, belonging to the King of Ternate, his Deputy or Vice-King seeing us at Sea, came with his Canoa to us, without all fear, and came aboard, and after some conference with our General, willed him in any wise to run in with Ternate, 
The I'll of Ternate.  and not with Tydore, assuring him, that the King would be glad of his coming, and would be ready to do what he would require; for which purpose, he himself would that night be with the King, and tell him the news: with whom if he once dealt, he should found, that as he was a King, so his word should stand. Adding further, that if he went to Tydore before he came to Ternate, the King would have nothing to do with us, because he held the Portugal as his enemy. Whereupon our General resolved to run with Ternate, where the next morning early we came to anchor; at which time our General sent a Messenger to the King with a Velvet Cloak for a present, and token of his coming to be in peace, and that he required nothing but Traffic and exchange of Merchandise, whereof he had good store, in such things as he wanted.  
In the mean time, the Vice-King had been with the King, according to his promise, signifying unto him what good things he might receive from us by Traffic: Whereby the King was moved with great liking towards us, and sent to our General with special message, that he should have what things he needed, and would require with peace and friendship: and moreover, that he would yield himself, and the right of his Island, 
The King of Ternate offereth himself and his K●ngdome to the service of the Queen of England.  to be at the pleasure and commandment of so famous a Prince as we served. In token whereof, he sent to our General a Signet, and within short time after, came in his own person, with B●ats and Canoas', to our ship, to bring her into a better and safer Road than she was in at that present. Our General's Messenger being come to the Court, was met by certain Noble Personages with great solemnity, and brought to the King, at whose hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained.  
The King purposing to come to our ship, sent before four great and large Canoas', in every one whereof, were certain of his greatest States that were about him, attired in white Lawn, 
The great and strange Canoas' of the King of Ternate.  of Cloth of Calicut, having over their heads, from the one end of the Canoa to the other, a Covering of thin perfumed Mats, borne up with a Frame made of Reeds for the same use, under which, every one did sit in his order, according to his dignity, to keep him from the heat of the Sun, diverse of whom being of good age and gravity, did make an ancient and fatherly show. There were also diverse young and comely men, attired in white, as were the others: the rest were Soldiers, which stood in comely order, round about on both sides; without whom, sat the Rowers in certain Galleries, which being three on a side, all along the Canoas', did lie off fr●m the side thereof three or four yards, one being orderly builded lower than another, in every of which Galleries were the number of fourscore Rowers. These Canoas' were furnished with warlike Munition, every man for the most part having his Sword and Target, with his Dagger, beside other Weapons, as Lances, Calivers, Darts, Bows and Arrows: also, every Canoa had a small cast Base, mounted at the lest one full Yard upon a stock set upright. Thus coming near our ship, in order they rowed about us, one after another, and passing by, did their homage with great solemnity, the great Personages beginning with great gravity and fatherly countenances, signifying, that the King had sent them to conduct our ship into a better Road.  
Soon after, the King himself repaired, accompanied with six grave and ancient persons, 
The King of Ternate came to visit S●r Francis Drake.  who did their obeisance with marvelous humility. The King was a man of tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our Music; to whom, as also to his Nobility, our General gave presents, wherewith they were passing well contented.  
At length, the King craved leave of our General to departed, promising the next day to come aboard, and in the mean time to sand us such Victuals as were necessary for our provision: So that the same Night we received of them Meal, which they call Sagu, made of the tops of certain Trees, tasting in the mouth like sour Curds, but melteth like Sugar, 
Sagu, a kind of Meal.  whereof they make certain Cakes, which may be kept the space of ten years, and yet then good to be eaten. We had of them store of Rice, Hens, unperfect and liquid Sugar, Sugar Canes, and a Fruit which they call Figo, with store of Cloves.  
The King having promised to come aboard, broke his promise, but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our General to come on shore, offering himself pawn aboard for his safe return. Whereunto our General consented not, upon mislike conceived of the breach of his promise, the whole company also utterly refusing it. But to satisfy him, our General sent certain of his Gentlemen to the Court, to accompany the King's brother, reserving the Vice-King for their safe return. They were received of another brother of the Kings, and other States, and were conducted with great honour to the Castle. The place that they were brought unto, was a large and fair House, 
A Castle in Ternate.  where were at the lest a thousand persons assembled.  
The King being yet absent, there sat in their places threescore grave Personages, all which were said to be of the King's Council. There were beside four grave persons, apparelled all in Read, down to the ground, and attired on their heads like the Turks, and these were said to be 
* The Turks sent from Constantinople, which is called New Rome.  Romans, and Liegers there, to keep continual Traffic with the people of Ternate. There were also two Turks Leigers in this place, and one Italian.  
The King at last came in, guarded with twelve Lances, covered over with a rich Canopy, embossed with Gold. Our men, accompanied with one of their Captains, called Moro, rising to meet him, he graciously did welcome, and entertain them. He was attired after the manner of the Country, but more sumptuously than the rest. 
The Majesty of the King.  From his Waste down to the ground, was all Cloth of Gold, and the same very rich: his legs were bore, but on his feet were a pair of shoes, made of Cordovant skin. In the attire of his head were finely wreathed hooped Rings of Gold, and about his neck he had a Chain of perfect Gold, the Links whereof were great, and one-fold double. On his fingers he had six very fair jewels: and sitting in his Chair of Estate, at his right hand stood a Page with a Fan in his hand, breathing and gathering the air to the King. The Fan was in length two foot, and in breadth one foot, set with eight Saphires, richly embroidered, and knit to a staff three foot in length, by the which the Page did hold, and move it. Our Gentlemen having delivered their Message, and received order accordingly, were licenced to departed, being safely conducted back again by one of the King's Council.  
This Island is the chiefest of all the Lands of Molucca, and the King hereof is King of seventy Lands beside. 
Ternate the chiefest of the Molucca Iles.  The King with his people are Moors in Religion, observing certain new Moons, with fastings; during which Fasts, they neither eat nor drink in the day, but in the night.  
After that our Gentlemen were returned, and that we had here, by the favour of the King, received all necessary things that the place could yield us: our General considering the great distance, and how fare he was yet off from his Country, thought it not best here to linger the time any longer; but weighing his anchors, set out of the Island, and sailed to a certain little Island, 
A little Island to the Southward of Celebes.  to the Southwards of Celebes, where we graved our ship, and continued there, in that and other businesses, six and twenty days. This Island is throughly grown with Wood, of a large and high growth, very strait, and without Boughs, save only in the head or top, whose Leaves are not much differing from our Broom in England. Amongst these Trees, night by night, 
Fiery Worms.  through the whole Land, did show themselves an infinite swarm of fiery Worms flying in the Air, whose bodies being no bigger than our common English Flies, make such a show and light, as if every Twig or Tree had been a burning Candle. In this place breedeth also wonderful store of Bats, 
Bats. Cray-fish.  as big as large Hens. Of Cray-fish also here wanted no plenty, and they of exceeding bigness, one whereof was sufficient for four hungry stomaches at a Dinner, being also very good, and restoring meat, whereof we had experience: and they dig themselves holes in the Earth like Coneys.  
When we had ended our business here, we weighed, and set sail to run for the Molucca's: but having at that time a bad Wind, and being amongst the Lands, with much difficulty we recovered to the Northward of the Island of Celebes; where, by reason of contrary Winds, not able to continued our course, to run Westwards, we were enforced to altar the same to the Southward again, finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for us, by reason of infinite shoalds, which lie off and among the Lands: whereof we had too much trial, 
januarie, in Anno 1579.  to the hazard and danger of our ship and lives: For upon the ninth of january, in the year 1579. we ran suddenly upon a Rock, where we stuck fast from eight of the clock at night, till four of the clock in the afternoon the next day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger. But our General, as he had always hitherto showed himself courageous, 
Their danger upon a Rock.  and of a good confidence in the mercy and protection of God; so now he continued in the same: and jest he should seem to perish wilfully, both he and we did our best endeavour to save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless, that in the end we cleared ourselves most happily of the danger. We lighted our ship upon the Rocks, of three Tun of Cloves, 
Cloves.  eight Pieces of Ordnance, and certain Meal and Beans: And then the Wind (as it were in a moment, by the special grace of God) changing from the Starboard to the Larboard of the ship, 
The help of a Current in the delivery.  we hoist our sails, and the happy gale driven our ship of the Rock into the Sea again, to the no little comfort of all our hearts: for which we gave God such praise and thanks, as so great a benefit required.  
The eight of February following, we fell with the fruitful Island of Barateve, having in the mean time suffered many dangers by Winds and Shoalds. 
February. Barateve Island.  The people of this Island are comely in body and stature, and of a civil behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous to strangers, whereof we had the experience sundry ways; they being most glad of our presence, and very ready to relieve our wants, in those things which their Country did yield. The Men go naked, saving their heads and privities, every man having something or other hanging at their ears. Their Women are covered from the middle down to the foot, wearing a great number of Bracelets upon their arms, for some had eight upon each arm, being made some of Bone, some of Horn, and some of Brass, the lightest whereof, by our estimation, weighed two ounces apiece.  
With this people, Linen Cloth is good Merchandise, and of good request, whereof they make Rolls for their heads, 
Linen Cloth good Merchandise.  and Girdles to wear about them. Their Island is both rich, and fruitful: rich in Gold, Silver, Copper, and Sulphur; wherein they seem skilful and expert, not only to try the same, but in working it also artificially into any form and fashion that pleaseth them. Their Fruits be diverse, and plentiful, as Nutmegs, Ginger, long Pepper, Lemons, 
Nutmegs and long Pepper growing in Barateve.  Cucumbers, Cocos, Figu, Sagu, with diverse other sorts: and among all the rest, we had one Fruit, in bigness, form, and husk, like a Bay-berry, hard of substance, and pleasant of taste, which being sodden, becometh soft, and is a most good and wholesome Victual, whereof we took reasonable store, as we did also of the other Fruits and Spices. So that to confess a truth, since the time that we first set out of our own Country of England, 
Commendation of the Island of Barateve.  we happened upon no place (Ternate only excepted) wherein we found more comforts and better means of refreshing.  
At our departure from Barateve, we set our course for java maior, where arriving, we found great courtesy, and honourable entertainment. This Island is governed by five Kings, 
java Maior.  whom they call Raiah: as Raiah Donaw, and Raiah Mang Bange, and Raiah Cabuccapollo, which live as having one Spirit, and one Mind. Of these five we had four a shipboard at once, and two or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clotheses, as Read and Green: the upper parts of their bodies are naked, save their heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll, 
Read & Green clotheses much esteemed.  as do the Maluccians: from the middle downward they wear a Pintado of silk, trailing upon the ground, in colour as they best like. The Maluccians hate that their Women should be seen of Strangers: but these offer them of high courtesy, yea the Kings themselves. 
The manners of the people of java.  The people are of goodly stature, and warlike, well provided of Swords and Targets, with Daggers, all being of their own work, and most artificially done, both in tempering their metal, as also in the form, whereof we bought reasonable store. They have an house in every Village for their common assembly: every day they meet twice, Men, Women, and Children, bringing with them such victuals as they think good, some Fruits, some Rice boiled, some Hens roasted, some Sagu, having a Table made three foot from the ground, whereon they set their meat, that every person sitting at the Table may eat, one rejoicing in the company of another. They boil their Rice in an earthen pot, made in form of a Sugar loaf, being full of holes, 
A strange fashion o● boiling Rice.  as our pots which we water our gardens withal, and it is open at the great end, wherein they put their Rice dry, without any moisture. In the mean time they have ready another great earthen pot, set fast in a furnace, boiling full of water, whereinto they put their pot with Rice, by such measure, that they swelling become soft at the first, and by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot, admit no more water to enter, but the more they are boiled, the harder and more firm substance they become, so that in the end they are a firm and good bread, of the which with Oil, Butter, Sugar, and other Spices, they make diverse sorts of meats very pleasant of taste, and nourishing to nature. The French pocks is here very common to all, and they help themselves, 
The French pocks.  sitting naked from ten to two in the Sun, whereby the venomous humour is drawn out. Not long before our departure, they told us, that not fare off there were such great Ships as ours, wishing us to beware: upon this our Captain would stay no longer.  
From java Mayor we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which was the first Land we fell withal: neither did we touch with it, or any other Land, until we came to Sierra Leona▪ upon the coast of Guinea: notwithstanding we ran hard aboard the Cape, 
This rather is to be imputed to variety of weather.  finding the report of the Portugals to be most false, who affirm, that it is the most dangerous Cape of the World, never without intolerable storms and present danger to Travellers, which come near the same. This Cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest Cape we saw in the whole Circumference of the Earth, and we passed by it the 18. of june. From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leona, on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived the 22. of july, 
Sierra Leona.  and found necessary provisions, great store of Elephants, Oysters upon trees of one kind, spawning and increasing infinitely, the Oyster suffering no bud to grow. We departed thence the 24. day. 
Oister-trees.   
We arrived in England the third of November 1580. being the third year of our departure.   

CHAP. FOUR The third Circum-navigation of the Globe: Or the admirable and prosperous voyage of Master THOMAS CANDISH of Trimley in the County of Suffolk Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole Earth, begun in the year of our Lord 1586. and finished 1588. Written by Master FRANCIS PRETTY lately of Ey in Suffolk, a Gentleman employed in the same action, published by Master HAKLVYT, and now corrected and abbreviated.  
WE departed out of Plymouth on Thursday the 21. of july 1586. with three sail, to wit, The Desire, a ship of one hundred and twenty Tons, The Content of threescore Tons, and the Hugh Gallant, a Bark of forty Tons: in which small Fleet were one hundred and twenty three persons of all sorts, with all kind of furniture and victuals sufficient, for the space of two years, at the charges of the worshipful Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the County of Suffolk Esquire, being our General.  
The three and twentieth of August, we put room for Sierra Leona, 
Sierra Leona  and the five and twentieth day we fell with the Point on the South side of Sierra Leona, which Master Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the Content, which was Vide-admiral▪ and we had no less than five fathoms water when we had lest, and had for fourteen leagues in Southwest all the way running into the Harbour of Sierra Leona, sixteen, fourteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms of water. We spoilt here a Town of the Negroes, which killed one of our men with a poisoned Arrow.  
The third day of September, diverse of our Fleet went up four miles within the Harbour with our Boat, and caught great store of fish, and went on shore and took Limmons from the Trees, and coming aboard again, saw two Buffs. The sixth day we departed from Sierra Leona, 
Two Buffs. Their departure from Sierra Leona.  and went out of the Harbour, and stayed one Tide three leagues from the Point of the mouth of the Harbour in six fathoms, and it floweth South Southwest. On Wednesday, being the seventh of the same month, we departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde, alias, the Isles of Madrabumba, 
The Isles of Madrabumba inhabited by Negro.  which is ten leagues distant from the Point of Sierra Leona: and about five of the clock the same night we anchored two miles of the Island in six fathoms water, and landed the same night, and found Plantans only upon the Island.  
The eight day one of our Boats went out and sounded round about the Island, and they passed through a sound at the West end of the Island, where they found five fathoms round about the Island, until they came unto the very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they had but two fathoms, and presently after six fathoms, and so deeper and deeper. And at the East end of the Island there was a Town, 
A Town.  where Negroes do use at sometimes, as we perceived by their provision.  

Fresh water.  There is no fresh water on all the South side, as we could perceive, but on the North side three or four very good places of fresh water: and all the whole Island is a Wood, save certain little places where their houses stand, which are environed round about with Plantan-trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meat. This place is subject marua●lous much to Thunder, Rain, and Lightning in this month. I think the reason is, because the Sun is so near the line Equinoctial. On Saturday the tenth, we departed from the said Island about three of the clock in the afternoon, 
October. Cape Frio in Brasil.  the wind being at the South-west. The last of October running West Southwest about four and twenty leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile, we fell with a great Mountain which had an high round knop on the top of it, standing from it like a Town, with two little Lands from it.  

November. S. Sebastian's Island.  The first of November we went in between the Island of Saint Sebastian and the main Land, and had our things on shore, and set up a Forge, and had our Cask on shore: our Cooper's made Hoops, and so we remained there until the three and twentieth day of the same month: in which time we fitted our things, built our Pinnace, and filled our fresh water.  

December.  The sixteenth day of December we fell with the Coast of America in 47. degrees ⅓. the Land bearing West from us about six leagues off: from which place we ran along the shore, until we came into forty and eight degrees. 
48. Degrees.  It is a steep beach all along. The seventeenth in the afternoon we entered into an Harbour, where our Admiral went in first: wherefore our General named the said Harbour, 
Port Desire.  Port Desire: in which Harbour is an Island or two, where there is wonderful great store of Seals, and another Island of Birds which are grey Guls. This Harbour is a very good place to trim ships in, 
Seals and Pengwins.  and to bring them on ground, and grave them in: for there ebbeth and floweth much water: therefore we graved and trimmed all our ships there. Here a Man and a Boy in washing their clotheses at a Pit, 
They grave and trim their Ships.  were hurt by the Savages arrows, which are made of Canes, headed with flints. They are very wild. We took the measure of one of their feet, 
All kind of Giants.  and it was eighteen inches long. Their use is when any of them die, to bring him or them to the Cliffs by the Seaside, and upon the top of them they bury them, and in their graves are buried with them their Bows and Arrows, and all their jewels which they have in their life time, which are fine shells which they find by the Sea side, which they cut and square after an artificial manner; and all is laid under their heads. The grave is made all with great stones of great length and bigness, being set all along full of the dead man's Darts which he used when he was living. And they colour both their Darts and their Graves with a read colour which they use in colouring of themselves. 
Their departure from Port Desire.  The eight and twentieth of December we departed out of the Port of Desire, and went to an Island which lieth three leagues to the Southward of it; where we trimmed our saved Pengwins with salt for victual all that and the next day, and departed along the Coast Southwest and by South.  
The thirtieth day we fell with a Rock which lieth about five leagues from the Land, much like unto Ediestone, which lieth off the sound of Plymouth, and we sounded, and had eight fathoms rocky ground, within a mile thereof: the Rock bearing West Southwest. We went coasting along South Southwest, and found great store of Seals all along the Coast. This Rock standeth in 48. degrees 1/●;. to the Southward of the Line. 
january 1587.  The second day of januarie we fell with a very fair white Cape, which standeth in 52. degrees, and had seven fathoms water a league of the Land. The third day of the foresaid month we fell with another great white Cape, which standeth in 52. degrees and 45. minutes: from which Cape there runneth a low beach about a league to the Southward, and this beach reacheth to the opening of the dangerous Straight of Magellan, which is in diverse places five or six leagues wide, and in two several places more narrow. Under this Cape we anchored, and lost an anchor, for it was a great storm of foul Wether, and lasted three days very dangerous.  
The sixth day we put in for the Straitss. The seventh day, 
They enter the Straitss the 6. of january. A Spanish taken in the Straitss of Magellan.  between the mouth of the Straitss and the narrowest place thereof, we took a Spaniard whose name was Hernando, who was there with three and twenty Spaniards more, which were all that remained of four hundred, which were left there three years before in these Straitss of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine. And the same day we passed through the narrowest of the Straitss, where the aforesaid Spaniard shown us the Hull of a small Bark, which we judged to be a Bark called The john Thomas. It is from the mouth of the Straitss unto the narrowest of the Straitss, 
The Bark john Thomas, one of Sir Francis Drakes Consorts.  fourteen leagues, and the course lieth West and by North. The mouth of the Straitss standeth in two and fifty degrees. From the narrowest of the Straitss unto Pengwin Island, is ten leagues, and lieth West Southwest somewhat to the Southward, where we anchored the eight day, and killed and salted great store of Pengwins for Victuals.  
The ninth day we departed from Pengwin Island, 
King Philip's City left desolate in the Straitss of Magellan, which our General called, Port Famine.  and ran South Southwest to King Philip's City, which the Spaniards had built: which Town or City had four Forts, and every Fort had in it one cast Piece, which Pieces were buried in the ground; the Carriages were standing in their places unburied: we digged for them, and had them all. They had contrived their City very well, and seated it in the best place of the Straitss for Wood and Water: They had builded up their Churches by themselves: They had Laws very severe among themselves, for they had erected a Gibbet, whereon they had done execution upon some of their company. It seemed unto us, that their whole living for a great space was altogether upon Muskles and Lympits; for there was not any thing else to be had, except some Deer which came out of the Mountains down to the fresh Rivers to drink. These Spaniards which were there, were only come to fortify the Straitss, to the end that no other Nation should have passage through into the South Sea, saving only their own: but as it appeared, 
God enemy to the Spaniards Avarice, which would entail the wide world in the East and West, to Spain.  it was not Gods will so to have it. For during the time that they were there, which was two years at the lest, they could never have any thing to grow, or in any wise prospero. And on the other side, the Indians oftentimes preyed upon them, until their Victuals grew so short, (their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spain, and having no means to renew the same) that they died like Dogs in their Houses, and in their Clotheses, wherein we found them still at our coming, until that in the end the Town being wonderfully tainted with the smell and the savour of the dead people, the rest which remained alive were driven to bury such things as they had there in their Town either for provision or for furniture, and so to forsake the Town, and to go along the Seaside, and seek their Victuals, to preserve them from starving, taking nothing with them, but every man his Harquebus and his furniture that was able to carry it (for some were not able to carry them for weakness) and so lived for the space of a year and more, with Roots, Leaves, and sometimes a Fowl, which they might kill with their Piece. To conclude, they were determined to have traveled towards the River of Plate, only three and twenty persons being left alive, whereof two were Women, which were the remainder of four hundred. In this place we watered and wooded well and quietly. Our General named this Town, Port Famine: 
Port Famine in 53. degrees.  It standeth in 53. degrees by observation to the Southward.  
The foureteenth day we departed from this place, and ran South Southwest, and from thence South-west unto Cape Froward, five Leagues West Southwest: 
Cape Froward in 54. degrees.  Which Cape is the Southermost part of all the Straitss, and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees. From which Cape we ran West and by North five Leagues, and put into a Bay or Cove on the South side, which we called Muskle-cove, because there were great store of them: 
Muskle-cove.  we rid therein six days, the Wind being still Westerly.  
The one and twentieth day we departed from Muskle-cove, and went Northwest and by West ten Leagues, to a very fair sandy Bay on the North side, which our General called Elizabeth Bay. 
Elizabeth Bay.   
The two and twentieth we departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoon, and went about two Leagues from that place, where there was a fresh Water River, where our General went up with the shippe-boat about three miles: Which River hath very good and pleasant ground about it, and it is low and champion Soil, and so we saw none other ground else in all the Straitss, but that was craggy Rocks and monstrous high Hills and Mountains. In this River are great store of Savages, which we saw, and had conference with them: 
The most brutish Savages that ever were seen.  They were Men-eaters, and fed altogether upon raw flesh, and other filthy food: Which people had preyed upon some of the Spaniards before spoken of; for they had gotten Knives and pieces of Rapiers to make Darts of. They used all the means they could possibly to have alured us up farther into the River, of purpose to have betrayed us: Which being espied by our General, he caused us to shoot at them with our Harquebusses, whereby we killed many of them. So we sailed from this River to the Channel of Saint Jerome, 
The Channel of Saint Jerome.  which is two Leagues off.  
From the River of Saint Jerome about three or four Leagues, we ran West unto a Cape which is on the North side: and from that Cape unto the mouth of the Straitss the course lieth Northwest and by West, and Northwest. Between which place and the mouth of the Straitss to the Southward, 
February, 1587.  we lay in harbour until the three and twentieth of February, by reason of contrary Winds and most vile and filthy foul Wether, with such Rain and vehement stormy Winds which came down from the Mountains and high Hills, that they hazarded the best Cables and Anchors that we had for to hold, which if they had failed, we had been in great danger to have been cast away, or at the least famished. For during this time, which was a full month, we fed almost altogether upon Muskles, and Limpits, and Birds, or such as we could get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the Fowls of the air do, where they can find food, in continual rainy Wether. There is at every mile or two miles end an harbour on both sides of the Land. And there are between the River of Saint Jerome and the mouth of the Straitss, 

The Straitss of Magellan are about 90. leagues long.  
The Western mouth of the Straitss is in 52. degrees and 2. terces.  
Their entrance into the South Sea the 24. of February. Lands in the South Sea, called Las Anegadas.  
March 1. Extreme danger of the Hugh Gallant, by a great Leake.   going into the South Sea, about four and thirty Leagues by estimation. So that the length of the whole Straitss is about ninety Leagues. And the said mouth of the Straitss standeth in the same height that the entrance standeth in when we pass out of the North Sea, which is about two and fifty degrees and two terces to the Southward of the Line.  
The four and twentieth day of February we entered into the South Sea: and on the South side of the going out of the Straitss, is a fair high Cape, with a low Point adjoining unto it. And on the North side are four or five Lands, which lie six Leagues of the Main, and much broken and sunken ground about them: by Noon the same day, we had brought these Land's East of us, five Leagues off; the Wind being then Southerly.  
The first of March a storm took us at North: which Night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant, being in nine and forty degrees, and one second, and five and forty Leagues from the Land. This storm continued three or four days: and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other two ships, looked every hour to sink, our Bark was so leak, and ourselves so diluered and weakened with freeing it of Water, that we slept not in three Days and three Nights.  
The fifteenth day, in the Morning, the Hugh Gallant came in between the Island of Saint Mary and the Main, where she met with the Admiral and the Content, which had rid at the Island called La Mocha two days, 

The I'll of Mocha in 38. degrees, not subject to the Spaniards.  
Arauco is the richest place in the South Sea for Gold, and is not subdued by the Spaniards as yet.   which standeth in the Southerly latitude of eight and thirty degrees: At which place, some of our men went on shore with the Vice-admirals' Boat, where the Indians fought with them with their Bows and Arrows, and were marvelous wary of their Calivers. These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place called Arauco, and took us for Spaniards, as afterward we learned. This place which is called Arauco, is wonderful rich, and full of Gold Mynes: and yet could it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards, but they always returned with the greatest loss of men. For these Indians are desperate and careless of their lives, to live at their own liberty and freedom.  
In the afternoon we weighed anchor, and ran under the West side of Saint Mary Island, where we rid very well in six fathoms Water, and very fair ground all that Night. 
S. Marry Island in 37. degrees and 1. terce, which is subdued to the Spaniards.   
The sixteenth day our General went on shore himself with seventy or eighty men, every one with his furniture: There came down to us certain Indians, with two which were the Principals of the Island, to welcome us on shore, thinking we had been Spaniards, for it is subdued by them; who brought us up to a place where the Spaniards had erected a Church, with Crosses and Altars in it. 
A Church, with Crosses and Altars.  And there were about this Church two or three Storehouses, which were full of Wheat and Barley, ready threshed and made up in Cades of Straw, to the quantity of a Bushel of Corn in every Cade. The Wheat and Barley was as fair, as clean, and every way as good as any we have in England. There were also the like Cades full of Potato Rootes, which were very good to eat, ready made up in the Storehouses for the Spaniards, against they should come for their tribute. This Island also yields many sorts of Fruits, Hogs, and Hens. These Indians are held in such slavery by them, that they dare not eat a Hen or an Hog themselves. But the Spaniards have made them all in that Island Christians. 
The Indians of S. Marry Island made all Christians.  Thus we fitted ourselves here with Corn as much as we would have, and as many Hogs as we had Salt to powder them withal, and great store of Hens, with a number of Bags of Potato Rootes, and about five hundred dried Dogge-fish, and Guinie Wheat, which is called Maiz. And having taken as much as we would have, yet we left great store behind us. Our General had the two Principals of the Island aboard our ship, and provided great cheer for them, and made them merry with Wine: and they in the end perceiving us to be no Spaniards, made signs, as near as our General could perceive, that if we would go over unto the main Land, 
Arauco rich in Gold.  unto Arauco, that there was much Gold, making us signs, that we should have great store of Richeses. But because we could not understand them, our General made some haste, and within two or three days we furnished ourselves.  
The eighteenth day in the morning we departed from this place, and ran all that day North-northeast, about ten leagues, and at night lay with a short sail off and on the coast. The nineteenth we ran in East Northeast with the land, and bore in with a place called The Conception, 
The Conception.  where we anchored under an Island, and departed the next morning without going on land. The twentieth, we departed from The Conception, and went into a little Bay which was sandy, where we saw fresh water and cattles, but we stayed not there. The thirtieth day, 

Quintero standeth in 33. degrees 50. minutes.  
Our men marched 7. or 8. miles into their enemy's land.   we came into the Bay of Quintero, which standeth in thirty three degrees, and fifty minutes. Here Fernando the Spaniard, contrary to his oath, forsook us.  
The last of March, Captain Havers went up into the Country, with fifty or sixty men with their shot and furniture with them, and we traveled seven or eight miles into the land: and as we were marching along, we espied a number of herds of cattles, of kine and bullocks, which were wonderful wild: we saw great store of horses, mares, and colts which were very wild and unhandled: there is also great store of hares and coneys, and plenty of partridges and other wild-fowles. The country is very fruitful with fair fresh rivers, all along full of wildfowl of all sorts. Having travailed so fare that we could go no further for the monstrous high mountains, we rested ourselves at a very fair fresh River, running in and alongst fair low meadows at the foot of the mountains, where every man drunk of the River, and refreshed themselves. Having so done, we returned to our Ships the likest way that we thought their Town should be: so we travailed all the day long, not seeing any man, but we met with many wild dogs: yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day, by means of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from us, who had told them that our force was but small, and that we were wonderful weak: who though they did espy us that day, yet durst they not give the onset upon us. For we marched along in array, and observed good order, whereby we seemed a great number more than we were, until we came unto our ships that night again.  
The next day being the first of April, 1587. our men went on shore to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the water side: and being early hard at their business, were in no readiness. In which mean while, there came pouring down from the hills almost two hundred horsemen, and before our people could return to the rocks from the watering place, twelve of them were cut off, part killed, and part taken prisoners, the rest were rescued by our soldiers which came from the rocks to meet with them, who being but fifteen of us that had any weapons on shore, 
24. Spaniard's slain.  yet we made the enemy retire in the end with loss of some four and twenty of their men, after we had skirmished with them an hour. After the loss of these men, we rid in the road, and watered in despite of them, with good watch and ward, until the fift of the said month.  
The fift day we departed out of this bay of Quintero: and off from the bay there lieth a little Island about a league distant, whereon there are great store of Penguins, and other fowls; 
A little Island full of Penguins  whereof we took to serve our turns, and sailed away North, and North and by West: for so lieth the coast along in this place.  
The fifteenth we came thwart of a place which is called Morro moreno, 
Morro moreno in 23. degrees and a half.  which standeth in 23. degrees 1/●, and is an excellent good harbour: and there is an Island which maketh it an harbour: and a ship may go in at either end of the Island: here we went with our General on shore to the number of thirty men▪ and at our going on shore upon our landing, the Indians of the place came down from the rocks to meet with us, with fresh water and wood on their backs. They are in marvelous awe of the Spaniards, and very simple people, and live savagely: For they brought us to their bidings about two miles from the harbour, where we saw their women and lodging, which is nothing but the skin of some beast laid upon the ground: and over them in stead of houses, is nothing but five or six sticks laid across, which stand upon two forks with sticks on the ground, and a few boughs laid on it. Their diet is raw fish, which stinketh most vilely. And when any of them die, they bury their bows and arrows with them, with their Canoa, and all that they have: for we opened one of their graves, and saw the order of them. Their Canoas' or boats are marvelous artificially made of two skins like unto bladders, 
Most artificial boats.  and are blown full at one end with quills: they have two of these bladders blown full, which are sown together, and made fast with the sinew of some wild beast; which when they are in the water, swell, so that they are as tied as may be. They go to sea in these boats, 
Tribute paid in fish.  and catch very much fish with them, and pay much of it for tribute unto the Spaniards: but they use it beastly.  
The three and twentieth in the morning we took a small bark which came out of Arica road, which we kept and called The George: the men forsook it, 
A bark taken, which they called The Geo●ge. Arica standeth in 18. degrees 31. minutes. A ship taken.  and went away with their boat. Our Admiral's pinnace followed the boat, and the Hugh Gallant boat took the bark: our Admiral's pinnace could not recover the boat before it got on shore, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboard a great ship of an hundred tons riding in the road right afore the town, but all the men and goods were gone out of it, only the bore ship was left alone. The twenty sixth day, after two other Barks taken, we departed. The twenty seaventh day we took a small Bark, 
The first bark of advice taken  which came from Saint jago, near unto Quintero, where we lost our men first. In this Bark was one George a Greek, a reasonable pilot for all the coast of Chili.  

The bay of Pisca in 13. degr. ●●;  The third of May we came into a bay where are three little towns, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, where some of us landed and took certain houses, wherein was bread, wine, figs, and hens: but the sea went so high, that we could not land at the best of the towns without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all. This place standeth in thirteen degrees and ⅔, to the Southward of the line.  

An Island of Seales.  The fift of May we departed from this harbour, leaving the Content our Vide-admiral within at an Island of Seals, by which means at that time we lost her company.  
The sixteenth we took with the Hugh Gallant, being but sixteen men of us in it, a great ship which came from Guaianil, which was called The Lewis, and was of the burden of three hundred tons, 
A ship of 300. tons taken after half an hour's fight. Seven degrees of Southerly latitude.  having four and twenty men in it, wherein was pilot one Gonsaluo de Ribas, whom we carried along with us, and a Negro called Emmanuel. The ship was laden with nothing but timber and victuals: wherefore we left her seven leagues from the land, very leak, and ready to sink in seven degrees to the Southward of the line: we sunk her boat and took away her foresail and certain victuals.  


They met their fleet again. Two rich ships taken.  
One ship worth 20000. pounds.   The seventeenth, we met with our Admiral again, and all the rest of our fleet. They had taken two ships, the one laden with sugar, Molosses, Maiz, Cordovan-skinnes, Montego de Porco, many packs of Pintadoes, many Indian coats, and some marmalade, and a thousand hens: and the other ship was laden with wheat-meale, and boxes of marmalade. One of these ships which had the chief merchandise in it, was worth twenty thousand pounds, if it had been in England, or in any other place of Christendom, where we might have sold it. We filled all our ships with as much as we could bestow of these goods: the rest we burnt, and the ships also; and set the men and women that were not killed on shore.  

The bay of Paita in 5. degrees 4. min.  The twentieth day in the morning, we came into the road of Paita, and being at an anchor, our General landed with sixty or seventy men, skirmished with them of the town, and drove them all to flight to the top of the hill which is over the town, except a few slaves and some other which were of the meaner sort, who were commanded by the governors to stay below in the town, at a place which is in building for a fort, having with them a bloody ensign, being in number about one hundred men. 
A new fort in building.  Now as we were roving between the ships and the shore, our gunner shot off a great piece out of one of the barks, and the shot fell among them, and drove them to fly from the fort as fast as they might run, who got them up upon an hill, and from thence shot among us with their small shot. 
The town of Paita taken and burnt.  After we were landed, and had taken the town, we ran upon them, and chased them so fiercely up the hills for the space of an hour, that we drove them in the end away perforce, and being got up the hills, we found where they had laid all their stuff which they had brought out of the town, and had hidden it there upon the mountains. 
25. pounds' weight in silver  We also found the quantity of five and twenty pounds' weight in silver, in pieces of eight rials, and abundance of householdstuff, and storehouses full of all kind of wares: but our General would not suffer any man to carry much cloth or apparel away, because they should not cloy themselves with burdens: for he knew not whether our enemies were provided with furniture according to the number of their men: for they were five men to one of us: and we had an English mile and an half to our ships. Thus we came down in safety to the town, which was very well builded, and marvelous clean kept in every street, with a town-house or Guild-hall in the midst, 
The town of Paita had 200. houses in it. A bark set on fire.  and had to the number of two hundred houses at the lest in it. We set it on fire to the ground, and goods to the value of five or six thousand pounds: there was also a Bark riding in the road, which we set on fire, and departed, directing our course to the Island of Puna.  

The Island of Puna within 1. degree the Equinoctial to the South. A great Ship burnt.  The twenty five day of May, we arrived at the Island of Puna, where is a very good harbour, where we found a great ship of the burden of two hundred and fifty tons, riding at an anchor with all her furniture, which was ready to be haled on ground: for there is a special good place for that purpose. We sunk it, and went on shore where the Lord of the Island dwelled, which was by the water's side, who had a sumptuous house well contrived, with many very singular good rooms and chambers in it: and out of every chamber was framed a gallery, with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side, and into the Island on the other side, with a great hall below, and a very great storehouse at the one end of the hall, 
Great store of cables made in Puna.  which was filled with Botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withal: for the most part of the cables in the South-sea, are made upon that Island. This great Casique doth make all the Indians upon the Island to work and to drudge for him: and he himself is an Indian borne, but is married to a fair woman a Spaniard, by reason of his pleasant habitation, and great wealth.  
The twenty ninth day of May, our General went in the shipboate into a little Island thereby, 
A little Island near unto Puna.  whereas the said Casique which was the Lord of Puna, had caused all the hangings of his chambers, which were of Cordovan leather all guilded over, and painted very fair and rich, with all his householdstuff, and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our coming in, with great store of nails, spikes of iron, and very many other things to be conveyed: all which we found, and brought away what our General thought requisite for the ships business.  
This Island is very pleasant for all things requisite, and fruitful: but there are no mines of gold nor silver in it. There are at the lest two hundred houses in the town about the Casiques' palace, and as many in one or two towns more upon the Island, which is almost as big as the I'll of Wight in England. There is planted on the one side of the Casiques' house, a fair garden, 

The Isle of Puna is almost as big as the Isle of Wight.  
Cotton trees.   with all herbs growing in it, and at the lower end a Well of fresh water, and round about it are trees set, whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this manner: The tops of the trees grow full of cod, out of which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a seed of the bigness of a pease, and in every cod there are seven or eight of these seeds: and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, than these seeds fall from it, and spring again. There are also in this garden figtrees which bear continually, also pompions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemary and thyme, with many other herbs and fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another Orchyard, 
An excellent Orchyard.  where grow oranges sweet and sour, limmons, pomegranates and limes, with divers other fruits. There is very good pasture ground in this Island; and withal many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheep very fat and fair, great store of goats which be very tame, and are used continually to be milked. They have moreover abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a marvelous bigness.  
There was also a very large and great Church hard by the Casiques' house, whither he caused all the Indians in the Island to come and hear mass: for he himself was made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish woman before spoken of, and upon his conversion, he caused the rest of his subjects to be Christened. In this Church was an high Altar with a Crucifix, and five bells hanging in the neither end thereof. We burned the Church, and brought the bells away. By this time we had haled on ground our Admiral, and had made her clean, burned her keel, 
The second graving of their ships.  pitched and tarred her, and had haled her on float again. And in the mean while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day.  
The second of june, an hundred Spaniards assailed us, whereby of our men were slain, drowned, and taken twelué, of theirs we slew forty six. 
The second skirmish with the Spaniards. The chief town in Puna burnt.  The self same day we went on shore again with seventy men, and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies, and drove them to retire, being an hundred Spaniards serving with muskets, and two hundred Indians with bows, arrows, and darts. This done, we set fire on the Town, and burned it to the ground, having in it to the number of three hundred houses: and shortly after made havoc of their fields, orchyards, and gardens, and burnt four great ships more which were in building on the stocks. The third, the Content which was our Vide-admiral was haled on ground, to grave at the same place in despite of the Spaniards: and also our Pinnace which the Spaniards had burned, was new trimmed.  
The fift day of june we departed out of the road of Puna, where we had remained eleven days, and turned up for a place which is called Rio dolce, where we watered: 

They arrived at Puna the 25. of May.  
The Hugh Gallant a Bark of 40. tuns sunk. Rio dolce.   at which place also we sunk our Rear-admiral, called The Hugh Gallant for want of men, being a bark of forty tons. The tenth day of the same month, we set the Indians on shore, which we had taken before in a Balsa, as we were coming into the road of Puna. The eleventh day we departed from the said Rio dolce. The twelft we doubled the Equinoctial line, and continued our course Northward all that month.  
The first of july we had sight of the coast of Nueva Espanna, being four leagues distant from land, in the latitude of ten degrees to the Northward of the line. The ninth, we took a new ship of the burden of an hundred and twenty tons, wherein was one Michael Sancius, whom our General took to serve his turn to water along the coast: for he was one of the best coasters in the South Sea. This Michael Sancius was a Provensall, borne in Marseils, 
Michael Sancius a Marsillian.  and was the first man that told us news of the great ship called The Santa Anna, which we afterwards took coming from the Philippinas.  
There were six men more in this new ship: we took her sails, her ropes, 

A great new ship burnt. The second Bark of advice taken.  
The river of Copolita. Aguatul●o in 15 degrees and 40. minutes Northward. A bark● burnt. A●ile. Ca●a●s. Aguatulco a town of 100 houses 〈◊〉.   and firewood to serve our turns, set her on fire and kept the men.  
The tenth we took another bark which was going with advice of us, and our ships all along the coast, as Michael Sancius told us: but all the company that were in the bark were fled on shore. The six and twentieth day of july, we came to an anchor at ten fathoms in the river of Copalita, where we made account to water. And the same night we departed with thirty men in the Pinnace, and rowed to Aguatulco, which is but two leagues from the aforesaid river; and standeth in fifteen degrees forty minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial line. The seven and twentieth in the morning by the break of day, we came into the road of Aguatulco, where we found a bark of fifty tons, which was come from Sonsonate, laden with Cacaos and Anile, which they had there landed: and the men were all fled on shore. We landed there, and burned their town, with the Church and Customhouse, which was very fair and large: in which house were six hundred bags of Anile to die cloth; every bag whereof was worth forty Crowns, and four hundred bags of Cacaos; every bag whereof is worth ten Crowns. 
Cacaos go for money in Nueva Espanna.  These Cacaos go among them for meat and money. For an hundred and fifty of them are in value one Ryal of plate in ready payment. They are very like unto an Almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste: they eat them, and make drink of them.  
The eight and twentieth day, we set sail from Copalita, because the sea was so great there, that we could not fill water, and ran the same night into the road of Aguatulco. The nine and twentieth, 
Our General entered two miles into the main land with 30. men.  our General landed and went on shore with thirty men, two miles into the woods, where we took a Mestizo, whose name was Michael de Truxillo, who was customer of that town, and we found with him two chambers full of his stuff: we brought him and his stuff aboard. And whereas I say he was a Mestizo, it is to be understood, that a Mestizo, is one which hath a Spaniard to his father, and an Indian to his mother.  

Puerto de Natividad in 19 degrees.  The four and twentieth day of August, our General with thirty of us went with the Pinnace unto an haven called Puerto de Natividad, where we had intelligence by Michael Sancius, that there should be a Pinnace, but before we could get thither, the said Pinnace was gone to fish for pearls twelve leagues farther, as we were informed by certain Indians which we found there. 

The third posy of advice taken Puerto de Natividad burnt. Two new ships burnt.  
The river of Sant jago. Pearls taken.   We took a Mullato in this place in his bed, which was sent with letters of advice concerning us along the coast of Nueva Galicia, whose horse we killed, took his letters, left him behind, set fire on the houses, and burnt two new ships of two hundred tons the piece, which were in building there on the stocks, and came aboard of our ships again. The six and twentieth day, we came into the bay of S. jago, where we watered at a fresh River, along which river many plantans are growing: here is great abundance of fresh fish. Here also certain of our company dragged for pearls, and caught some quantity.  
The second of September, we departed from Sant jago. This bay of Sant jago standeth in nineteen degrees and eighteen minutes to the Northward of the line. The third of September, 
The bay of Malacca.  we arrived in a little Bay a league to the Westward of Port de Navidad, called Malacca, which is a very good place to ride in: and the same day about twelve of the clock, our General landed with thirty men or there about, and went up to a town of Indians, which was two leagues from the road, 
The town of Acatlan burnt.  which town is called Acatlan: there were in it about twenty or thirty houses and a Church, which we defaced and came aboard again the same night. All the people were fled out of the town at the sight of us. The fourth, we departed from the road of Malacca, 
The road of Chaccalla.  and sailed along the coast. The eight, we came to the road of Chaccalla, in which Bay there are two little houses by the water's side. This Bay is eighteen leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. The ninth in the morning our General sent up Captain Havers, with forty men of us before day, and Michael Sancius being our guide, we went unto a place about two leagues up into the country, in a desert path through the woods and wilderness; and in the end we came to a place where we took three householders with their wives and children, and some Indians, one Carpenter which was a Spaniard, and a Portugal, we bond them all, and made them to come to the sea side with us. Our General made their wives to fetch us Plantans, Lemons, and Oranges, Pine-aples, and other fruits whereof they had abundance, and so let their husbands departed, except Sembrano the Spanish Carpenter, and Diego the Portugal; and the tenth day we departed the road.  

The Isle of S. Andrew.  The twelfth day we arrived at a little Island called the Isle of Sant Andrew, on which there is great store of fowl and wood: where we dried and salted as many of the fowls as we thought good: we also killed there abundance of Seals, and Iguanos' which are a kind of Serpents, 
Iguanos' good meat.  with four feet, and a long sharp tail, strange to them which have not seen them; but they are very good meat. We rid here until the seventeenth day, at which time we departed.  

Massatlan in 23. degrees and an half.  The four and twentieth day we arrived in the road of Massatlan, which standeth in twenty three degrees 1/●, just under the Tropic of Cancer: It is a very great river within, but is barred at the mouth: & upon the North side of the bar without, is good fresh water: but there is very evil filling of it: because at a low water it is should half a mile of the shore. There is great store of fresh fish in that bay: and good fruits up into the country, whereof we had some, though not without danger.  
The seven and twentieth day of September, we departed from the road of Massatlan, and ran to an Island which is a league to the Northward of the said Massatlan; 

An Island a league Northwards of Massatlan.  
The escape of one Domingo, a Spaniard.   where we trimmed our ships, and new built our Pinnace: and there is a little Island a quarter of a league from it, on which are Seals; where a Spanish prisoner, whose name was Domingo, being sent to wash shirts with one of our men to keep him, made a escape, and swum to the main, which was an English mile distant: at which place we had seen thirty or forty Spaniards and Indians, which were horsemen, and kept watch there, which came from a town called Chiametla, which was eleven leagues up into the country, 
Chiametla.  as Michael Sancius told us. We found upon the Island where we trimmed our Pinnace, fresh water by the assistance of God in that our great need by digging two or three foot deep in the sand, where no water, nor sign of water was before to be perceived. Otherwise we had gone back twenty or thirty leagues to water: which might have been occasion that we might have miss our prey we had long waited for. But God raised one Flores a Spaniard, which was also a prisoner with us, to make a motion to dig in the sands. Now our General having had experience once before of the like, 
Fresh water at two or three foot deep in the sand.  commanded to put his motion in practice, and in digging three foot deep we found very good and fresh water. So we watered our ships, and might have filled a thousand tons more, if we had would.  
We stayed in this Island until the ninth day of October, at which time we departed at night for the Cape of S. Lucar, which is on the West side of the point of California: 

The Cape of S. Lucar on the point of California.  
Aguada Segura.   with which we fell on the foureteenth of October, it is very like the Needles at the Isle of Wight: and within the said Cape is a great Bay, called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura: into which falleth a fair Fresh river, about which many Indians use to keep: we watered in the river, and lay off and on from the said Cape of S. Lucar until the fourth of November, and had the winds hanging still Westerly.  
The fourth of November, the Desire and the Content, beating up and down upon the headland of California, which standeth in twenty three degrees, and 2/● to the Northward, 
California in 23. degrees & two thirds.  between seven and eight of the clock in the morning, one of the company of our Admiral which was the trumpeter of the ship going up into the top, espied a sail, bearing in from the sea with the Cape; whereupon he cried out with no small joy to himself and the whole company, A sail, A sail: with which cheerful word the master of the ship, and diverse others of the company went also up into the main top, who perceiving the speech to be very true, gave information unto our General of these happy news, who was no less glad than the cause required: whereupon he gave in charge presently unto the whole company to put all things in readiness, which being performed we gave them chase some three or four hours, standing with our best advantage, and working for the wind.  
In the afternoon we got up unto them, giving them the broad side with our great ordnance, and a volee of small shot, and presently laid the ship aboard, 
The fight between the great S. Anna and us.  whereof the King of Spain was owner, which was Admiral of the South-sea, called the S. Anna, and thought to be seven hundred tons in burden. Now as we were ready on their ships side to enter her, being not passed fifty or sixty men at the uttermost in our ship, we perceived that the Captain of the said ship had made fights fore and after, and laid their sails close on their poop, their mid-ship, with their forecastle, and having not one man to be seen, stood close under their fights, with Lances, javelins, Rapiers and Targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which they threw over board upon our heads, and into our ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put us off the ship again, with the loss of two of our men which were slain, and with the hurting of four or five. But for all this we new trimmed our sails, and fitted every man his furniture, 
The second encounter.  and gave them a fresh encounter with our great Ordnance, and also with our small shot, raking them through and through, to the kill and maiming of many of their men. Their Captain still like a valiant man with his company, stood very stoutly unto his close fights, not yielding as yet. Our General encouraging his men afresh with the whole noise of trumpets, gave them the third encounter with our great Ordnance, 
The third encounter.  and all our small shot to the great discomforting of our enemies, raking them through in divers places, killing and spoiling many. They being thus discomforted, and their ship being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot which were made, whereof some were under water, within five or six hours' fight, 
The great S. Anna yields.  set out a flag of truce, and parled for mercy, desiring our General to save their lives, and to take their goods, and that they would presently yield. Our General promised them mercy, and willed them to strike their sails, and to hoist out their boat, & to come aboard: which news they were full glad to hear, and presently struck their sails, hoist their boat out, and one of their chief merchants came aboard unto our General: and falling down upon his knees, offered to have kissed his feet, and craved mercy: the Captain and their Pilot, at their coming used the like duty and reverence as the former did. The General promised their lives and good usage. They declared what goods they had within board, to wit, 

One hundred and two and twenty thousand pesoes of Gold.  
A pezo is 8. shillings. The merchandise in the great ship. The Spaniards set on shore to the number of 190.   an hundreth and two and twenty thousand pesoes of gold: and the rest of the riches that the ship was laden with, was in Silks, Satins, Damasks, with Musk and diverse other merchandise, and great store of all manner of victuals, with the choice of many conserves of all sorts for to eat, and of sundry sorts of very good wines. These things being made known, they were commanded to stay aboard the Desire, and on the sixth day of November following, we went into an harbour, which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada Segura, or Puerto Seguro.  
Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men and women to the number of an hundred and ninety persons were set on shore: where they had a fair river of fresh water, with great store of fresh-fish, fowl, and wood, and also many Hares and Coneys upon the main land. Our General also gave them great store of victuals, of Garuansas, Peason, and some Wine. Also they had all the sails of their ship to make them tents on shore, with licence to take such store of planks as should be sufficient to make them a bark. Than we fell to hoisting in of our goods, sharing of the treasure, and alloting to every man his portion. In division whereof, 
Mutiny against the General.  the eight of this month, many of the company fell into a mutiny against our General, especially those which were in the Content, which nevertheless were after a sort pacified for the time.  
On the seventeenth day of November, which is the day of the happy Coronation of her Majesty, our General commanded all his Ordnance to be shot off, with the small shot both in his own ship where himself went, and also in the Content, which was our Vide-admiral. This being done, the same night we had many fireworks, and more Ordnance discharged, to the great admiration of all the Spaniards which were there: for the most part of them had never seen the like before. This ended, our General discharged the Captain, gave him a royal reward, with provision for his defence against the Indians and his company, both of Swords, Targets, Pieces, Shot and Powder to his great contentment: but before his departure, he took out of this great ship two young lads borne in japon, 
Two boys of japon.  which could both writ and read their own language, the eldest being about twenty years old, was named Christopher, the other was called Cosmus, about seventeen years of age, both of very good capacity. He took also with him out of their ship, 
Three boys of Manilla.  three boys borne in the Isles of Manilla, the one about fifteen, the other about thirteen, and the youngest about nine years old. The name of the eldest was Alphonso, the second Anthony de Dasi, the third remaineth with the right Honourable the Countess of Essex. He also took from them one Nicholas Roderigo, 
Nicholas Roderigo, a Portugal.  a Portugal, who hath been in Canton, and other parts of China, in the Islands of japon, being a country most rich in silver mines, and in the Philippinas.  

A Spanish Pilot.  He took also from them a Spaniard, whose name was Thomas de Ersola, which was a very good Pilot from Acapulco, and the coast of Nueva Espanna unto the Islands of Ladrones, where the Spaniards do put in to water, sailing between Acapulco and the Phillippinas': in which Isles of Ladrones, 

Acapulco is the haven whence they set forth to the Philippinas.  
Good watering at the Ladrones.  
The wind at East north-east. The Content whereof Steven Hare was master, left behind in the road.   they find fresh water, Plantans, and Potato-rootes: howbeit the people be very rude and heathens.  
The nineteenth day of November aforesaid, about three of the clock in the afternoon, our General caused the King's Ship to be set on fire, which having to the quantity of five hundred tons of goods in her, we saw burnt unto the water, and then gave them a piece of Ordnance, and set sail joyfully homewards towards England with a fair wind, which by this time was come about to East Northeast: and night growing near, we left the Content a stern of us, which was not as yet come out of the road. And here thinking she would have overtaken us, we lost her company, and never saw her after. We were sailing from this haven of Agueda Segura in California, unto the Isles of Ladrones the rest of November, and all December, and so forth until the third of januarie, 1588. with a fair wind for the space of five and forty days: and we esteemed it to be between seventeen and eighteen hundred leagues.  
The third day of january by six of the clock in the morning, we had sight of one of the Islands of Ladrones, 
The Island of Guana one of the Ladrones in 13. degrees & two thirds. Commodities of the Isles of Ladrones.  called the Island of Guana, standing in thirteen degrees 2/● toward the North, and sailing with a gentle gale before the wind, by one or two of the clock in the afternoon, we were come up within two leagues of the Island, where we met with sixty or seventy sails of Canoas' full of Savages, who came off to sea unto us, and brought with them in their Boats, Plantans, Cocos, Potato-rootes, and fresh-fish, which they had caught at Sea, and held them up unto us for to truck or exchange with us; which when we perceived, we made fast little pieces of old iron upon small cords, and fishing lines, and so vered the iron unto their Canoas', and they caught hold of them, and took off the iron, and in exchange of it, they would make fast unto the same line, either a Potato-roote, or a bundle of Plantans, which we haled in: and thus our company exchanged with them, until they had satisfied themselves with as much as did content them: yet we could not be rid of them. For afterward they were so thick about the ship, that it stemmed, and broke one or two of their Canoas'; but the men saved themselves, being in every Canoa, four, six, or eight persons, all naked and excellent swimmers and diverse. They are of a tawny colour, and marvelous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature than the most part of our men in England, 

The colour & stature of the people of the Isles of Ladrones.  
Their images. Artifficiall Canoas'.   wearing their hair marvelous long: yet some of them have it made up, and tied with a knot on the Crown, and some with two knots, much like unto their Images which we saw carved in wood, and standing in the head of their boats, like unto the Images of the devilll. Their Canoas' were as artificially made, as any that ever we had seen: considering they were made and contrived without any edge-tool They are not obove half a yard in breadth, and in length some seven or eight yards, and their Heads and Sternes are both alike: they are made out with raftes of Canes and Reeds on the Starre-bord-side, with Mast and Sail: their Sail is made of matters of Sedges, 

Canoas' sailing right against the wind. The nimbleness of the people of the Ladrones.  
Cabo del Spirito Sancto one of the Isles of the P●ili●pinas in 13. degre●s.   square or trianglewise: and they sail as well right against the wind, as before the wind. These Savages followed us so long, that we could not be rid of them: until in the end our General commanded some half dozen Harquebusses to be made ready; and himself strooke one of them, and the rest shot at them: but they were so you're and nimble, that we could not discern whether they were killed or not, because they could fall backward into the sea, and prevent us by diving.  
The fouteteenth day of january lying at hull with our Ship all the middle watch, from twelve at night, until four in the morning, by the break of day, we fell with an head-land of the Isles of the Philippinas, which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is of very great bigness and length, high land in the midst of it, and very low land as the Cape lieth East and West, trending fare into the Sea to the Westward. This Cape or Island is distant from the I'll of Guana, one of the Ladrones, three hundred and ten leagues. 
From Guana an Isle of the La●rones to Cabo del Spirito Santa is 310. leagues.  We were in sailing of this course eleven days, with scant winds, and some foul weather, bearing no sail two or three nights. This Island standeth in thirteen degrees, and is a place much peopled with heathen people, and all woodie through the whole Land: and it is short of the chiefest Island of the Philippinas called Manilla, about sixty leagues. Manilla is well planted and inhabited with Spaniards, to the number of six or seven hundred persons: which devil in a town unwalled, which hath three or four Blockhouses, part made of wood, and part of stone, being indeed of no great strength: 
The description of the town of Manilla. Trade from A●apulco to Manilla. Merchants of China Merchants called Sanguelos. Silver exchanged weight for weight for Gold.  they have one or two small Galleys belong to the Town. It is a very rich place of Gold, and many other commodities; and they have yearly traffic from Acapulco in Nueva Espanna, and also twenty or thirty ships from China, and from the Sanguelos, which bring them many sorts of merchandise. They bring great store of gold with them, which they traffic and exchange for silver, and give weight for weight. These Sanguelos are men of marvelous capacity, in devising and making all manner of things, especially in all handy crafts and sciences: and every one is so expert, perfect, and skilful in his faculty, as few or no Christians are able to go beyond them in that which they take in hand. For drawing and imbroidering upon Satin, Silk, or Lawn, either beast, fowl, fish, or worm, for liveliness and perfectness, both in Silk, Silver, Gold, and Pearl, they excel. Also the fourteenth day at night we entered the Straitss between the Island of Luçon, and the Island of Camlaia.  
The fifteenth of january we fell with an Island called Capul, 
The Island of Capul at which our men stayed 9 days.  and had betwixt the said Island and another Island but a narrow passage, and a rippling of a very great tide, with a ledge of Rocks lying off the point of the Island of Capul: and no danger, but water enough a fair breadth off: and within the point a fair Bay, and a very good harbour in four fathoms water hard aboard the shore within a Cables length. About ten of the clock in the morning we came to an anchor. Our Ship was no sooner come to an anchor, 
One of the chief Governors of the Island came aboard us.  but presently there came a Canoa rowing aboard us; wherein was one of the chief Casiques of the Island, whereof there be seven, who supposing that we were Spaniards, brought us Potato-rootes, which they call Comotas, and green Cocos, in exchange whereof we gave his company pieces of linen, to the quantity of a yard for four Cocos, and as much linen for a basket of Potato-rootes of a quart in quantity; which roots are very good meat, and excellent sweet, either roasted or boiled. This Casiques' skin was carved and cut with sundry and many strakes and devices all over his body. We kept him still aboard, and caused him to sand those men which brought him aboard back to the Island, to 'cause the rest of the Principals to come aboard: who were no sooner gone on shore, but presently the people of the Island came down with their Cocos, and Potato-rootes, and the rest of the Principals likewise came aboard, and brought with them hens, and hogs: and they used the same order with us which they do with the Spaniards. 
Hens and hogs.  For they took for every hog (which they call Balboye) eight Rials of plate, and for every hen or cock one rial of plate. Thus we road at anchor all that day, doing nothing but buying roots, Cocos, hens, hogs, and such things as they brought, refreshing ourselves. Here Thomas Ersola, the Spanish Pilot, seeking to betray us to the Spaniards, was hanged.  
We road for the space of nine days, about this Island of Capul, where we had divers kinds of fresh victuals, with excellent fresh water in every bay, and great store of wood. The people of this Island go almost all naked, and are tawny of colour. 
The manner of the people of Capul.  The men wear only a stroope about their wastes, of some kind of linen of their own weaving, which is made of Plantan-leaves, and another stroope coming from their back under their twistes, which covereth their privy parts, and is made fast to their girdles at their navels; which is this. 
A strange nail● in the yards of men to prevent Sodomy, for which purpose in Pegu they wear in the same part balls.  Every man and manchild among them, hath a nail of Tin thrust quite through the head of his privy part, being split in the lower end, and riveted, and on the head of the nail is as it were a Crown: which is driven through their privities when they be young, and the place groweth up agtine, without any great pain to the child: and they take this nail out and in as occasion serveth; and for the truth thereof, we ourselves have taken one of these nails from a Son of one of the Kings, which was of the age of ten years, who did wear the same in his privy member. This custom was granted at the request of the women of the Country, who finding their men to be given to the fowl sin of Sodomy, desired some remedy against that mischief, and obtained this before named of the Magistrates. Moreover, all the males are circumcised, having the foreskin of their flesh cut away. These people wholly worship the Devil, 
Circumcision.  and oftentimes have conference with him, which appeareth unto them in most ugly and monstrous shape.  
On the three and twentieth, our General M. Thomas Candish caused all the Principals of this Island, and of an hundred Islands more, which he had made to pay Tribute unto him (which Tribute was in Hogs, Hens, Potatoes, and Cocos) to appear before him, and made himself and his Company known unto them, that they were Englishmen, and enemies to the Spaniards; and thereupon spread his Ensign, and sounded up the Drums, which they much marvelled at. 
The inhabitants of Capul, with all the Islands adjoining, promise' to aid the English against the Spaniards. Our departure from the Island of Capul. The Isle of Malbat.  To conclude, they promised both themselves and all the Islands thereabout, to aid him, whensoever he should come again to overcome the Spaniards. Also our General gave them, in token that we were enemies to the Spaniards, Money back again for all their Tribute which they had paid: which they took marvelous friendly, and rowed about our ship, to show us pleasure, marvelous swiftly. At the last, our General caused a Saker to be shot off; whereat they wondered, and with great contentment took their leaves of us.  
The next day, being the four and twentieth of january, we set sail about six of the clock in the morning, and ran along the Coast of the Island of Manilla, shaping our course Northwest, between the Isle of Manilla, and the Isle of Masbat.  
The eight and twentieth day, in the morning about seven of the clock, riding at an anchor betwixt two Islands, we espied a Frigate under her two Courses, coming out between two other Islands, which (as we imagined) came from Manilla, sailing close aboard the shore, along the main Island of Panama. 
The Island of Panama.  Here we road at anchor all that night, and perceived that certain Spaniards (which came from Manilla to Ragaun, to fetch a new ship of the Kings, there builded) had dispersed their Band into two or three parts, and kept great Watch in several steeds, with Fires, and shooting off their Pieces. This Island hath much plain Ground in it, in many places, and many fair and strait Trees do grow upon it, fit for to make excellent good Masts for all sorts of ships. There are also Ours of very fine Gold in it, which are in the custody of the Indians. 

Ours of very fine Gold, in the Island of Panama.  
The Island of Negro, in nine degrees.  
Their departure from the Philippina's.   And to the southward of this place, there is another very great Island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any other Nation. The people which inhabit it, are all Negroes, and the Island is called the Island of Negroes; and is almost as big as England, standing in nine degrees: The most part of it seemeth to be very low Land, and by all likelihood is very fruitful.  
The nine and twentieth day of january, about six of the clock in the morning we set sail, sending our Boat before, until it was two of the clock in the afternoon, passing all this time as it were through a Straight, betwixt the said two Islands of Panama, and the Island of Negroes; and about sixteen Leagues off, we espied a fair opening, trending South-west and by South: at which time our Boat came aboard, and our General sent commendations to the Spanish Captain, which we came from the Evening before, by a Spaniard which we had taken, and willed him to provide good store of Gold; for he meant for to see him with his company at Manilla within few years; and that he did but want a bigger Boat to have landed his men, or else he would have seen him then; and so caused him to be set on shore.  
The eight day of February, by eight of the clock in the morning, we espied an Island near Gilolo, 
Batochina.  called Batochina, which standeth in one degree from the Equinoctial Line, Northward.  

11. or 12. small Lands, in 3. degrees, 10. minutes to the Southward.  The foureteenth day of February, we fell with eleven or twelve very small Islands, lying very low and flat, full of Trees, and passed by some Islands which be sunk, and have the dry Sands lying in the main Sea. These Islands near the Malucco's, stand in three degrees and ten minutes, to the Southward of the Line.  
The first day of March having passed through the Straitss of java minor and java maior, we came to an anchor under the South-west parts of java maior; 
March, 1588. Our arrival at java maior.  where we espied certain of the people, which were fishing by the Sea side, in a Bay which was under the Island. Than our General taking into the shipboat certain of his company, and a Negro which could speak the Morisco Tongue, 
The Morisco or Arabian Tongue common in java.  which he had taken out of the great S. Anna, made toward those Fishers; which having espied our Boat, ran on shore into the Wood, for fear of our men: But our General caused his Negro to call unto them; who no sooner heard him call, but presently one of them came out to the shore side, and made answer. Our General by the Negro enquired of him for fresh Water, which they found, and caused the Fisher to go to the King, and to certify him of a ship that was come, to have Traffic for Victuals, and for Diamonds, Pearls, or any other rich jewels that he had.  

Nine or ten of the Kings Canoas'.  And on the twelfth of March, there came nine or ten of the Kings Canoas' so deeply laden with Victuals as they could swim, with two great live Oxen, half a score of wonderful great and fat Hogs, a number of Hens, Drakes, Geese, Eggs, Plantans, Sugar Canes, Sugar in Plates, Cocos, sweet Oranges and sour, Lymes, great store of Wine and Aquavitae, Salt to season Victuals withal, and almost all manner of Victuals else, with diverse of the King's Officers, which were there.  
There came two Portugals to us, which enquired of Don Antonio their King, then in England, and told us of the javanes, as followeth. The name of the King of that part of the Island was Raia Bolamboam, 
Raia Bolamboam.  who was a man had in great majesty and fear among them. The common people may not bargain, cell, or exchange any thing with any other Nation, without special licence from their King; and if any so do, it is present death for him. The King himself is a man of great years, and hath an hundred Wives, his son hath fifty. The custom of the Country is, that whensoever the King doth die, they take the body so dead, and burn it, and preserve the ashes of him, and within five days next after, the Wives of the said King so dead, according to the custom and use of their Country, every one of them go together to a place appointed, and the chief of the Women, which was nearest unto him in account, 
The wives kill themselves after their husband's deaths.  hath a Ball in her hand, and throweth it from her, and to the place where the Ball resteth, thither they go all, and turn their faces to the Eastward, and every one with a Dagger in their hand, (which Dagger they call a Crise, and is as sharp as a Razor) stab themselves to the heart, and with their hands all to be-bath themselves in their own blood, 
A strange order.  and falling grovelling on their faces, so end their days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange. The men of themselves be very politic and subtle, and singularly valiant, being naked men, in any action they undertake, and wonderfully at commandment and fear of their King. For example: If their King command them to undertake any exploit, be it never so dangerous or desperate, they dare not refuse it, though they die every man in the execution of the same. For he will cut off the heads of every one of them which return alive without bringing of their purpose to pass: which is such a thing among them, as it maketh them the most valiant people in all the Southeast-parts of the world: for they never fear any death. For being in fight with any Nation, if any of them feeleth himself hurt with Lance or sword, he will willingly run himself upon the weapon quite through his body, to procure his death the more speedily, and in this desperate sort end his days, or overcome his enemy. Moreover, although the men be tawny of colour, and go continually naked, yet their women be fair of complexion, and go more apparelled. They told us further, that if their King Don Antonio, would come unto them, 

Fair women in java.  
Don Antonio might be received as 〈◊〉 in the East Indies.   they would warrant him to have all the Malucos at commandment, besides China, Sangles, and the Isles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured to have all the Indians on his side that are in the country. After we had fully contented these Portugals, and the people of java which brought us victuals in their Canoas', they took their leaves of us, with promise of all good entertainment at our returns, and our General gave them three great pieces of Ordnance at their departing.  
Thus the next day, being the sixteenth of March, we set sail towards the Cape of good Hope, 
They departed from java the 16. of March, 1588.  called by the Portugals, Cabo de buena Esperancça, on the Southermost coast of Africa. The rest of March, and all the month of April, we spent in traversing that mighty and vast Sea, between the Isle of java, and the main of Africa, observing the heavens, the Crosiers or South-pole, the other stars, the fowls, which are marks unto the Seamen of fair weather, foul weather, approaching of Lands, or Islands, the winds, the tempests, the reinss and thunders, with the alterations of tides and currents.  
The eleventh of May in the morning one of the company went into the top, and espied Land bearing North, and North and by West of us, and about noon we espied land to bear West of us, which as we did imagine was the Cape of Buena Esperança, whereof indeed we were short some forty or fifty leagues: and by reason of the skantnesse of the wind, we stood along to the Southeast until midnight; at which time the wind came fair, and we haled along Westward. The twelfth and thirteenth days we were becalmed, and the sky was very hazie, and thick, until the foureteenth day at three of the clock in the afternoon, at which time the sky cleared, and we espied the Land again, which was the Cape called Cabo Falso, 
Cabo Falso.  which is short of the Cape de buena Esperança forty or fifty leagues. This Cape is very easy to be known. For there are right over it three very high hills, standing but a small way one of another, and the highest standeth in the midst, and the ground is much lower by the Sea side. The Cape of Good Hope, beareth West and by South from the said Cabo Falso.  
The sixteenth day of May, about four of the clock in the afternoon the Wind came up at East a very stiff gale, which held until it was Saturday with as much wind as ever the Ship could go before: at which time by six of the clock in the morning we espied the Promontory or Head-land, called the Cape de Buena Esperança, which is a reasonable high land, and at the Westermost point a little of the maine do show two Hammocks, the one upon the other, 
They double the Cape de Bona Speranza.  and three other Hammocks lying further off into the Sea, yet low land between and adjoining unto the Sea. This cape of Buena Esperança is set down and accounted for two thousand leagues from the Island of java in the Portugal Sea-carts: 
From java to the Cape of Bona Speranza is but 1850. leagues. june 1588.  but it is not so much almost by an hundred and fifty leagues, as we found by the running of our Ship. We were in running of these eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, just nine weeks.  
The eight day of june, by break of day we fell in sight of the Island of S. Helena, seven or eight leagues short of it, having but a small gale of wind, or almost none at all: insomuch as we could not get unto it that day, but stood off and on all that night. The next day having a pretty easy gale of wind, we stood in with the shore, 
They anchor at the Island of S. Helena the 9 of june.  our Boat being sent away before to make the harbour; and about one of the clock in the afternoon, we came to an anchor in twelve fathoms water, two or three Cables length from the shore, in a very fair and smooth Bay, under the Northwest-side of the Island. This Island is very high land, and lieth in the main Sea, 
S. Helena is in the latitude of 15. degrees 48. min. to the Southward.  standing as it were in the midst of the Sea, between the main land of Africa, and the main of Brasilia, and the coast of Guinea: and is in fifteen degrees and forty eight minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctial line, and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperança between five and six hundred leagues. Here we went on shore, and entered the Church, which was hanged with painted clotheses, having an Altar with a picture of the Crucifix and Blessed Virgin in a Table. There is a causey to the Church, two houses also adjoining, a frame with two Bells▪ and a Cross of freestone. 
The great store of divers excellent fruits in S. Helena.  The valley where it stands is pleasant, and planted in every place either with fruit trees, or with herbs. There are figtrees, which bear fruit continually, and marvelous plentiful: for▪ on every tree you shall have blossoms, green figs, and ripe figs, all at once: and it is so all the year long: the reason is, that the Island standeth so near the Sun. There be also great store of Lymmon-trees, Orange-trees, Pomegranate-trees, Pomecitron-trees, Date-trees, which bear fruit as the Figge-trees do, and are planted carefully and very artificially, with very pleasant walks under and between them, and the said walks be over-shadowed with the leaves of the trees: and in every void place is planted Parsley, Sorrel, Basill, Fenell, Annis-seed, Mustardseed, Radishes, and many special good herbs: and the fresh water brook runneth through divers places of this Orchyard, and may with very small pains be made to water any one tree in the valley.  
There is also upon this Island great store of Partridges, which are very tame, not making any great haste to fly away though one come very near them, 
Abundance of partridges in S. Helena.  but only to run away, and get up into the steep cliffs; we killed some of them with a fowling Piece. They be within a little as big as a hen, and are of an ash-colour, and live in Covies twelve, sixteen, and twenty together▪ you cannot go ten or twelve score, but you shall se● or spring one or two Covies at the lest. 
Great store of Feasants. Turkeys in great quantity.  There are likewise no less store of Pheasants in the Island, which are surpassing those which are in our Country in bigness, and in numbers of a company. We found moreover in this place great store of Guinie-cocks, which we call Turkeys, of colour black and white, with read heads: they are much about the same bigness which ours be of in England: their eggs be white, and as big as a Turkey's egg.  
There are in this Island thousands of Goats, which the Spaniards call Cabritoes, which are very wild: 
Exceeding numbers of goats.  you shall see one or two hundred of them together, and sometimes you may behold them going in a flock almost a mile long. Some of them are as big as an Ass, with a main like an Horse, and a beard hanging down to the very ground. We took and killed many of them for all their swiftness: for there be thousands of them upon the mountains. Here are in like manner great store of swine which be very wild, fat, and large; they keep altogether upon the mountains, 
Plenty of Swine.  and will very sieldome abide any man to come near them, except it be by mere chance when they are found asleep, or otherwise according to their kind, be taken laid in the mire.  
We found in the houses at our coming three slaves, which were Negro, and one which was borne in the Island of java: For the Portugals use to touch and refresh here at their return from the Indieses, and leave their sick persons to be taken in by the next Fleet.  

Our departure from S. Helena.  The twentieth day of june having taken in wood and water, and refreshed ourselves with such things as we found there, and made clean our ship, we set sail about eight of the clock in the night toward England. At our setting sail, we had the wind at Southeast, and we haled away Northwest and by West. The wind is commonly off the shore at this Island of S. Helena.  
On Friday in the morning being the three and twentieth day of August, at four of the clock we haled East, 
Coruo and Flores, two Islands of the Azores.  and East and by South for the Northermost Islands of the Açores.  
On Saturday the four and twentieth day of the said month, by five of the clock in the morning we fell in sight of the two Islands of Flores and Coruo, standing in thirty nine degrees and ½. and sailed away North-east.  
The third of September we met with a Flemish hulk which came from Lisbon, and declared unto us the overthrowing of the Spanish Fleet, to the singular rejoicing and comfort of us all.  
The ninth of September, after a terrible tempest which carried away most part of our sails, by the merciful favour of the Almighty, we recovered our long wished Port of Plymouth in England, from whence we set forth at the beginning of our Voyage.  
A Letter of Master THOMAS CANDISH to the Right Honourable the Lord HUNSDON, Lord Chamberlain, one of her Majesty's most Honourable Privy Counsel, touching the success of his Voyage about the World.  
RIght Honourable, as your favour heretofore hath been most greatly extended towards me, so I humbly desire a continuance thereof: and though there be no means in me to deserve the same, yet the uttermost of my services shall not be wanting, whensoever it shall please your Honour to dispose thereof. I am humbly to desire your Honour to make known unto her Majesty, the desire I have had to do her Majesty service in the performance of this Voyage. And as it hath pleased God to give her the victory over part of her enemies, so I trust your long to see her overthrew them all. For the places of their wealth, whereby they have maintained and made their wars, are now perfectly discovered: and if it please her Majesty, with a very small power she may take the spoil of them all. It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer me to circompasse the whole Globe of the World, entering in at the Straight of Magellan, and returning by the Cape de Buena Esperança. In which Voyage I have either discovered, or brought certain intelligence of all the rich places of the world that ever were known or discovered by any Christian. I navigated alongst the Coast of Chili, Peru, and Nueva Espanna, where I made great spoils: I burned and sunk nineteen sails of Ships small and great. All the Villages and Towns that ever I landed at, I burned and spoilt: and had I not been discovered upon the Coast, I had taken great quantity of Treasure. The matter of most profit unto me, was a great ship of the Kings which I took at California, which ship came from the Philippinas, being one of the richest of merchandise that ever passed those Seas, as the King's Register and merchant's accounts did show: for it did amount in value to * in Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for that my Ships were not able to contain the lest part of them) I was enforced to set on fire. From the Cape of California, being the uttermost part of all Nueva Espanna, I navigated to the Islands of the Philippinas, hard upon the Coast of China; of which Country I have brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in these parts. The stateliness and riches of which Country I fear to make report of, lest I should not be credited: for if I had not known sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that Country, I should have been as incredulous thereof, as others will be that have not had the like experience. I sailed along the Islands of the Malucos, where among some of the Heathen people I was well entreated, where our Countrymen may have trade as freely as the Portugals, if they will themselves. From thence I passed by the Cape of Buena Esperança, and found out by the way homeward the Island of S. Helena, where the Portugals use to relieve themselves: and from that Island God hath suffered me to return into England. All which services with myself, I humbly prostrate at her Majesty's feet, desiring the Almighty long to continued her Reign among us: for at this day she is the most famous and victorious Prince that liveth in the World.  
Thus humbly desiring pardon of your Honour for my tediousness, I leave your Lordship to the tuition of the Almighty. Plymouth this ninth of September, 1588.  
Your Honour's most humble to command, THOMAS CANDISH.   

CHAP. V The Voyage of OLIVER NOORT round about the Globe, being the fourth Circum-navigation of the same, extracted out of the Latin Diary.  
IN the year 1598. on the second day of july, the Maurice and the Concord set forth from Rotterdam: and on the thirteenth of September, the Henry Fredrick, and the Hope came up to them, where they stayed for them on the Coast of England. Their chief Pilot was Captain 
* Captain Melis an English man in this Voyage, M. Adams in the next, Guides and Pilots to the Hollanders in their Circumnavigations; as M. Davies, and others afterwards in their first Indian Voyages. Their exploits are honours to the English.  Melis, an Englishman, which had encompassed the Circumference with M. Thomas Candish. On the nineteenth they came before Plymouth, where the Vice-admiralls boat with six men forsook them. On the seven and twentieth they took two ships of Biscay, and after some view of them let them departed.  
October the fourth, they met four ships, one of Amsterdam, another of England, and two French coming out of Barbary, which related of the terrible pestilence in that country, of which two hundred and fifty thousand men in short space had died in Morocco. On the sixth, they were betwixt the Great Canary and Teneriffe. On the eight, the Vide-admiral lost her Boat, with one man, the night and wind severing them. On the ninth, they had almost run on shore on the Coast of Barbary, by misunderstanding the English Pilot, who had bidden them steer South-west, and they held their course South, till they were within half a mile of Land. On the third of November, they had sight of the Coast of Guinea. On December the fourth, they were hard by Cape Palma, in 3. ½. On the tenth, they had sight of the Princes I'll, 
Ila del Principe.  and made to it with no little comfort, after they had been so long weatherbeaten at sea. It standeth in one degree, ½. They sent their Boats first for Discovery, and having entered with a flag of truce, a Negro coming with a like flag to know what they would have. 
Treachery of the Islanders.  They demanding provision were kindly used, and Gerrits which knew the place, and could speak the Portugal tongue, with Captain Melis, and one john Breme, were suddenly and treacherously slain; Captain Peter Esias escaped by flight to the Boats, which were furiously assailed by the portugals, and the General's brother slain, the rest hardly returning aboard. The General calling a Council of war, they agreed to assault the Castle, which having attempted with loss, they burned all their Sugar houses, and with force provided themselves with fresh water. On the seventeenth they departed, but the South wind hindered them. On the five and twentieth they reached Cape consalvo, 
Cape consalvo.  where the wind usually in the night bloweth from Land, in the day from Sea. Hear they went on shore and found two Dutch Ships, and learned that Peter Verhagens had stayed a month in this place, and buried eight and thirty of his company, many other being sick. He entered the River of Congo, and was forced to retire hither, and a fortnight before was departed for Anobon. He learned also that Captain Cleerhagen, with a great part of his company were slain in the Prince's Island, the rest hardly escaping to and in their Ships. On the six and twentieth, they set sail from the Cape towards Brasil.  

1599  On the first day of januarie, 1599 they passed the Isle Anobon, and found two degrees Southerly. On the eight and twentieth they had the Sun in their Zenith. On the third of February, they espied by night certain low ground, on which the Concord had like to have made a fatal discord. 
Cape Saint Thomas. Fair Cape. Cape Frio. Rio javero. S. Sebastian.  On the fift, they reached the Land of Brasil, at Cape Saint Thomas in two and twenty. On the sixth, they passed the Fair Cape, and in the Evening Cape Frio. On the ninth, they came to Rio javero. After some loss of time, and their company by Portugal-wiles they departed to Saint Sebastian, where they had Freshwater, Wood, and safe Harbour, but found no fruits. On the fourteenth of March, a cruel Storm assailed them, and severed the Vice-admiral and the Hope, which yet on the seventeenth were restored again to the Fleet. The Concord also leaked so much, that they agreed to empty the goods, and forsook her. But the Scorbute increasing, and the Winter approaching, made them resolve to seek the Isle of Saint Helena, which they did, but miss it, and therefore thought to relieve themselves in the Ascension, or some other Island. In 20½. they came to the Island, but barren and inhospitall, save that with Clubs they knocked down many Fowls called Malle Mew●n. But the Rocks without, and barrenness within forced their departure, and when on the first of june, they had thought to have encountered the Isle Ascension, they found it the Continent of Brasil: which they imagined to have been fourscore miles distant. The portugals prohibiting their landing, 
S. Clara.  they came at last to the Isle of Saint Clara, and there erected Tents for their sick people, some of which presently died. Hear they found little but Herbs, and two Trees of sour Plumbs, which cured the sick in fifteen days. The Island is a 
* By Miles understand Dutch Miles.  Mile in Compass, and as fare from the Continent. Here they burned the Concord, having before taken out what they pleased: they also exposed two Malefactors to their forlorn fortunes. This Isle is in one and twenty degrees, fifteen minutes Southwards from the Line. On the sixteenth of july they determined to seek Port Desire, 
Port Desire.  which after many tempests they came to, on the twentieth of September in forty seven degrees forty minutes. In an Island three miles from thence Southwards, they furnished themselves with store of Penguins & fishes. Of those Fowls they took fifty thousand, being as big as Geese, with Eggs innumerable, which proved very refreshing to the diseased. Here they careened their Ships and set up a Smith's Forge. They went up the Rivers the fift of October, and going on Land, found Beasts like Stags and Buffals, and multitudes of Ostreches; in one Nest they took nineteen Eggs, which the Dam had forsaken. The Captain of the Hope dying of the Scorbute, the Captain of the Concord was chosen his successor, and the Ship also was termed the Concord.  
On the twentieth day, the General went on Land, to descry the Country, giving straight charge to look well to the Boats, and not to stir from them, which they transgressing, were out of ambushes set on by thirty Savages, and three slain, besides the fourth wounded. These Savages were of admirable stature, painted unto terror, their Bows short, their Arrows headed with Stone. On the nine and twentieth they prepared to departed. On the fourth of November, they were near Cape Virgins; the Land is low and plain, by the whiteness resembling England. Often they hence attempted to enter the straits, 
Cape Virgins.  but often entered straits with that attempt, repelled by tempestuous Winds, Raine, Hailes, Snowes, Sickness and Contention adding their subsidiary assistance. These sensible crosses were accompanied with losses of Anchors, Cables, and (that which is most irrecoverable) time, little less than fifteen months being spent before they could fasten any good entrance into the straits; although they justly seemed engulphed in the straits all this time, and all their way hither, having paid the lives of almost a hundred of their company for Sea-custome. From the said Cape the Land trends Southwestward: the straits mouth is hence fourteen miles, and half a mile in breadth. On the South side thereof they espied a man, with a kind of cloak, supposed therefore but falsely, to be a Christian, his face painted, and stature ordinary, whom in vain they invited to their company. They saw many others, and on the five & twentieth they espied many men, in two Islands near the Cape, which they called Nassau, who forbade the Hollanders landing, with their Darts and other weapons, 
Cape Nassau.  but were chased to an obscure Cave, where they were all slain, before the Dutch could win entrance. There they found the amazed and affrighted mothers, lying prostrate on their Infants to protect them from that fatal Thunder, from whom they took four Boys and two Girls, and with them returned aboard. Of one of these having learned to speak Dutch, they received this intelligence; the Lands name was Castemme, 

Castemme. Talcke.  
Manners of the Inhabitants.   this People or Tribe called Enoo. The name of the lesser Island Talcke, both stored with Penguins, whose Flesh yielded them food, their Skins clothing. They dwelled in Caves under the Earth. In the Continent are many Ostriches whereon they feed: these they call Talcke, and another kind of wild beasts Cassoni. They devil in several Tribes or Families apart, whereof one is called Kemenetes dwelling in Karay, another Kennekas in Karamay, a third Karaike in Morine, all of stature like ours, except their broader and higher breasts, painted, the men tying their privy member with a string, the women hiding theirs with a Penguins skin. The men wear long hair, the women are shaved. They go naked, only wear a cloak of Penguin skins to the waist. The like covering they make of other birds called Oripeggre; the Pengwins they call Co●ppogre. These skins they compact together with no less industry and Art then Skinners do with us. There is a fourth Family or Tribe, named Tirimenen, and the place of their habitation Coin, 
Giants: see the next story annexed of Seb. de Weert.  of giantly stature ten or twelve foot high, which have often wars with the other Lords or Tribes, whom they call Pengwine-eaters, whereby it seems they use other meat, haply Mans-flesh.  
On the six and twentieth, they took three hundred Pengwines on the Isles bearing that name. Before they come at these Pengwine Isles 'twixt two straits are shoalds, and an Island callep Pantagoms. On the eight and twentieth day they passed to the Continent, and saw Whales. They encountered a pleasant River, but saw not the mouth of it; there were many Parrots and fair Trees, whereupon they called it Summer-bay. On the nine and twentieth, 

Summer Bay Port Famine. Pantagoms. Terra Fuego is the Land on the South of the Null, since found to be 〈◊〉 Islands.  
Philip's City. Cape Froward.   they set sail for wood and water to Port Famine. Hear the Land trends so fare to the South, that Pantagoms, and Terra Fuego seem afar off to join. Hear they found no foot prints of the late Philip-Citie, now liker a heap of stones. The Magellane straight is distant thence about four Dutch miles. The hills on both sides are steep and high all the yeere-long covered with store of Snow. Here they cut down wood to make them another Boat. The Barks of the Trees in these parts bite like Pepper. But finding no good watering, and doubting also whether it were Philip-Citie, or Port Famine indeed, they departed, and after two miles found a good River, whence they had easy provision, on the first of December. The next day they passed to Cape Froward, which having doubled with great danger, by reason of unsafe anchorage and contrary wind, they anchored at eighteen fathoms, four miles from thence in a great Bay. Hear was good watering, and an Herb like Neeswort, profitable against the Scorbute. S●me Soldiers tasting of another Herb there growing, were well-nigh distracted for a time. A mile off they found a fit place to build their Boat, in which they spent twelve days. Here they had sight of Sebalt de Weert his Ship, one of Peter 
* Sir jaques M●●u (or as Adams ●alls him, Man●y) went out General of this Fleet: who died in the Isle of Brava, and Simon de Coor●es succeeded. It is here called Peter Verhagens company, because be was then chief of the Indian company which set them forth.  Verhagens company, which with another of the same Fleet, had been driven back out of the South sea. He reported that he had spent above five months in the Straight, and lost by diseases, and otherwise, so many of his men, that of an hundred and ten, there were left but eight and thirty, whence he was not able to endure the storms which assaulted him in the South sea, but was forced hither, when the rest of the Fleet better manned held on their course. Thus hard news, storms, and mutinies finished this month and year.  
On the second of januarie 
* 
1600. Maurice Bay. Ice all the year long in the straits. The same report hath Seb. de 〈◊〉.  
Meni●te Bay. G●●se Bay. Po●●sh Bay.   they made search of Maurice Bay, which they observed to extend fare to the East, and to receive store of Rivers flowing into it, at the mouths whereof they found great store of Ice in their judgement never melted. For sounding ten fathoms they could not reach the bottom thereof, this their Midsummer season notwithstanding. They conjectured the Land also to be broken Islands, which the height of the mountains made to seem continued and firm. They endured continual reinss, nor could get aught there but Muskles, which on the eighth they going to gather, the lesser Boat out-sailing her fellows, two of her men were slain and wounded by the Savages. Their weapons were heavy Clubs, with Ropes tied to them, and long Darts of Wood At the landing of the greater Boat they all fled. Having endured diverse storms, which endangered them on the Rocks in Meniste Bay, and some encounter of the Savages which had left three Canoas' under a high hill, and with stones defended them from the Hollanders, they departed on the seventeenth day, and by a storm were driven into Goose Bay, three miles distant, so called of the store of that Fowl their found fit for swimming and long diving, but unable to fly. Here the Vice-admiral for diverse misdemeanours, was by a Council of War adjudged to be set on land, which was accordingly executed, where Famine, or wild beasts, or wilder men must needs make an end of his mutinous unquiet life. On the first of February they entered a new Bay, which they called Popish Bay, where the Admiral was like to have perished on a sunken Rock. Hear they had store of storms, thunders, lightnings; and Muscles in a broad River which runs into it. On the seven and twentieth they had view of a huge mountain of Ice in Goose Bay. 
Cape Desire.  On the last of February they passed Cape Desire into the South sea, with thanks to the Almighty for that happy success. This sea was not so peaceable, but that it entertained them with diverse day's storms, in which they lost their Boat. Their company was now an hundred forty seven. On the twelfth of March they lost sight of the Vide-admiral, 
La Mocha.  whom having in vain expected, they went to the Island La Mocha, in thirty eight degrees, in the midst whereof is an high mountain, cleaving itself in the top to yield waters to the subject valley. Here they bartered Hatchets and Knives for Sheep, Hens, Maiz, Battalas, and other fruits. They went to the town which hath some fifty houses of straw, long, 
Cici drink.  with one door, into which they might not be admitted. They gave them drink called Cici, somewhat sowerish, made of Mays, which the toothless old women chew (supposing that the elder the Women are, the better shall their drink be) and steep it in water, reserving it for necessary use, and for their drunken feasts, drinking in a misordered order at the sound which one makes with his mouth, according to their Bacchanal mysteries, measuring to each his proportioned measure with unmeasurable disproportion. They have many wives which they buy of their Parents, so that the Father of many daughters is the richest man. Their life is lose, scarcely subject to any law. If any kill another, the kindred of the slain revenge it, unless some intercessors prevail to procure a yearly Cici-festivall in recompense. The Inhabitants of Chili observe like customs. They are clothed above and below with garments made of the wool of large Sheep with long necks, which they use also to burdens, of which kind they would cell none to the Dutch, but of another fat kind not much unlike ours. This Island is about six miles from the Continent. From it eighteen miles lieth another, called S. Maries, in thirty seven degrees, and fifteen minutes of Southerly latitude. 
S. Maries an Island rich in Gold.  Here they had sight of a Spanish ship, which they chased and took. This ship they said was the Kings, sent with Lard and Meal to Arauco and Conception, where they have war with the Indians. The Pilot certified them, that it was impossible for them to recover S. Maries, from whence they had chased this ship to thirty five degrees, by reason of the Southerly winds. They told them of two ships of war waiting for intelligence of their coming in Arica. 
Val Paraiso.  They hereupon presently determined for Val Paraiso, and so lost their Vide-admiral altogether: whom they supposed to have lost that Isle of S. Mary's, by the wrong placing thereof in Plancius his Map, in thirty eight degrees, whereas it is in thirty seven degrees and fifteen minutes. They themselves had also been deceived, but for notes of Captain Melis, 
Note the help which the Dutch had by Englishmen notes. W. Adams makes mention of this fight, who in the same ship came to Iap●n.  the Englishman which they had and followed. They heard also of Simon de Cordes his arrival there, who by a Spaniard dissembling amity, was invited to land, and so betrayed to the Indians butchery, with twenty three men, being mistaken for Spaniards, their heads set upon poles, and in a glorious ostentation showed to the Spaniards in Conception. The Spaniards made fair semblance of kindness, so to have possessed themselves of their two ships, of which they sent notice to Lima, but the Hollanders mistrusting departed they knew not whither. The Spaniards in Lyma had received intelligence a year before their coming of the Hollanders, and of the names of their chief men, and provided themselves accordingly.  
In Val Paraiso or S. jago they took two ships, and flew many Indians, but the Spaniards were fled. 
S. jago.  This Val Paraiso is in three and thirty degrees of the South latitude, and S. jago is from it eighteen miles within land, a Town fertile of Wine much like Claret in taste and colour. 
Sheep plenty.  There are plenty of Sheep which they kill only for their suet, wherewith they lad whole ships. The whole Country is fruitful. Here they received letters from Derick Gerritz, Captain of the Flying Hart, one of Verhagens company, who thinking to trade with the Spaniards there, having but nine sound men in his ship, was suddenly assaulted, wounded, and imprisoned, where he wrote these miserable lines. His famine proceeded from the missing of S. Mary's Island, upon that wrong placing in the Map aforesaid, so that mere famine brought him to these Straitss.  
In S. jago they had intercepted Letters, which related the occurrents of the wars of Chili, the Indians rebelling against the Spaniards, 
Wars betwixt the Spaniards & Chili. Baldivia. Imperial.  and forcing Baldivia, the four and twentieth of November, 1599 slaying and carrying away captive the Inhabitants. Two hundred Spaniards sent from Lyma did again there fortify. The Indians likewise besieged the City Imperial, and had now almost famished the Spaniards. These Indians are good and expert soldiers, of which five thousand were in this expedition: three thousand of them Horsemen, skilful at their Lances, and an hundred Shot, seventy Costlets. All which furniture they had taken from the Spaniards in many victories. They so hate the Spaniards, that of whomsoever they kill, they pluck out his heart and bite it, and make drinking vessels of their skulls. They use Orations to encourage them to the maintenance of their pristine liberty against the Spanish tyranny. They have one chief Captain only in time of War. The first choice of him in their first Spanish war was in this sort: A heavy piece of timber was by all the Competitors carried on their shoulders, which while it wearied the most to bear five or six hours, one was found strong enough to endure it four and twenty together, and thereby attained this ducal honour. The Region of Chili, from S. jago to Baldivia, is the most fertile in the world, and of most wholesome air, insomuch that few are there sick; 
Fertility of Chili.  yea, a sword put up into the scabbard all wet with the dew, doth not therewith rust. Fruits, Mays, Hogs, Horses, Kine, Sheep, Goats, are plentiful and wander in great herds, besides Gold-mines. In the sack of Baldivia they burned Houses, Temples, Monasteries, and striking off the heads of their Images, cried, Down go the gods of the Spaniards. They thrust Gold into their mouths, and bid them satiate themselves with that for which they had raised such persecutions, and of which they made such unsatiable prosecution.  
On the first of April they entered the Bay La Guasco, and thence on the seventh departed. 
la Guasco.  On the eleventh they came into a great nook called Morre Gorch, ten miles from which is Morre Morrene, from which the shore is extended to Aricca, 
Morre Gorch▪ & M. Morrene.  all which tract to S. Francis hill is usually subject to Southwinds, and fare in the Sea the Wind variable. On the twentieth, the air was dark, that a man could not see above a stones cast. 
Cloud of dust.  The cause was a cloud of dust like meal, which whited their clotheses in like manner. The Spanish Pilot told them it was usual in those parts, by them called Arenales. It lasted all day, and caused the General to lose his two other consorts till two days after. On the five and twentieth, 
Lyma.  they saw Lyma bearing East from them. Here the Negroes confessed, that in one of the ships which they had taken, the Captain envying the Hollanders such wealth, when he saw he could not escape, 
Intelligence of Gold in Saint Maries.  had thrown into the Sea three Boats loading of Gold. The Pilot being examined, confessed that there were two and fifty Chests of Gold, whereof each had four Aroben, and five hundred Pots, in each of which, was eight, ten, or twelve pounds of Gold. He caused also every man to bring forth whatsoever he had and throw it into the Sea. This Gold came from Saint Mary's Island, which three or four Spaniards possessed employing two thousand Indians in the Mine.  
On the nine and twenty, they espied two sails, and gave them chase in vain, those Ships built for that Sea (where from Panama to Lyma they sail most-what against the wind which is usually constant) out stripping the Hollanders exceedingly. The twentieth of May, after that they had laboured in vain to attain the Isle of Coquos in five degrees of Notherly latitude, 
I. Coquos.  they purposed to avoid the danger of the Spanish men of war, whereof they had intelligence, to set sail to the Ladicues, and thence to the Philippinas. Much rain they had in the way, not without this benefit to supply their want of water. The thirtieth of june, the Spanish Pilot was for ill demeanours, by public sentence cast overboard. A prosperous wind happily succeeded.  
On the fifteenth of September, they had sight of the Ladrones. On the sixteenth, 
Guana, an Island of the Ladrones.  the Indians came in their Canoas', with Fish, Coquos, Bonnanas, Rootes, Sugarcanes, to barter for old pieces of iron: sometimes they might number two hundred of these Canoas', with two, three, or five men in each, all crying, Hiero, Hiero, that is, Iron, Iron, with greediness overturning their Canoas' against the ships side, which they regarded not, being expert swimmers, and could easily recover their Boats, goods, and selves. They were subtle deceivers, covering a Basket of Coquo shells, with a little Rice in the top, as if they had been full of Rice; and upon fit opportunity snatching a Sword out of the scabbard, and leaping into the Sea, where with deep and long diving, they secured themselves from shot. The Women are herein equal to the men. They will fetch a piece of iron from the bottom of the Sea. Their Boats are neatly compact, of fifteen or twenty foot long, and 1 ½▪ broad, wherewith they sail against the wind, and if they must turn, they never altar their sail, but with the Poop cut the waves. Their Women cover their privity with a leaf, otherwise naked both men and women, like the pictures of Adam and Eue. They are libidinous, and have thereof many pocky testimonies. This Island was called Guana, neither saw they any other. It was twenty miles large. These fruits were very comfortable to their sick men of the Scorbute.  
On the seventeenth, they set sail for the Philippinas. On the twentieth, they had Ice, 
Philippinae.  being then in three degrees. Six weeks together they drank only rain water. On the fourteenth of October, they espied land, and thought, but falsely, 
Cape Sancto Spirito.  that it had been the Cape of the Holy Ghost. On the sixteenth day, there came a Balsy or Canoa, and in the same a Spaniard, which fearing to come aboard, they displayed a Spanish flag, and attired one like a Friar to allure him. Which taking effect, the General saluted him, and told him they were Frenchmen, with the King's commission bound for Manilla, but wanting necessaries, and not knowing where they now were, having lost their Pilot. The Spaniard answered, this place was called Bay la Bay, 
Bay la bay.  seven or eight miles to the North, from the strait of Manilla. The Land was fertile, and he commanded the Indians to bring Rice, Hogs, and Hens: which was presently effected, and sold for ready money. His name was Henry Nunes. The next day Francisio Rodrigo, the Governor came to the Ship and did likewise. The Indians go most naked, their skins drawn out with indelible lines and figures. They pay for their heads to the Spaniard, ten single Ryalls for every one above twenty years old. There are few Spaniards, and but one Priest which is of great esteem▪ and had they Priests enough, all the neighbour Nations would be subject to the Spaniard. Being furnished with necessary provision, and now also discovered, they departed for the Strait of Manilla, and were in no small danger of a Rock the same night. 
Strait of Manilla.  This whole Tract is waste, barren, and full of Rocks. A storm of wind had almost rob them the next day of their Masts and Sails, which with such sudden violence assailed them from the Southeast, that in their stormy and tedious voyage, they had not encountered a more terrible. 
Note.  On the three and twentieth, some went on Land, and eat Palmitoes, and drank water, after which followed the bloody Flux, whether of this cause, or the landing after so long a being at Sea, uncertain. The four and twentieth, they entered the strait and sailed by the Island in the midst, 
Capul.  and in the Evening passed by the Isle Capul, seven miles within the strait, near which they found many Whirlpools, which at first seemed Shoalds but they could found no bottom. The people were all fled. Hear they lost a Londoner, john 
* Caldwey a Londoner.  Caldwey, an excellent Musician surprised, as was suspected, by some insidiarie Indians; whereupon they burned their Villages. Manilla is eighty miles from Capul, which now they left to attain the other, but in a calm wind, with violent working of the waves, were much tossed without much danger, by reason of the depth. They wanted a Pilot, and their Maps were uncertain.  
The seventh of November, they took a China junke, laden with provision for Manilla. The owner was of Canton, 
Mexican trade yearly at Manilla.  the Master and Mariners of Chincheo. This Master was expert in the Portugal tongue, and their Indian affairs, which happened very luckily to the Hollanders ignorant of their course. These told them that in Manilla were two great Ships, which from new Spain yearly sail thither; that there was also a Dutch Ship bought at Malava: These ride before Manilla, and there are two Castles or Forts to secure them; the City also walled about, and without it above fifteen thousand Chinois Inhabitants, occupied in merchandise and handicrafts: And that four hundred China Ships come thither yearly from Chincheo, with Silk and other precious merchandise, betwixt December and Easter. They added that two were shortly expected from japon with Iron, other metals and victuals. On the fifteenth, they took two Barks laden with Hens and Hogs, which were to be paid for tribute to the Spaniards, for which they gave them some linen bolts in recompense. 
Bankingle. Mindore. Lon-bou.  They passed by the Isle Bankingle, and another called Mindore, right against which is the Isle Lon-bou, two miles distant, and betwixt them both, is another lesser Island, near which is safe passage for Ships.  
They agreed upon consultation to stay in expectation of the japonian Ships, at an Anchor (for the East wind hath the Monarchy of that season in those parts) in fifteen degrees of North Latitude. 
Lusson.  The Isle Lusson is bigger than England and Scotland, to which many Islands adjoin. The riches arise more out of traffic, than fertility. On the third of December they took one of the japon Ships of fifty tons, which had spent five and twenty days in the voyage. The form was strange, the forepart like a Chimney, the sails of Reed, or Matt twisted, the Anchors of Wood, 
japonian ships and men.  the Cables of Straw. The japanders' make themselves bald, except a tuft left in the hinder part of the head. The jesuites have the managing of the Portugal traffic in japon, having made way thereto by their preaching, and are in reputation with their converts, 
There are some Franciscans also.  as Demigods: neither admit they any other order of Religion to help them. The General obtained at easy rate one of these wooden Anchors for his use, and some quantity of provision. On the ninth, they took a Bark laden with Coquo Wine, like Aquavitae, the people all fled; and another with Rice and Hens.  
On the fourteenth, the Ships came from Manilla, and there passed betwixt them a Sea-fight. The Spanish Admiral came so near, and was stored with men, that they entered the Dutch Admiral, and thought themselves Masters thereof, six or seven still laying at one Hollander: the Vice-admiral also set upon the smaller Ship. 
Fight with Spaniards and Indians.  All day the two Admirals were fast together, and the Dutch overwearied with multitudes, were now upon point to yield, when the Admiral rated their cowardice, and threatened to blow them up with Gunpowder presently. This fear expelled the other, and the dread of fire, added real fire to their courages, insomuch that they renewed the fight, and cleared the Ship of her new Masters, which had no less labour to clear their own Ship from the Dutch, which was no sooner done, but the Sea challenged her for his own, 
Dutch victory.  and devoured her in one fatal morsel, into his unsatiable paunch. The people swam about, crying, Misericordia, Misericordia, which a little before had cried in another dialect, Maina peros, Maina peros. Of these miserable wretches were two hundred, besides such as were before drowned or slain. But the fire was almost as dangerous to the Dutch, as the water to the Spanish; by often shooting, the Timbers being overheat, threatened by light flames to make the Dutch accompany the Spaniards into Neptune's entrailss. But fear awaked diligence, and diligence cast this fear also into a dead sleep, the blessed Trinity in almost an unity of time, diverting a trinity of deaths, by yielding, sinking, firing. But in this divine mercy, they forgot not their inhuman feritie to the swimming remainders of the enemy, entertaining them with Pikes, Shot, yea (especially a Priest in his habit) with derision. In the Ship were five Spaniards found dead with silver Boxes about them, containing little consecrated Schedules, testimonies of great and bootless superstition, in which they exceed the European Papists in the midst of Spain and Rome. Five Hollanders were slain and twenty six wounded in the fight, the whole company in the Ship being but five and thirty. The Pinnace had but five and twenty, 
Dutch Pinnace taken.  and could not withstand the violence of five hundred armed men in the enemy's Vice-admiral, some Spaniards, some Indians, which after long fight took her. These two were the Mexican Ships, which yearly trade in the Philippinas for Silk, Gold, and Musk, with other commodities of China.  
Hence they departed for Borneo, to repair the torn Ship, distant from Manilla one hundred and eighty miles, this being in five degrees, Manilla in fourteen degrees forty five minutes, (Miles you must in all this story understand in the Dutch account.) They sailed by Bolutan, 
Bolutan.  a great Island, one hundred and eighty miles long. On the six and twentieth they arrived at Borneo in a great Bay, containing some three miles in compass, the water still, 
Borneo.  the ground good for ancorage, the neighbour River well stored with Fish, which the Fishermen there dwelling changed plentifully for linen clotheses. The General sent to the King for licence to trade. The people were very desirous of China pieces of linen, which they had taken before Manilla, but little respected that which they brought out of Holland. On the eight and twentieth, the Pilot which he had sent to the King returned, and a Praw of the Kings with him, in which were two brass Pieces, and the King's Banner. The Gunner was of Patana, in much repute with the King. He misdoubted that they were Spaniards, until his officers had searched, and found the contrary. Here they traded for Pepper, with the Patanee, which seem to be of Chinese original and observe their customs, inhabiting in a Region of their own. Mean while they had learned that the Borneans intended treason toward them, and to begin the new year, januarie first, 1601. saw an hundred Prawes assembled, 
1601.  and under colour of presents from the King, they sought to enter the Ship, till the Dutch vigilance and threats made them give over their design, with colourable excuses. A Patane was the author of this treachery, which had slain the Portugall's not long before, and taken their ship, with like wile in unlike security.  
This Island Borneo, is one of the greatest in East India. The City of the same name, 
Borneo Cap●.  is situate in a miry soil, and in their Praw they may pass from one house to another. It containeth three thousand houses, besides many further upland. It is very populous, the Inhabitants tall, subtle; go armed all of them be they poor Husbandmen, or Fishermen. Their arms are Bows, javelins pointed with Iron, Forks, Quivers with venomed Darts, which poison to death where they draw blood. They are all Mahometans, and will die sooner than taste of lard, neither keep they any swine. They have many wives, those witty, wary in trading, bold and courageous: one of them rudelier handled by a Hollander, with a javelin had dispatched him, if her force had not been intercepted. They are clothed with linen, from the waist downwards: the base sort go all naked: they wear on their heads a cotton Turban. The King a child, was under a Protector. The Nobles are proud, grave, and much observed. In the midst of their Prawes stood a table with silver vessels, for their Bettele and Arec●a, which they usually are chewing. Seeing little hope of trade, they determined to set sail for Bantam. The third of januarie, in the dark night four Borneans came to the Ship, with purpose to cut the Cable, so to bring the Ship on ground: neither had they any more anchors but one left them on board, and that one by which they road. But being perceived and shot at, they left their Praw, which the Hollanders took with them, having lost their Boat at Manilla. The next morning they set sail, and espying a junke of japan, learned of them that they were bound for Manilla, and forced for succour to Borneo, had spent four months waiting for their voyage. The Captain was Emanuel Powis a Portugal, then dwelling at Languasacke in japan, the Pilot a Chinese, the company japanders'. These told them of a great Holland Ship by tempests shaken, 
William Adams an Englishman, went chief Pilot in this Ship, and lived above twenty years in japan. Of him you may read more hereafter. He lately died, as I hear, at Fizando a japonian Island.  to have put in at japan, the company by famine and sickness all but fourteen dead. They came first to Bongo in thirty four degrees, forty minutes, and by the King's direction removed to Atonza, in 36 1/●. They road there in safe harbour, with four anchors, and had freedom of their persons and trade, and to make a new Ship to go whether they would. They conjectured hereby that it was Verhagens his Admiral Ship of two hundred and fifty Tons: being as this Captain told them, well furnished with Ordnance, Rials of eight, and commodities. The General desired this Captain at his return, to remember his kindest greeting to his Countrymen, and after other kindnesses departed, having given him a Pass at his request, in the name of Grave Maurice. On the thirteenth they passed the line the third time. They sailed at this time in much fear and danger for want of a Pilot, and good Cards. On the sixteenth they took a junke of jor, and furnished themselves with a skilful Pilot out of hers, without whom he had small likelihood in those dangerous Seas to have escaped shipwreck. The Islands were many, Banta, Crimati (which yields Diamonds, which-they cell at Malacca) and others, 
Crimati.  besides sholds. They had now but one Anchor left, and the Cable thereof worn and weak. On the twenty eight they came to jortan, and heard of Holland Ships at Bantam. Hear they bought Mace and provision. jortan hath a thousand houses all of Timber. 
jortan.  The King was absent at Passaruan, five years before he had besieged Balamboa, & destroyed the King with all his kindred. 
Passaruan. Balamboa.  He is also called King of Sorbay, 
Sorba.  a City not far distant, all which four Cities are Mahometan, and very rigid in that swinish superstition. The Pagodes and Idols argue permission of Ethnic, & ancienter Indian Rites, The chief Priest resides in a place without the City of jortan, a man of an hundred and twenty years, which hath many wives to keep him warms, & with their milk to nourish him▪ eating no other meat. Departing hence, they saw a great Portugal Ship of six hundred Tons set fast on the shoalds, 
Amboyna.  which was going to Amboyna, to fortify there against the Inhabitants, and to prohibit all other Nations trade. The fift of February, they passed the strait betwixt Balamboa and Baly. And leaning java North East from them, on the eleventh day they found themselves in thirteen degrees, 
Baly. Sun in their Zenith.  & directed their course to Cape Bona Esperança. On the eighteenth, the Sun was right over them at noon, in the eleventh degree, twenty minutes, and a calm continued ten days. The nineteenth of March, the height was twenty four degrees, forty five minutes, and on the four and twentieth, twenty eight degrees, ten minutes. On the first of April, thirty degrees, fifty minutes. On the nineteenth, the calms and cross winds caused a set allowance of water to be proportioned. On the twentie-fourth at night they saw a light like fire about four miles to the North-West, 
Note.  whereby they were by God's grace preserved from hazard. For by their reckoning they held themselves two hundred miles distant from the Cape, whereas this fire gave notice of land near. The next day their height was thirty four degrees, and thirty five minutes. The calms gave them licence to mend their Sails. At night they saw another fire, and the next morning land, bearing North Easterly. On the twenty seven they were in thirty four degrees and forty minutes, within six or seven miles of the said land.  
May the second they were in thirty five deg. & fifteen minutes, & the next morning betwixt East and North, had sight of a low land like the end of some Island about six miles off in eighty fathom, whereby they thought themselves near the Cape. The Wind being at East they made Westward, and shaped their course for Saint Helena in fifteen degrees fifty eight minutes, where on the six and twentieth they arrived and refreshed themselves with fresh water, 
Saint Helena.  store of fish, and some flesh, for the Goats and Fowls are wild and hardly taken. They found no Oranges. On the thirtieth day they departed, and june the fourteenth, they passed the Line the fourth time. On the sixteen day they encountered six Dutch ships, the General whereof was james Heemeskerk, bound for the East Indies. They had spent two months on the way, and lost their Vice-admiral and Pinnace, having fought with thirteen Spanish Ships near the Salt Lands. The Pinnace was taken, the other (they hoped) escaped. july the eight, they were in twenty seven degrees, and had store of Weeds in the Sea called Saragossa. On the thirteenth were in thirty two degrees, 
Weedy Sea.  thirty minutes, and then had fifteen days calm, and the Sea all full of Weed. On the twenty two they were driven to allowance of their Worm-eaten Bread.  
August the first they were in forty degrees, and left Flores and Corues to the West some forty five miles. 
Flores and Corues.  On the eleventh they saw a Ship, and making toward it in vain, they shot off a Piece, and strooke their main sail: whereupon the Ship stayed, and signified the same by a shot, which when these would answer, the Piece broke and cut off the Guns foot, killed his Boy and broke the main Mast in three pieces, whereupon they were forced to make a new. The other Ship passed from them. Three Ships of Embden encountered them on the eighteenth, and gave them bread and flesh for Pepper and Rice: and told them they were not yet attained so near England as their Master supposed, which had promised the Lysart the day before. On the nineteenth they had sight of the Sorlings. On the twenty five they had like to run on ground by the Brill, and the next day anchored at Amsterdam.  

Of SEBALD DE WERT his Voyage to the South Sea, and misery in the straits nine Months, wherein WILLIAM 
* Of W. Addams his coming to japon followeth after in the next Book.  ADAMS Englishman was chief Pilot.  
BEcause mention is made of Verhagens Fleet, which passed the straits a little before Noort I have thought good to add somewhat touching that Voyage, Anno 1598. five Ships of Amsterdam The Hope Admiral of two hundred and fifty Tons with one hundred & thirty persons. The Charity Vice-admiral of one hundred and sixty Tun, with an hundred and ten men. The Faith, of one hundred and sixty Tun, with one hundred and nine men. The Fidelity, of one hundred Tun with fourscore and six men. The Good News, of threescore and fifteen Tun with fifty six men furnished with all necessary provision, (Sir jaques Mahu being General, Simon de Cordes Vice-admiral, Benninghen, Bockholt and Sebalt de Wert, the three Captains of the three other Ships set sail june the seven and twentieth. And after much ado & little help at the Islands of Cape V●rd where they lost their General, to whom Cordes succeeded and received Oath anew of his Company (as did each other Captain of his own Ship, being removed in successive order) they were forced by their own wants and the Portugal wiles, the Scorbute or Scurvy also infecting and infesting every Ship, to departed with intent to refresh their men and make better provision of water and other necessaries at the Isle Anno Bueno, or Anobon. But espying land unexpected a hundred and twenty miles or more sooner than their reckoning about three degrees of South Latitude, 
This land was in Congo.  they determined to go to Cape Lopo Consalues. The people of Guinnee as they passed along the Coast yielded a peddling Trade. The sick men were set on shore the tenth of November. On the three twentieth a French Sailor came aboard, which promised to do them all favour with the Negro King. To him was sent Captain Wert, who found him on a Throne scarcely one foot high with a Lamb's skin under his feet, his Garment of violet coloured cloth with guilded lace, attired like a Rower, without shirt, shoes, or stockings, having a particoloured cloth on his head and many glass Beads about his neck; attended with his Courtiers adorned with Cock's Feathers. The Palace was not comparable to a Stable. His provision was brought him by women, a few roasted Plantans, and smoke dried Fish in Wooden Vessels, with Wine of Palm in such sparing measure, that Masicissa and the renowned Examples of Temperance might have been this Negro's Disciples. Once the Dutch Captain was fain (under colour of courtesy to show the King his manner of Diet) to call for some of his Holland provision to satisfy his barking, and thus more provoked entrailss. But in the Spanish Wine the Guinean forgot his Temperance and was carried to his rest. Little refreshing was here to be had. A Boar and two Buffals they killed in the Woods: a little they bought, a few Birds they took, and (which worse was) as the Scorbuto forsook the sick, Fevers possessed the stronger. On the eight of December they departed, and on the sixteenth arrived at Annobon. Some provision they got there by force, and that scurvy exchange of the Scurvy and F●●er, and lost by sickness thirty men, 
Thomas Spring Englishman in this Voyage.  amongst which Thomas Spring an English young man of great towardness. In the beginning of the year 1599 they departed for the Magellane straits. In the tenth of March in forty two degrees, the Sea was all read as if it had been mixed with blood, being full of read Worms, which taken up leapt like Fleas. On April the sixth they entered the straits. At Pinguine Islands they stored themselves with thirteen or fourteen hundred. On the eighteenth they anchored in the Green Bay in fifty four degrees, where they had fresh Water and large Muscles. Here they stayed till the three and twentieth of August in a perpetual stormy Winter, and lost a hundred of their Company. Always the storm found them work, and miserable was their toil without any furtherance to their intended Voyage. Rain, Winde, Snow, hail, Hunger, losses of Anchors, spoils of Ship and Tackling, Sickness, Death, Savages; want of store, and store of wants, conspired a fullness of miseries. But specially cold increased their appetite; and this decreased their Provision and made them seek out for supply. On the seventh of May, they went to take Gudgeons towards the South over against the Green Bay, and their descried seven Canoas' of wild men, of ten or eleven foot as they conjectured in stature with read bodies and long hair, which amazed the Dutch, 
Giants.  and terrified them with stones and cries, and after got into their Boats again to assail them, but seeing four or five fall down dead with Dutch Thunder, they fled to Land and plucking up big Trees, barricadoed themselves, and threw stones at the Hollanders, which their left them in their sudden erected Fort. But afterwards three of their Company were slain, who in seeking food for life, found death at the hand of naked Savages, whose weapons were Saw-toothed Darts, which if they entered, must be cut out of the flesh. This Green Bay they called the Bay of Cordes, for their long stay. In another Bay called the Horse Bay, they erected a new Guild or Fraternity, which Society bound themselves by Oath to certain Articles, which was done with more solemnity of Ceremony then prosperous effect. They stil●d it the Fraternity of the freed Lion. The General added six choice men to himself in this Society and caused their names to be carved in a Table fastened on high Pillars, to be seen of all Passengers, which was defaced, nevertheless by the Savages who also plucked out the Corpses from the Graves and dismembered them, and carried one away. On the third of September, they passed out of the strait and continued till the seventh, when Captain Weert was forced by a storm to stay, and the Faith and Fidelity were left behind in much Misery, Tempest, Hunger Leaks, etc. the death of their Master also attending the loss of their Company, & thus in the end of the Month entered the straits again. straits again, indeed, for in two Months they had not one fair day to dry their Sails. The Faith lost the foureteenth of October two Anchors. Their troubles left Name of Perilous Bay, to one place of their misery, and to another, Unfortunate, which yet followed them to every place not without Divine assistance and deliverance. The Devil added also Mutiny in this miserable Company, and Thievery. They took a Savage woman with two children one half year old, yet able to go readily and having all the teeth. Their loathsome feeding with the blood running out of their mouths, I loathe to rehearse. Here they met with General Noort, his men lusty, but not able to spare them any relief. After a world of straits in the straits too long to recite, they departed thence the two & twentieth of january 1600. & arrived in the Maes, the fourteenth of july, without the straits homeward in fifty degrees and forty minutes, they saw three Lands threescore miles from land stored with Penguins, called 
* Sebaldinae 3. Lands not mentioned in Maps.  Sebaldinae of the Indieses.    

CHAP. VI The Voyage of GEORGE SPILBERGEN, General of a Dutch Fleet of six Ships, which passed by the Magellane straits, and South Sea, unto the East Indies, and thence (having encompassed the whole Circumference of the Earth) home: gathered out of the Latin journal, being the fift Circum-navigation.  
ON the eight of August, 1614 they set forth from the tessel. After much tempestuous weather, on the third of October they attained the height of Madera. On the tenth they lost sight of the Canaries. 
Brave and Fogo.  On the twenty third, they had sight of the Islands Brave and Fogo. From the thirtieth of October, to the seventeenth of November, was a continual calm, with many showers. And they were forced to stint every man his Water. 
Abrolbos dangerous sands.  December the ninth, they gave thanks to the Almighty, because they had passed the dangerous sands of Abrolbos. On the thirteenth, we saw Brasil, and by reason of sholds the Great Sun shot off, to give warning to the rest not to come very near the shore. On the twentieth, they came to the Islands Grandes, where they anchored, and went on shore. They took much fish, and amongst them small Crocodiles, of the bigness of a man. On the thirtieth, whilst they stayed to refresh their sick men on shore, hearing the Huntsman (one of their ships) to discharge so often, they sent to see, and found that five Barks of Portugals and Indians had set upon three boats, and slain the men; whereupon they assailed them, but others came in to their succour, and frustrated the attempt.  
Anno 1615. january the first, a conspiracy of certain mutinous persons was found out, for which two were executed, being hanged up at yard arm, shot through with six Muskets, and buried on shore, the Preacher having all the night before laboured to fit them for a more happy life: others were put in irons, and distributed to divers ships. Before their departure, they called a Council, and ordained, that if any ship lost the rest, they should set up a mark in Corde● Haven, or some other usual landing place, and how long they should stay for each other, and after should hasten to La Mocha. They agreed to remove thence for want of meet provision for their sick, to the Isle of S. Vincent. There the Portugals delayed, and dallied with them trifling away time. On the twenty sixth, they took a Bark with eighteen Portugals, whom they denied to exchange for lesser Hollanders, although they offered also many fair Manuscripts, Pictures, Plate, and other things taken in the prize, pertaining to the jesuites. They found also that intelligence of them had been given by some traitors of their own Countrymen out of Holland. And thus in the beginning of February they departed, freeing four of their Captive Portugals, detaining the rest, for one of which also, another Portugal had offered himself, with diverse petty presents, pretending himself a Bachelor, and the other his kinsman to have wife and children; but was not accepted. They burned the Prize, and some buildings pertaining to the Portugals, and had well furnished themselves with Oranges and Pomecitrons.  
March the seventh, a cruel storm encountered them, in 52. degrees, and six minutes, which continued divers days, and separated them. And on the one and twentieth, a worse storm happened amongst some mutunous persons, 
Magel●ne straight.  and some of them (to still that tempest) were cast into the Sea, by the better part getting the better. It was the eight and twentieth before they entered the straight, whence the wind and tide forced us out. Some by contrariety of winds, desired to winter in Port Desire, 
Sholds in the straits.  others to hold their course to the Cape of Good Hope.  
April the second, they re-entered and anchored, because of sholds, one of which they sounded next day a quarter of a league over, and found but five Cubits water. They saw here a man 
* A Giant.  of Giantly stature, climbing the hills to take view of them. This was in the land of Fogo, or Fire, which is the South of the straight. On the seventh, they went on shore, found no men, but two Ostriges, and a great River of fresh water, with store of shrubs with sweet black berries. On the Southside they found pleasant woods full of Parrots, in fifty four degrees, the mountains full of snow. They called one place Pepper-haven, of the bark of a tree there, biting like Pepper. On the sixteenth, 
May.  they conferred with the Savages, and gave them Sack, and certain Knives, for Pearls joined together in fashion of horns. But some of the company going on May day on shore, to take certain goodly Birds, were surprised by some of the Savages, and two slain. On the sixth, they passed into the South sea, not without terror both from the depth in the way the day before, scorning the law of anchorage, and after that the dangerous sholds and Islands, betwixt the Northern and Southern jaws of the not strait Mouth of the Straitss, opening into the wide Sea. They were welcomed into this Peaceable Sea, with a terrible storm, which they feared would have split them on the Sorlings (so for likeness to ours they called the Islands in that sea a little without the straits.) These straits are dangerous for high Lands, sholds, and want of ancorage. Also tedious storms attended their ingress and egress. On the one and twentieth, they had sight of Chili and La Mocha. This Island is low and broad to the North, full of rocks to the South. On the twenty sixth they sent out boats to traffic with the people; the Governor and his son dined with the Admiral, and seemed glad to see such munition against the Spaniards, as likewise did all the Chilesians at sight of their training and mustering their Soldiers. They exchanged Hatchets, Coral, and the like, for great plenty of Sheep, of which they had two for one Hatchet, with great courtesy. But they brought all to the Boat, nor would suffer any to go to their Houses, jealous, it seems, of their wives. One of these sheep was of legs, and neck very long, hare-mouthed, and bunchbacked, which they use for carriage and culture as asses. They had many Hens and other Fowls. On the twenty seventh we set sail, and twenty eighth came near the shore, hard by the Island of S. Mary, broken and rocky. On the twenty ninth, we came to harbour therein. A Spaniard came aboard them, having a pledge left for him. But inviting them to a dinner on shore, one of the boats espied a convoy of Soldiers, tending to that place where they should dine: whereupon they returned aboard, with the Spaniard prisoner. The next morning they went on shore with three Ensigns. The Spaniards set their Church on fire, and fled. In the skirmish two Hollanders were wounded, and four Spaniards slain. Their houses built of Reed, yielded a goodly flame. They found store of Hens, took five hundred sheep, with other spoil. Here they understood of three Ships which had departed thence in April to seek these Dutch Ships, furnished with a thousand Spaniards, the Admiral having forty Brass Pieces, the rest proportionable. Hereupon the Dutch determined now to seek them, in the Isle of Conception, and after that in Valparisa, and then on the shore of Arica. The Spaniard also reported of the like preparation in Lima, having Dutch Gunners. They enacted certain orders of Military discipline, how each Ship, and each person should carry himself in the fight, if they encountered the enemy, and to die rather than yield.  
june the first, they set sail, and passed not fare from Auroca, 
june.  a Town with five hundred Spaniards in Garrison, continually assaulted by the Chilesians. On the third, they approached the Isle Quiriqueynam, near the Continent, and behind it came up to the Town of Conception, 
Conception Island in 36. degrees, 40. min.  wherein besides many Indians, were two hundred Spaniards. On the twelfth, they entered the safe road of Valparisa. There was a Spanish ship, on which the Mariners set fire, and fled. On the thirteenth, they had at none thirty two degrees, fifteen minutes, and in the afternoon came to the fair and secure Harbour of Quintero. They went on shore, and saw many wild Horses which fled. Here they watered, and took many fish, and for wood and other things found the place very commodious. Every where Fame had been their overhasty Harbinger, which caused Spanish preparation for an unwelcome entertainment, so that no matter of weight was effected.  
july the second, they came to Arricca, in twelve degrees, and forty minutes. 
july.  Whether the silver is brought from Potosi, and carried thence to Panama. But finding no ships there, they departed. On the tenth, they had a calm and rain, not without wonder, because the Prisoner had reported a perpetual serenity or fairness of weather in those parts. On the sixteenth, they took a small ship, with some store of Treasure, most of which was embezzled by the Mariners. They took out the commodities, and sunk her. They had sight of eight sail, which the Spanish Master of the former Ship said, was the Fleet-Royall, come forth to seek the Hollanders, against the mind of the Counsel of Peru, which would rather have had them stay. But Roderigode Mendoza, the Viceroys kinsman and Admiral, conceited of himself, said that two of his ships would take all England, how much more those Hens of Holland, after so long a journey which had spent and wasted them: yea, he was sure they would yield to him at the very first. Whereupon the Viceroy bid him, Go and bring them bound unto him, and Mendoza swore he would never return till they were taken or slain. 
The Fleet Royal of Peru.  Thus he departed out of the road of Calliou, on the eleventh of july. The jesus Maria Admiral, had twenty four brass Pieces, four hundred and sixty men of all sorts, and had cost the King, 158000. Ducats. The Vide-admiral S. Anne, had three hundred men, the Captain Aluares de Piger, 
Sir Richard Hawkins, in which fight he was a Captain but not General.  which had taken an English ship in the South sea before; this ship had stood the King in 150000. Ducats, and was the fairest that ever was seen in the Indieses. The Carmer had eight brass Pieces, two hundred Soldiers and Mariners, besides the Commanders and their retinue. To it was the next not next but equal, the S. james. The Rosary had one hundred and fifty men, and four brass Ordnance. The S. Francis had no Ordnance, but seventy Musketeers, and twenty Mariners. Saint Andrew had eighty Musketeers, and twenty five Mariners. The eight was sent after the rest, uncertain with what furniture.  
july the seventeenth they came near each other in the Evening, 
A Sea fight by night.  and the Dutch Admiral sent word to the Spanish, if he pleased to forbear fight that night. But Roderigo could not be so patiented, but about ten of the clock set upon the great Sun, in which the Admiral himself was, and exchanged mutual Thunders on both sides. The Saint Francis being next raked thorough by the Sun, by the Hunter (another Holland ship) was sent into a watery Mansion and perpetual Night. She was presently assaulted by the Spanish Admiral, and had soon followed to triumph over the Francis, her new Conquest in the Channels bottom, had not her Admiral succoured her with a Boat full of men, and caused the Vice-admiral to do the like. The Admiral's Boat mistaken was by a Piece from the Huntsman drowned, one man alone escaping. The next morning five ships sent word to the Admiral, that they would do their best to escape▪ but the Dutch Admiral and Vice-admiral set upon the Spanish Admiral and Vice-admiral, and entered a bloody fight; the Aeolus another Hollandship came in also. The two Spanish ships were fastened together and gave greater advantage. At last they forsook the Vice-admiral, and leapt into the Admiral▪ not finding therein above fifty persons alive, as by their Confessions after appeared. Mean while they hung out a white flag of Peace, which was diverse times plucked in by the Gentlemen, choosing rather to dye then yield. The Dutch pressing them, the Vice-admirals' men returned again and renewed the fight, and the Dutch Vice-admiral was in great peril, the Spaniards leaping into her out of their Admiral, but repelled or slain. And the Spanish Admiral not further enduring fled, and by benefit of night escaped the pursuit of the Dutch Admiral if out of the fire into the water be an escape. For such was the fame that she went to visit the Saint Francis, as also was said of another of them called the Saint Mary. The Vice-admiral and Aeolus bestirred them so with fiery Rhetorikes and iron Disputes, that the Spanish Vice-admiral past hope of escaping set up a flag of Truce. The Dutch Vice-admiral sent two Boats to bring the Commander aboard. But he refused, saying, he would stay that night except the Vice-admiral himself would fetch him: or sand some Captain to remain in pledge, and rather desired death then disgrace. One of the Aeolus men in this while had taken away their flag, and the Boats departed, ten or twelve staying aboard contrary to command that they might be first in the spoil. They did together with the Dutch what they could do in the night to preserve the ship from sinking, but seeing their labour vain, they lighted many lights and with horrible clamours for help, were of the relentless Sea swallowed up in the Hollanders sight. The next morning they sent out four Boats which found thirty swimming on the boards, crying for mercy, which to some of the chief they shown leaving the rest to the Seas cruelty, or preventing it by humane inhumanity, some of the Dutch against command, slaying some Spaniards. The Commander, or Vice-admiral had perished before of his wounds. Some forty Dutchmen were wounded and sixteen slain in those three ships. In the rest eighteen wounded, and four and twenty slain. The same day they went for Caliou de Lima, but the Calm suffered them not. 
The Admiral and Vice-admiral of the Spaniards both sunk.  The twentieth they passed by the Island and saw in the Haven fourteen ships going to and fro near the shore, but could not come near for the should: and therefore went to the Road of Caliou de Lima to seek for the Spanish Admiral, whom afterwards they learned in Guarme and Peyta to have been sunk. From the shore the Spaniards shot off their great Ordnance, one of which carried a Bullet of thirty six pound, and had almost sunk the Huntsman. They saw also on shore a great Army in which the Viceroy himself was present with eight Troops of Horse, and four thousand foot: they agreed to go back out of the reach of their shot and cast anchor at the mouth of the Haven, where they stayed to the five and twentieth with intent to take some of their ships, but in vain, they being lighter of sail. On the six and twentieth they took a little Bark laden with Salt, and eighty Vessels of Syrup, the men all fled. They ordered that if they met with the fleet of Panama, in regard they were in the enemy's Country, where they could not repair their losses, & were also bound to the Manillas, that they would not give audacious on-sets, and should take heed of being separated, which had much endangered them in the last fight: and if any hostile ship should yield, the Masters & chief Officers should not forsake their own ships, but cause the enemy to come in Boats aboard them, jest confusion, as lately through greediness of spoil, should happen. The seven and twentieth they set sail: the eight and twentieth, they came to the Road of Guarme, in ten degrees, beyond the Line, a pleasant place with a large Haven. near unto it is a Lake of standing water. They went on shore but found the people all fled who had left little pillage. Some Hens, Oranges, Hogs and Meal they took.  

August.  August the third they dismissed some of their Spanish Prisoners. They passed betwixt the I'll Loubes (so called of certain fishes) and the continent. The eight they cast Anchor near to Peyta. 
It consisted of many Timbers fastened strangely together, as in the Picture of the Latin Book is seen.  The ninth they set three hundred men on shore, which after a few skirmishes returned aboard, the City being too strongly defended. They took an Indian ship of strange sails, with six lusty Indians which had been two months a fishing, and had many delicate fishes dried which they distributed thorough the Fleet. The tenth the Aeolus, Lucifer, and Huntsman battered the Town with their Ordnance, and sent a greater number of men on shore, which found the City forsaken and the people with their goods fled to the Mountains. They sent five of their Indians on shore to get fruits and to learn more certainty of the Spanish Admiral, which brought word of her burial in the waves, only six escaping. The Indians also brought the Letters of Captain Gaspar Cauldron to Paula the Commendators' Wife of Peyta, who had fled to the Town of Saint Michael twelve leagues from shore. She sent the Hollanders in commiseration of the Captives, many Citrons and Oranges with other provision. This Woman both for Beauty, Wisdom, and Virtue, is of singular reputation in all those parts.  
Peyta to the Seaward is strong and impregnable. There were in it two Churches, 
Peyta.  one Monastery and many goodly Buildings, an excellent Haven to which all the ships of Panama resorted, and then they passed by Land to Caliou de Lima, because of the perpetual rage of both Elements, the Winds and Waters in that place. They took in the Isle Loubes, two fowls of admirable greatness, in the beak, wings and talons not unlike the Eagle, necked somewhat like a Sheep, their heads combed as a Cock: they were two else in height, and three in breadth when their wings were displayed.  
They learned of Pedro de Madriga of Lima, that Peru, Chili, and Terra firma, 
Relations of the Government of Peru, and of the City of Kings, or Lima.  are commanded by john de Mendoza marquis Des Montes Claros, the Viceroy: which Office the King conferreth for six or eight years with yearly allowance of forty thousand Ducats, adding further a thousand Pesos for extraordinary expenses in the Feast of Christmas, Epiphanie, S. Spirito and Easter, each of twelve Rials and half, because at those times he is to entertain all the Counsellors of the Audience: two thousand Pesos also yearly when he furnisheth the Silver Fleet. The Viceroy is served with great Pomp in his Palace, goeth not forth without his Guard or Pensioners, and if he goeth into the Country, hath a hundred Lances, (which have eight hundred Pesos stipend) and fifty Muskets (which have four hundred Pesos yearly) attend. There are four Courts or Audiences, in Panama, Quito, Charlas, Lima: one also in Chili. In them are the King's Counsellors, to whom both Civil & Criminal Causes are committed; but with appellation in Civil Cases to the Oijdors, (certain Commissioners) and in Criminal to the Alcalds. These all go in one Habit, and are allowed three thousand Pesos annual Pension.  
The Viceroy resideth in the City of Kings or Los Reyes, called also Lima, 
See M. Ellis Narration hereof in the Tractate proper to America  situate in a pleasant Valley, extended a mile and half in length, in breadth three quarters, having above a hundred thousand Inhabitants, besides Merchants of other places. It hath four Market places. There are two thousand Indian Artificers dwelling in the Cercado. Here resides the Archbishop Bartholomew Lobo Guorero, which hath sixty thousand Pesos of Revenue. The chief Temple hath four and twenty Prebends, one Archdeacon, besides Schoolmasters and other Priests. There are four principal Pastors, to each of which are assigned fifteen thousand Pesos. Besides this Temple of Saint john Evangelist are four other, one of Saint Marcellus, with two Pastors and a thousand Pesos revenue: the second of Saint Sebastian, the third of Saint Anne, with like stipend; the fourth is an Hospital of Orphans, with five hundred Pesos. Monasteries here are of Saint Francis, of Saint Dominicke, and of Saint Augustine, and of our Lady de las Meriedes, 
Four Monasteries.  each of which hath two Cloisters of their own Order, that of Saint Francis three, to wit, one of barefoot Friars of our Lady of Guadalupe. They have there two Colleges of jesuites which the Spaniards call Teatines, 
* jesuites called Teatines: of which name a merry Wit in Spain, earnestly jested in an Emblem or Picture, in which was painted a Purse full of Money, and one of every Order pictured in his Habit reaching but short, and his Motto according, You no te atino, the jesuite laying fast hold on it, saying, Yo te atino, the words bearing a double sense, I am a Teatine, or, I attain thee the Conceit almost lost in the Translation. This was related to me by a Spaniard.  both there and in Europe. In each chief Monastery are two hundred and fifty Religious. There are five Monasteries of Nuns, called of the Incarnation, Conception, Trinity, Saint joseph, and Saint Clare. Our Lady also hath her Temple by the title of Monferrat, & deal Prado & de Loretto. They have four Hospitals for the poor of Saint Andrew, in which are four hundred sick, of Saint Anna for the Indians, of Saint Peter for the ecclesiastics, of Charity for women: another of Saint Spirito for Sailors, and one of Saint Lazaro for inveterate diseases. There are six hundred Priests, and a thousand Students.  
Allowance is given to twenty four in the King's College by the King, to as many in Saint Torines by the Archbishop. There are further reported to be two hundred Doctors in the University of all faculties. The professors receive of the King a thousand Pesos pension. The two professors of Civil Law, have each six hundred Pesos. 
M. Ellis saith they are Negroes.  There are four hundred Masters of Art. Every year they choose a new Rector or Chancellor. In this City and the Suburbs are above twenty thousand slaves. There are seen more women than men. The Indians 
* This seems spoken of Citizens.  are free as well as the Spaniards, saving that they pay every six months, two Pesos, a Hen, a Fenega of eight Royalls, and a piece of cloth of cotton or woollen. They are bound to serve the King 
* 
These the Caciques bring in by course, some at one time, and some at another. Ellis.  
Linchoten saith, this publication of the Pope's Indulgences is worth to the King of Spain yearly▪ 1470 ●58. pounds.   yearly in the Ours or Husbandry diverse days, beginning in May, and continuing their times and courses till November. Those of Arrica bring to Potosi, Beasts, Wheat, Meal, Mays, Axicoca, an herb which they perpetually chew; they use for carriages a certain Camel-fashioned-sheep. By this City the River runneth close to the walls, which by showers sometimes so swells, that it hath carried away the stone Bridge, of nine Arches. Here is the King's Contractation house, and his Treasury; the Court also of Inquisition, with two Inquisitors (each of which hath three thousand Pesos pension) and a prison peculiar. The two Notaries have four thousand Pesos a piece. Here is the Court, or office of the Crusada, or the Pope's Bulls, with officers and like stipends. This City is two leagues from the Sea, hath eight bands of foot, and as many of horse in Garrison. The next Port is called Callao, in which are some eight hundred Inhabitants. From the City to Potossi are all Spanish merchandise conveyed. Potossi is called La Valla Imperial, comprehending a great mountain in which are Silver Ours. Into them is an horrible descent of four hundred steps, nor may the Sun be admitted spectator of those Acts in perpetutuall night, 
 which exercise above twenty thousand Indians in digging, and an hundred more in carrying, grinding, and other their mettle works.  
This place is so cold that nothing grows in four leagues space, but an herb called Ycho. Their provision is all brought from Aricca: a pound of bread is there worth two Ryals. The haven of Aricca is an hundred and eighty Spanish leagues from thence; but many Villages are well inhabited by the way. Not fare hence is Chuquisaca, the Bishop whereof hath 30000. Ducats revenue: there are the like Monasteries to those at Lima, but not so full of Monks. At Potossi live fifteen hundred shifting Card-players, and nimming companions which live by their wits. Seventie miles from thence is another Silver Mine, called Eruco. Nearer Pima is Chocola Choca an other Mine, cold as Potossi, where devil five thousand Spaniards. Cusco is like to Lima, hath six thousand Spanish inhabitants, a Bishop, and Monks, and two Colleges, with some six hundred Students. Arequipa hath also a Bishop, two thousand Spaniards, and a Corigidoor. But it were tedious to relate the full Story.  
Of Chili▪ the Mother-City is S. jago, where is a Gold Mine. Coquimbo hath store of brass. Baldinia is rich in Gold. 
Chili.  In the year 1599 the Inabitants or Natives of the Country killed the Spaniards, and captived their Wives, eight hundred in number, which they offered to exchange, giving for each, a pair of Shoes, a Bridle, a Sword, and a pair of Stirrups. But the King forbade Armour to be carried to them. They poured melted Gold into the Governors' mouth made a Cup of his skull, and made Pipes of his shank-bones, in memory of their victory. Auroca hath near it a Fort with a Spanish garrison, but very poor. Of Conception is spoken before. It hath four hundred soldiers to keep it, with some Ordnance. But you have listened too long to this Dutch Intelligence from the Spanish Captive. Let us now with our Hollanders to Sea: so did they the one and twentieth of August, but easily perceived the next day, the strength of the Current to be such, 
A Current.  that without a fair and stiff gale, they prevailed nothing. On the twenty third, they anchored before Rio de Tumba, for the bar and tide forbade them entrance. They agreed to turn back to the Isle Coques in five degrees Southerly, to refresh themselves. But storms, reinss, thunders, so haunted them to the thirteenth of September, that they could not find the Island, 
September.  and manifold diseases easily found them. On the twentieth they had sight of land in Nova Hispania: they had thirteen degrees, and thirty minutes. And the weather became again very tempestuous. 
October.  October the first, after much sea-trouble, they had sight of pleasant land, but the sea wrought so, that they could not have safe landing, and so beaten off and on, till the eleventh, that they entered the haven of Aquapolque, within shot of the Castle. And hanging out a flag of peace, two Spaniards came aboard, and they agreed to exchange Prisoners for Sheep, Fruits, and Provision, which was accordingly performed. On the fifteenth, Melchior Hernardo came aboard, to take view of the fleet, which had vanquished the Kings. He was Nephew to the Viceroy of New Spain, and was kindly entertained of the Admiral, his men well appointed in their Arms. The Castle had seventy Brass Pieces, having intelligence eight months before of their coming. On the eighteenth they departed. The Calm kept them from doing any thing of moment, save that they took a ship which was bound for Pearle-fishing, and in her eleven men, two of them Friars, twelve others escaping before by flight. They manned it with two and twenty D●tch to follow the Fleet.  

November.  November the tenth, they cast anchor before the Port Selagues in nineteen degrees▪ Understanding by the Prisoners of a River near this place full of fish, and set with Citrons, and other Fruits, and Meadows not fare off full of Cattles▪ they sent out their Boats, which espying shoo-prints, were afraid of Spaniards, and returned. After a hot skirmish, on the eleventh they departed, and came to Port Natividad▪ where they watered and furnished themselves with other necessaries. On the twentieth they departed. On the twenty sixth, they had twenty degrees and twenty six minutes. They determined the next way to the Ladrones. On December the third, 
December. New Islands. A dangerous Rock.  not without great marvel, they beheld two Islands fare in the Sea. On the fourth, they saw a Rock, and had thought it a Ship which they expected. It was in nineteen degrees, fifty three leagues from the Continent. In the sixth, they had sight of a new Island with five hills seeming as so many Islands.  
Anno 1616. in january many died of diseases. On the three and twentieth the Ladrones appeared. 
january. 1616.  The Land was low, and therefore kept aloof that night. The next day the Savages came about them with their Boats, and they went on land. On the five and twentieth, Sibrand Cornelison, a Merchant, was taken with a sudden giddiness at dinner, and presently died: at his burial the Ordnance and Shot so dismayed the Indians which brought them provision▪ that they durst come no more. They set sail the twenty sixth for the Maniles. They perceived these Ladrones to be witty, strong, and to observe some kind of Idolatry. There is store of Fowl and fish.  
On February the ninth, they had sight of Cape Spirito Santo, and the same night anchored at the Maniles. 
February.  In the tenth they had speech with the Indians, which refused all trade, because (they said) they came to war with the Spaniard. They did not so in Capul, whither they came on the eleventh, but brought them Hogs and Hens with other things for trifles. They stayed till the nineteenth, and then by the help of two Indian Pilots, passed the straits to the Manilian Port or Bay. The fruits much relieved and recovered the sick. The people wear long garments like shirts, have Friars in such reverence, that to one of our Prisoners they prostrated themselves, and kissed his hands with incredible honour. On the nineteenth, they anchored before the Isle Lucon, the greatest of them in which is the City Manilla. Here they saw an house artificially framed on the tops of diverse trees, and seemed fare off as a Palace Finding no people, they proceeded. On the eight and twentieth, they saw as they passed an exceeding high hill vomiting flames, named Albaca. On the four and twentieth they had sight of the other straight in the egress, and sent their Boats to found the way. The calm kept them prisoners that they could not pass. On the twenty eighth, they anchored before the Isle Mirabelles, whose two Rocks seem to threaten the sky, behind which is the city Manilla. Here they perpetually watch the coming of Ships, from China, to Pilot them to the City, the way being dangerous. Neither could the Hollanders make this straight, to pass through it all the time of their staying with all their labour, hindered by Calmes.  
On March the first, they saw two sails, and sent out their Boats to take them, 
Mar●h.  but they were too swift. On the the third they took one laden with provision of Rice, Oil, Hens, Fruits, and on the fifth two more, with a Spaniard in them with like provision, and after that three others. These were going to gather in the Tribute, which the places adjoining pay to the City Manilla. Here they had intelligence of a Fleet of ten great Ships, built here, and sent forth under the Command of john de Silues to the Moluccas, to fight with the Hollanders; together with four Galleys, and two other Ships; in them two thousand Spaniards, besides Chineses, japanders', and Indians. Their purpose was to reduce all the Moluccas under the Spaniard. Whereupon they freed all their Prisoners, except one Spaniard and an Indian, and hasted after them. On the eleventh, they encountered so many Islands that they doubted of egress, and by the Spanish Mariners advice, anchored all night: and by his help next day recovered the wide Sea. On the foureteenth, they road at Anchor all night before the Isle Paney by reason of sholds. 
Paney. Mendanao.  On the eighteenth, they sailed close by Mendanao, but hearing of dangerous shelves, they in the Evening set further off into the Sea. On the nineteenth, they sailed again close to the shore, and had provision of the Islanders very cheap. On the twentieth, they reached Cape de Cadera, where the Spaniards as they pass to the Moluccas, use to take in water. Till the three and twentieth, the calm permitted no further sail then the tide forced▪ betwixt Mendanao and Tagimo, a contrary tide stayed them. These Islanders shown themselves enemies to the Spaniards, and offered fifty of their ships in aid. On the twenty seventh, they passed the Isle Sanguine, and many others. On the twenty ninth, they came to Ternata, in which is Maleia a Town subject to the Hollanders, where of their Countrymen they were gladly entertained. These at Maleia reckoned this the eight and twentieth of March, which we reckoned the nine and twentieth, so that with following the Sun in his course, they had one day less.  
The Strait of Bouton is full of sholds: without them is deep water. On the East is fresh water. To the West two leagues is a rocky should.  
April the eighth, Cornelius de Vianen went for Banda. 
April.  The Governor shown his Charter for the Moluccas, Banda, and Amboina, without prejudice to the Admiral's authority. And the soldiers went on land after so long a Navigation.  
May the second, they sent six ships for Macian, that the enemy should not have any Cloves, 
May.  and there anchored before Maurice Fort. The English here told them of the taking of Coteway by the Dutch on the tenth of April, rich in Nutmegs. And the Indians moved with this success, made a new league with the Hollanders. On the eighteenth, they exchanged Prisoners, Spaniards for Dutch. The rest of this month, and june and july following, they spent the time in these parts as occasion was offered, not so necessary to our purpose.  
September the fifteenth, they came to jocatra, and repaired there their Ships, 
September.  not without fear of john de Silues with his Spanish Fleet. But on the thirtieth, we heard of his sudden death at Malacca as was thought by poison, and the return of the Armada to the Maniles, ●●th great shame to the Spaniard after four year's preparation, doing little or nothing. Whiles they were at jacatra four ships of huge burden came out of Holland, with exceeding store of Spanish Ryalls, and an other out of japon laden with Spanish Rials, and Silver unwrought▪ with Brass, Iron, and other Commodities, the most of which they had taken from a Portugal ship bound for Marico.  
October the twentieth, the Concord a ship of Horn which had departed out of Holland, 
October.  june, 1615. came to jacatra (of which you shall have a peculiar Relation) and because it was not of the Company of the Indieses, it was by the General annexed to the Fleet, the men being distributed into other Ships.  
November the tenth came the Nassau to Ba●tam from Mocha in the read Sea, 
November.  well provided thence of Spanish Rials, and Turkish Ducats. December the twelfth came thither the Amsterdam, and the Middleborough from the straits of Malla●ca, the one of seven hundred, the other of six hundred tons, in which the Admiral Spilberg prepared for return. On the seventeenth of january, 1617. they came to the Isle Mauritius. The thirtieth of March to Saint Helena, 
january 1617·  where they found the Middleburgh, which they had not seen in three months. Hence they departed the seventh of April, and came into Zealand in july following.  

A discourse of the present state of the Moluccos, annexed to the former journal, extracted out of APOLLONIUS SCHOT of Middleborough.  
THe portugals having, to the grief of the Venetians, and their own enriching, made themselves Masters of almost all the trade of Spicery, by their possession of the Moluccas: their grew some distastes, first, betwixt them and the Spaniards (as in Magellanes voyage is expressed.) After the English, by the conduct of Sir Francis Drake, and since in their East Indian trade have had traffic there. Lastly, the Hollanders have dispossessed the portugals: and the Spaniards or Castilians, by means of the Tidorians have their fortified. The King of Ternate being taken with some chief men, the rest fled, and by Mateliefe his aid were reduced, and there erected the Fort Orange, 
Orange in Ternate.  and entered league with the Hollanders, and so wrought that Motir, Machian and Bachian yielded to the Dutch, the Spaniards holding Tidor, and the chief City of Ternate, and some places in Gilolo, as shall after follow more particularly.  


Maleia or Grania.  
Molucco or Hollandia. Tacome or Willems●at. Motir.   In the Isle of Ternate, the Dutch have three Forts, Maleia otherwise Grania, the seat of the King and Nobility, taken by Matelief: Molucco, which they call Holland distant from Maleia half a mile North-wards, seated on a Hill, and built with lime and stone for the safety of the Haven of Maleia: Tacome, called also Willemstat, in the Northwest Coast of Ternate, commodious for the places betwixt Malacca and Tacome.  
The Isle Motir, was by the wars of Ternate and Tidore for a time desolate, till Admiral Wittert, by entreaty of the Ternateis erected a Fort in the North part thereof, and brought thither a Colony of the Inhabitants out of Gilolo, whither they had fled. The Spaniards had thought to have brought those Motirians thither, which had fled to Tidore. The Inhabitants are above two thousand. Admiral Van Caerden took Machian, and raised therein three Forts, Tafason to the West, 
Machian with three Forts.  Noffaguia to the North, and Tabelole Eastward, all which places are populous. This Island numbereth about nine thousand. 
Cayoe.  From Cayoe a neighbour Island, for fear they removed to Tabelole. It is the most fertile of all the Moluccas, and nourisheth with her fruits Ternate and Tidore, which are so addicted to war, that they neglect culture of their grounds. Bachian is a great Kingdom and fruitful, 
Bachian.  but not populous. The Inhabitants are idle and voluptuous, and have brought upon themselves the present misery. In Lahova the Spaniards had a Fort, and there are yet some seventeen portugals, 
Lahova.  and eighty Families of the Natives become Christians. The Vice-admiral 1600. took and fortified it with a strong Garrison. In the Continent they have Guammequorre, to whom the Sabougians have added themselves, forsaking the Spaniard. 
Guammequorre in Gilolo which is a great Island before which lie the smaller Islands of the Moluccas.  In it is a Garrison of thirty Soldiers. The Natives calling the Dutch to their aid were frank in promises, as the Dutch also to them, further than either party doth, or well can perform, being too grievous; as that the Dutch should have all the customs of the Natives and Foreigners, should be free from all payments: yea they now deny such composition, & are alienated from the Dutch for not keeping word with them. The people are perfidious, ambitious, inconstant, hardened in the insolences and mischiefs which always attend wars. The Kings in time past had absolute rule, now are contemned; upon occasion the people seeking new patronage. 
Spaniards in Moluccas. Nuestra Senora del Rosario.  The Spaniards by bounty and liberality won their hearts, and made them averse to the Hollander. These have the chief City in Ternate, and call it now Our Lady of the rosary, strong, and fortified with all munition from the Moluccas. Hear are two hundred Spaniards, ninety Papoos (Inhabitants of the Philippinas) besides thirty Portugal householders, eighty Chinese, sixty Moluccans, with their Families. Betwixt this and Maleia, they have a Fort called Saint Peter and Saint Paul, 
S.S. Pedro & Paulo.  strongly seated on a Hill, with six and twenty Spaniards, twenty Papoos and some Manilians.  
Tidore they have wholly, and therein three Forts, one in the chief City where the King resides, 
Tidore. Taroula.  called Taroula, in which are ordinarily fifty Spaniards, ten Papoos, eight Natives, with five brass Pieces very large. The second hath thirteen Spaniards, besides the Natives, and two Pieces. The third called Marico, within sight of Our Lady City, is a Town well inhabited, walled, and hath a Garrison like the former. The Island scarcely yields a thousand armed men.  
In Gilolo (which comparatively to those Moluccas seems a Continent, as our Britain to the Hebrides) the Spaniards have, first Sabongo, which john de Silua took from the Dutch, 1611. against the truce (as they say) and fortified strongly, imposing a Garrison of sixty Spaniards, and forty Papoos: secondly, Pilolo craftily taken from the Dutch also, and well provided with sixty Spaniards, and some Manilians. The third, at the West side of Gilolo over against Machian, called Aquilamo, with few Spaniards, and forty Tidorians. To the Moren or Eastern Coast of Gilolo they have three other jolo, Isiau and jaffongo, with them forty five Spaniards, with the Natives. They have a Galley or two at Sea beside, some Lari (a kind of smaller Galley) and are always well provided of Arms, often destitute of victuals, which causeth diverse of them to fly away. Half the Cloves belong to the King, and the merchandise of them is in the portugals hands. The King's costs for six years were very great, with little profit. jeronimo de Sylva, is now Commander in those parts, an old wary Soldier, with other officers under him.   

A brief description of the Forts, Soldiers, and Military provision, as also of their Trade and Shipping in the East Indies, under the service of the General States of the united Provinces, and his Excellency, as it was in july 1616. extracted out of the Author of the journal.  
IN the Isle of Ternate, at Maleia are these Captains; Captain Fridericke Hamel, William Ertueli, Peter Barker, Rowland Philips, Goswine a Mammerent, with their several bands, 
Molucca●.  each of ninety, or a hundred men, the City walled and strongly fortified. Tabucke is a Fort near, kept by the Inhabitants, as Tacome and Tabou, two others in Gilolo. In Tidore is the Fort Marico, under Captain William ab Amsing, very strong. In Motir, Captain Henry Maier hath an able Garrison and Fortress. Macian is governed by Gilbert Vianen, and hath three Forts as before. Bartholmen Spilbergen is chief in Bacian, where is the Fort Barnevelt built of stone, and well furnished with arms and men.  
In Amboina is a royal Fort or Castle, commanded by Henry Steur, with one hundred and fifty Soldiers: besides other Fortresses, as Conbellam, Hitton, and Low; 
Amboina▪  This last is kept by the Ternatois. Adrian Blockhousen is Governor of the Island. In Banda are two Forts, Nassau, with a Garrison of an hundred and twenty Hollanders besides a very great number of japanders', Chinese and others; and the Belgike, furnished as well. 
Banda.  Captain Henry Beverlincke commands both. In the Island Poleway, they have the Revenge, 
Poleway.  with an hundred sixty Soldiers under two Captains, Dussen, and Verhoeren.  
In the Coast of Coromandel, in Palataque, is a strong and goodly Castle, 
Palataque.  with a Garrison of an hundred and twenty Soldiers: the City's Negapatan, and Massepatan, show them great favour. john de Hase a Counsellor of the Indieses, is Commander in these parts. In java the greater, at jacatra a day's journey from Bantam, is built a Magnificent store-house or Arsenal, 
java.  for Artificers, and provision for the war, and for the Navy, furnished therefore with brass Ordnance. In all these are Soldiers three thousand; Brass Pieces, an hundred ninety three, of Iron Ordnance three hundred and twenty, of Stone three hundred.  
Places forsaken upon better consideration, are Gemmalanor, a Fort in the Isle of Boutton; 
Forts given over.  another in Salor and Timor; a Magazine, or Storehouse in Gresei and Achin, and Macassar in Selibes. The King of jor is their great friend, but admits no Fort. They have their most profitable trade at jambi, in one of the Islands of Sumatra, at the strait of Malacca. In Fieos, Priaman, 
Places of trade and factories.  and Silbe, on the West of Sumatra they have trading. In Borneo they trade for Diamonds, and Bezoar stones. In japon, james Spex hath erected a great store-house. At Bantam is their chief factory, where all Ships are laden under the command of Sir john Peter's Coenen General precedent of the Indieses, which here keeps an exact register and accounts of all the Indian affa●●es.  
Their shipping in july, 1616. was as followeth; In the Moluccas, The Old Sun, the Old Moon, the New Sun, the New Moon, the Flushing, the Angel of Delft, the Hope, the Lucifer, and the Larus. In japatra, the Holland. At Bantam, the Faith, the Nassau, the Horn, the Larus of japon, the Black Lion. In Timor and S●lor, the Eagle, and the Star. In Achin, the Falcon and the Huntsman. In Coromandel, the Neptune, the Golden Lion. At jambi, the Bargain Boat, the Half Moon. The Concord, and Little Holland, were sent to the Isle Ingane, to receive those which had been shipwracked in the Aeolus. At jacatra, the Enchusen. At Bantam were also the New Horn, the Amsterdam, the Middleborough. The Tergoes expected from Coromandel. The Black Bear lately departed, and the Amsterdam, and the New Zealand. Than at Sea towards the Indieses, the Concord of Amsterdam, and the Aeolus of Zealand. They have moreover in Banda two small Galleys, and in jacatra, and Bantam many smaller Sail.    

CHAP. VII. The Sixth Circum-navigation, by WILLIAM CORNELISON SENOUTEN of Horn: Who Southwards from the straits of Magelan in Terra-Del-fuogo, found and discovered a new passage through the great South-Sea, and that way sailed round about the World: Describing what Islands, Countries, People, and strange Adventures he found in his said Passage.  
BEcause the General States of the united Nether-land Provinces, had granted Patents of trade to the East Indian Company, with prohibition to all others to pass the Cape of Good Hope Eastward, or through the Magelen straits Westward: Isaak le Maier a Merchant of Amsterdam, and William Cornelison Schouten of Horn (a man which had been thrice in the East Indies) devised and consulted of some new way, without impeachment of the said Patents, which they confidently supposed might be done by some passage Southwards from the Magelan straits. And to that end agreed, between them to enterprise such a Voyage, taking order that Isaac le Maire should provide the one half of the money, and William Cornelison Schouten the other half to furnish the said Voyage, by the help and furtherance of their friends, the care thereof, and to make provision for the said Voyage, being referred to William Cornelison Schouten.  
And to finish the said Voyage, the Merchant's aforesaid prepared and rigged a great and a small Ship of Horn, the great Ship called the Unity, of three hundred sixty Tons, whereof William Cornelison Schouten was Master and chief Pilot, and jacob le More Merchant and principal Factor, in it having sixty five men, and nineteen great Pieces, and twelve Slings, with Muskets and other munition for war proportionably, with a Pinnace to sail, another to row, a Boat, and a Scute, Anckors, Cabels, Ropes, Sails, and all other necessaries belonging thereunto. The lesser Ship called the Horn, of an hundred and ten Tons, whereof john Cornelison Schouten was Master, and Aris Clawson Merchant, in it twenty two men, eight great Pieces, four Slings, and other furniture, as need required, and was necessary for such a Voyage. And for that they would not make known to any man, as I said before whether they meant to go, they hired all their men, both common Sailors and Officers, to sail unto every place whether the Masters and the Merchants would go, which made the common Sailors and people to speak and guess of that Voyage diversely, and at the last gave them the name of the Gold-Finders, but the Merchants named them the South Company. The Ships being ready, upon the sixteenth of May 1615. the men were mustered by the Scout and Schepen of Horn, and the twenty five of the same month the Unity set sail, and arrived at the tessel upon the twenty seven.  
The third of june the lesser departted from Horn, and the next day came to the tessel.  

Ann. 1615.  Upon the fourteenth of june 1615. we sailed out of the tessel, and the sixteenth of the same month, being in the sight of Dunkirk, passed between Dover and Calais: the seventeenth ankoring in the Downs, William Cornelison Schouten went on shore at Dover, to get men to bring us Freshwater, and the same day set sail from thence.  
The fourth of july, it was ordered that every man should have a Can of Beer a day, four pound of Biscuit, and half a pound of Butter (besides sweet Suet) a week, and five Cheeses for the whole Voyage.  
The thirteenth in the morning we saw the Islands of Tenerifa, and great Canaria, and the same day about noon we sailed between them both, with a stiff North North-east wind, and a swift stream.  
Between the fourteenth and the fifteenth, with the same wind and stream we passed Tropicus Can●ri.  
The twentieth on the morning, we fell on the North side of Cape Verde, and had eight fathom deep when we first saw the Land, sailing along by the Coast, and at Sunrising the Cape lay West and by South from us, so that with a North North-east wind we could not get beyond it, and were forced to Anchor at thirty two fathom deep: that night it blew hard, with a great storm of rain and thunder. We had ill weather diverse days.  
The five and twentieth the Alkaide, or governor came aboard our ship, with whom we agreed for eight States of Iron; that we should peaceably fetch Freshwater from the shore. The first of August we set sail from the Cape.  

Sierra Liona.  The one and twentieth of August in the morning, by Sun rising we set sail, and saw the high Land of Sierra Liona, about six Leagues from us North-east and by North: we likewise saw the Islands of Madrabomba, which lie on the South point, or corner of the high land of Sierra Liona, North from the Baixos, or shallowss of Saint Anna's Island. Sierra Liona is a very high land, there is no land so high as it, between Capo Verde, and the Coast of Guinea, whereby the point is most easy to be known: that day we laboured as we could to get to land, for the most part having stormy weather, running to the point, and over the Baixos, or shallow, of Saint Anna, at ten, nine, eight, seven and five fathom water, and as we sailed Northward, the water waxed deeper, but Eastward shallower, so that about evening we anchored with a high water, at four fathom and a half soft ground, and in the night time we had but three fathom and a half, but it was fine clear weather.  
The two and twentieth in the morning at Sunrising, William Schouten went aboard the Horn, and sailed in it before us, the great ship following, holding our course North North-east, with a Northwest wind, and an ebb under the bough, and so got off from the Baixos, to eighteen fathom water, and from thence to the Islands of Mabrabomba, which are very high, 
Baixos or shallowss of Saint Anna Mabrabomba.  and lie all three on a row, South-west and North-east, half a league from Sierra Liona to seaward, there we had shallow water, at five and four fathom, soft muddy ground, we anchored about a league from the land, and going on shore found no man dwelling therein, but perceived the footsteps of many great beasts, but all the land lay waste like a wilderness, with low marshes or bogs, and high hills.  
The three and twentieth in the morning, jacob le Maire went aboard the Horn, and from it with both the boats on shore, where he found a River, at the mouth thereof having many Cliffs, Sands, and Rocks, whereby no Ship could go into it, but within it was very deep and broad enough for ships to turn and wind, there they could perceive no people to devil but saw three wild Oxen, and a great many Monkeys, and some Birds that barked like Dogs. They rowed at lest three leagues up into it with the flood. After long search they found eight or nine Limon trees which they shook, and got about seven hundred and fifty Lemons, most r●pe, ready to dry. There also they saw great store of Tortoises & some Crocodiles, but no people. We determined to try if we could get into the fresh river with both our ships, therein to make povision of fresh water and Limonds, and to that end set sail, but found the water so shallow, that we were forced to anchor at six fathom. The Horn anchored before the river, on the lower land, but there found shallow water. They found up the river no signs of men, only a Buff and a Calf, and here and there got some Lemons.  
The nine and twentieth, perceiving that we were not in the river of Sierra Liona, we determined early in the morning to set sail, and to go Northward of the high land, and about noon we got above the Islands of Mabrabomba, Westward, along towards the North part of the high land, till we had twelve and fiftteene fathom water, and in the evening got about the point, where we anchored at fifteen fathom deep.  
The thirty in the morning, we hoist Anchor, and drove with the stream, and a South wound before the Village, in the right road of Sierra Liona, 
* The road of Sierra Liona.  where we anchored at eight fathom, sandy ground, about a Musket shot from the land, there we saw eight or nine houses covered with Straw. The Moors called unto us in their language, to fetch them aboard our ship, and because they had no Canoes we sent our boat on land, which presently came back again with five Moors in it▪ whereof one was their Interpreter: but before they came, they desired that we would leave some of our men, to stay with them as pledges, for that not long before there had been a French ship there, which had taken and carried away two of their Moors. Aris Clawson the Merchant, that went a shore with the boat, stayed there with them, and having certain Beads, he there bartered them for Lemons, and Bananas. The Interpreter spoke all kind of languages, one with another. In the mean time, our men having fair weather, laded fresh water, which is there easy to be had, by reason it falls down out of the hill into the road, so that we held the Barrels under the shore, or fall of the water, and filling them, put them strait into the Scute, the water was very good. For a few Beads, and some slight Norremburgh Knives, we might have had an hundred thousand Lemons there at the lest, if we would, for there they grew by whole 
* Store of Lemons.  Woods full: the same night we bartered with the Negroes for a shoal of Fish.  
The first of September we hoist Anchor, and drove before the stream, and that Evening anchored at the mouth of the Sea, before a Small River. The second, we set the Horn upon the Strand to make her clean, having a good place to do it, for there the water falls seven foot up and down: in the evening our men came on board again, and brought a little beast named an Antelope, which they found in a Wood▪ in a net or snare set there by the Negroes, and some Lemons, and after that the Boat went out to fish, and got a great number, and some Palmitas which they had not cut down in the wood.  
The third in the afternoon, the Horn being made clean was launched into the water again, and our Master went out to fish, in the evening bringing a great shoal of fish with him▪ in fashion like to a Shoemakers cutting knife, and every man an hundred and fifty Lemons for his part.  
The fourth early in the morning we hoist anchor, and set sail out of Sierra Liona.  
The fift of October, we were under four degrees, seven and twenty minutes, the same day about noon, there was such a noise in the Bough of our Ship, that the Master being behnid in the Gallery, thought that one of the men had fallen out of the Foreship, or from the Boe-sprit into the Sea, but as he looked out over the side of the Ship, he saw the Sea all read, as if great store of blood had been poured into it, whereat he wondered, knowing not what it meant, but afterward he found, that a great Fish, or a Sea monster having a horn, had therewith stricken 
* Strange accident of a Fish striking against the Ship.  against the Ship, with most great strength. For when we were in Porto Desire, where we set the Ship on the Strand to make it clean, about seven foot under water before in the Ship, we found a Horn sticking in the Ship, much like for thickness and fashion to a common Elephant's tooth, not hollow, but full, very strong hard Bone, which had entered into three Planks of the Ship, that is two thick Planks of green, and one of Oaken wood, and so into a Rib, where it turned upward, to our great good fortune: for if it had entered between the Ribs into the Ship, it would happily have made a greater hole, and have brought both Ship and men in danger to be lost, it stuck at lest half a foot deep into the Ship, and about half a foot without, where with great force it was broken off, by reason whereof the great monster bled so much.  
The five and twentieth, the wind continuing, we held on the same course. Until that time we had sailed, and no man in our Ship, (unless it were the Master, William Cornelison Schouten, and jacob le Maire our Merchant) knew whether we should go, and then they told us what voyage they intended, which was, to seek by another way then the straits of Magelan, to enter into the South Sea, there to discover new countries in the South parts, where they thought to found great riches, and that if it fell not as they desired and pretended, then that they would sail along through the great South Sea, southward to the East Indies. This being known, our men were very glad and rejoiced, hoping every man for his part, to benefit by that voyage, to their advancement.  
The six and twentieth, we were under six degrees, five and twentieth Minutes, with fair weather, and a good gale, and all the rest of that month for the most part sailing southward, with an East, and a North-East wind, we were under ten degrees, and thirty minutes.  
The first of November we passed the Sun, whereby at noon time, it was North from us.  
The third we were under nineteen degrees, twenty minutes, than we saw some Blackbirds, and two or three fowls called Sea-mewes, and after noon, we had a sight of Martin vads Islands called Ascension, which lay Southeast, and by East from us, under twenty degrees, there we found our Compass to vary North-East-ward twelve degrees: The wind being North North-East, as the day before, and held our course South: That day our men had double allowance of Wine, 
Abrolhos' sands.  because we had past the dangerous Sands, called Abrolhos.  
The one and twentieth, we were under eight and thirty degrees, five and twenty minutes, and had alteration of water, there we cast our Lead, but found no ground, the Compass then varied seventeen degrees North-East-ward, that morning we saw the new Moon, being one and twenty hours old.  
The sixth of December, we saw Land not very high, but white and somewhat flat, we fell (according to our desire) on the North side of Porto Desire, and at night anchored at ten fathom deep, about a league and a half from the shore, with an ebb that ran southward, as strongly as the Sea runs between Flushing heads.  
The seventh in the morning we hoist Anchor, and sailed South until noon, than we were before the Haven of Porto Desire, 
Port Desire.  lying under seven and forty degrees, forty minutes, and made towards the entry thereof, where we had very high water, so that the Cliffs (whereof Oliver van Noort writeth, which sailing into that Haven must be left Northward from us) were clean under water, but on the South point there lay certain Cliffs open, which we took to be those, and therefore went southward on, but sailed southward of the right channel into a crooked Bay, and there at high water anchored at four fathom and a half, and when the water was low, we had but fourteen foot-water, whereby the Unity lay with her Stern fast on ground, it being full of Cliffs, the wind was West from the Land, and smooth water to our great fortune, for if we had had an East wind, with any gale, for certain, we had lost our Ship: upon the Cliffs we found many Eggs, and took great Muscles and other Fish, and among the rest, Smelts of sixteen inches long, and for that cause we called that place the Smelled Bay. Our Shallop went to the Penguins Island, 
Penguins.  lying East Southeast two leagues from Porto Desire, and came aboard again late in the evening, bringing two Sea Lions, and an hundred and fifty Penguins, 
S●ale●.  which we eat the next day.  

Smelled Bay.  The eight in the morning, with the Land-wind we sailed out of the Smelled Bay, and anchored right before the Haven of Porto Desire, and sent our Shallop out to sound the depth of the channel, and found twelve and thirteen fathom, entering in after noon, with a high water, and a North-East wind, we set sail, the Horn first, and so entered into the Haven. When we had sailed about a league and a half into the river, the wind turned, and we anchored at twenty fathoms: there the ground was slippery stones, for about half an hour after, the wind blowing hard North-West, both our Ships lying with two Anchors a Piece out: presently drove upon the South shore, for there five and twenty anchors could not have holden them, so that we verily thought both our Ships would there be cast away. The great Ship sat with her side upon the Cliffs, and shaken with the falling water somewhat lower, and still kept staunch, but the Horn fell upon the Cliffs, so that the water went clean from it, whereby at a low water a man might have gone dry foot under the Keel, right against the main Mast: the Keel was above a fathom out of water, fearful to behold, but as the wind blue hard North-west it kept it from falling over, which appeared to be so, for that when the wind ceased, it fell from the land against the wind upon the side, at lest three foot lower then the Keel, whereat we were all abashed, thinking we had surely lost her, but when the Flood came with still weather, it rose up again, whereat we all rejoiced. In the morning with calm weather we wound off from the brickwall, and the same night the Horn came to us.  
The ninth in the morning, we set sail again, and went further into the River, 
King's Island almost covered with eggs.  and came to King's Island, so called by Oliver van Noort, the Horn went behind it, and there anchored, but we could not get in with the Unity, because the wind was contrary. Our men went on shore into the Island, which was almost covered over with eggs; for a man standing still on his feet, with his hands might reach to fifty four nests, each having three or four eggs a piece, much like (but somewhat greater) then Sea-Mues eggs, the birds were blackish Sea-Mues, we carried thousands of them aboard, and eat them.  
The eleventh, the boat went lower into the River on the South side, to seek for men and water, and found nothing but brackish water: there they saw some Estriges, and beasts like Hearts, 
Est●iges.  with very long necks, which were afraid of us. Upon the highest part of the hills we found some burying places, which were heaps of stones, and we not knowing what that meant, pulled the stones off from one of them, 
Giants: see the Voyage of Magel●an.  and under them found men's bones of ten and eleven foot long: they buried the dead upon the top of the hills, flat on the ground, and cover them also with stones, which keeps them from being devoured by beasts or birds.  
The twelfth, thirteenth, foureteenth, fifteenth▪ and sixteenth, our men went continually on land to seek for water, but found none, every day bringing good store of birds and fishes on board.  
The seventeenth, we laid our ship within King's Island on the wall, with an high water, to make it clean, where it was dry, that we might go round about it dry foot.  
The eighteenth, the Horn was also laid on shore about two Musket shot from our Ship to make it clean. The nineteenth, as we were busy about both the ships to make them clean, and burnt reeds under the Horn, the flame of the fire suddenly got into the Ship, and presently took such hold thereof, that in the twinkling of an eye it was so great, that we could by no means quench it, by reason it lay fifty foot dry from the water side, and by that means we were constrained to stand still, and see it burn before our eyes, not able to do any thing to save it.  
The twentieth, at a high water we launched the Unity into the water again, and went to the Horn and quenched the fire, but the ship was burnt clean down to the water. The next day when we had cast the water out of that part of it that was left, we saved all the wood, Iron-worke, Anchors, Ordnance, and what else that was to be gotten, and put it into our ship.  
The twenty fifth our men found certain holes full of fresh water, which was white and very thick, from whence some of them daily fetch water in little rondlets on their shoulders: some went armed with Muskets to defend them, others fetched birds, and eggs, 
Seales.  and young sea Lions which we eat, and are of a reasonable good taste.  
The thirteench about noon, we sailed out of Porto Desire, but the sea being calm, we anchored before the haven, and when the wind began to rise, hoist anchor and put to Sea.  
The eighteenth we saw Sebaldes Islands Southeast from us about three leagues, they lie, 
Sebalds' Islands.  as Sebald Dewert writes, distant from the Straight, East Northeast, and West Southwest, about fifty leagues, than we were under fifty one degrees.  
The twentieth, we saw Steencrosse drive, and perceived that we had a great stream that went Southwest, than we were under fifty three degrees, and guest that we were about twenty leagues Southward from the Straitss of Magelan. The eleventh we were under three and fifty degrees.  
The three and twentieth in the morning, we had a South wind, and about noon it waxed calm, than the wind blue West, and we had ground at fifty fathom black sandy, with small stones, after that the wind turned North, with smooth water and fair weather. The water shown as white, as if we had been within the land, we held our course South and by West, about three of the clock afternoon we saw land West, and West Southwest from us, and not long after that we saw it also in the South, then having a North wind, we went East Southeast, to get above the land, it blew so hard in the hollow water, that we were forced to take in our Toppe-sayles.  
The four and twentieth in the morning, we saw land on starre-boord, not above a great league distant from us, there we had ground at forty fathom, and a west-wind, the land stretched East and South, with very high hills, that were all covered over with Ice. We sailed along by that land, and about noon past it▪ and saw other land East from it, which also was very high and ragged.  
These lands as we guest lay about eight leagues one from the other, and seemed as if there were a good passage between them, which we were the better persuaded unto, for that there ran a hard stream Southward between both those lands.  
Than about noon we were under fifty four degrees and forty six minutes, and after noon we had a North wind, and made towards this opening, but about evening it calmed, and that night we drove forwards with a hard stream, and little wind. There we saw an innumerable number of Pengwins, 
Store of Whales.  and thousands of Whales, so that we were forced to look well about us, and to wind and turn to shun the Whales, lest we should sail upon them.  
The five and twentieth in the morning, we were close by the East land, which was very high and craggy, which on the North side reacheth East Southeast, as fare as we could see, that land we called Statesland, 
S●t●sland and Maurice-land.  but the land that lay West from us, we named Maurice-land. We perceived that on both sides thereof, there were good roads, and sandy Bays, for on either side it had sandy strands, and very fair sandy ground. There are great store of fish, Pengwins and Porpoises, as also birds and water enough, but we could see no Trees: we had a Northwind in the entry, and went South South-west, with a stiff course, at noon we were under fifty five degrees, thirty six minutes, and then held our course South-west, with a good sharp wind and rain, 
The New 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 of Ma●re.  and a stiff gale: we saw the land on the South side of the passage upon the West end of Maurice van Nassawes land, reach West South-west and South-west, as fare as we could see it, all very high and craggie-land. In the Evening the wind was South-west, and that night we went South with great waves or billows out of the South-west, and very blue water, whereby we judged and held for certain that we had great deep water to loefward from us, nothing doubting but that it was the great South-sea, whereat we were exceeding glad, to think that we had discovered a way, which until that time was unknown to men, as afterward we found it to be true.  
There we saw extreme great Sea-mewes, bigger of body than Swans, their wings being spread abroad, each of them above a fathom long. These birds being unaccustomed to see men, came to our ship, 
Great fowls very tame.  and sat thereon, and let our men take and kill them.  
The six and twentieth, we were under seven and fifty degrees, with a flying storm out of the West and South-west, the whole quarter, with very high and blue water, we held our course Southward, and in the Northwest saw very high land, in the night we turned North-west-ward.  
The seven and twentieth, we were under six and fifty degrees, and one and fifty minutes, the weather very cold, with hail, and rain, the wound West and West and by South, and we went Southward, and then crossed Northward with our main Sails.  
The eight and twentieth we hoist our top-sails, than we had great billows out of the West, with a West wound and then a North-east, and therewith held our course South, and then West and West and by South, and were under fifty six degrees and forty eight minutes.  
The nine and twentieth, we had a North-east wind, and held our course South-west, and saw two Islands before us, lying West Southwest from us: about noon we got to them, but could not sail above them, so that we held our course North: about them they had dry grey Cliffs, and some low Cliffs about them, they lay under fifty seven degrees, southward of the Equinoctial line, 
●arneue●s Lands.  we named them Barnevels Islands. From them we sailed West Northwest: about Evening we saw land again, lying North West and North Northwest from us, which was the land that lay South from the straits of Magellan which reacheth southward, all high hilly land, covered over with snow, ending with a sharp point, which we called Cape Horn, it lieth under fifty seven degrees and forty eight minutes. 
Cape Horn.   
Than we had fair weather, and a North wind, with great Billows out of the West, we held on course West, and found a strong stream that ran Westward.  
The thirtieth, we still had great Billows out of the West, with hollow water and a strong stream that went Westward, which assured us that we had an open way into the South sea, than we were under fifty seven degrees, thirty four minutes.  
The one and thirtieth, we had a North wind, and sailed West, and were under fifty eight degrees: then the wind turning West, and West South-west, somewhat variable, we passed by Cape Van Horn, and could see no more land, and had great billows out of the West, and very blue water, which then fully assured us that we had the broad South sea before us, and no land▪ the wind was very variable, with great store of hail and rain, which forced us oftentimes to wind to and fro.  
The first of February, we had cold weather, with a storm out of the South-west, and sailed with our main sails, lying Northwest, and West Northwest. The second, the wind West, we sailed southward, and were under fifty seven degrees, fifty eight minutes, and found twelve degrees Northward variation of the Compass. That day we saw many great Sea-mewes and other Birds.  
The third, we were under fifty nine degrees twenty five minutes, with indifferent weather, and a hard West wind, and guessed that we were that day under fifty nine degrees and a half, but saw no land, nor any sign thereof in the South. The fourth, we were under fifty six degrees forty three minutes, with variable winds, most South-west, and wound to and fro as the wind blew, with eleven degrees Northeastward variation of Compass.  
The fift we had a strong stream out of the West, with hollow water, whereby we could bear no sail, but were forced to drive with the wind.  
The twelfth, our men had each of them three cups of wine in sign of joy for our good hap, for then the Straitss of Magellan lay East from us: the same day by advice of all our Counsel, at the request of our chief Merchant, the new passage (by us discovered between Mauritius land, and the Statesland,) was named the straits of le More, although by good right it should rather have been called William Schoutens Strait▪ after our Master's Name, by whose wise conduction and skill in sailing, the same was found.  
During the time that we passed through that New Strait, and sailing Southward about that Newfound land, till we got to the West side of the Straitss of Magellan, for the most part we had a very strong stream, hollow water, continual rain, mists, moist and thick weather, with much hail and snow: whereby we endured much trouble, misery and disease. But in regard that we had so luckily discovered that Passage, and hoping that the places which we were yet to discover, would likewise fall out well, we were encouraged; and not once thinking upon our former hard passage, with assured minds determined to go forward on our Voyage.  
The four and twentieth, we hoist our upper Ordnance out of the hold, and placed it above upon our Deck. The five and twentieth of january, we hoist all our sails, because we entered into a peaceable Sea, and had past all storms and hard weather.  
The seven and twentieth, we hoist up our second tire of Ordnance, and placed it in our second Orlope, for in Porto Desire we had laid it down in the hold, and all things that might hinder the wound, and then were under forty degrees with fair weather, a South, and South Southeast wound, and a good gal●, as the day before, and held our course Northward.  
The eight and twentieth, our Counsel, and the four Masters determined to sail to the Isles of john Fernando, there to refresh us, because some of our men by means of the great pains and labour taken by them were extreme weary, and some had the flux: that day we were under thirty five degrees, fifty three minutes. In the evening we bore but small sail, fearing to fall upon the land by night, and because we would not pass beyond it in the night, we sailed North-east.  
The first of March in the morning we saw the Islands of john Fernando, right before us, 
Islands of john Fernando.  North North-east, with a South wind, fair weather, and a good gale. About noon we got to them, under thirty three degrees and forty eight minutes.  
These are two Islands, both of them very high land: the smallest lying most Westward, is a very dry bore Island with nothing in it, but bore Hills and Cliffs, the greatest (lying Eastward) is also full of very high Hills, but hath many Trees, and very fruitful. Therein are many Beasts, as Hogs, and Goats, upon the Coast admirable numbers of good fish; which makes the Spaniards oftentimes come thither to fish, and in short time fill their ships and carry them to Peru. We went on the West side of those Islands, which was not well for us, for there we must have gone about Eastward to get into the Road, which lieth on the East point of the greatest Island, for going about on the West side behind the land, we should have gotten under the land in the calm water, because the land there is high and calm, so that we could not get to the land to anchor with our ship, and therefore sent our Boat out to sound the depth, which came aboard again in the Evening, and told us, that close by the land we had forty and thirty fathom sandy ground which still lesseneth till it come to three fathom good to anchor in, besides a fair green Valley, full of green Trees, pleasant to behold, but because of the shortness of the time they went not on shore, and in diverse places saw fresh water in great streams run down off the Hills, they likewise saw many Goats and other Beasts, upon the Hills, which they could not well know, being so fare off: they had also in short time taken a great number of good fish▪ for the Hook was no sooner in the water, but presently they took fish, so that continually without ceasing, they did nothing but draw up fish, most of them being Corcobados, and Steenbrasses, and saw many Sea-Wolues: these news cheered up our men, specially those that were troubled with looseness hoping there to refresh themselves: that night it was calm weather, so that the stream drove us somewhat backward.  
The second day we were with our ship close under the land again, but could not get so near (what means soever we used) to find ground, we once again sent our men on land, some to fish, and some to seek for Cattles, they saw many Hogs, Goats, and other Beasts, but by reason that the Woods were thick they could not get them: and the while that some of them fetch water, they that were in the Boat had taken almost two Tons of fish, all with Hooks, and so we were forced to leave that fair Island, and could get nothing else there.  
The third day we drove at lest four leagues beneath the Islands, notwithstanding that all that quarter we did the best we could to sail near to it, whereof at last being weary, (seeing it was impossible to be done) we determined to leave them, and to hold on our course, to perform our Voyage, every day having a good forewind, to the great grief of our sick men, who thereby were clean out of comfort, but God holp them.  
These Islands are under thirty three degrees, forty minutes: this resolution taken, we set our course Northwest and by West, with a good South gale of wind and fair weather.  
The eleventh day we passed Tropicus Capricorni the second time, with a Southeast wind, our course Northwest, there we had the general East and East Southeast wind, and held our course North Northwest to the fifteenth, till we were under eighteen degrees, than we changed our course, and went West, and made our rowing Shallop ready, to use it when we came near any land.  
The third of April being Easter day, we were under fifteen degrees twelve minutes, at which time we had no variation of Compass, for the Needle stood right North and South, than the flux began much to trouble our men, for at times, half of them at the lest had it.  

Dog's Island in 15. degrees 1●. minutes, 92●. leagues from Peru.  The tenth day we saw three leagues from us a low Island, not very great, with great numbers of Sea-mewes and fish, and set our course to the Island thinking to have some refreshing, whereof in regard of the flux we had great need, About noon we got to the Island, and cast out our Lead, but found no ground, and therefore put out our Shalop. About Evening they came aboard again, and could get nothing, but only some green Herbs, which tasted like unto Holland Tuinkars, they said, that there they had seen three Dogs, that neither barked, nor made any noise, and in it found some places full of rain water, that had fallen that day.  
The Island as we perceived, seemed at high water for the most part to be overflown, it had nothing about it but a kind of wall like a Ditch, full of green Trees, pleasant to behold, and in the middle of them and elsewhere, much Salt-water. It is under fifteen degrees twelve minutes, distant from the Coast of Peru, by our estimation nine hundred twenty and five leagues. That quarter the wind was North, and we held our course West, towards the Islands of Solomon, and called that Island Dogs Island.  
In the night it blew hard, with a great shower of rain.  

Another Island.  The fourteenth the wind East and East Southeast, we sailed West, and West and by North, with wind and weather aforesaid, and saw much fish, and many Birds: after noon we saw another low Island Northwest from us being very great, and reached North-east and South-west, whereat we rejoiced, hoping to get water and some refreshing there, and made to it, holding our course Northwest.  
About Evening, being with our ship about a league from the Land, there came a Canoe to meet us, with four Indians in it, all naked, of a reddish colour, very black long hair: they kept a good way from our ship, first calling to us, making signs to have us come on Land, but we understood them not, nor they us, notwithstanding that we answered and called to them in Spanish, Molucus, javan, and our own Netherlands speech.  
About Evening at Sunne-setting, we got to the land, but found no ground, nor no changing of water, although we were so near to the shore, that with a Musket we might shoot into it, and therefore put to Sea again, and the Canoe to land, where a great many Indians stood upon the shore to watch for them: not long after again there came another Canoe from the land to our ship, but would not (as the first) come aboard, they called to us, and we to them, but understood not one the other, at last their Canoe overthrew in the water, but they soon turned it up again, and leapt quickly into it, they shown and pointed towards the land, and we the like to them towards the ship, but they would not come, wherewith we held on our course and left the Island, sailing South and South-west to get above the land: the Island was not broad, but somewhat long, and full of Trees, which as we guessed were Palmitas and Cocus Trees, it lies under fifteen degrees fifteen minutes, having white sand ground: that night we saw fire upon the land in diverse places.  
The fifteen day in the Morning, having in the night sailed about ten leagues South South-west, we sailed close along by the land, where we saw many naked men standing on shore, calling and crying (as it seemed) to bid us come on land, and then again there came another Canoe, from the land towards our ship, with three Indians in it, which also called to us, and would not come aboard, but rowed to the Shalop, and went close to it, our men showing them all the friendship they could, giving them some Beads and Knives, but they understood not one another having been a little while by the Shalop, they left it, and came so near to our ship, that we cast out a small Rope to them, which they took, but would not enter into the ship, but went into the Shalop, which came back from the land without doing any thing, and having been a good while in it, at the last one of them came into the Gallery, and drew out the nails of the windows in the Merchants and Masters Cabins, and taking them away, hide them in his hair, they were desirous of Iron; for they ventured to pull out the bolts with their hands, and to carry them away, 
Lovers of Iron, as in the Ladrones.  we sought to keep one of them in the ship, and to sand one of our men with the other two in their Canoe to land, to make friendship with them but they would not. They were very thievish people, all naked, only a piece of a Mat hanging before their privy Members. Their skin was marked with diverse figures, as Snakes, Dragons, and such like things which shown very blue, as if they had been burnt thereon with Gunpowder, we gave them wine, as they sat in the Canoe, but they would not give us the Cup again. We sent our Shalop once again to the land, with eight Musketeers, and six men with Swords. Claus johnson our under Merchant, and Arice Clauson the Merchant of the Horn, went with them, to see what was to be gotten in the Island, and to make friendship with them. But as soon as they were by the strand and the men went on shore, there came at lest thirty Indians out of the Wood, with great Clubs or Cudgels and would have taken our men's arms from them and thought to draw the Shalop upon the land, ventured to take two of our men out of the Shalop, thinking to carry them into the Wood, but our Musketeers, having their Muskets ready, discharged three of them amongst them, and verily thought that they either killed or sore wounded some of them. They likewise had long staffs, with very long sharp things at the ends thereof, which (as we thought) were fins of black fishes, they also cast stones with Slings, but (God be thanked) hurt none of our men. Bows they had not, as fare as we could see. Our men saw some of their women, that cried and clasped their men about the necks, but knew not what they meant, and thought they did it to get them from thence. 
Island without ground.  That Island (by reason we could there found no ground to anchor) we called the Island without ground. On the out side it was low plain ground, full of Palm Trees, but within full of salt water. At last when we saw that there was nothing to be gotten, we determined to leave it, and with an East wind held our course West to Seaward. There we had slight water and no billows as the day before we had out of the South, and therefore we guest that southward there was more land: it is under fifteen degrees, about a hundred leagues distant from Dog's Island.  
The sixteenth day in the morning betimes, we saw another Island, Northward from us, 
Another Island▪  which we made to, but found it as the other, without anchor ground, within also being all drowned land, yet on the sides it was full of Trees, but no Palm nor Cocos Trees. We put out our Shalop to sound the depth, but, going to the shore, found no ground, and therefore came aboard again, without doing any thing, or seeing any men. We sent our Shalop once again to see if we could get any refreshing or water upon the land, who returning again told us that they had found fresh water not fare from the shore, in a Pit or Keel, which they might bring with Buckets to the strand, but hard to get into the ship, for the Shalop, by reason of the billows, lay fast at a dreg, by which means the men were forced, to draw one another with a Rope on land, and in like sort on board again, so that it was very troublesome and dangerous to go on the land, and therefore fetched but four small fats of water. There also we found such herbs as we had in the Dog's Island, whereof we brought a sackful aboard, and some Crabs, as also some Shells and Horns, that had fish in them of very good taste. That evening we held on our course Westward, with an East-wind, and an indifferent gale, rainy weather and smooth water. 
Water Island.  The same day we were under fourteen degrees, forty six minutes. That Island was fifteen leagues distant from the other, we called it the water Island, because there we got some water.  
The seventeenth day we gave our men six cups of water, and sod a great Kettle with Pottage, made of the green herbs that we had in water Island, which did our men some good, and eased them of their looseness.  
The eighteen day in the morning, we saw another low Island South-west from us, 
Fly Island.  lying West Northwest, and East Southeast, as fare as we could see, at the lest twenty leagues, distant from the other. We made to it, and being hard by it, sent out our Boat to sound the depth, they told us they found ground by a point of land, from whence there came a stream at twenty, five, and forty fathom, running softly down, about a Musket shot from the land, whereupon we sent the Boat with our empty Cask thither, hoping to found water, when it came to the land, they let the Schut lie fast at a Dreg in the water and drew one another with a Rope through the water, to land as they did before, there they sought a good way within a Wood for fresh water, but because they had no Arms with them, and saw a wild man, who as they thought had a Bow in his hand, they turned presently back to the Shalop, and came aboard again without doing any thing, and lying a good way from the shore, there came five or six wild men to the strand, who seeing that our men were gone, went back again into the Wood Upon that Island there were great store of green wild trees, being also full of salt-water within. When our men came into the ship they were covered all over with Flies, in such abundance that we could not know them, their faces, hands, and Scute, all full, and the Oaers also as fare as they were out of the water, were covered over with black Flies, wonderful to behold: those Flies came with them aboard our ship, and slew so thick upon our body, and in our faces, that we knew not how to shun them, for we could hardly eat or drink, but all was full of them: we still wiped our faces and hands, and made flappes to kill as many as we could, this continued two or three days with great trouble unto us all: at last we had a good gale of wind, whereby, and with continual killing them, in the end when three or four days were passed we were rid of them: we called that Island, the Fly Island, and therewith set forward from it, and had some rain, as also the next day, whereby we gathered so much water, with Clotheses and Sails, that it holp us well. In the night we made no great way, but often times let the ship drive, that we might not by night fall upon such low Islands, and spoil our ship.  
The three and twentieth, we were under fifteen degrees, four minutes, and then again had great hollow billows out of the South, which the next day also continued; the wind was North-east, and most part East, and East and by South. There they said, that Terra Australis which we sought for, lay yet two hundred and fifty leagues further.  
The five and twentieth, we filled four vessels full of rain water, and still had hollow billows out of the South, as we commonly have in the Spanish Seas out of the Northwest.  

May.  The third of May the wind was still East Southeast, and we sailed West, and at noon were under fifteen degrees, three minutes. That day we saw many great Dorados which were the first that we had seen in the South Sea.  
The ninth, we were under fifteen degrees, twenty minutes, and at that time as we thought were 1510. leagues distant from the coast of Peru and Chili. 
A strange sail.  About noon we saw a sail, which as we guessed was a Bark, coming out of the South, and went Northward towards us, we presently made towards it, and as it came near to us, we shot at it with one of our Pieces right over her, to make them strike, but they would not; then we shot again, but yet they would not strike, with that we put out our Shalop with ten Musketeers in it, to take her, which calling to them we shot another Piece, yet without any intent to reach or to hurt them, but they would not strike, but sought as well as they could to get away from us, and got to loofe-ward of us, but our Shalop being too crafty for them rowed to them, and being about half a musket shot from them, s●ot four Muskets one after another, as they drew near to her, and before they could reach her, some of her men in great fear leapt overboard, whereof one of them had a little child, and another was hurt, and had three holes in his back, but not very deep, for it was ha●leshot, those we fetched out of the water again: they also threw much of their goods overboard, and amongst the rest three Hens, our men leapt into their ship and carried them into our ship, they not once resisting; for in truth they had no arms, when they were in our ship, we fetched two men more that were left in theirs, which presently fell down before us, and kissed our feet and hands, one of them was a very old man, the other a young man, we could not understand them, but used them kindly, and presently the Shalop rowed to fetch those that leapt overboard, to save their lives, but they got but two of them, that driven upon one of their oars, and pointed to our men with their hands to the ground, as much to say, that the rest were drowned: one of those two that was hurt, whom we dressed, had long yeallowish hair. In that ship there was at lest eight women, three young sucking children, and some of nine or ten years old, so that we made accounted they were three and twenty in all, clean naked people, both men and women, only something hanging before their privy members. About evening we set the men on board their ship again, that were welcome to their wives, which clasped them about the necks, and kissed them. We gave them beads, (which they hung about their necks,) and some knives, and shown them all the friendship we could, and they the like to us, giving us two fine Matiens, and two Cocos nuts, for they had not many: that was all they had to eat and drink, and they had drunk out all the water out of the Nuts, so that they had no more drink. We saw them drink salt water out of the Sea, and gave it also to their young children to drink, 
Drinkers of Sea-water.  which we thought to be against Nature. They had certain clothes which they ware before their privy members, and therewith covered themselves against the heat of the Sun, of a yeallowish colour. They were reddish people, that anointed themselves with Oil: the Women had short hair, like our men in Holland: men's hair was long, curled, and very black: 
The manners and C●onas of the Negroes.  their ship was of a strange fashion. It was made of two long fair Canoas' with a good space between them, in each Canoa about the middle thereof, there lay two whole broad planks of fair read wood, to keep out the water, and diverse planks laid cross over, from the one Canoa to the other, which were made fast together, and hung a good way over on both ends, without the Canoas', very close above to keep out the water, before at the end of one of the Canoas', on starre-boord, there stood a Mast, at the end thereof having a Fork, whereon the yard lay. The Sail was made of Mats, and as the wind blew they sailed, without Compass, or any Instruments for the Sea, but hooks to fish withal, whereof the upper part was stone, the other black bone, or Tortoises shells, and some of them were mother of Pearl. Their ropes were very fair, and almost as thick as a Cable, made of such stuff as the figge-frayles in Spain are. When they sailed from us, they held their coruse Southeast.  
The tenth we had the wind South Southeast, and Southeast and by South, and held our course West and South-west. In the morning after breakfast, we saw very high land on Larboard, lying Southeast and by South, about eight leagues from us: we made to it, and sailed all that day with a good gale, but could not reach it.  
The eleventh in the morning, we were near a high Island, and about two leagues southward from thence, another long low Island, that day we sailed over a Bank of fourteen fathom deep, stony ground, lying about two leagues from the land, and as soon as we were over it, we could found no more ground. One of the ships aforesaid came to us: they also carry a Canoe in their ship, which what time soever, they can put out: and are very good Seamen. Their ships were of the fashion aforesaid, with good sails, and are so swift of sail, that few ships in Holland can ou● sail them. They steer behind with two Oars, on each Canoe a man, and sometimes row with their Oars before, when they will wind, the ship also winds of itself when they pull the Oars out of the water and let it go, or alone with the wind, we put out our Shalop to found, which came and told us that they had found ground at fifteen, fourteen, and twelve fathoms, sheluie ground, about a Canon shot from the land, we presently made to it to Anchor, and took in our sails. The Negroes seeing that, made signs to us to go to the other Island, and sailed thither before us, but we anchored at the end of the Island, at five and twenty fathom sandy ground, a great Canon shot from the land. That Island is a high hill, almost like one of the Moluccos Island, full of trees, most Cocos trees, therefore we called it Cocos Island. 
Cocos Island.   
The other Island is much longer, but lower, lying East and West. As soon as we were at an Anchor, there came three small ships, that sailed up and down about our ship, and at lest nine or ten Canoes boarded us, some from the land, and some out of the little ships, among the which two of them put out little white Flags in sign of peace, and we did the like. Their Canoes, which had three and four men a piece in them, were flat before, and sharp behind, hewed out of a whole piece of reed wood. Wherewith they could row exceeding swift, and when they came near the ship, they leapt into the water, and swam to our ship, with their hands full of Cocos nuts, and Vbes roots, which they bartered with us for nails and beads, whereof they were very desirous, they gave four or five Cocos nuts, for one nail, or a small string of beads, so that the same day we bartered for an hundred eighty Cocos nuts, and at last there came so many on board, that we scarce knew how to bestir ourselves. We sent our Shalop towards the other Island, to see if there we could not lie better, for there we lay in the open Sea, but the Shalop was no sooner off from the ship, rowing along by the land, but it was enclosed round about by twelve or thirteen Canoes of the other Island, and still more came to them, the people within them showing as if they were mad, having certain staffs of hard wood in their hands like clubs, sharp at the point, and a little burnt. They boarded our Shalop, and thought to have taken it from us, but our men being thereby constrained to defend themselves, let flee three Muskets among them, whereat first they laughed and mocked, thinking it but a sport, but the third time one of them was shot into the breast clean through his body, which his fellows seeing went presently to help him, & finding him to be so sore hurt, all of them kept off from the Shalop, and went to one of their small ships with sails, and calling to it, would have had them to over row the Shalop, as we guest, but they would not, for their Canoes had been aboard our ship, where they had been well used, and friendly dealt withal. Those people were very thievish. They were lusty men, well proportioned, and of great stature, 
Thievish people.  and went all naked and unarmed only their privy members covered. Their hair was dressed after diverse fashions, some short, and some finely curled, some had long hair bound up in pleits in several manner, they were notable swimmers. That Cocos Island lies under sixteen degrees, ten minutes. The twelfth in the morning after breake-fast-time, there came more Canoes aboard our ship, with Cocos nuts, Bananas, Vbas roots, and some little Hogs, and some vessels full of fresh water; that day we bartered with them for one thousand two hundred Cocos nuts, we were eighty five men aboard, and every one had twelve nuts. They striven who should get first aboard, and those that could not get to the ship, leapt out of their Canoes, and dived under the other Canoes, to get to the ship to cell their ware, holding Vbas roots, and bunches of Cocos nuts in their mouths, and climbed so many, and so fast up to the ship, that we were forced to keep them down with staffs. When they had sold their wares, they leapt out of the ship and swam to their Canoes again. They wondered at the greatness and strength of the ship, and some of them crept down behind at the rother, under the ship, and knocked with stones upon the bottom thereof, to proou● how strong it was. There came a Canoe from the other Island, that brought us a young black wild hog, which the King sent us for a present, we would have given the messenger somewhat for it, but he would not take it, making signs that the King had charged him not to take any thing. At noon the King himself came in a great ship with a sail, of the fashion aforesaid, like an Ice Slead, with at lest thirty five Canoes to accompany him. Thi● King was by his men called Lato●, we received him with Drums and Trumpets, whereat they wondered, because they never had seen nor heard the like before. They shown us great honour and much friendship outwardly, with bowing their heads, clapping their fists together over their heads, and other strange Ceremonies. When he was a little way from us, he began to call and to cry out aloud, as if he had prayed after his manner, all the rest of his men did the like, we not knowling what it meant, but guest that it was in stead of a welcome.  
Presently thereupon the King sent us a Matien by three of his men, ●o whom we gave an old hatchet, a few beads, some old nails, and a piece of linen cloth, which he willingly received, laying it three times upon his head, and bowing it, in token of reverence or thanks and courtesy. Those that came into our ship, fell on their knees, and kissed our feet, and wondered much at our ship. We could not know the King from the other Indians, for he was likewise clean naked, but only that they shown him reverencee, and he commanded over his men. We made signs that the King should come aboard of our Ship: his son came aboard, and we entertained him well, but he himself durst not or would not come, but they altogether made signs to have us come to the further Island, with our Ship, where there was enough of all things to be had. Among other things, we bartered with them for angles of hair, that were made of reed, as in Holland, but somewhat thicker, with hooks of mother of Pearl. The King's son went to land again, and the Canoa wherein he went had a great piece of wood on larboard, wherewith it kept upright, upon that piece of wood their angle lay, ready to take fish.  
The thirteenth in the morning, there came at lest forty five Canoas' aboard, to traffic with us, with an Armado of three and twenty small ships, made like Ice-sleads, each of them one with an other, having five and twenty men a piece in them, and every small Canoa four or five, we not knowing what their intent was. The Canoas' dealt with us, bartering Cocos nuts for nails, and made show, as if they were our great friends, but afterward we found it otherwise: all of them made signs to us to sail to the other Island: the King who the day before had been at our Ship, came likewise in his ship with a sail to our ship, and all of them made a great noise. We would gladly have had him aboard, but he would not; wherewith we suspected treason, fearing some mischief, and the rather, because all the Ships and Canoas' kept close round about our ship, and that the King went out of his ship into a Canoa, and his son into an other, and presently they struck upon a kind of drum that was in his ship, whereat all the Indians began to cry out aloud, which we esteemed to be a warning given unto them, altogether to fall upon us, to take our ship from us, and then the ship wherein the King sailed before he went out of it, boarded us, coming so hard upon us, as if it would have sunk us: but it struck against our ship with such a force, that the two heads of the Canoas' before brake in pieces, wherewith the men that were in it, (among them having some women) leapt into the water, and swum to windward: the rest began to fling great number of stones at us, thinking therewith to fear us, but we shot at them with Muskets, and three great pieces (laden with Musket shot, and old nails) wherewith all they that were in the ship and Canoas' that lay about our ship, leapt into the water. We made reckoning that some of them had forgotten the way to go home again, and that diverse of them also were sore wounded, and therewith they went back: they knew not what such manner of shooting meant, but yet when they saw how we had handled them with our shot, they kept aloof out of the reach of our Pieces, and we hoisting anchor, set forward again on our Voyage, holding our course West, and West and by South. We were of opinion, that the King at that time had assembled all his forces, for he had at the lest a thousand men, or rather more: among them we saw one that was clean white.  
When we were about four leagues off from the Islands, many of our men would have had us go back again to the Islands by force, to go on land, to refresh ourselves, in regard that we had but little water, but the Master and the Merchant would not. The first Island that was so high, we named Cocos Island; and the other that lay a league distant from it, we called Traitors Island, because the most part of the Indians that sought to betray us, 
Traitor's Island.  came from that Island.  
The foureteenth in the morning, we saw another Island right before us, about seven leagues distant from us, which seemed to be round, and as we guest was thirty leagues distant from the Islands aforesaid. That Island we called the Hope, and made towards it, hoping there to get water, 
Hope Island.  and better refreshing; but coming to it, could found no ground, and therefore put out our Shalop to found a long the shore, which about a Musket shot from the land, found ground at forty fathom, small black and soft stony ground, sometimes also they had twenty and thirty fathoms, but as soon as they were a Shalops length or two from it, they had no ground again Than ten or twelve Canoas' came to our Ship, but we would not let them come aboard, but shown them friendly countenance, and bartered with them for four flying fishes, for the which we gave them some beads, which we let down by a rope at the stern of the Ship, and they taking them, tied the fishes to the rope, and we pulled them up: in the mean time our Shalop founded along by the Land, which they in the Canoas' seeing, presently made towards it, and being close by it, at first spoke unto the men, but withal compassed them about with fourteen Canoas'; and therewith some of them leapt overboard, thinking to fall upon the Shalop, or to draw it away with them; which our men perceiving, shot with their muskets among them (there being six Muskets, and other arms, Courtelasses and Pikes in the Shalop) and therewith killed two of the Indians as they sat in their Canoas', where of one presently fell dead overboard, the other sat still with his hand wiping off the blood upon his breast, but at last f●ll likewise overboard: the rest in the Canoas', were thereat in so great fear, that in all haste they made away, at which time we saw many men standing upon the shore, that cried and made a great noise. But for that we there could find no fit anchoring ground, we took our Shalop in again, and went forward on our Voyage, holding our course South-west, the better to get to the South, hoping there to find firm land. And it was so rough near to the Island, that it was a very bad place for a Boat to go on shore. The Island was all full of black Cliffs, green on the top, and black earth, and was full of Cocos Trees, and green herbs. We also saw many houses along by the Seaside, and close by the strand there was a great Village, the land was hilly, but not very high.  
The eighteenth, being under sixteen degrees, five minutes, we had variable West winds, that day we called our Council together, to whom William Cornelison Schouten our Master shown, that then we were at the lest one thousand six hundred leagues Eastward from the Coast of Peru, and Chili, and had not discovered any part of Terra Australis, as our intent was; that there was not any appearance to discover any thing to our contentments; that we also had sailed further Westward, than we intended; that sailing forward in that manner, without all doubt we should fall southward upon Nova Guinea; and that if there we should found no passage or way to get through (it being very dangerous, uncertain and not known) that then both ship and goods would be lost, and we ourselves likewise should perish, it being impossible to come Eastward back again from thence, by reason of the steadfast East-winds, that in the West parts continually blow; that we also had but small store of victuals, and saw no means as yet to increase them; and therefore asked their counsel, whether it was not their best way to altar their course, and to sail Northward, thereby to get Northward to Nova Guinea, and so to the Moluccoes, which they considering of, and well weighing, found his reasons to be true, and thought it necessary to be done, and therefore all with one consent agreed to sail Northward, not to fall southward upon Nova Guinea, being an uncertain way, but rather Northward, to hold a certain course: which was presently put in effect, and we set our course North Northwest.  
The nineteenth, the wind South, and our course North, at noon we saw two Lands, North-East and by East, about eight leagues from us, which seemed to lie about a Canon shot distant one from the other. Than we went North-East, to sail about the land, with fair weather, but no great gale.  
The twentieth, the wind was North-East, and we did the best by labouring to get to the land.  
The one and twentieth, the wind was East, with a small gale: and when we were about a league from the land, there came twenty Canoes to our ship, to whom we shown all signs of friendship, but one of them with a wooden Assagay (sharp at the point) in his hand, threatened to shoot at one of our men, and cried aloud, as they did in the other Island, which we thought was a sign among them, to fall upon us, whereupon we discharged two of our great Pieces, and therewithal some of our Muskets, whereby two of them were hurt, and the rest presently made away, as they fled throwing a shirt overboard, which they had stolen out of our Gallery.  
The two and twentieth day there came diverse Canoes to our ship, bringing some Cocos Nuts, and Vbas Roots, others brought a live Hog, and two roasted Hogs, for the which we bartered, and gave them slight Knives, Beads, and Nails. Those people also were thievish, and would swim and dive exceeding well, as those in the other Lands could do, their houses stood along the strand, which were round and made of leaves sharp on the top and close like a paint-house, to let the water fall down, about five and twenty foot in Compass, and ten or twelve foot high, with a low hole to go in stooping: in them there was nothing to be seen, but some dried herbs, like hay, to sleep upon, and an Angling Rod or two, and in some a wooden club or staff, that was all their household stuff, the both best and worse sort, for the King himself had no more. Here we found a convenient watering place.  
The four and twentieth day, Aris Clauson, Reymie Simonson Snocke, and Cornelison Schouten went on land to be Hostages, to make friendship with the Indians, and for them we had six of their principal men in our ship, whom we used friendly, giving them meat and drink, and some presents, as they did to our men, giving them Cocos, and Vbas Roots to eat, and water to drink. The King shown our men great reverence, and gave them four little Hogs: that day our men fetched five fats full of water peaceably without quarrelling, for when any of the Indians came near our Boat, the King himself came thither and drove them thence, or sent one of his men to do it. His men were very obedient unto him: for as it chanced that one of our Courtelasses was stolen away from us, and we told one of the King's Gentlemen thereof, he gave some of the Indians charge to fetch it again, and presently he that had taken it, was sought for, and although he was gone a good way of, they brought him back; who being come, the Courtelasse was laid down at our feet, and he was beaten with staffs, they making signs unto us with their fingers upon their throats, that if the Herico (that is the King) knew of it, his head should be cut off: and after that, we had nothing stolen from us, neither on the shore, nor in the ship, nor elsewhere: neither durst they take a fish that we angled for. Those people were very fearful of our shooting, for when we shot off a Musket, they all ran quaking and shivering away, and we put them in more fear, when we shown them that we could shoot with the great Pieces, which the King desired us once to do; which being done, they were all so fearful and abashed thereat, that all of them, as also the King, (sitting under his Belay, or Canopy, notwithstanding all that we could say or do to persuade thew,) sore amazed ran into the Woods, and left our men sitting there alone. But not long after they came again, scarce half well assured.  
The five and twentieth day, Aris Clawson, Claus johnson, and Daniel le Maire, went on land again, to barter for hogs, but they would not barter. But after the King had said his Prayers, (which he used to do every time that we went on shore,) shown us great friendship, and we the like to him.  
The six and twentieth day, jacob le Maire our Merchant and Aris Clawson went on shore but could get no Hogs of the Indians, because they themselves had great need of them, having little else to eat but Vbas Roots, Cocos Nuts, a few Hogs, and some Bananas: our men were very welcome unto them, and had great reverence shown them, for they trod upon Mats, and the King and his Lieutenant gave them their Crowns, which they took off from their own heads, and set them on their heads, in recompense whereof, jacob le Maire gave them some presents of little worth, wherewith they were very well pleased.  

Crowns made of Feathers.  The Crowns were made of long small white Feathers and underneath and above mixed with some read, and green Feathers, for they have many Parrots, and some Doves, whereof they make great account: for every one of the King's Council had a Dove by him sitting upon a stick, those Doves are white on their backs, and all the rest black saving their breasts, which are reddish: all that day we fetched water, and bartered for good store of Cocos Nuts, and Vbas Roots.  
The seven and twentieth, and eight and twentieth days, we got all our water into the ship, than William Cornelison Schouten our Master, and Aris Clawson went on land with the Trumpets, which the Kings took great pleasure to hear, and with much ado got two Hogs.  
The King's Lieutenant putting a string about his feet, or his hands, climbed quickly up a smooth high Tree, and in a trice fetched down ten Cocos Nuts, which at one crush with a stick or a piece of wood, he so soon opened, that our men wondered to see it. They told us that they always had war with the men of the other Island, and shown us many Holes and Caves in the Hill, and Bushes and Groves in the way, from whence they issued out, and spoiled and killed each other: and would gladly have had us go with our ship, to the other Island to help them there, to fight against those Indians with our Pieces, but it being no profit unto us, we refused it.  
They were in great fear of us, (although we shown them all the friendship we could,) and doubted that we would take their Country from them. The King promised us that if we would go thence in two days, he would give us ten Hogs, and a great number of Cocos Nuts, which they called Ali.  
When he entered into the ship, he fell down upon his face, and prayed, than we led him into the hold, and there again he prayed, he wondered much at that he saw, as we also did at his behaviour: his men kissed our feet, and took them in their hands, and laid them on their heads and their necks, in sign of submission.  
In the Evening by Moonshine, Aris Clawson went out to fish, and having taken a great shoal of fish, went to the King; there he found a number of young Wenches dancing before him, one played on a hollow piece of wood like a Pump, which made a noise, whereat the young Wenches danced after their manner, very finely, and with a good grace, according to the measure of the noise of the Instrument.  
The thirtieth day in the morning, the King sent us two little Hogs for a Present: the same day, the King of the other Island came to see the King of that Island, and with him brought sixteen Hogs, and three hundred men in his Company, all of them having certain green herbs hanging about their midles, whereof they make their drink. When the King was near unto the other King, he began a fare off with strange Ceremonies and Reverence to bow down his body, falling with his face upon the ground, and praying with a great noise, and much zeal, as we thought. The other King went to meet him, and likewise with a great noise and strange gestures, used him very reverently, and after much ado, they both rose up on their feet, and went and sat together under the Kings Belay, and there were assembled together at lest nine hundred men. When they went to sit down they prayed again, according to their manner, hanging down their heads, and bowing down to the ground, holding their hands one in another, which we admired. After noon, Aris Clawson being on shore, jacob le Maire, Claus johnson Ban, were sent for, who went a shore, with four Trumpets and a Drum, to the two Kings, there the Trumpets blue, and the Drum played before them, wherein they took great pleasure: after that came a company of Peasants, bringing with them a quantity of green herbs, which they called Cava, 
Homely drink.  such as the three hundred men aforesaid had about their middles, and all together at once began to chaw the herbs in their mouths, which being chawd they took it out of their mouths, and laid it all in a wooden vessel, like a Trey, or Trough, and when they had chawd a great deal, they poured water into it, and so stirred and pressed it together, and gave the liquor thereof to the Kings to drink, who drank thereof with their Gentlemen: they also presented that notable Drink (as a special and a goodly Present) to our men, but they had enough, and more then enough of the sight thereof. They also brought a great number of Vbas Rootes, which they had roasted, and sixteen Hogs that were only ripped, and the guts taken out, but all bloody, and not washed, and having certain hot stones put into their bellies, and outwardly their hair singed off by the fire, were well roasted after their manner, and they eat them as savourly and with as good an appetite, as we could do when they are well sodden or roasted after our manner. Those people yield great reverence and respect unto their Kings, for all the meat which they brought before their King, (who in their Language they call Herico) they laid it upon their heads, and kneeling on their knees, set it down before the King. Of those sixteen Hogs aforesaid, each King gave us one, presenting us therewith in this sort, first they laid them upon their heads, and kneeling laid them with great humility at our feet, and with them gave us eleven little live Hogs, and some indifferent great. And we gave them three Copper Beakers, four Knives, twelve old Nails and some Beads, wherewith they were well pleased.  
Those people were men of good understanding, and of great stature, for the lest man of them was as big as the tallest of us, and the tallest of them was fare higher than any of us, they were strong men, and well proportioned of body and limbs, they went very fast, and swam and dived under the water excellent well, their colour was altogether brown yellow, they were very curious in the dressing and trimming of their hair, some had it curled, some frizzled, some wore it bound up in long folds, four, five, or six, together, as our women do in Hair-laces, and some (which was strange to see) had their hair standing upright upon their heads, about a quarter of an elle long like Hog's bristles. The King had a long Lock of hair on the left side of his head, that hung down beneath his hips, bound up with a knot or two. His Gentlemen had two such Locks, on each side of their heads one, they went naked all alike both men and women, only some little thing handsomely tied before their privy members. The women were very unsightly both in face and body, of small stature, Their hair cut close to their heads, as our mens in Holland, their breasts long hanging down to their bellies like leather Satchels. They are very lecherous, for they suffer themselves to be used by their men openly in all men's sight, and in the Kings own presence, only under a Mat. We could not perceive that they worshipped God, or any Gods, or used any devotion, neither the one nor the other, but lived without care, 
It is likely they have some Religion by the Images, which M. Candish saw in other Lands of the Ladrones, and by the prayers before mentioned. Horn Island.  like Birds in the Wood They had no skill of buying or selling, but with flags they delivered us somewhat, and we in like sort to them again. They neither sow, nor reap, nor do any work, There the Earth of itself yields all that they need to sustain their lives: as Cocos, Vbas, Bananas, and such like fruit. When the water falls, The women look upon the shore on the Sea side for fishes, and when they will, they take them with their Hooks, and eat them raw, so that there men may plainly behold and see the golden World, whereof the Poets writ. When we left that Island, we called it Horn Island, after the name of the Town from whence we came, and the Bay wherein we anchored, the Unities Bay, after our ships name: that day for the most part, we were busy to get out, and to hoist up our Anchors, one of our Cables was fretted in pieces with the sharpness of the ground where it lay, so we lost that Anchor, and the Cable fretting upon a Cliff, broke as we wound it up and lost that Anchor also. This Bay lies on the South side of the land, in a Dock under fourteen degrees fifty six minutes. 
june.  We departed the first of june; the one and twentieth we made towards land which we saw very low and going near unto it, found many sands which stretched Northwest of from the land, there were three or four Lands, all very small but full of Trees. There a Canoe boarded us, being of the same fashion as afore, but somewhat greater, able to hold five or six men. The men in all respects as the former, and spoke the same Language, but somewhat blacker having some thing before their privy members. Their arms were Bows and Arrows, which were the first Bows that we saw among the Indians in the South Sea, we gave them some Beads and Nails, but they pointed towards the West to tell us that there was more land, where their King dwelled, and many things to be had. Therefore we held our course Westward again, finding no fit place to anchor in. This Island lay South South-west, and West from us, under four degrees, forty seven minutes.  
The two and twentieth the wind East Southeast, we sailed West, and West and by North, under four degrees, forty five minutes, that quarter we had a good gale of wind, and fair weather, and that day saw at lest twelve or thirteen Lands, one close by another, West South West from us, reaching Southeast, and Northwest about half a league, but sailed along by them, leaving them on Larboard.  
The four and twentieth the wind South, at noon we saw land on Larboard, being three low Lands, that lay South-west from us, very green and full of Trees, two of them were two miles long a piece, the third very little: the shore was hard cliffy ground, there likewise we could found no anchoring: we called them the Green Lands. We also saw a high Island that had seven or eight hovels forth right, lying West and by North from us, in the night we held off and on, staying till day.  
The five and twentieth in the morning, as we were all sailing by the aforesaid Island, we saw other land before us, in the South-west, which was exceeding high, which we thought to be the point of Nova Guinea, we made towards it, leaving the other high Island that lay Westward, which we called Saint john's Island, because it was Saint john Baptists day. 
S. john's Island.  About noon we got to it, and sailed along by it with an East Southeast wind, but could found no anchor ground, we sent out our Shalop to found the depth, and went along by the shore between the Ship and it, and being somewhat near the shore, there came two or three Canoas' to it, with black Indians in them all naked, without any thing before their members, which fiercely cast stones at our men with ●lings, but as soon as our men began to shoot at them they fled away. The Shalop came on board again, without finding any ground, telling us that the people's language was clean contrary to the former. We sailed along by the coast, which was very high and green, pleasant to behold where we saw much land as it had been houses; at evening we got about the point into a Bay, there we anchored at five and forty fathom, unfit and uneven ground. The same evening there came two Canoas' to the Ship, and spoke to us, but we understood them not all that night they held watch against us, with fire all along their coast: we lay about a Canonshot distant from the shore, against a running river: that night it was very still calm moonshine weather, the wound on the land, there came some Canoes close under the Gallery of our Ship, from whence we threw them some beads, showing them all the friendship we could, withal making signs unto them, to bring us some Cocos nuts, hogs, oxen or goats, if they had any, but they stayed still most part of the night by us, crying and hollowing after their manner. They were wild, black, and rude men. This land as we guest, lay distant from the coast of Peru, one thousand eight hundred forty leagues.  
The six and twentieth in the morning, there came eight Canoas' about our Spippe, whereof one had eleven men in it, the others four, five, six and seven men. They rowed close about our ship, and were well furnished with arms after their manner, as Assagayes or Clubs, wooden Swords and Slings, we shown them what friendship we could, and gave them Beads and other trash, making signs to them to go on shore to fetch us Hogs, Hens, Cocos nuts, and other fruit, such as they had, but they had another meaning, and altogether began fiercely to Sling with their Slings and other weapons, thinking to master us, but we standing upon our guard, shot with our Muskets and great shot amongst them, and slew at lest ten or twelve of them. They left the great Canoa, and three other, and leaping into the Sea swam to land: we put out our Shalop, and rowed it among those that swam away, and slaying some of them, brought three of them prisoners into our ship, that were sore wounded, and four of their Canoas', which we hewed in pieces, to make fire for the Cook. The hurt men were cured, but one of them died▪ about noon our men rowed with the two wounded men to the land, along the shore: th●re the prisoners cried to their fellows to bring us Hogs, Bananas and Cocos nuts, wherewith one Canoa came aboard, that brought a little Hog, and a bunch of Bananas, we set one of the men at ten Hog's ransom, the other that was sore hurt, we let go in the Canoa, because we doubted he would not live, those men had two holes bored in their noses, on either side one, wherein they ware rings, strange to behold. There we saw another Island lying North from that great Island.  
The seven and twentieth, we filled our empty vessels full of water, and that day we got a Hog from the land, and there saw diverse read Birds.  
The eight and twentieth, there came certain Canoas' aboard our Ship, but brought nothing with them, neither would they ransom their man, therefore we let him go on shore again. We thought those people to be Papoos, for all their hair was short, and they eat beetle and Chalk mingled with it, that night we hoist Anchor, and set sail, with a small gale of wind.  
The nine and twentieth, the wind was variable, and our course was Northwest, and Northwest and by North, with fair weather till noon, than it calmed. At evening we were still in the sight of the Point of the Island, and yet we sailed along by the land, which reached Northwest, and North and by West, with many Bays and Crookes. The same day we saw three high Islands more, that lay Northward from the great Island, about five or six miles. Than we were under three degrees, twenty minutes.  
The thirtieth in the morning, driving in a calm, diverse Canoas', with black Indians came aboard our Ship, who in sign of peace, as they entered, broke their Assagayes over their heads: they brought us nothing, but desired something of us. They seemed to be better and friendlier people than the other, for they covered their privy members with leaves, and had better kind of Canoas', set out before and behind with some carved works; they are very proud of their beads, which they paint with chalk, and the hair of their heads also. Upon the three or four Islands, from whence those Canoas' came, there was great store of Cocos trees.  

july.  The first of july in the morning, we anchored between an Island of two miles long, and the firm land of Guinea: about noon there came twenty five Canoas' toward our Ship, with many men well armed: being the same people, who the day before broke their Assagayes over their heads, and made a friendly show unto us, but with intent to abuse us, as after it appeared, who seeing us to lie in a calm, thought to take our Ship from us. We had two Anchors hanging out before at the bough, a little pulled up, whereon they sat, on each Anchor a man, with a Pingay or Girdle in their hands, wherewith they use to hold or draw forth their Canoas', and so thought to draw the Ship to shore: the rest hung fast upon the ship, we still standing upon our guard: at last, they began fiercely to throw at us with stones and other weapons, and thereby hurt one of our men, being the first that was hurt in all our voyage, but we shot among them with our Muskets, and with our upper tire of Ordnance, and killed at lest twelve or thirteen of them, and hurt many more: and while they fled away, our men rowed with the Shalop, (well armed) after them, and took one prisoner, being a young man about eighteen years old, whom we named Moses, after our man's name that was hurt. Those people eat bread made of roots of trees. After this fight we sailed all along by the land, with a good gale, West Northwest, and Northwest and by West.  
The second, we were under three degrees, twelve minutes, and that day saw low-land on Larboard, and also a great high hill, and right before us a low Island, we sailed softly West Northwest, with slight water East North-east.  
The third, we saw high land again, West from us, about fourteen leagues from the other Island, under two degrees and forty minutes.  
The fourth, as we were busied to pass by the aforesaid four Islands, we saw at lest twenty two or twenty three others, great and small, high and low, which we left on Star-brood, 
Many Islands.  only two or three on Larboard. They lay close one by the other, some a league, or a league and a half, and some more than a Cannon shot, distant one from another, under two degrees twenty five or thirty minutes little more or less.  
The sixth, sometimes we had a hard wind, and sometimes calm with rain, lightning and thunder, and before noon saw a very high hill, being South-west from us which we sailed unto: our Master was of opinion that it was Banda, by reason it was very like to the hill called Geomenapi in Banda, and very like for height, but going near unto it, we might see two or three hills more l●ke unto it, that l●y on the North side of the first hill, about six or seven leagues distant, whereby we knew that it was not so. Behind that hill, we saw very much land, east and Westward, which was so long, that on either side we could not see an end thereof, sometimes high, and then low, reaching East Southeast, whereby we guest it to be Nova Guinea, and for that night came upon us we held off from it.  
The seventh in the morning, before day we wound again towards the high hills, which was a burning Island, casting fire and flame from the top thereof, 
Vul●ans Island.  and therefore we called it Vulcan's Island, the wind than was South-west with fair weather. This Island was well inhabited, and had many Cocos trees in it, the people came with some Canoas' to our Ship, but were very fearful of us: they called unto us, but we understood them not, neither could our black Moors tell what they said: they were all naked, only their privy members covered, their hair some short, some long. There we found no ground, and so could not anchor. In the North and Northwest we saw more Islands, at which time we went Northwest and by West to a low Island that we saw before us, which in the evening we got unto. Than we took in our sails, and let the Ship drive. There we found diverse colours of water, green, white and yellow, which we guest to be water coming out of rivers, for it was sweeter than the Sea-water. There many trees, leaves, and boughs drove in the water, whereon some Birds and Crabs sat.  
The eighth, the wind being variable, we held our course West South-west, and West Northwest, with fair weather, and a reasonable gale of wind, having on Starre-boord a high, and on Larboard a low Island, reasonable high, we made toward the land, which about Evening we got unto, and found good sandy ground at seventy fathom deep, about a Cannon shot from the land. There certain Canoas' came to us, with a kind of ill-favoured people, all Papoos, their hair short, and curled, having Rings in their noses & ears, and strings about their heads or arms, and Hog's teeth hanging about their necks, for an ornament. They also eat Betel, and were all defective persons, some great legs, others swollen arms, and so forth; whereby it is to be thought, that thereabout it is unwholesome land, and the rather, because their houses stood upon stakes, about eight or nine foot from the ground, there we had three degrees forty three minutes, and found a little show of Ginger.  
The ninth in the Morning, lying at Anchor, our Shalop rowed to look for a fit place to anchor the ship in, and returning told us, that they had found a fit Bay, where unto we went, and anchored at twenty six fathom good sandy ground mixed with clay. There about stood two small Villages, from whence there came many Canoas' a●o●rd our Ship, that brought a few Cocos nuts, but they esteemed them very dear, for four nuts ask a fathom o● linen cloth, whereof they were very desirous. They also had some Hogs, which they held at a dearer rate, and what need soever we said we had thereof and made signs to them to bring us some, they would not do it. That day every man in our Ship had allowance of five pound of bread, and a measure and a half of oil a week, a cup and a half of Sack a day, and a Niperkin of Aquavita, all our Pottage, as Pease, Beanes, Gurts, and our Flesh, Bacon, and Fish being spent, and we knew not where we were, being uncertain whether we were far or near to the Indian Islands, as also what place we were in, though we sailed continually by the land, not knowing whether it was Nova Guinea or no: we only gh●st at it, for all the Cards that we had did not agreed, nor were like to the land that we saw. That land for the most part reacheth Northwest and by West, sometimes some what more Westerly, and sometimes again more Northerly. The twelfth, we sailed still West Northwest, along by the Coast with fair weather, and without Sunshine, at noon being under two degrees fifty eight minutes, with help of the stream, that set us about the West, as it did all along the Coast of Nova Guinea.  
The thirteenth and foureteenth, we sailed along by the aforesaid Coast, sometime by high and then by low land. The fifteenth, we had the wind, and held our course as aforesaid, along by the Coast, with good weather, after noon we came to two low inhabited Islands, about half a league from the main land, which stood full of Cocos trees. We made towards them, and there found good anchor ground, at forty, thirty, twenty five, and twenty, to six and five fathom deep, and there anchored at thirteen fathom good ground. The Master rowed with the Boat and the Shalop well armed, to the land, thinking to get some Cocos nuts, which there were upon the land in great abundance: but going on shore, the Indians lay in ambush right against the place where we came to land, and watching for us, shot so fiercely at us with their Bows, that they hurt at lest sixteen of our men, some in the arm, others in the leg, neck, and hands, and other places. And we shot at them with Muskets and Slings, but at last by reason that the Indians shot so thick, we were forced to retire, there we were under two degrees fifty four minutes.  
The sixteenth in the morning, we sailed in with our Ship between both the Islands, and anchored at nine fathom, where we had good lying, after noon our Boat and Shalop rowed to the lesser Island, to fetch some Cocos, and burnt two or three of the Indians houses: about Evening our men came aboard again, and brought so many Cocos nuts, that every one of us had three nuts for his part. Those people are clean naked, their privy members and all.  
The seventeenth in the morning, there came two or three Canoas' towards our ship, and threw Cocos nuts into the water, making signs to us to fetch them, whereby they sought to be friends with us. We made signs to them to come aboard, at last taking better courage, they came close to the Ship, and brought us as many Cocos nuts, and Bananas as we desired, which we drew up by ropes into the gallery, giving them old nails, rusty knives, and beads in barter; they also brought us a little green Ginger, and yellow Roots, which are used in stead of Saffron, bartered also with us some of their Bows and Arrows, so that at last we were great friends with them.  
The eighteenth, we bartered still for Cocos nuts and Bananas, and some Cassavie and Papede, which is also to be had in East India. There we saw some jars or earthen pots, which as we thought came from the Spaniards. Those people were not so inquisitive to look into our ship as others were; for they knew what shooting with great Pieces meant, and called the Island wherein they dwelled Moa, 
Moa Island. 〈◊〉 Arimoa. Cassavie.  which lay most Easterly, the other over against it they called jusou, and the uttermost (being a very high Island) lying about five or six leagues from Nova Guinea, they named Arimoa. We bought as many Cocos nuts and Bananas' as we desired, so that every man had fifty nuts, and two bunches of Bananas. Those people use Cassavie for their bread, but it is nothing like to that of the West Indies, they bake it also in round cakes.  
The twentieth in the morning we set sail, after we had again bartered for more victuals, they made signs to us to lie still, and they would bring us more.  
The one and twentieth, we sailed along by the land West Northwest, and at noon were under one degree thirteen minutes. Than we saw a number of Islands, whereunto the stream drove us, and about noon we got to them, and anchored at thirteen fathom. That evening we had much rain, thunder, and lightning.  
The three and twentieth in the morning we set sail, with good weather and a good gale, and being a little from the land, six great Canoas' followed us, (and yet we saw no men on land) bringing dried fish, (which we took to be Steenbrasses,) Cocos nuts, Bananas▪ Tobacco, and some small fruits like Prunes. There also came some Indians from an other Island that brought us some Victuals, that also had some China porceline, for we bartered for two dishes, whereby we were persuaded that many Christian ships had been there, for they wondered not, as others did, at our ship. They were another kind of people than the former, of a yellower colour, and greater of body; some of them had long hair, some short, and also used Bows and Arrows, whereof we had some in barter. They were very desirous of beads, and iron-worke, and had green, blue, and white glass rings, sticking in their ears: which we guest they had from the Spaniards.  
The four and twentieth we were under half a degree, with a little gale, and sailed Northwest, West and South-west, along by a fair great Island, very green and pleasant to behold, which we called William Schoutens Island, 
Schoutens Island.  after our Master's name, and the West point thereof, the Cape of Good Hope.  
The five and twentieth, we saw much land on Larboard lying South South-west from us, some very high, and some very low. The seven and twentieth we saw three Islands more, the Coast reached Northwest and by West.  
The seven and twentieth, we were under nine and twenty minutes southward of the line, and saw much land southward from us, some high, and some very low, and past West Northwest along by it.  
The eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth the weather was variable, 
An Earthquake.  that night we had an Earthquake, which made our men for fear to run out of their cabins, our Ship seeming as if it struck against the ground, but we cast out our lead, and found no ground.  
The thirtieth, we sailed in a great Bay or hollow place, so that we seemed to be round about enclosed with the land; we did our best to found an opening, but could not, and therefore sailed Northward again: that day it thundered and lightened so sore, that our Ship shaken therewith, and sometime seemed to be on a light fire, wherewith we were in no small fear, and after it ensued so great a shower of rain that we never had seen the like before.  
The one and thirtieth we perceived that we were entered into a place where we had the land round about us, therefore we held our course North, and that Evening past the Equinoctial line the second time, and being closed by the land, anchored at twelve fathom good ground, about a Cannon shot from an Island, that lay close by the firm land, but there we saw no men nor any thing growing.  
The first of August, we hoist anchor with great labour, for it lay under a Cliff, 
August.  but at last we got it up, we were then fifteen minutes Northward of the line, in the Evening with the hard stream, we went close to the land, and by reason it was calm, anchored in uneven ground, and not deep.  
The second it was very calm, and we drove with the stream West and West and by North, with rainy weather.  
The third, we held our course as before, with a calm, and found a Bank, so fare in the Sea that we could scarce see the Land, in some places being forty, in an other twenty, fifteen, and five fathom sandy ground, we anchored at twelue fathom, because it waxed night, and the Master desired to see how the stream went, it was West South-west. The same day we were under five and thirty minutes Northward of the line, and saw many Whales, and Tortices. We guest by the height, that we were at the end of the land of Nova Guinea, having sailed along by the Coast two hundred and eighty leagues, that day we saw two Islands more Westward from us. Raynes and Calmes troubled us.  
The fift, in the morning, as our Shalop rowed to land, we saw first two, and then three Canoas' more come off from the land, and made towards our Shalop, and being hard by it, put out a Flag of Peace, and our men the like, and then went aboard: the Canoas' followed them and also came aboard, they brought us nothing but a muster, or show of Indian Bounties and Erties, with some Rice, Tobacco, and two Paradise Birds: 
Bean● or Pease.  we bartered for one of them that was white and yellow. We could understand them reasonable well, for they spoke Tarnata words, and one of them spoke good Malaian, which language Aris Clawson our Merchant could speak well, some of them spoke some Spanish, and among them they had a Spanish Felt. They wore fair clotheses, about their middles, and some had Silk Breeches on of diverse colours, some also had Wreaths about their heads, which they say were Turks or Moors in Religion. They ware Gold and Silver Rings upon their fingers, their hair was all coal black. They bartered their ware with us for Beads, but rather desired Linen: They were very wary and fearful of us. We asked them what the name of this Country was, but they would not tell us, but by many circumstances we judged and verily believed, that we were at the East end of Gilolo, on the middlemost Point of the Land, 
Gilolo.  (for Gilolo reacheth out with three Points to the East) and that they were men of Tidore, friends to the Spaniards, as we also found it so to be, which made us all rejoice, that after so many wind and turnings, and troubles endured, we were come to the place which we knew, and hoped in short time to come among our Countrymen, a thing which we so long, and so much had hoped for and desired.  
The sixth day in the Morning we having a good gale, South Southeast, and bad lying there, hoist Anchor to go on our Voyage to the Moluccos, and held our course North, with a good gale to go North, about the North point of Gilolo. The seventh it reigned, 
Moratay.  and we saw the North-east point of Gilolo, called Moratay, which lay Southeast from us.  
The eighth about noon, we were under four degrees three minutes Northward of the line, that night it reigned hard with thunder and lightning, there we found the stream to go Northward. The ninth and tenth the Wind was variable, with rainy weather, and we were under the height of three degrees fifty minutes. The eleventh in the Morning, we saw the land of Gilolo called Moratay again, on the North-east point of Gilolo, 
The Current.  we did the best we could to reach it, but the stream put us off from the land towards the North, and could not reach it that day.  
The twelfth and thirteenth, we were under two degrees fifty eight minutes, with variable winds, and much rain; and the like the foureteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth. The seventeenth with great labour and much trouble we got under the land, late in the Evening, and drove along by the Coast with fair weather: that night we saw many fires upon the land.  
The eighteenth it was still weather, and we ●raue along by the Land: about noon two Canoes came to us with a flag of Peace, 
Soppy.  from the Village called Soppy; they were Tarnataens, with whom we could speak well, and some of them were of Gammacanor: they shown us, that a Pinnace of Amsterdam had lain there three months to lad Rice, and that about a month or two before, also an English ship had been there. How glad we were then when we were so well assure●, that we were come to so good and long desired a place, after so much pain and trouble that we had endured, with eighty five sound men, when we had spent all our victuals, every man may judge that hath proved the like adventure. There we were under two degrees, forty seven minutes, and anchored at ●ight and twenty fathom: some of those men stayed that night with us, the next day to bring us to the Road of Soppy.  
The nineteenth we sailed into the Bay, and there anchored at ten fathom sandy ground, about a Canon shot from the shore. That day we bartered for some Sagow, some Hens, two or three Tortoises, and a little Rice.  
The seventeenth of September we had a good gale, and did our best to get to Tarnata: that morning beside we saw a sail to looseward from us, 
September.  which also made towards Tarnata, being the Morning Star of Rotterdam, of three hundred Tons burden, having in her six and twenty grea● Pieces. At noon our Shalop came from that sh●p, where she had lain three nights, they being in ●he Creek o● Sabou, found there the Admiral Verhaghen there, in one of the Admiral Speilberg his sh●ps, by whose men we understood of Speilbergh his Acts and Voyage.  
They also told us, that there were ten ships well furnished at the Manillas, their General being john D●rickeson Lam of Horn, to set upon the Spanish fleet, that were coming to Tarnata. We also understood, that Peter Bot sailing home with four ships, was cast away, upon Mauricius Island, with three ships, by means of a storm that cast him upon the Cliffs, where many of his men and himself also was drowned, the fourth ship scaped.  

October.  The three and twentieth of October we set sail, and the eight and twenty went by jacatra, where we anchored without the Island: there we found three ships of Holland; the Horn, the Eagle, and the Trou, and three English ships. The next night one of our men died, which was the first man that died that voyage, in the Unity, besides two more that died in the Horn: the one john Cornelison Schouten, our Master's brother, in the South Sea, by the Dog's Island, and one about the Coast of Portugal: so that until then, there died but three men in both the ships, and then we had left eighty four men living, all indifferently well.  
The one and thirtieth, the ship called Bantam, with john Peterson Koeven of Horn, Precedent of Bantam, for the East India Company, came before jacatra.  
The fi●st of November, the Precedent john Peterson Koeven sent for William Cornelison Schouten our Master, and the Merchants, to come on land, where being come (in the presence of his Council there assembled) he told them in the name of the East Indian Company, that they must leave their ship and goods there, and deliver it up into his hands: and although our Master shown him many reasons, to persuade the contrary, saying, that they did them great wrong, they were forced to do as the Precedent appointed them, who told them, that if they thought they did them wrong, that they should right themselves in Holland: and so our ship and goods was stayed and attached there. To receive the ship and all her furniture, the Precedent appointed two Masters of ships, and two Merchants, which was delivered by Inventory unto them, by our Master & the Merchant. This was done upon Monday the first day of November, after our reckoning; but upon a Tues●ay the second of November, by our Countrimens' reckoning there. The reason of the difference of the time fell out thus: 
A day d●ff●rence in computation of time, now caused.  as we sailed Westward from our own Country, and had with the Sun compassed the Globe of the World, we had one night, or Sunsetting, less than they: and they that come out of the West, and sail to the East, thereby had one day or Sunsetting more than we, which make a quarter difference, and so as we made our reckoning of the time then with ourselves, and did the like with our Countrymen, that week we lost the Tuesday, leaping from Monday to Wednesday, and so had one week of six days.  
Our sh●p being in this manner taken from us, some of our men put themselves into service with the East Indian Company. The rest were put into two ships, (that were to go home into Holland) called the Amsterdam, and the Zealand: their General, being George van Speilberghen. The Master William Cornelison Schouten, jacob le Maire, and ten of our men, went with the General in the Amsterdam, the Master's name john Cornelison May, alias Meuscheater: and Aris Clawson, and the Pilot Claus Peterson, with ten others, in the Zealand, the Master's name Cornelis Riemlande of Midleburgh, which set sail from Bantam the fourteenth of December.  
The two and thirtieth our Merchant jacob le Maire died.  
The first of january, 1617. we lost the sight of the Zealand.  
The four and twentieth, we were under the Island Mauricius at anchor, where we refreshed ourselves; and the thirtieth set sail from thence.  
The sixth of March, as we guest, we passed the Cape, but saw it not.  
The one and thirtieth, we were under the Island of Saint Helena. Where we found the Zealand, which arrived there certain days before us.  
The sixth of April after we had refreshed ourselves, and taken in fresh water, both our ships set sail, and the fourteenth of April saw the Island of Ascention.  
The three and twentieth we saw two ships to looseward from us under one degree southward of the Line, but because we could not reach them, we held on our course. The four and twentieth in the morning, we were the fift time under the Equinoctial Line, and the eight and twentieth we saw the North-star, which we had not seen in twenty months before. The first of july we came with the Amsterdam into Zealand, where the day before the Zealand likewise was arrived: And so performed our Voyage in two years, and eighteen days.   
FINIS.   

NAVIGATIONS AND VOYAGES OF ENGLISHMEN ALONGST THE COASTS OF AFRICA, to the Cape of GOOD HOPE, and from thence to the READ SEA, the ABASSINE, ARABIAN, PERSIAN, INDIAN, Shore's, Continents, and LANDS. THE THIRD BOOK.  

CHAP. I. Of the first English Voyages to the East-indieses, before the establishment of the East-Indian Society.  

§. I. Of SIGHELMUS, MAMDEVILE, STEVENS, FITCH, and diverse other Englishmen, their Indian Voyages.  
Having now taken Sea-view of the Universe, and encompassed the whole Circumference of the Globe, in the former six Voyages▪ the first of portugals and Spaniards, the second and third of English, the three last of Hollanders, 
The English Generals, Drake and Candish, first Compa●s●rs of the world, and the most fortunates Magellans ship, not himself effected amore renowned then happy Voyage, whom the Hollanders followed, guided by English instructions▪ and Mariners not their fortune●.  therein not a little furthered by English Pilots, and their Notes, as is before observed of Melis, Adams and others: We are in the next place, to take more exact survey of the world in the principal Navigations, to the most famous and remote Regions thereof. Glorious and happy were those six Worthies, which proved themselves true Sons of the Sun and Tethys, a fare more German and Genuine issue, than that daring Phaeton, who asked and attempted his Father's Chariot, but exchanged it and himself for this miserable Epitaph.  Quem si non cecidit, magnis tamen exci●it ausis. 
But these have attained what they sought, and what he in his Vulcanian Chariot lost, these in Neptunian Chariots gained, and followed the Sun round about the world; at once seeming to imitate the heavenly Orbs (as so many Terrestrial Planets) and to rule the Elements, spurring the Air, brie●●ling the Ocean, contemning the narrow limits of known Earth, & filling the world with their Fame. But Others also, for their Marine adventures are worthy honour, if not compassing that honour of those First Worthies (worthy to be reputed First, and Worthies) yet in another kind, attempting as great a design, of as dangerous hazard, long Peregrination, costly expense, and profitable advantage, as the former. Such were those which have passed the black Guineans, and doubled the 
* Cape of Good Hope▪  Hopeful Promontory, from thence piercing into the Erythraean and Indian Seas, Lands, Islands, enriching our World, with a world of rarities for contemplation and use.  
To leave to other Nations Suapraemia laudi, the English exploits in this kind are the subject of this Book, especially theirs, which since the establishing of the East Indian Company, or Society of Merchants, have traded those parts; which was begun in the happy and flourishing Reign of that Glorious ELIZABETH, 
Praise of Quern Elizabeth.  whose Name could not end with her life, but as than it filled the Christian, Turkish, Persian, American, Indian, worlds of Place; so still it seems to begin, renew, and flourish in glorious verdure, and to promise' a perpetual Spring thorough all Worlds and Ages of Time. Before Her times I confess diverse of our Nation have merited honour in this attempt, as Sighelmus, Bishop of Shireborne, sent by that famous and religious King Alfred, 

Sighelmus his trau●●ls to Ind●a.  
W. M●lm. de gestis Regum Augloram & de gest▪ Ep●s●. Aug.   to Saint Thomas his Sepulchre in India, whence he brought precious Spices and jewels, Anno 883. twice recorded by William of Malmesbury: as likewise a certain Englishman mentioned by Matthew Paris, Anno 1243. which traveled the East part of the world with the Tartars in their famous expeditions: That I say nothing of Sir john Mandevill his many years travel through all the East, written by himself; and by that famous Geographer Ortelius, commended for his Geography (I fear, corrupted by some leaden Legendary spirit in other passages) and many Others, which Histories dignify in the time of the Holy-land wars, for their Eastern travels, and many more, no doubt, buried in the ruins of Time, by Oblivion and Obscurity.  
In her time we have record of diverse Indian Voyages by Englishmen, before that Society began.  
First, the Voyage of Thomas Stevens, from Lisbon to Goa, by the Cape of Good Hope, was written by himself from Goa, 
Thomas Stevens.  the tenth of November, 1579. and is extant in Master Hakluits second Tome of Voyages.  
Likewise the Voyage of Master Ralpe Fitz, by Syria and Babylonia, to Ormus, and thence into, 
Ralph ●itz.  and through many Countries of the East Indies, begun 1583. and continued till 1591. is to be read in the said second Tome of Master Hakluit, and in Linschoten.  

George Raymond and james Lancaster.  Also a Voyage, 1591. with three tall Ships, the Penelope, Admiral; the Merchant Royal, Vice-admiral; and the Edward Bonaventure, Rear-admiral; to diverse Islands and Regions of the East Indies, by Master George Raymond▪ of which the Merchant Royal, was sent back from Soldanha near the Cape Bona Esperanza, which both the other Ships doubled, and near the Cape Does Corientes were severed by a storm, and the said Voyage was only accomplished by Master james Lancaster in the Rear-admiral. For these I refer the desirous Reader to Master Hakluits Printed Book. This last Voyage I have by me, written by Henry May, Purser of the said Ship; but because his relations are principally touching the accidents in their return, wherein he was cast away in a French Ship on the Bermudas, I have referred that discourse to a fit place.  

Englishmen in Dutch Voyages.  In the fourth place, we may reckon those Englishmen in diverse of those Dutch voyages about the Globe, Timothy Shotten, Thomas Spring, john Cald-well, and others. Yea the name of Englishmen were so famous in the East, that the Hollanders in their first trade thither, varnished their obscurity with English lustre, and gave out themselves English.  

john Newbury.  Moreover, Master john Newbury, was not only companion with Master Ralph Fitch in his said Voyage, and prisoner with him at Goa: but before that, in the year 1580. had traveled to Ormus, and thence into the Continent (as by his journal, which I have, in fit place may appear) passing through the Countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, Anatolia, to Constantinople, and thence into Danubius, Valachia, Polonia, Prussia, Denmark, and so into England.   

§. II. The Voyage of Master BENJAMIN WOOD, into the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous success thereof.  
IN the year 1596. by the charges principally of Sir Robert Dudley, was set forth a Fleet of three Ships, the Bear, the Bear's Whelp, and the Benjamin, committed unto the command and conduct of Master Benjamin Wood The Merchants employed in this Voyage, were, Master Richard Allot, and Master Thomas Bromfield, of the City of London. These men for their better furtherance, intending to pierce as fare as China, obtained the gracious Letters of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, to the King of China in their behalf, which begin in this manner.  

See the whole ●e●ter▪ ●●ak. To. 3. pag. 53.  ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae & Christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes invictissima Propugnatrix, etc. Altissimo, Ser●nissimoque, Principi, Potentissimo Magni Regni China Dominatori, summo in illis Asiae Partibus, Insulisque adiacentibus Imperatori, & Magno in Orientalibus Mundi Regionibus Monarchae, salistem, multosque cum omni optimarum rerum copia & affluentia laetos & foelices annos. Cùm honesti & fideles subditi nostri, qui has literas nostras ad Serenitatem vestram perferunt, RICARDUS ALLOT & THOMAS BROMFIELD, etc. Datae in Palatio nostro Grenovici XI. Mens. julij Anno Christi 1596. annoque nostri Regni XXXVIII.  
This their honourable expedition, and gracious commendation by her Majesty to the King of China in their marchandizing affairs, had not answerable success; but hath suffered a double disaster; first, in the miserable perishing of the Fleet, and next in the loss of the History and Relation of that Tragedy. Some broken Planks, as after a shipwreck, have yet been encountered from the West Indies, which give us some notice of this East Indian disaduenture. Quae Regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? This intelligence we have by the intercepted Letters of Licentiate Alcazar de Villa Senor, Auditor of the Royal Audience of Saint Domingo, and judge of Commission in Puerto Rico, and Captain General of the Provinces of New Andalusia, written to the King and his Royal Council of the Indieses. An extract whereof, so much as concerneth this business, here followeth. Wherein, let not the imputation of Robbery or piracy trouble the Reader, being the words of a Spaniard▪ and the deeds of English in the time of war 'twixt us and Spain.  
AN other Commission your Royal Audience committed unto me, 
An extract of a Spanish Letter which I found amongst Master Hakluits pap●●s.  to punish offenders that did usurp a great quantity of goods of your Majesties, in the Island of Vtias. Of the state that I had in the end of the last year, I sent relation to your Majesty, inserting a declaration of one Thomas an English man, of the goods that in the said Island he and his companions had, and for this only I will make a summary relation of the Case, and the state of the Suit, by the which will appear, that out of England went three Ships for the India oriental of Portugal, which took three Portugal Ships, subjects to your Majesty, 
Three Portugal Ships taken by the English▪  whereof one of them came from the City of Goa, and from the Captain they took a great rich stone, which he said he carried for your Majesty, the proportion whereof went in the said Relation. They had in them also many bags of Royalls of eight and four, for the pay of the Soldiers, which your Majesty hath in Garrison, in a Castle Frontier of the said India; and the said Englishmen robbed them of it, and much more goods appertaining to your Majesty's subjects: and by sickness of the Englishmen, remained only four, which in a boat put all the goods they could, which they had rob from your Majesty and your subjects, and with it chanced to a River in the Island of Vtias, three leagues from this Island: where they took out their goods on land, where their Boat was sunk and lost: so they remained on thIsland, with only one small Boat made of boards, which they had taken from certain Fishermen, at the head of Saint john of this Island: with the which they came for water hither, and left one George an Englishman, one of the four that arrived in the said Island of Vtias. Who being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes, juan Lopez de Aliçeda, juan Morales, juan Martinis, juan Ruiz, Pedro Chamacho; He gave them notice of the things above said, and of the Stone, Stones, Gold, Plate, Testons, and other goods that was in the said Island, and the parts and place where the three Englishmen and their goods they might found. Whereupon they consulted and agreed, to pass to the said Island of Vtias to possess and benefit themselves with the goods that they should there found, and so they passed over, and carried with them a Letter of George the Englishman, that his companions should deliver themselves to them, with their weapons and goods. And being come near to the place where the Englishmen were, they set up a white Flag of Peace, and the Englishmen seeing this, set up another, and so came peaceably to speak together, where they promised them their Faith and Friendship: whereupon the Englishmen yielded themselves, with their arms and goods to the said Don Rodrigo, and his consorts: who took possession of all, and parted among themselves the money, and hid and kept secret the Stone, and Stones, Gold, Plate and other goods, leaving a small quantity of Plate in bars, and Silks to make this small part manifest, that the truth might not be known what quantity of Stones, Gold, Plate, and the rest of the goods they usurped. They consulted and agreed to murder the Englishmen, with whom they had eaten, drunk, and slept in company of peace: who having killed Richard and Daniel, and would have killed Thomas, he escaped into the mountain from them, and the said Don Rodrigo and his consorts came back again to this Island, with intent to kill, as they did kill George the Englishman with poison, & sent back again to the said Island of Vtias, to seek Tomas for to kill him also; who with a piece of Timber passed over to this Island with great admiration. They having knowledge thereof, sought all the means they could to kill him. Here the said Don Rodrigo, and juan Lopez, de Aliceda, came to this City and before the Governor manifested and made denunciation of a small quantity of goods that they found in Vtias, and the rest of their complices presented themselves for witness, falsely proving that they had found no more goods, than that little that they there manifested, and that they had killed three Englishmen in fight to get it. And thus they plotted many false in●ormations, before Christo fall de Marcado, a chief Officer, which was sent with Commission of your Governor, to fetch the Plate and goods so manifested, and by their persuasion many false witnesses have deposed, who have used many tricks, inventions, cavils & false devices to cover the truth; and they sent by three passages to the Island of Vtias, to approve the so killing of the three Englishmen, and that their manifestation was true, intending to remain with the rest, which they usurped, who understanding that there were diligences done to approve their delict, some of them have broken the Prisons and Goals, and fled out of them, especially the said Don Rodrigo de Fuentes. Who being in prison with a chain and bolts, and two Soldiers for guard, he filed off his Irons, broke the prisons, and fled away by night, and carried with him two Blacke-Moores of his that were attached for your Majesty, and went to the River of Toa two leagues from the City, where he remained a long time in sight of this City, with a Horse, Lance, Pistol and Sword, whom being favoured of many kinsfolks and friends of his wife, I cannot apprehended, although I did many diligences, in the mean while I took the examination of his complices who have confessed the deed, and that the said Don Rodrigo is Actor of all; by whose counsel and direction they were all governed. But they have not declared all the Stones, Gold, Plate, and Amber, saying that they were in the Island separated and divided, that the one might hide his things without the privity of the other. The proovances and likelihoods do much charge the said Don Rodrigo, and therefore I have proceeded against him, for Absence and Rebellion, and they discovered in their confessions all their Complices; whom I have examined for witnesses one against another, being a case wherein Complices may serve for witnesses. This cause being concluded by an extraordinary diligence, I have apprehended him, and for that the suit is of two thousand leaves, I have made a memorial to take his confession of more than two hundred questions, and he hath confessed almost as much as his Complices, and denieth to have the great stone and the rest; the said Don Rodrigo having taken from Daniel the Englishman two chains of Gold, the one hanged with an Agnus Dei, and the other with a Crucifix of Gold, and with it a collar of Gold, which Thomas the Englishman declareth to have fifty pieces Ameled, to be worn for a woman's chain, with certain Bracelets and Rings of Gold with many small Stones: which declareth the said juan Martin's, one of his Complices, and the said Don Rodrigo only confesseth two Chains and three Rings, which he saith were stolen from him, and his said Complices, having declared that three bags of Testons, of eight and four Royalls which fell to the part of him and john Ruiz, they had passed to this Island, which the said john Ruiz hath confessed, and as witness hath declared that he brought them, and carried them by the order of the said Don Rodrigo unto his house, which he will not deliver, saying, That they were stolen from him in the mountain where he did hide them: and his Complices having declared that he took in the said Island, a great mass of broken Silver, which Thomas the Englishman declareth to be fifty pound weight, the said Don Rodrigo denieth the same. And having taken more two sacks of Plate in bars, which by witness I did prove to weigh more than two hundred pound weight each of them; he hath delivered of all this only ten pound and a half, and saith that he spent and sold twelve pound, and a pound and a half was stolen out of his house, and that he gave to Christopher de Mercado twenty and six pound, when he went with Commission from your Governor to fetch the Plate manifested: he denieth all the rest, affirming that he brought from the Island of Vtias a Pot full of Plate, which he saith fell from him into a River. And having proved that he carried tokens from George the Englishman where he should found the great Stone in a Press, made up between two Boards, he denieth the same: and having proved that the first time that he went to the Island, he brought thence a Purse of Velvet, without telling or showing to his companions what was in it at the mouth thereof, did appear certain Boards of the Volume of two hands together, and it is presumed it was that whereinto Thomas the Englishman declareth the Stone was put, and he will not deliver the said Purse, saying, that it was stolen from him: he declareth and manifesteth some little pieces of wood that he brought in it, and two witnesses his Complices declare that those small pieces that he manifesteth he brought out of the same Island many days after, being sent thither by order of the said Christopher de Mercado. Many other tokens and presumptions concur that he hath the said Stone and the rest, and the rest of the Stones. It is likewise proved, presently after they returned from the said Island, the first time that they passed thither, it was publicly said and famed, that the said Don Rodrigo had found a Stone of great value, and to cover the truth he was furnished with many Informations, which I have proved to be false, which were passed before Christopher de Mercado, when he went with the said Commission to bring the goods manifested: for the which the said Don Rodrigo gave him the said twenty six pound of Plate, and he and his Complices one hundred two and twenty Crowns of Gold, and four hundred and fifty Royalls of Four, and other things of the goods that they usurped in the said Island. The said Don Rodrigo directed his Complices what they should say and do, and therefore they told not the truth in many examinations that I took of them, till such time that the said Don Rodrigo was fled out of the prison: so failing of his counsel, they presently declared and confessed the fact, will serve for witnesses, and it doth appear by many other witnesses that they before denied the truth, and after his escape 〈◊〉 declared the same, and concealed the same before at the request and persuasion of the said Don Rodrigo also appeareth, that he sent three small Carvels to the Island, to the place where they said they had killed three English men in fight, and he confesseth he did the same, to the end that his first Declaration might seem to be true, that he sent them by order of the said john Lopez de Alyceda, Constable of the vale of Coa, more; which hath no jurisdiction Civil nor Criminal. So I apprehended him and committed him- and having brought the said Thomas English man, to this City who declaring before your Governor by Interpreter the fact of this Suit, the said Don Rodrigo procured to kill him, and for the same he requested of the Licentiate Antonio de Robles Physician, a proportion of Poison, which both he and the said john Martin have declared: and appearing that the said john Lopez did not pass to the said Island as Constable, nor carried with him any Scrivener of two that were present when they embarked themselves, and having confessed, and as a witness declared that he passed to the Island, not as an Officer, but as a companion, and therefore took his share of the Testons, the said Don Rodrigo holdeth for his principal defence, to have passed to the Island with a Constable, and that all was done by his order, and that the said Informations were false. I have charged the said Don Rodrigo, of these and other offences that by the Processes appear, and commanded that he might have a Copy of them that with in the space of fifteen days, he might allege and prove what was convenient in his right, with all charge of publication, conclusion and citation for all the acts and sentences, leaving the Processes in Rebellion made ag●anst him in his force and vigour. He let pass the said Term, and I granted him other three Terms of fifteen days, which likewise he let pass, and in the end of them he refused me, and generally all the Inhabitants in this City, and thirty leagues about it, excepting only six friends of his, and your Royal Officers they refused. So I accompanied myself only with one Bailiff for the time of trial, reserving to have power to accompany myself for the sentence with your Auditor which is looked for here, and cometh to this Port for your Royal Audience of Sancto Domingo, and I granted him the fourscore days of the Law, and he hath made no proof nor can make none. For all that were in the said Island of Vtias have declared the delicts of the which the said Don Rodrigo is charged, and there will be found no other by whom to make proof of any thing to the contrary: and the cause being concluded, the said Audites passed without entering into this Port. And the said Bailiff and other persons that I pretended to accompany me refused me, saying, that if they did justice, the Kindred of the Wife of the said Don Rodrigo, which have taken his part would do them harm, and in not doing the same, they did charge their consciences: and notwithstanding any person with whom I might be accompanied, that might not be without suspect, and the refusal was so general and available, I accompanied myself at the last with Bachelor joseph Derebolledone, Natural of the Island of the Canaries, which chanced to come to this Port. Likewise the said juan Ruiz being Prisoner, broke his Prison and Gaol, and withdrew himself into the Cathedral Church of this City, and made himself strong in the Tower from whence I gate him, and a Suit was followed before the judge Ecclesiastical, where I defended your Majesty's right, and made an Information in the which I alleged all the said goods to belong to your Majesty, he having committed Robbery in the usurpation of it, and oother grievous Delicts, that they aught not to enjoy the Immunity Ecclesiastical which he pretended: and with many judgements and opinions of Theology, the judge Ecclesiastical gave sentence that he aught not to be relieved of the said Immunity Ecclesiastical, for that by the said Information may be better understood. This Suit and justice of your Majesty, which I have thought good to sand; and if to the contrary the said Don Rodrigo do writ, may be understood the credit that may be given to one that hath done such Delicts; and made so many Inventions and false Informations: to obscure and remain without punishment with your Royal goods.  
A conclusion of the Suit was made with them all, and I gave and pronounced sentence, in the which I condemned the said juan Lopez, exaliced juan Ruis, joan Martin's, Pedro Camacho to death, and loss of half their goods applied for your Majesty's Chamber: and more I condemned the aforesaid in solidum, and that within five days of the notification of this my sentence, they give and deliver the goods that they shared, all that yet remaineth undelivered to the accomplishment of that which Thomas the English hath declared, therefore said, and his companions to have taken in the Island of Vtias, of which they aforesaid, and Complices were possessed of, hid and kept secret, that it might be put into your Majesty's Chests, whose it is and to whom it doth belong.  
The same sentence I gave with my Companion against the said Don Rodrigo defuentes, and remains pronounced in secret, having others to sentence that they may come forth together in the pronunciation. I command that within the five days they deliver the said goods: which not accomplishing, I did command a Mandate to be dispatched, that they may be executed: with the which, I hope, to discover these goods, and they shall be restored to your Majesty, for the which I will do all the diligence possible for my intention is not to execute them. And thus God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty. From Portorico the second of October. 1601.   

§. III. The Travails of JOHN MILDENHALL into the Indieses, and in the Countries of Persia, and of the Great Mogor or Mogul (where he is reported afterwards to have died of 
* See my Pilgrimage. lib. 5. cap. 7. §. 4.  Poison) written by himself in two Letters following.  
THe twelfth of February, in the year of our Lord God 1599 I, john Mildenhall of London, Merchant, took upon me a Voyage from London towards the East-indieses, in the good Ship called the Hector of London, Richard Parsons being Master, which carried a Present to the Grand Seigneur in the same Voyage. 
April 27. 1599  The seven and twentieth of April, 1599 we arrived at Zante, where I frighted a Satea, and went into the Island of Cio, from thence to Smyrna, and from thence to Constantinople, where I arrived the nine and twentieth of October, 1599 and there I stayed about my Merchandise till the first of May, 1600. Sir Henry Lillo being then Ambassador: 
May. 1600.  upon which day I passed from Constantinople to Scanderone in Asia, where in company of a Chaus, and some six other Turks, I took my Voyage for Aleppo over land, 
Aleppo.  and arrived in Aleppo the four and twentieth day of the said May in safety, without any trouble or molestation by the way, and there abode two and forty days, finding there Master Richard Coulthrust for Consul. 
july 7. 1600.  And the seventh of july, 1600. I departed from Aleppo, in company with many other Nations, as Armenians, Persians, Turks, and diverse others, to the number of six hundred people in our Carravan, and only of English M. john Cartwright, Preacher: from whence we went to by'r, which is within three days journey, and stands upon the edge of the river Euphrates. 
Bir.  From thence we went to Vrfa, which is five days journey, which we found very hot. 
Vrfa. Caracmit. Bitelis.  From thence we went to Caracmit, which is four days journey. From thence to Bitelis, a City under the government of a Nation called the Courdes, yet under the subjection of Constantinople, which is seven days journey: and from thence to Van, which is three days journey from Bitelis, 
Van. A great Lake of salt water.  a City of great strength, and by the side of the Castle is a great Lake of salt water, navigable, and is in compass nine days journey about, which I myself have rowed round about. And once a year, at the coming down of the snow waters from the Mountains, there is abundance of Fish, which come of themselves to one end of the Lake, which I may compare to our Herring-time at Yermouth, where the Countrypeople do resort from diverse places, and catch the said Fish in great abundance, which they salt, and dry, and keep them all the year for their food: the Fish are as big as Pilchards. From thence we went to Nacshian, which is six days journey: 
Nacshian. Chiulfal. Sultania. Casbin. Com. Cashan.  and from Nacshian to Chiulfal, which is half a day's journey, and there we stayed eighteen days. From thence we went to Sultania, and from thence to Casbin in Persia, which is fifteen days journey, and there we abode thirty days. From thence to Come, which is three days journey: from thence we went to Cashan, which was seven days journey. From thence M. Cartwright departed from us, and went to Spauhoan, the chief City in Persia: from Cashan to Yesd, which is ten days journey. From thence I went to Curman, which is ten days journey; 
Yesd. Sigistam.  and from thence to Sigistam, which is fourteen day's journey: and from thence to Candabar, 
Candabar.  which is also fourteen days journey.  

The second Letter of JOHN MILDENHALL to M. RICHARD STAPER, written from Casbin in Persia, the third day of October, 1606.  
Worshipful Sir, my duty remembered: Not having any other of more ancient love then yourself, I have thought good to remember the manifold courtesies received, and partly to requited them with the first news of the success of this my Voyage, unto the Court of the Great King of Mogor and Cambaia. 
Lahora.  At my arrival in Lahora the of 1603. I dispatched a Post for the King's Court with my Letters to his Majesty, that I might have his free leave to come unto him, and treat of such business as I had to do with him from my Prince. Who forthwith answered my Letters, and wrote to the Governor of Lahora, to use me with all honour and courtesy, and to sand a guard of horse and foot with me to accompany me to Agra, 

He arriveth at Agra, 21 days journey from Lahora.  
His present to the King of Mogor.   where his Court was, being one and twenty days journey from Lahora; and being near arrived, I was very well met; and an house with all things necessary was appointed for me by the King: where reposing myself two days, the third day I had audience, and presented his Majesty with nine and twenty great Horses, very fair and good, such as were hardly found better in those parts: some of them cost me fifty or threescore pounds an horse, with divers jewels, Rings, and Earrings, to his great liking. And so I was dismissed with his great favour and content.  
The third day after, having made before a great man my friend, he called me into his Council: and coming into his presence, He demanded of me, what I would have, and what my business was. I made him answer, That his greatness and renowned kindness unto Christians was so much blazed through the World, that it was come into the furthermost parts of the Western Ocean, and arrived in the Court of our Queen of England's most excellent Majesty; 
This Voyage was made in Q Elizabeth's Reign.  who desired to have friendship with him, and as the Portugals and other Christians had trade with his Majesty, so her Subjects also might have the same, with the like favours; and farther, because there have been long Wars between her Majesty and the King of Portugal, that if any of their ships or Ports were taken by our Nation, that he would not take it in evil part, but suffer us to enjoy them to the use of our Queen's Majesty. All this the King commanded to be written down by his Secretary; and said, that in short space he would give me answer. With that I withdrew myself with leave and went to my house. Within eight or ten days after he sent me home in money to the value of five hundred pound sterling, the first time with very comfortable speeches. Shortly after, as I was informed, he sent to certain jesuites, which lived there in great honour and credit, two in Agra, and two others in Lahora, and shown them my demands: whereat the jesuites were in an exceeding great rage. And whereas before we were friends, now we grew to be exceeding great Enemies. 
The jesuites calumniation of our Nation.  And the King ask their opinion in this matter, They flatly answered him, That our Nation were all Thiefs, and that I was a Spy sent thither for no other purpose to have friendship with his Majesty, but that afterward our men might come thither, and get some of his Ports, and so put his Majesty to much trouble: saying withal, that they had eleven years served his Majesty, and were bound by their Bread and Salt that they had eaten to speak the truth, although it were against Christians. With these and many more such speeches, The King and his Council were all flat against me, and my demands; but made no show thereof to me in any respect: but I knew it by friends, which I had in his Court. Afterward they caused five Commandments to be drawn and sent them me, withal things that I had written: saving, they had left out the taking of the ships, and the Ports of the Portugals. Which when I had read, I presently went to the Court, and made demand of the other Articles. The King answered, that he would again speak with his Council, and make answer. In this manner rested my business, and every day I went to the Court, and in every eighteen or twenty days I put up Ars or Petitions: and still he put me off with good words, and promised that this day and tomorrow I should have them. In this manner, seeing myself delayed, and being at exceeding great expenses of eighteen or twenty Servants, Horsemen and Foot, I withdrew myself from going to the Court, in so much that in thirty days I went not. At length the King remembering me, sent to call for me: At my coming he asked the cause why I came not, as I was wont? I answered, that I had come into his Country only upon the great renown of his Excellency, and had wasted five years in travail, 
Five years spent in travail.  and could not obtain so much as a Commandment at his hands, which was wholly for his profit, and nothing for his loss: adding, that if I had asked some greater reward of him, he would much more have denied me. 
Rich garments bestowed by the grand Mogor upon Master john Mildenhal.  With that he presently called for Garments for me of the Christian fashion very rich and good, and willed me not to be sad, because every thing that I would have should be accomplished to mine own content. So with these sweet words I passed six months more: and then seeing nothing accomplished I was exceeding weary of my lingering, and could do nothing; and the rather for that I was out of money.  
I should have declared before how the jesuites day and night sought how to work my displeasure. First, they had given to the two chiefest Counsellors that the King had, 
The sundry practices of the jesuites.  at the lest five hundred pounds sterling a piece, that they should not in any wise consent to these demands of mine: so that, when I came to present them, they would not accept of any thing at my hands, although I offered them very largely: and where I had any friendship, they would by all means seek to disgrace me. But God ever kept me in good reputation with all men.  
Moreover, whereas I had hired in Aleppo an Armenian named Seffur, to whom I gave twenty Ducats the month, which served me very well for mine Interpreter four years; now coming near to the point of my special business, 
An Armenian served him four years for Interpreter.  the jesuites had soon wrought with him also in such sort, that he quarrelled with me and went his way: whereby I was destitute of a Drugman, and myself could speak little or nothing. Now in what case I was in these remote Countries without Friends, Money, and an Interpeter, wisemen may judge. Yet afterward I got a Schoolmaster, and in my house day and night I so studied the Persian Tongue, 
He studied six months the Persian tongue in Agra.  that in six month's space I could speak it something reasonably. Than I went in great discontentment to the King, and gave him to understand how the jesuites had dealt with me in all points, and desired his Majesty's Licence to departed for mine own Country, where I might have redress for mine injuries received; and withal told him, how small it would stand with so great a Prince's honour, as his Majesty had report to be, 
Many years delay.  to delay me so many years only upon the reports of two jesuites, who, I would prove were not his friends, nor cared not for his profit, nor honour; and desired a day of hearing, that now I myself might make plain unto his Majesty (which for want of a Drugman before I could not do,) the great abuses of these jesuites in this his Court: beseeching you again to grant me licence to departed, and that I might not be kept any longer with delays. At these words, the King was moved against the jesuites; and promised that upon the Sunday following, I should be heard, and that the jesuites should be present. This speech I had with the King upon the Wednesday. Coming before the place of Council the Sunday following, there were met all the great States of the Court to hear the controversy between us.  
At the first the King called me, and demanded what injuries I had received of the jesuites? I answered, That they had abused my Prince and Country, most falsely, calling us all Thiefs; and if they had been of another sort and calling, I would have made them eat their words, or I would have lost my life in the quarrel. Secondly in saying, That under colour of merchandise we would invade your Country, and take some of your Forts, and put your Majesty to great trouble. Now that your Majesty may understand, the untruth of these men's false suggestions; 
The Queen's Ambassador Leaguer at Constantinople.  know you all, that her Majesty hath her Ambassador Leaguer in Constantinople, and every three years most commonly doth sand a new, and call home the old, and at the first coming of every Ambassadoor she Tendeth not them empty, but with a great and princely present: according whereunto her Highness' intent is to deal with your Majesty. This profit of rich presents and honour, like to redound to your Majesty by having league of amity, and intercourse with Christian Princes, and to have their Ambassadors Leigers in your Court, these men by their crafty practices would deprive you of. And our Ambassadors being resident, as pledges in your Court, what dare any of our Nation do against your Highness, or any of your subjects. Upon these and other such like speeches of mine. The King turned to his Nobles and said, That all that I said was reason; and so they all answered. After this I demanded of the jesuites before the King; In these twelve years space that you have served the King, how many Ambassadors, and how many presents have you procured to the benefit of his Majesty? With that the King's eldest son stood out, and said unto them, naming them, That it was most true, that in a eleven or twelve years, not one came either upon Ambassage, or upon any other profit unto his Majesty. Hereupon the King was very merry, and laughed at the jesuites, not having one word to answer. Than I said, If it please your Majesty, I will not only procure an Ambassador, but also a present at my safe return again into your Country. divers other demands and questions were at that time propounded by the King and his Nobles unto me: and I answered them all in such sort, as the King called his Viceroy, (which before was by the jesuites bribe's made my great enemy) and commanding him, 

The great Mogor granted large privileges to Master john Mildenhall. He departeth from Agra▪ john Mildenhall returned home ward by Casbin.  
The Italians are our enemies for seeking trade in those parts.   that whatsoever privileges or commandments I would have, he should presently writ them, seal them, and give them me without any more delay or question. And so within thirty days after I had them signed to my own contentment, and, as I hope, to the profit of my Nation. Afterwards I went and presented them unto the Prince his eldest son, and demanded of him the like commandments: which he most willingly granted, and shortly after were delivered unto me. And so departing from the Court, I brought them with me into Persia: which are here in Casbin with myself, ready to do you any service: and I would have come myself when I wrote this Letter, save that there were two Italian Merchants in Agra, that knew of all my proceed: whom I doubted, as I had good cause, lest they would do me some harm in Bagdet, or some other places; they always being enemies to our Nation, that they should found any new trade this way, as to you it is well known: And within four months I mean to departed by the way of Moscovia; where arriving I will not fail but satisfy you at large of all matters.  
Your Worships to command, JOHN MILDENHALL.    


§. FOUR The Voyage of Captain JOHN DAVIS, to the Eastern India, Pilot in a Dutch Ship; Written by himself.  
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, MY EXCEEDING good Lord and Master, ROBERT Earl of Essex, etc.  
RIght honourable, and mine exceeding good Lord, my duty must advice me, to present this journal of mine East Indian Voyage, to your Lordship's most judicial view. Wherein I have used my best diligence to discharge my duty, as near as my slender capacity could effect the same, according to those directions which your Lordship gave me in charge at my departure; when it pleased you to employ me in this Voyage, for the discovering of these Eastern parts of the world, to the service of her Majesty, & the good of our Country. What I have seen, I do signify in this journal to your Lordship: and that which I have learned by the report of other Nations (when it shall please God to make me happy by your Lordship's favourable presence) I will make farther known to your Lordship, aswell of the King of Portugal his places of Trade and strength, as of the interchangeable trading of those Eastern Nations among themselves: beginning at Cefala, which is his first footing beyond the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and so proceeding to Mosambique, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Coulam, Onor, Mangalor, Cocbin, Columbo, Negapatan, Porto Grande in Bengala, and Malacca: As also to the City of Macao, in the Province of Canton in the famous Kingdom of China. and to the Lands of the Moluccos, and Amboyno. Which places are all in the Portugals possession serving for his security and refuge. Moreover he hath trade in Monomotapa, Melinde, Ad●n, Arabia, Cambaia, on the Coast of Coromandel, Balaguate, and Orixa. Of all which Nations there be some dwelling in Achen in the I'll of Sumatra, trading in merchandise, where I have met with Arabians, and a Nation called Rumos, who have traded many hundred years to Achen. These Rumos 
* Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence in the East, the Turks are called Rumos, of that their chief City.  come from the Read Sea. There are in Achen many Chineses that use trade, of whom I have been kindly used, and can well inform your Lordship of that worthy Kingdom of China. The trades of Gusarate are very ample. All which the Portugals with the lock of discretion have providently long concealed, which now through God's favour are made known unto us. I have here enclosed sent your Lordship the Alphabet of the Achens Language, with some words of the same; which they writ after the manner of the Hebrews. I have also sent by Master Tomkins of their Coin, which is in usual payment. That of Gold is named a Master, and is nine pence half penny nearest. Those of Lead are called Caxas: whereof a thousand six hundred make one Mas. Good my Lord, remember the poor Widow's Mite. For surely, if I could do more in this service, or otherwise, it should not be omitted. From Middleborough this first of August, 1600.  
Your Lordship's most dutiful Servant, JOHN DAVIS.   


A brief Relation of Master JOHN DAVIS, chief Pilot to the Zelanders in their East-India Voyage, departing from Middleborough the fifteenth of March, Anno 1598.  
THe fifteenth hereof we departed from Flushing with two ships in Consort, the Lion, and Lioness: the Lion being four hundred tuns, had in her a hundred three and twenty persons▪ the Lioness two hundred and fifty tuns, had a hundred persons. Mushroom, Clerk, and Monef of Middleborough Owners and only Adventurers thereof. Cornelius Howteman chief Commander of both ships, having a Commission from Grave Maurice, by the name General. The two and twentieth we anchored in Tor Bay with bad winds.  
The seventh we set sail, the twentieth we had sight of Porto Santo, the three and twentieth we fell with Palma: the last hereof we came with the Islands of Cape Verde. 
April.   
The first we anchored at Saint Nicholas, one of the said Lands in latitude sixteen degrees, sixteen minutes. Here we watered the seventh, we departed the ninth, 
May.  we fell with Saint jago.  
The ninth we fell with the Coast of Brasill, in seven degrees of South latitude, not being able to double Cape Saint Augustine: for being about the Line we had very unconstant weather, 
june.  and bad winds, 
Fernando Loronha.  being in this desperate case we shaped our course for a small I'll named Fernando Loronha, in four degrees of South latitude, the fifteenth we anchored upon the North-side thereof in eighteen fathoms. We found in this Island twelve Negroes, eight men, four women. It is a very fruitful Isle, and hath exceeding good water, it aboundeth with Goats, it hath also Beefs, Hogs, Hens, Melons, and Guinea Corn: with plenty of fish and Sea-birds. These Negroes were placed here by the Portugals to manure the I'll. Three years passed in which there hath no ships been with them.  
The six and twentieth we departed from this I'll, the wind at East North-East, the last hereof we doubled Cape Saint Augustine. 
August.   
The tenth we passed the Abrollos', which was the greatest of our fear (the sholds lie from the Coast of Brasill, fare off into the Sea, in one and twenty degrees and are dangerous. 
September. Abrollos'.  Whereupon our Baase, (for so a Dutch Captain is called) chose a Master of Misrule by the name Kesar. Now the authority of Riot lay in this disordered Officer, who after Dinner could neither salute his friends, nor understand the Laws of Reason. And those that aught to have been most respective, were both lawless and witless. In this dissolute manner we wasted three days, which being ended, and having again recovered our former discretion, we shaped our course for Cape Bona Esperanza, sailing towards the Court of Bacchus, unto whom this Idolatrous Sacrifice was made, as by the end appeareth.  

November. Bay of Soldania.  The eleventh we anchored in the Bay of Saldania, in thirty four degrees of the South Pole, ten leagues short of Cape Bona Esperanza, where there are three fresh Rivers. The people came to us with Oxen and Sheep in great plenty, which they sold for pieces of old Iron, and spike Nails. The best of that we bought, cost not more than the value of one penny in old Iron. Their Cattles are large, and under several marks, having upon the back by the fore shoulders a great lump of flesh like a Camels back. Their Sheep have exceeding great tails only of fat, weighing twelve or fourteen pounds: they have no wool but a long shag hair. The people are not circumcised, their colour is Olive black, blacker than the Brasilians, their hair curled and black as the Negroes of Angola, their words are for the most part in-articulate, and in speaking they clock with the Tongue like a brood Hen, which clocking and the word are both pronounced together, very strangely.  
They go all naked, having only a short Cloak of Skins and Sandals tied to their feet, they paint their faces with diverse colours, they are a strong active people, and run exceedingly, and are subject to the King of Monomotapa, who is reported to be a mighty King, their weapons are only hard Darts. The Flemings offering them some rude wrong, they absented themselves three days, in which time they made great fires upon the Mountains in the Country. The nineteenth hereof there came great troops of them to us, bringing very much cattles with them, and in the time of bartering suddenly, taking their advantage they set upon us, and stew thirteen of our people with hand Darts, which at four Pikes length could not offend. Notwithstanding the Flemings fled before them like Mice before Cats, throwing away their weapons most basely. And our Baase, to save himself, stayed aboard, and sent us Corslets, Two-hand-swords, Pikes, Muskets, and Targets, so we were armed and laden with weapons, but there was neither courage nor discretion. For we stayed by our Tents being belegred with Cannibals and Cows, we were in Muster, Giants, with great armed bodies, but in action Babes, with Wrens hearts. Hereupon Master Tomkins and myself undertook to order these Fellows, 
M. Tomkins Englishman.  from that excellent method, which we had seen in your Lordship's most honourable Actions. Some consented to us, but the most part unwilling, and diverse ran to the Pottage Pot, for they swore it was dinner time. This night we went all aboard, only leaving our great Mastiff Dog behind us, who by no means would come to us. For I think he was ashamed of our Company.  
This land is a good soil, and an wholesome Air, full of good herbs, as Mints, Calamint, Plantine, Ribwort, Trifolium, Scabious, and such like. The seven and twentieth we set sail, the last hereof we doubled Cape Bona Esperanza.  

December.  The sixth we doubled Cape das Agulios which is the most Southerly Promontory of Africa, where the Compass hath no variation. This Cape lieth in thirty five degrees of the South Pole.   


january. 1599  1599  
THe sixth we fell with the I'll Madagascar, short of Cape Romano: we spent this month to double that Cape, 
Madagascar. February. Bay of Saint Augustine.  not being able we bore room with the Bay Saint Augustine, which lieth upon the South West part of Madagascar in three and twenty degrees fifty minutes.  
The third we anchored in the same Bay, where we saw many people upon the shore, but when we landed they fled from us: for the other Voyage our Baase was in this Bay, where he greatly abused the people, and took one of them, bound him to a Post, and shot him to death, with other shameful disorders. After seven days by much means that we made, some of them came to us, and brought us Milk and one Cow which we bought, and after would no more abide us. They are a strong, well-shaped people, and coal black, their Language sweet and pleasing: their weapons halfepikes, headed with Iron as a Harpon, which they keep very bright, they go wholly naked.  
The Country seemeth to be very fruitful, and hath great store of Tamaryn trees: we found Beanes growing upon a high tree, the Cod's being two foot long, with answerable bigness, and are very good meat, here are many Chameleons. It was no small misery that we English endured especially in this Bay. But God the everliving Commander was our only succour.  
The eight we came aboard Dog hungry and meatlesse, the fourteenth we set sail from this place, which we named Hungry Bay, shaping our course upon the North side of the I'll. The nine and twentieth we came with the Island Comoro, 
March. Hungry Bay. Iles Comoro five.  lying between twelve and thirteen degrees, and are five Lands, Mayotta, Ausuame, Magliaglie, Saint Christopher, Spirito Sancto. The thirtieth we anchored at Mayotta close by a Town, where we found many people that seemed to rejoice at our coming, they came aboard our ships with presents of Victuals. The King sent to have our Chief come ashore, promising him kindness. So our Baase went, the King met him with many people, having three Drums beating before him. He was richly apparelled so were his followers, with long silk Garments embroidered, after the Turkish manner. The King having used us with such kindness as we required, wrote a Letter in our behalf to the Queen of Ansuame, for there is no King.  
The seventeenth we departed: the nineteenth we anchored at Ansuame, 
April. Ansuame.  before a City named Demos: which hath been a strong place, as by the ruins appear. Their houses are built with free hewed stone and lime the walls of the City are most ruinated, that which remaineth is as big as P●immoth. This Queen used us exceeding friendly; but she would not be seen. In the●e Islands we had Rice, Oxen, Goats, Cocos, Bonanas, Oranges, Lemons, and Citrons. The Inhabitants are Negroes, but smooth haired, in Religion Mahometists, their weapons are Swords, Targets, Bows and Arrows. These Islands are pleasing in sight, and fruitful in nature. Here we found Merchants of Arabia and India, but what Commodities the Islands yield, I could not learn. They desire Weapons and Iron; they greatly regard Paper. The eight and twentieth, we departed, passing through the Islands Mascarenhas, by the sholds do Almirante.  
The three and twentieth, we fell with the Islands of Maldivia, 
May. Maldivia.  which are very low close by the water, wholly covered with Cocos trees, so that we saw the trees but not the shore. Here we anchored, and refreshed ourselves: Many of the Country Boats passing by us, but none would come to us: whereupon our Baase sent out the ships boats to take one of them. The four and twentieth, they brought a Boat aboard us covered with Mats, like a close Barge. In this Boat was a Gentleman and his Wife, he was apparelled in very fine white Linen, after the Turkish manner. In his rings were rich stones, his behaviour was so sweet and affable, his countenance so modest, and his speech so graceful, as that it made apparent show he could not be less than a Nobleman. He was unwilling to have his Wife seen: notwithstanding our Baase went with him into his Boat, to see her: he also opened her Casket, wherein were some jewels and Ambergreese. He reported that she sat with mournful modesty not uong one word: what was taken from them I know not; but in departing this Gentleman shown a Princely spirit. His colour was black, with smooth hair, a man of middle stature. In these Islands there is great trade by reason of the Cocos: for they make Ropes, Cables, Sails, Wine, Oil, and a kind of bread of that tree, and his fruit. They report that there be 11000. of these Islands. The seven and twentieth we set sail: this morning there came an old man aboard us that spoke a little Portugal, he was our Pilot through the Channel, for by chance we fell with the true passable Channel named Maldivia, in latitude four degrees, fifteen minutes of the North-pole, where the Compass is varied seventeen degrees Westerly. In missing this Channel it is a dangerous place. The trade of shipping through this Channel is very great of diverse Nations, from most places of India, as I hope in your Lordship's presence at large to inform your Honour.  
The third we fell with the Coast of India, 
june.  in eight degrees and forty minutes of Northerly latitude, near about Cochin, and coasting this shore, we shaped our course East for Camorin, and from thence to the Island Sumatra. The thirteenth, we saw the coast of Sumatra, in five degrees forty minutes of Northerly latitude. The sixeteenth, we spoke with the people, staying at an Island by the shore to take in water. The one and twentietth we anchored in the Bay of Achin, 
Achin.  in twelve fathom. Being here, the King sent his Officers to measure the length and breadth of our ships, to take the number of our Men and Ordnance, which they did. With those Officers, our Baase sent two of his people with Presents to the King, a Looking-glass, a Drinking-glasse, and a Bracelet of Coral. The one and twentieth, our men came aboard, whom the King had apparelled after his Country manner, in white Calicut cloth: they brought news of Peace, Welcome, and plenty of Spicery. We found four Barks riding in the Bay, three of Arabia, and one of Pegu, that came to lad Pepper. Here was also a Portugal, named Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with four Barks from Malacca, to prevent our trade, as the sequel doth show. The three and twentieth at midnight, the King sent for our Baase, and sent a Noble man for his Hostage: he went presently on shore, whom the King used very kindly, promising him free trade. He apparelled him after the Country manner, and gave him a Cryse of Honour: This Cryse is a kind of Dagger, whose haft and handle (for it hath no cross nor hilt) is made of a kind of mettle, which the King esteemeth fare beyond Gold, and is set with R●bies. This mettle hath a fine lustre: it is death to wear this Cryse, but from the King's gift: and having it, there is absolute freedom to take Victuals without money, and to command the rest as slaves. The six and twentieth, our Baase came aboard with a Boat-load of Pepper▪ reporting words above credit, how the King had used him, of his mighty fortune, and of the wonderful trade that he had procured, with no small Gaudeamus in superbia nostra: he further said, that the King did often demand of him, if he were not of England, which he did strongly deny, using some unfit speeches of 
* Englishmen abused by Hollanders.  our Nation. Further, said he, being aboard, I wish I had given a thousand pound that we had no English among us: thus we, poor souls, were thrust into the Corner. The seven and twentieth, our Merchants went on shore with their Merchandise, having an house by the King's appointment.  
The twentieth, our Baase being with the King was exceeding well entertained, 
july.  the King very importunate to know if he were English: Tell me truly, (said the King) for I love soldiers; and I must further tell you, Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not be; for I am your friend: and therewith gave him a Purse of Gold. He giving thanks, answered that he was not of England, but of Flanders, and at the King's service. I have heard of 
* England famous.  England, said the King, but not of Flanders: what land is that? He further enquired of their King, State, and Government; whereof our Baase made large report, refusing the Authority of a King, relating the government of aristocraty. He further made suit to the King, to give commandment that his subjects should not call him English: for it was a bitterness unto him: which the King granted. Again, he required to know if there were no Englishmen in the ships: he answered, there be some English 
* Divers Englishmen in this Voyage.  in the ships, but they have been bred up in Flanders. I understand, said the King, that there be some that differ both in apparel, language, and fashion: what are those? he answered, English; of which my chief Pilot is one. Well, said the King, I must see those men. As touching your Merchandise it shall be thus: I have wars with the King of jor (this Kingdom of jor is the South-point of Malacca) you shall serve me against him with your ships: your recompense shall be your lading of Pepper; this was agreed. The twenty eighth, our Baase came aboard, accompanied with one of the Sabandars, the Secretary, Merchants of Mecka, Turks, Arabians, and Don Alfonso, with some portugals; all which departed passing drunk.  
The King began to show an altered countenance the twentieth hereof, saying to our Baase, Wherhfore doth not that English Pilot come to me? 
August.  (for he would not suffer me nor M. Tomkins to go on shore) I think when you have your Pepper, you will run away without doing me service, as you have promised: whereupon I was presently sent for. The one and twentieth, I came on shore. The two and twentieth, I went to the King early in the morning, who did use me very friendly. I stayed with him four hours or better, banqueting and drinking. After an hour, he caused the Sabandar to stand up, 
* Davis' his entertainment with the King of Achin.  and bade me likewise stand up. The Sabandar took off my Hat, and put a Roll of white linen about my head; then he put about my middle a white linen cloth that came twice about me, hanging down half my leg, embroidered with Gold: then again he took the Roll from my Head, laying it before the King, and put on a white garment upon me, and upon that again one of read. Than putting on the Roll upon my Head, I sat down in the King's presence, who drank to me in Aquavitae and made me eat of many strange meats. All his service is in Gold, and some in fine Porcelain. He eateth upon the ground, without Table, Napkins, and other linen. He enquired much of England, of the Queen, of her Bassa's, and how she could hold wars with so great a King as the Spaniard? (for he thinketh that Europe is all Spanish.) In these his demands he was fully satisfied, as it seemed to his great good liking.  
The three and twentieth▪ the Prince sent for me; I rid to his Court upon an Elephant: he used me exceeding well. Excessive eating and drinking was our entertainment. During the small time of my being on shore, I met with a very sensible Merchant of China, that spoke Spanish, of whom I learned some things, which I hope will give your Lordship good contentment. Here are many of China that use trade, and have their particular Town: so have the Portugals, the Gusarates, the Arabians, and those of Bengala and Pegu. Our Baase disliking that I so much frequented the Chinaes' company, commanded me aboard. The next day having some sour looks of the King, he came aboard with a dull spirit.  

September.  The first hereof, the King made show that we should receive in Ordnance for the battery of jor, and take in soldiers to departed for that service. There were many Galleys manned, and brought out of the River, riding half a mile from our ships; the Sea full of Prawes and Boats all manned: there came aboard us the Secretary, named Corcoun, & the chief Sabandar named Abdala, with many soldiers weaponed with Courtelasses, Hand-darts, Cryses and Targets. They brought with them many kinds of meat, & a great jar of Aquavitae: herewith they made show of friendship with banqueting. We mistrusting some treachery, filled our tops with stones, made fast our gratings, and prepared our weapons: whereat our Baase was exceeding angry, commanding all to be dissolved, but we would not. There is in this Country a kind of Seed, whereof a little being eaten, 
A strange se●d▪ and strange treachery.  maketh a man to turn fool, all things seeming to him to be Metamorphosed; but above a certain rate it is deadly poison: with this all the meat and drink which they brought was infected. In banqueting, the Sabandar and Secretary sent for me, M. Tomkins keeping me company, and used some words to one of his company, but what I know not; in short time we were foole-frolicke, gaping one upon an other like Antiques, our Baase being prisoner, and known it not. Suddenly when a token was given from the other Ship (for there the like treachery was used by the Secretary, who went from our ship thither to act the same) they set upon us, murdered our Baase, and slew diverse others, M. Tomkins, myself, and a Frenchman defended the Poop, which if they had recovered, our ship had been lost: for they had the Cabin, and some were below among the Ordnance, by creeping in at the Ports. The Master of our ship which they call Captain, leapt into the Sea, so did diverse others; but recovered the ship again, and came aboard when all was done. In the end we put them to flight, (for our tops plagued them sore) which when I saw, I leapt from the Poop to pursue them, M. Tomkins leaping after me, there came a Turk out of the Cabin, and wounded him grievously, they lay together tumbling each for his life: which seeing, I ran the Turk in with my Rapier; and our shipper presently with a half Pike thrust him down the throat into the body. In the other ship all the chiefest were murdered, and the ship taken: we cut our Cables, and drove to her, and with our shot made the Indians fly: so we recovered the ship: the Galleys durst not come near us. In this great misery it was some pleasure, to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned. The Sea was covered with Indian heads: for they swam away by hundreds, The Sabandare Abdala, and one of the Kings near Kinsmen were slain, with many others; and the Secretary hurt. The King being by the Seaside with many people, when the news came of the Sabandars death and their great overthrow, the furious Infidels murdered all our men a shore, only eight excepted, whom the King fettered for Slaves. We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight persons, of which we are not certain how many are captived: only of eight we have knowledge. We lost two fine Pinnasses of twenty tons a piece, and our ship Boate.  
This day we departed and anchored before the City Pider, where we had sent a Pinnace for Rice, hoping to have news of her, but had not. The second there came eleven Galleys with Portugals (as we thought) to take our ships. We sunk one and beat the rest: so they fled. This afternoon came aboard us the son of Lafort a French Merchant dwelling in Seething-Lane, who was one of the eight Prisoners, with this Message from the King. Shame you not to be such drunken beasts, as in drunkenness to murder my people, whom I sent to you in kindness. Therefore he required our best ship for satisfaction, and for the relief of our men. Doe'this said he to Lafort, and I will make you a great Nobleman, but we would not, and being distressed of water, departed to the Island Pulo Botum upon the Coast of Quedia in six degrees fifty minutes, where we refreshed and watered.  
During the time of our abode in Achien, we received into both our ships a hundred and forty tuns of Pepper, what stones or other Merchandise I know not. But at the day of Treason our Merchants lost all the Money and Merchandise ashore, which they report to be of great value, and many young Adventurers were utterly ruinated: among which I do most grieve at the loss of poor john Davis', who did not only loose my friendly Factor, but also all my Europe Commodities, with those things which I had provided to show my duty and love to my best Friends.  
So I may conclude, that although India did not receive me very rich, yet she hath sent me away reasonable poor.  
The Isle Sumatra is a pleasing and fertile Soil, abounding with many rare and excellent Fruits, of Grain they have only Rice which is their Bread. They plough the ground with Buffs, of which there are great plenty, but with small skill and less diligence. 
Rice.  The Rice groweth in all respects as our Barley.  
Of Pepper they have exceeding plenty, Gardens of a mile square, 
Pepper.  it groweth like Hops from a planted Root, and windeth above a stake set by it until it grow to a great bushy Tree. The Pepper hangeth in small clusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster having forty Pepper Corns, it yields increase equal with Mustard Seed. They be able to lad twenty ships yearly; and more might, if the people were industrious and laboursome. The whole Country seemeth to be a Garden of pleasure. The Air is temperate and wholesome, having every morning a fruitful dew, or small rain. The Haven that goeth to the City of Achien is small, having but six foot at the bar. And there standeth a Fort made of stone, round without covering, battlements, or flankers, low walled like a Pound, a worse cannot be conceived. Before this Fort is a very pleasant Road for ships, the wind still coming from the shore, a ship may ride a mile off in eighteen fathoms close by, in four and six fathoms. Of Beasts, here are Elephants, Horses, Buffs, Oxen and Goats, with many wild Hogs.  
The Land hath plenty of Gold and Copper Ours, diverse kinds of Gums, Balms, 
Ours of Gold and other commodities.  and many kinds of Drugs, and much Indigo. Of Stones there are Rubies, Saphires, and Garnets': but I know not that they grow there. They have passing good Timber for shipping.  
The City of Achien, if it may be so called, is very spacious, built in a Wood, 
Achien City.  so that we could not see a house till we were upon it. Neither could we go into any place, but we found houses, and great concourse of people: so that I think the Town spreadeth over the whole land. Their houses are built eight foot or better from the ground upon posts of wood, with free passage under, the walls and covering of Mats, the poorest and weakest things in the World. I saw three great Market places, which are every day frequented as Fairs with all kinds of Merchandise to sell.  
The King is called Sultan Aladin, and is an hundred years old, as they say, 
Sultan Aladin.  yet he is a lusty man, but exceeding gross and fat. In the beginning of his life he was a fisherman: (of which this place hath very many; for they live most upon fish▪) and going to the Wars with the former King shown himself so valiant and discreet in ordering the King's Galleys, that gaining the King's favour, he was made Admiral of his Sea-forces and by his valour and discretion the King so embraced him that he gave him to Wife one of his nearest Kinswomen. The King having one only Daughter, married her to the King of jor, by whom she had a son: this Child was sent to Achien to be nourished under his Grandfather, being Heir to the Kingdom: the King that now is, was now chief Commander both by Land and Sea. The old King suddenly died, this King took the protection of the Child, against which the Nobility resisted, but he having the King's force and taking opportunity, ended the lives of more than a thousand Noblemen and Gentlemen: and of the rascal people made new Lords and new Laws. In fine, the Child was murdered, and then he proclaimed himself King by the right of his Wife. Hereupon arose great War between him and the King of jor, which continueth to this day. These twenty years he hath by force held the Kingdom, and now seemeth to be secure in the same.  
His Court is from the City half a mile upon the River, having three Guards before any can come to him, and a great Greene between each Guard, his house is built as the rest are, but much higher, he sitteth where he can see all that come to any of his Guards, but none can see him. The walls and covering of his house are Mats, which sometime is hanged with cloth of Gold, sometime with Velvet, and sometime with Damask. He sitteth upon the ground crosslegged like a Tailor, and so must all those do that be in his presence. He always weareth four Cresis, two before and two behind, exceeding rich with Diamonds and Rubies; and hath a Sword lying upon his lap. He hath attending upon him forty women at the lest, some with Fans to cool him, some with Clotheses to dry his sweat, some give him Aqua vitae, others water: the rest sing pleasant Songs. He doth nothing all the day but eat and drink, from morning to night there is no end of banqueting: and when his belly is ready to break, than he eateth Arecca Betula, which is a fruit like a Nutmeg, wrapped in a kind of leaf like Tobacco, with sharp chalk made of Pearl Oyster-shels: chawing this it maketh the spittle very read, draweth the Rheum exceedingly, and procureth a mighty stomach: this maketh the teeth very black, and they be the bravest that have the blackest teeth. By this means getting again his stomach, he goeth with a fresh courage to eating. And for a Change with a Cracking Gorge, he goeth into the River, where he hath a place made of purpose, there getting a stomach by being in the water. He, his great men and women do nothing but eat, drink, and talk of Venery. If the Poet's Fables have any show of truth, then undoubtedly this King is the great Bacchus. For he holdeth all the Ceremonies of Gluttony.  
As in all places of Europe, the Custom is by uncovering the head to show reverence, in this place it is wholly contrary. For before any man can come to the King's presence, he must put of his hose and shoes, and come before him barelegged, and barefooted, holding the palms of the hands together, and heaving them up above his head, bowing with the body must say, Doulat: which done duty is discharged. And so he sitteth down crosslegged in the King's presence. He doth only spend the time in eating with women, and cockfighting. And such as is the King, such are his Subjects; for the whole Land is given to no other contentment.  
His State is governed by five principal men, with their inferior Officers, his Secretary, and four called Sabandars, with these resteth all authoritie· The King's will is their Law. For it seemeth there is no Freeman in the Land: for the life and goods of all is at the King's pleasure. He will make no Offenders happy by death, but cutteth off their hands and feet, and banisheth them to an I'll named Polo-wey. If he put any to death, the Elephants tear him to pieces, or they drive a stake into his fundament, and so he dyeth. There are Gaoles and many fettered Prisoners that go about the Town.  
His women are his chiefest Counsellors, he hath three Wives, and very many Concubines, which are very closely kept.  
He hath very many Galleys, I think an hundred, some that will carry four hundred men, made like a Wherrie, very long and open, without Deck, Forecastle, Chase, or any upper building. Their Oars are like Shovels of four foot long, which they use only with the hand not resting them upon the Galley. They bear no Ordnance, with these he keepeth his Neighbours in obedience. A woman is his Admiral, for he will trust no men. Their Weapons are Bows, Arrows, javelins, Swords, Targets, they have no defensive Arms, but fight naked.  
He hath great store of Brass Ordnance, which they use without Carriages, shooting them as they lie upon the ground. They be the greatest that I have ever seen, and the Mettle is reported to be rich of Gold. The trust of his land force standeth upon his Elephants.  
These people boast themselves to come of Ishmael and Hagar, and can reckon the Genealogy of the Bible perfectly. In Religion they are Mahometists, and pray with Beads as the Papists do. They bring up their Children in Learning, and have many Schools. They have an Archbishop and Spiritual Dignities. Here is a Prophet in Achien, whom they greatly honour, they say that he hath the spirit of Prophecy, as the Ancients have had. He is disguised from the rest in his Apparel, and greatly embraced of the King.  
The people are generally very cunning Merchants, and wholly dedicated thereunto. Of Mechanical Artesmen, they have Goldsmiths, Gun-founders, Shipwrights, Tailors, Wevers, Hatters, Pot-makers, and Aquavitae Stillers, which is made of Rice (for they must drink no Wine) Cutlers, and Smiths.  
As touching their Burials, every Generation or Kindred have their particular place to bury their dead; which is in the Fields. They lay the Corpse with the head towards Mecha, having a free Stone at the head, and another at the feet curiously wrought, thereby signifying the worthiness of the person.  
But in the place of the King's Burials every grave hath a piece of Gold at the head, and another at the foot, weighing at the lest five hundred poun● weight, cunningly embossed and wrought. This King hath two such Pieces in making and almost finished, which we saw, that are a thousand pound weight a piece, and shall be richly set with stones. I did greatly desire to see the King's Burials, because of the great wealth therein; but could not. I do almost believe it to be true, because this King hath made two such costly monuments.  
The people that trade in this place are of China, Bengala, Pegu, java, Coromandel, Gusarate, 
The Turks are called Rumos in the Indieses. The reason of that name is their Metropolitan and Imepriall City Constantinople called New Rome: of which Rome they call them Rumos. Their tradition of Ophir is rather to be marked then this Etymology and conceit of Rumos in the Read Sea.  Arabia, and Rumos. Rumos is in the Read Sea, and is the place from whence Solomon sent his ships to Ophir for Gold, which is now called Achien, as by tradition they do affirm. And the Rumos people from Salomons time to this day have followed the same trade.  
They have diverse terms of payment, as Cashes, Mass, Cowpan, Pardaw, Tayell; I only saw two pieces of Coin, the one of Gold, the other of Lead, that Gold is of the bigness of a penny, it is as common as pence in England And is named Master, the other is like a little leaden Token: such as the Vintners of London use called Caxas. A thousand six hundred Cashes make one Mas. Four hundred Cashes make a Cowpan. Four Cowpans are one Mas. Five Masses make four shillings sterling. Four Masses makes a Perdaw. Four Perdawes makes a Tayel, so a Master is nine pence ⅗. of a Penny.  
They cell their Pepper by the Bhar, which is three hundred and threescore of our pounds, for three pound four shillings their pound they call a Cat, which is one and twenty of our ounces. Their ounce is bigger than ours by so much as sixteen is bigger than ten.  
The weight by which they cell Precious Stones is called; Mass, 10. ¾. whereof make an ounce.  
Once every year they have a custom that the King with all his Noblemen and whole pomp of his land must go to the Church to look if the Messiah be come, which happened at our being here. There were many Elephants, I think forty, very richly covered with Silk, Velvet, and cloth of Gold: diverse Noblemen riding upon each Elephant, but one Elephant above the rest was exceeding richly covered, having a golden little Castle upon his back, this was led spare for the 
* The promised return of Mahomet expected.  Messiah to ride in. The King riding alone likewise in a little Castle, so they proceed with a very solemn procession, some had Targets of pure massy Gold, others great half Moons of Gold, with Streamers, Banners, Ensigns, Drums, and Trumpets with other Music, very pleasing to see. Coming to the Church with great Solemnity, they at length looked in, and not finding the Messiah, used some Ceremonies. Than the King coming from his own Elephant, road home upon the Elephant prepared for the Messiah: where they end the day with feasting and all pleasing sports.  
The I'll is divided into four Kingdoms, Achien, Pider, Manancabo, and Aru. Achien is the chiefest, the rest are tributary to him. Arundell holdeth with the King of jor, and refuseth subjection. I have only hard of five principal Cities to be in this I'll. Achien, Pider, Pacem, Daia, Manancabo.  
Returning to our proceed after the slaughter of Achien, seeking relief, 
September.  the tenth hereof we anchored at the lands Pulo Lotum, in six degrees fifty minutes, by the Kingdom of Queda: where we watered and refreshed. There were in our ship three Letters close sealed, superscribed, A. B. C. Which upon the death of our Baase were to be opened. By A. one Thomas Qu●mans was appointed our Chief, who was slain at Achien. Than B. was opened, whereby Guyan Lofort who escaped Captivity by being the King's Messenger, was appointed our Chief, whom we so received. The letter C. was not opened. The last hereof we set sail our course again for Achien, with hope by some means to recover our men.  
The sixth we came in sight of Achien, the twelfth we came into the Bay, 
October▪  where we found ten Galleys set out against us. We came up with one of them, and gave her diverse shot, but in a calm under the land she escaped. The rest durst not come near us: for they are very Cowards, proud and base.  
The eighteen hereof we shaped our course for the City Tanassarin, for it is a place of great trade, the five and twentieth we anchored among the Lands in the Bay in eleven degrees, twenty minutes, of the Pole Arctic. Being here we were very much crossed with bad winds, so that we could not recover the City, for it standeth twenty leagues within the Bay▪ being in very great distress of victuals we departed hence, shaping our course for the Island Nicobar, hoping there to found relief.  
The twelfth we anchored at the Island Nicobar in eight degrees of North latitude where the people brought us great store of Hens, Oranges, Lemons, and other Fruit, 
November▪ Nicoba●▪  and some Ambergris, which we bought for pieces of linen-cloth, and Table Napkins. These Isles are pleasant and fruitful, low land, and have good road for ships. The people are most base, only living upon fruits, and fish, not manuring the ground, and therefore have no Rice. The sixteenth we departed shaping our course for the I'll Zeilon: for we were in great distress, especially of Rice.  

December.  The sixth by God's great goodness we took a ship of Negapatan, which is a City in the Coast of Coromandell, she was laden with Rise bound to Achien. There were in her threescore persons, of Achien, of java, of Zeilon, of Pegu, Narsinga, and Coromandel. By these people we learned that in Zeilan there is a City named 
* Matecalon in Zeilan a City of great trade.  Matecalon, a place of great Trade, and that there we might load our ships with Cinnamon, Pepper and Cloves. They also said that in Zeilon were great store of precious stones and Pearls: that the Country doth abound with all kind of Victuals, and that the King is an exceeding Enemy to the Portugals; they also told us of a City named Trinquanamale, where was the like Trade. So they promised to lad our ships, and royally to victual us, for little money. Hereupon we laboured by all possible means to recover the said places, but could not, for the wind was exceeding contrary. Than these Indians told us that if we would stay until january, we should have more than a hundred ships come close by that shore laden with Spicery, Linnen-cloth, and China Commodities; besides stones and other wealth. To stay there as a man of War our Governor would not agreed: but to stay and in taking any thing to pay for the same he was content, for so was his Commission. to this the Company would not agreed. Whereupon the eight and twentieth hereof we shaped our course homeward, 
Prise discharged.  having beaten sixteen days upon this Coast to recover Matecalon. We discharged our Prize the eighteenth hereof, having taken the best part of her Rice, for which our Chief paid them to their content. But the Company took away the Money and Merchandise from the Indians with much disorder: we took with us twelve of the Indians of several places: who after we could a little understand them, told us that the Merchants had great store of precious stones in the ship, which they had hid under the Timbers. Of what truth that report is I know not. They would not suffer Master Tomkins nor me to go aboard the Prize: for what reasons I know not.   

1600.  
THe fift hereof our meat was poisoned, but God preserved us, for one tasting the same by chance or greediness (for it was fresh fish) was presently infected: 
March. 1600.  before the meat came to us it was strongly poisoned, for our Surgeon took almost a spoonful of Poison out of one fish, but this is not the first time, if the grieved would complain. The tenth we fell with Cape Bona Esperaza, where we had a great storm: the six and twentieth we doubled the same.  
The thirteenth we anchored at the I'll Saint 
* S. Helena.  Helena, which is rocky and mountainous, lying in sixteen degrees of South latitude, 
April.  here we found good water, figs, and fish in plenty: there be Goats, but hard to get. The fifteenth at Sunset there came a Caravell into the Road, who anchored a large Musket-shot to windward of us. She was utterly unprovided, not having one Piece mounted: we fought with her all this night, and gave her, as I think, better than two hundred shot. In eight hours she never made shot nor show of regard, by midnight she had placed six Pieces which she used very well, shot us often through, and slew two of our men. So the sixteenth in the morning we departed, having many sick men shaping our course for the I'll 
* Il. Ascention.  Ascention, where we hope to have relief. This three and twentieth we had sight of Ascension, in eight degrees of South latitude, this I'll hath neither wood, water, nor any green thing upon it, but is a fruitless green Rock of five leagues broad. The four and twentieth at midnight we agreed to go for the I'll Fernando Loronio, where we are acquainted and know that there is relief sufficient. For at this I'll we stayed ten weeks outward bound, when we could not double Cape Saint Augustine.  
The sixth we arrived at the I'll Fernando Loronio, where we stayed six days to water and refresh ourselves. 
May.  The thir●eenth we departed, shaping our course for England.  

july.  The nine and twentieth of july we arrived at Middleborough.     

§. V WILLIAM ADAMS his Voyage by the Magellan straits to 
* This Voyage, though not by the Cape of Good Hope, yet because it was to japon, I here deliver. See before, pag. 78.  japon, written in two Letters by himself, as followeth.  
Having so good occasion, by hearing that certain English Merchants lie in the Island of java, although by name unknown, I presumed to writ these few lives, desiring the Worshipful Company being unknown to me, to pardon my boldness. The reason that I writ, is first, for that conscience bindeth me to love my Country, & my Countrymen. Your Worships therefore shall understand, to whom these presents shall come, that I am a Kentish-man, borne in a Town called Gillingam, two English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chattam, where the King's ships lie: and that from the age of twelve years, I was brought up in Limehouse near London, being Prentice twelve years to one Master Nicholas Diggines, and have served in the place of Master and Pilot in her Majesty's ships, and about eleven or twelve years served the Worshipful Company of the Barbary Merchants, until the Indian Traffic from Holland began, in which Indian Traffic I was desirous to make a little experience of the small knowledge which God had given me. So, in the year of our Lord God, 1598. I was hired for chief Pilot of a Fleet of five sail, which was made ready by the chief of the Indian Company Peter Vanderhag, and Hance Vanderuek●: the General of this Fleet, was a Marchatt called jaques Mayhay, in which ship, being Admiral, I was Pilot. So, it being the three and twentieth or four and twentieth of june before we set sail, 
* Adam's chief Pilot of a fleet of five sails.  it was somewhat too late ere we came to the Line, to pass it without contrary winds: for it was about the midst of September, at which time we found much Southerly winds, and many of our men were sick, so that we were forced to go to the Coast of Gynny to Cape de Lopo Gonsalues, 
Cape de Lopo Gonsalues.  where we set our sick men a land, whereof many died: and of the sickness, few bettered, having little or no refreshing, and the place being unhealthy. Therefore, to fulfil our Voyage, we set our course for the Coast of Brasill, determining to pass the straits of Magellan, and by the way came to an Island called Illha da Nobon, at which Island we landed, and took the Town, which contained about eighty houses, in which Island we refreshed ourselves, having Oxen, Oranges, 
The Isle of Nobon taken.  and diverse other fruits. But the unwholsomenesse of the Air was such, that as one bettered, another fell sick: we spent upon the Coast of the Cape Gonsalues, and of Annobon about two months time till the twelfth or thirteenth of November. At which time, we set sail from Annobon, finding the winds still at the South by East, and South Southeast, till we got four degrees by South the Line: at which time the winds favoured us coming to the Southeast, and East Southeast, and East, so that we were up between the Island of Annobon, and the straits of Magellan, about five months. One of our five sail spent her main Mast, by which we were much hindered; for with much travel we set a new Mast in the Sea. Than, the nine and twentieth of March, we saw the Land in the latitude of fifty degrees, having the wind two or three days contrary: so, in the end, having the winds good, we came into the straits of Magellan, the sixth of April, 1599 at which time, the Winter came, so that there was much Snow: 
April. 6. 1599  and our men, through cold on the one side, and hunger on the other, grew weak: we had the wind at North-East, some five or six days, in which time we might have passed through the straits. But, for refreshing of our men, we waited, watering and taking in of wood, and setting up of a Pinnace of fifteen or sixteen tons in bigness, At length, we would have passed through but could not by reason of the Southerly winds, with wet, and also very cold, with abundance of Snow and Ice. Wherhfore, we were forced to winter and stay in the straits from the sixth of April, until the four and twentieth of September, 
They wintered in the S●aights of Magellan.  in which time the most part of our provision was spent, in so much that for lack of victuals many of our men died through hunger. Now, having passed through the straits, and coming into the South Sea, we found many hard streams, being driven to the Southwards in fifty four degrees, being then very cold. At length we found reasonable winds and weather, with which we followed our pretended Voyage▪ towards the Coast of Peru: but in long travels we lost our whole Fleet, being separated the one from the other. Yet before the dispersing of our Fleet, we had appointed, if we lost one another with storms and foul weather, that in Chili in the latitude of forty six degrees, 

Many of their men died for want of food. They stay in forty six degrees, and refresh themselves.  
The mouth of Baldivia. The Isle of Mocha.   we should stay one for another the space of thirty days. In which height according to agreement, I went in six and forty degrees, and stayed eight and twenty days where we refreshed ourselves, finding the people of the Country good of nature: but by reason of the Spaniards, they would not have dealt with us at the first. They brought us Sheep and Potatoes, for which we gave them Bells and Knives, whereof they were very glad: but in the end, the people went up from their houses into the Country, and came no more unto us. We stayed there eight and twenty days, and set up a Pinnace which we had in our ship, in four parts, and in the end departed and came to the mouth of Baldivia, yet by reason it blew much wind we entered not, but directed our course out of the Bay, for the Island of Mocha, unto the which we came the next day, finding none of our Fleet. So not finding them, we directed our course for the Island of Sancta Maria, and the next day we came by the Cape, which is a league and an half from the Island, and seeing many people tossed about the Cape, and finding good ground, anchored in fifteen fathom in a fair sandy Bay.  

A fair sandy Bay.  We went with our boats hard by the water side, to parley with the people of the land, but they would not suffer us to come a land, shooting great store of Arrows at our men. Nevertheless, having no victuals in our Ship, and hoping to found refreshing, we forcibly landed some seven and twenty or thirty of our men, and driven the wild people from the water side, having most of our men hurt with their Arrows. They being on land, we made signs of friendship, and in the end came to parley with signs and tokens of friendship, which the people understood. So, we made signs, that our desire was to have victuals for Iron, Silver and Cloth, which we shown them. Wherhfore they gave our folk Wine, with Batatas to eat, and other fruits, and bid our men by signs and tokens to go aboard, and the next day to come again, and then they would bring us victuals: so, being late our men came aboard, the most part of them being hurt more or less, and yet we were very glad that we had come to a parley with them, hoping that we should get refreshing. 
The ninth of November, 1599  The next day, being the ninth of November, 1599 our Captain, with all our Officers prepared to go a land, having taken counsel to go to the water side, but not to landlord more than two or three men: for there were people in abundance, and were also unknown; our men therefore were w●lled not to trust them. This counsel being concluded, the Captain himself went in one of our Boats, with all the force that we had: and being by the shore side, the people of the country made signs that they should come a land; but that did not like our Captain well. In the end the people coming not near unto our Boats, our Captain, with the rest resolved to land, against that which was concluded in our Ship, before the going on land. At length three and twenty men landed with Muskets, and marched up towards four or five houses, and when they were about a Musket-shot from the Boats, more than a thousand Indians who lay entrenched, immediately fell upon our men with such weapons as they had, and killed them all to our knowledge. So our Boats waited long to see if any of them would come again; 
Twenty three men slain.  but seeing no hope to recover them, our Boats returned with this sorrowful news, that all our men that landed were slain, which was a lamentable thing to hear: for we had scarce so many men left as could wind up our Anchor. 
The Isle of Sancta Maria.  The next day we waited, and went over to the Island Sancta Maria, where we found our Admiral, who had arrived there four days before us, and departed to the Isle from Mucha the day before we came from thence, having the General, Master, and all his Officers wounded on land: and God had so plagued us, that all our Officers were slain, so that the one of us bemoaned the other. Nevertheless being glad that we were come together, my good friend Timothy Shotten was Pilot in that Ship. Being at the Island of Sancta Maria, 

Timothy Shotten of London, Pilot of the Admiral.  
Cloth good merchandise in japan.  
One of their Fleet yielded to the Spaniard, at Saint Iago in thirty three degrees. See before in the Voyage of O●●uer Nooked. They take their course from japan, from the Road of the Isle o● Sancta Maria, November 27. The North part of japan, lieth in 35. degrees, 1/●.  
They were four months, & twenty two days between the Isle of Sancta Maria, and japan. Bungo.   which lieth in the Latitude of thirty seven degrees, twelve minutes by South the Line on the Coast of Chili, we took counsel to take all things out of one Ship, and to burn the other: but the new Captains could not agreed, which of the Ships they should burn, and so could not conclude it. Having much cloth in our Ships, it was agreed that we should leave the Coast of Peru, and direct our course for japan, understanding that cloth was good merchandise there: and also upon that Coast of Peru, the King's Ships having knowledge of our being there, sought for us, understanding that we were weak by reason of the loss of our men, which was all too true: for one of our Fleet, as we understood afterward, was forced to yield themselves into the enemy's hand in Saint jago. For which reason, having refreshed ourselves in the Island Sancta Maria, more by policy then by force, we departed the twenty seven of November, from the Road, or Island of Sancta Maria, with our two Ships, and for the rest of our Fleet we heard no news of them. So we took our course directly for japan, and passed the Line Equinoctial together, until we came in twenty eight degrees to the Northward of the Line: in which Latitude, the twenty second & twenty third of February 1600. we had a wonderful storm of wind, as ever I was in, with much rain, in which storm we lost sight of our greatest ship, whereof we were very sorry being left alone; yet we hoped in japan to found one another. Than according to wind and weather, we followed our former intention for japan, and in the height of thirty degrees, sought the North Cape of the forenamed Island, but found it not, by reason that it lieth false in all Chartes, and Globes, and Maps: for the Cape lieth in thirty five degrees ½. which is a great difference. In the end we came in thirty two degrees 1/●. and then had sight of the Land, being the nineteenth of April, so that between the Cape of Sancta Maria and japan, we were four months, and twenty two days: at which time there were no more than six besides myself, that could stand upon their feet. Now being in safety, we let our Anchor fall about a league from a place, called Bungo. At which time many Boats came unto us, and we let them come aboard, being not able to resist them: yet the people did us no harm, we not understanding each other, but by signs and tokens. After two or three da●es space, a jesuite came unto us from a place called Langasacke, to which place the Carake of Macao is yearly wont to come, which with other japoners, that were Christians, were our Interpreters; which was ill for us, they being our mortal enemies. Nevertheless the King of Bungo, the place where we arrived, did us great friendship. For he gave us an house on shore for our sick men, having all refreshing that was needful. We had when we came to anchor in Bungo four and twenty men, sick and whole, of which number the next day three died, the rest for the most part recovered, saving three which lay long time sick, and in the end also died. 
Six of their men died.  The Emperor hearing of us, sent presently five Galleys or Frigates unto us, to bring me to the Court, where his Majesty was, which was distant from Bungo, about eighty English leagues. Now, 
This was at the city of Os●ca, which is eighty leagues from Bungo.  when I came before him, he demanded of me, of what Country we were; so I answered him in all points: for there was nothing that he demanded not, both concerning war, and peace between Country and Country; the particulars whereof were too long to writ. After this conference, I was commanded to prison being well used, with one of our Mariners, that came with me to serve me.  
Some two days after, the Emperor called me again, 
He was called the second time.  demanding the reason of our coming so fare: I answered, We were a People that sought all friendship with all Nations, and to have trade of Merchandise in all Countries, bringing such Merchandizes as our Country had, and buying such Merchandizes in strange Countries, as our Country desired; through which our Countries on both side were enriched. He asked much concerning the wars between the Spaniards and Portugals, and us, and the reasons: the particulars of all which I gave him to understand, who seemed to be very glad to hear it. After this, I was commanded to prison again, but my lodging was bettered in an other place. So, I continued nine and thirty days in prison, hearing no more news, neither of our ship, nor Captain, whether he were recovered of his sickness, 
Thus fare goeth his first letter to his wife. Crucifying the usual punishment of Malefactors in japan The Ie●uites & Portugals accusations.  nor of the rest of the company: in which time, I looked every day to be Crossed, as the custom of justice is in japan, as hanging is in our Land. Now in this long time of imprisonment, the jesuites and the Portugals gave many evidences to the Emperor against us, alleging that we were thiefs and robbers of all Nations, and if we were suffered to live, it should be against the profit of his Majesty, and the Land: for than no Nation could come there without robbing: but if justice were executed on us, it would terrify the rest of our Nation from coming there any more. And to this intent they sued to his Majesty daily to cut us off, making all the Friends they could to this purpose. But God was merciful unto us, and would not suffer them to have their wills of us. At length, the Emperor gave them this answer, That as yet we had done no hurt or damage to him, nor to any of his Land; 
The Emperor's answer.  and therefore that it was against reason and justice to put us to death: and if our Countries and theirs had wars one with the other, that was no cause that he should put us to death. The Emperor answering them in this manner, they were quite out of heart, that their cruel pretence failed: for the which, God be praised for ever and ever. Now in this time that I was in prison, the ship was commanded to be brought so near to the City where the Emperor was, as she might, the which was done. So the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, the Emperor called me before him again, 
He was called the third time before the Emperor.  demanding of me many questions more, which were too long to writ. In conclusion, he asked me whether I were desirous to go to the ship to see my Countrymen: I answered, that I would very gladly do it: so he bade me go. Than I departed, and was freed from imprisonment. And this was the first news that I had, that the ship and company were come to the City. Wherhfore, with a rejoicing heart I took a Boat, and went to our ship, where I found the Captain and the rest, 
The ship was brought to he City of Sacay.  recovered of their sickness. But at our meeting aboard, we saluted one another with mourning and sheadding of tears: for they were informed that I was executed, and long since dead. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left alive, came together again. All things were taken out of the ship, together with all my instruments, etc. and I had nothing left me, but my clotheses on my back: likewise whatsoever the rest of the company had, was also taken away, unknown to the Emperor: which when he understood, he gave order that they should be restored to us again. But being so dispersed abroad, they could not be had: yet fifty thousand Rials in ready money, were commanded to be given us, 

Fifty thousand Rials in ready money were given unto them.  
The City Sakay.   the Emperor himself seeing the delivery thereof to the hands of one that was made our Governor, who kept them in his hands to distribute them unto us as we had need, for the buying of Victuals for our men, with other particular charges, etc. So in the end of thirty days, our ship lying before the City called Sakay, three leagues, or two leagues 1/● from Ozaca, where the Emperor at that time lay, commandment came from the Emperor, that our ship should be carried to the Easter part of the land, called Quanto, whither according to his commandment we were carried, the distance being about an hundred and twenty leagues. 
Quanto.  Our passage thither was long by reason of contrary winds, so that the Emperor was there long before us. Coming to the land of Quanto, and near to the City Eddo, where the Emperor was: 
Eddo about 120. league● from Sacai▪  being arrived, we sought all means by supplications to get our ship clear, and to seek our best profit, to come where the Hollanders have their trade: in which suit we spent much of the money given us. Also, in this time, three or four of our men rebelled against the Captain, and me, and made a mutiny with the rest of our men, so that we had much trouble with them. For they would not abide me any longer in the ship, but every one would be a Commander: and they would every one have their parts of the money that was given by the Emperor. It would be too tedious to writ the particulars of all that passed herein. Therefore for quietness sake, we divided the money to every one as his place was: and this was after we had been two years in japan. After which time, when we had received a denial, that we should not have our ship, but must abide in japan, our company having their parts of the money, dispersed themselves every one where he thought best. In the end, the Emperor gave every man (to live upon) two pounds' Rice a day, and yearly so much as was worth eleven or twelve Ducats a year: myself, the Captain, and Mariners all alike. So in process of four or five years the Emperor called me, and as he had done diverse times before, so one time he would have me to make him a small ship: I answered that I was no Carpenter, and had no knowledge thereof: Well, do it so well as you can, 
He builded a ship of 80. tuns for the Emperor.  saith he, if it be not good, it is no matter. Wherhfore at his command I built him a ship of the burden of eighty tons, or there abouts: which ship being made in all proportions as our manner is, he coming aboard to see it, liked it very well; by which means I came in more favour which him, so that I came often in his presence, who from time to time gave me presents, and at length a yearly revenue to live upon, 
The Emperor bestoweth a yearly revenue on him of 70. Ducats, and two pounds of Rice a day.  much about seventy Ducats by the year, with two pounds of Rice a day also. Now being in such grace and favour, by reason I learned him some points of Geometry, and the Mathematics, with other things: I pleased him so, that what I said could not be contradicted. At which my former enemies, jesuites and Portugals, did greatly wonder, and entreated me to be friend them to the Emperor in their business: and so by my means, both Spaniards and Portugals have received friendship from the Emperor; I recompensing their evil unto me with good. So, to pass my time to get my living, it hath cost me great labour and travel at the first; but God hath blessed my labours.  
In the end of five years, I made supplication to the King to go out of this Land, desiring to see my poor Wife and children according to conscience and nature. With the which request, the Emperor was not well pleased, and would not let me go any more for my Country, but that I must continued in his Land, etc. Yet in process of time, being in great favour with the Emperor, I made supplication again by reason we had news that the Hollanders were in Ache● and Patania; which rejoiced us much, with hope, that God should bring us to our Country again, by one means or other. Than I made supplication again, and boldly spoke myself with him, at which he gave me no answer. I told him, if he would permit me to departed, I would be a means, that both the English, and Hollanders should come and traffic there in his Land. He answered, that he was desirous of both those Nation's company for traffic, but would not part with me by any means: but bade me writ to that purpose. Seeing therefore I could not prevail for myself, 
He obtained liberty for the captain.  I sued that my Captain might departed, which suit he presently granted me. So having gotten his liberty, he embarked in a japans junck, and sailed to Patane: but he tarried there a years space, waiting for Holland ships. And seeing none came, he went from Patane to jor, where he found a Fleet of nine sail: of which Fleet Matleef was General, and in this Fleet he was made Master again, which Fleet sailed to Malacca, and fought with an Armado of Portugals: in which battle he was shot, and presently died: so that as yet, I think, no certain news is known, 
The Captain slain at Malacca,  whether I be living or dead. Therefore my desire is, that my wife and two children may hear, that I am here in japan: so that my wife is in a manner a widow, and my children fatherless: which thing only is my greatest grief of heart, and conscience, etc. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliff and Limehouse: to my good Master M. Nicholas Diggines, and M. Thomas Best, and M. Nicholas Isaac, and William Isaac, brothers, with many others; also to M, William jones, and M. Becket. Therefore may this Letter come to any of their hands, or the copy of this Letter: I know that Companies mercy is such, that my friends and kindred shall have news, that I do as yet live in this vale of my sin●●● pilgrimage: the which thing again and again I do desire for jesus sake.  
You shall understand, that the first ship that I did make, made a Voyage or two, and then the King commanded me to make an other, 
He builded an other ship for the King of 120. tons. 1609.  the which I did, being of the burden of an hundred and twenty tons. In this ship I have made a Voyage from Meaco to Eddo, being about the length as from London to the lizard or Lands end of England. In the year of our Lord 1609. the King lent this ship to the Governor of Manilla, to go with eighty of his men, to sail to Acapulco. In the year of our Lord 1609. a great ship called the S. Francisco, being about a thousand tons, 
The S. Francisco a Spanish ship of 1000 tons cast away on the coast of japan in 35. degrees 50. min.  was cast away upon the coast of japan, in the latitude of thirty five degrees and fifty minutes: by distress of weather she cut overboard her main Mast, and bore up for japan, and in the night befote they were ware, they ran the ship upon the shore, which was cast away, in the which one hundred thirty and six men were drowned, and three hundred forty, or three hundred fifty saved: in which ship the Governor of Manilla as a Passenger, was to return to Nova Spania. But this Governor was sent in the bigger ship of my building, in Ann. 1610. to Acapulco. And in Ann. 1611. this Governor returned another ship in her room, with a geeat present, and with an Ambassador to the Emperor, giving him thanks for his great friendship: and also sent the price of the Emperor's ship in goods and money: which ship the Spaniards have now in the Philippinas. 
A new and greater pension given unto him.  Now for my service which I have done and daily do, being employed in the Emperor's service, he haeh given me a living, like unto a Lordship in England, with eighty or ninety husbandmen, who are as my servants and slaves: the like Precedent was never done to any stranger before. Thus God hath provided for me after my great misery; his name hath and have the praise for ever, Amen.  
Now, whether I shall come out of this Land I know not. Until this present there hath been no means, but now, through the Trade of the Hollanders there is means. In the year of our Lord, 1609. two Holland Ships came to japan. Their intention was to take the Carrack, 
Two Ships of Holland came to japan, in the year 1609.  that yearly came from Macao, and being some five or six days too late, nevertheless, they came to Firando, and came to the Court to the Emperor: where they were in great friendship received, conditioning with the Emperor yearly, to sand a Ship or two: and so they departed with the Emperors Pass. Now, this year 1611. there is a small Ship arrived, with Cloth, 
Another small Ship of Holland, arrived there, 1611.  Led, Elephants teeth, Damask, and black Tafficies, raw Silk, Pepper, and other commodities: and they have showed cause, why they miss the former year 1610. according to promise' yearly to come. This Ship is well received, and with great kindness entertained. You shall understand that the Hollanders have, here, an Indieses of money: for, they need not to bring Silver out of Holland in to the East Indies. For in japan, 

There is much Silver & Gold in japan  
Commodities vendible for ready money.   there is much Silver and Gold to serve their turns in other places where need requireth in the East Indies. But the merchandise, which is here vendible for ready money, is, raw Silk, Damask, black Taffities, black and read Cloth of the best, Led, and such like goods. So, now understanding by this Holland Ship lately arrived here, that there is a settled Trade driven by my Countrymen in the East Indies: I presume that amongst them, some, either Merchants, Masters, or Mariners, must needs know me. Therefore I have emboldened myself to writ these few lines, in short, being desirous, not to be over-tedious to the Reader. This Island of japan is a great Land, 
The length and breadth of japan.  and lieth to the Northwards in the Latitude of eight and forty degrees, and the Souther-most part of it, in five and thirty degrees, and the length of it East by North, and West & by South (for so it lieth) is two hundred and twenty English leagues. The breadth South and North of it thirteen degrees twenty leagues to the degree, is two hundred sixty leagues, & is almost square. 
The disposition of people.  The people of this Island of japan are good of nature, courteous above measure, and valiant in war: their justice is severely executed without any partiality upon transgressors of the Law. They are governed in great civility, I think, no Land better governed in the world by Civil Policy. The people are very superstitious in their Religion, and are of diverse opinions. 
Many jesuites and Franciscan Friars in japan▪  There are many jesuites and Franciscan Friars in this Land, and they have converted many to be Christians, and have many Churches in the Island. Thus, in short I am constrained to writ, hoping that by one means or other, in process of time I shall hear of my wife and children: and so with patience I wait the good will and pleasure of God Almighty, desiring all those to whom this my Letter shall come, to use the means to acquaint my good friends with it, that so my wife and children may hear of me: by which means there may be hope, that I may hear of my wife and children before my death: The which the Lord grant to his glory, and my comfort, Amen.  
Dated in japan the two and twentieth of October, 1611.  
By your unworthy friend and servant, to command in what I can. WILLIAM ADAMS.  
Endorsed, To my unknown Friends and Countrymen, desiring this Letter, by your good means, or the News or Copy of this Letter, may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance in Limehouse, or elsewhere, or in Kent in Gillingham by Rochester.  

A Letter of WILLIAM ADAMS to his Wife from japan.  
Loving Wife, you shall understand how all things have passed with me from the time of mine absence from you. We set sail with five ships from the Texel in Holland, the four and twentieth of june, 1598. And departed from the Coast of England, the fift of july. And the one and twentieth of August, we came to one of the Isles of Capo Verde, called Sant' jago, 
The Isles of Cape Verde.  where we abode four and twenty days. In which time many of our men fell sick through the unwholsomenesse of the Air, and our General among the rest. Now the reason that we abode so long at these Lands was, That one of the Captains of our Fleet made our General believe, that at these Lands we should found great store of refreshing, as Goats and other things which was untrue.  
Here I and all the Pilots of the fleet were called to a Council: in which we all shown our judgements of disliking the place: which were by all the Captains taken so ill, that afterward it was agreed by them all, that the Pilots should be no more in the Council, the which was executed. The fifteenth day of September we departed from the Isle of Sant' jago, and passed the Equinoctial Line. And in the latitude of three degrees to the South our General died: 
Their General dyeth.  wherewith many contrary winds and rain, the season of the year being very much passed, we were forced upon the Coast of Guiney, falling upon an head-land called Cabo de Spiritu Sancto. The new General commanded to bear up with Cape de Lopo Consalues, 

Cabo de Spiritu Sancto in Guiney.  
Capo de Lopo Consalues. Illha da Nobon taken by the Hollanders.   there to seek refreshing for our men, the which we did. In which place we landed all our sick men, where they did not much better, for we could found no store of victuals. The nine and twentieth of December we set sail to go on our Voyage; and in our way we fell with an Island called Illha da Nobon, where we landed all our sick men, taking the Island in by force. Their Town contained some eighty houses. Having refreshed our men, we set sail again. At which time our General commanded, that a man for four days should have but one pound of bread, that was a quarter of a pound a day; with the like proportion of Wine and Water. Which scarcity of Victuals brought such feebleness, that our men fell into so great weakness and sickness for hunger, that they did eat the Calf's skins, 
April 3. 1599 The Strait of Magellan.  wherewith our Ropes were covered. The third of April 1599 we fell with the Port of Saint julian: And the sixth of April we came into the Strait of Magellan to the first narrow. And the eighth day we passed the second narrow with a good wind, where we came to an Anchor, and landed on Penguin Island: where we laded our Boat full of Penguins, which are fowls greater than a D●cke: wherewith we were greatly refreshed. The tenth we weighed anchor having much wind, which was good for us to go thorough. But our General would water, and take in provision of wood for all our fleet. In which Strait there is enough in every place, with anchor ground in al● places three or four leagues one from another.  
In the mean time, the wind changed, and came Southerly, so we sought a good harbour for our ship on the North-side, 
A good harbour.  four leagues of Elizabeth's Bay. All April being out we had wonderful much Snow and Ice, with great winds. For in April, May, june, july, and August is the Winter there, being in fifty two degrees 1/●. by South the Equinoctial. Many times in the Winter we had the wind good to go through the straits, but our General would not. We abode in the Strait till the four and twentieth of August, 1599 On the which day we came into the South Sea: 
The 24. of August, 1599 they came into the South Sea.  where six or seven days after in a greater storm we lost the whole fleet one from another. That storm being long we were driven into the latitude of fifty four degrees▪ 1/●. by South the Equinoctial. The weather breaking up and having good wind again, the ninth of October we saw the Admiral, of which we were glad, eight or ten days after in the night having very much wind, our foresail flew way, and we l●st company of the Admiral. Than according to wind and weather, we directe● our course for the Coast of Chili: where the nine and twentieth of October, 
They arrive on the Coast of Chili the 2●▪ of October.  we came to the place appointed of our General in forty six degrees, where we set up a pinnace and stayed eight and twenty days: In this place we found people, with whom we had friendship five or six days: who brought us sheep; for which we gave them Bells and Knives, and it seemed to us they w●re contented. But shortly after they went all away from the place where our ship was and we saw them no more. 
They trade with the people of the country in 46 degrees. Th● Il● of Mocha.  Eight and twenty days being expired, we set sail minding to go for Baldivia. So we came to the mouth of the Bay of Baldivia. And being very much wind our Captain's mind changed, so that we directed our course for the Isle of Mocha.  
The first of November we came to the I'll of Mocha, lying in the Latitude of eight and thirty degrees. Having much wind we dur●t not anchor, but directed our course for Cape Sancta Maria, two leagues by Sou●h the Island of Sancta Maria: where having no knowledge of the people, The second of November our men went on land, and the people of the Land fought with our men, and hurt eight of nine; but in the end, they made a false composition of friendship, which our men did believe.  
The next day our Captain, 〈◊〉 three and twenty of our chief men went on land, meaning for merchandise to get victuals, having wonderful hunger. Two or three of the people came strait to our Boat in friendly manner, with a kind of Wine and Rootes, with making tokens to come on land▪ making signs that there were Sheep and Oxen. Our Captain with our men, having great desire to get refreshing for our men, 
2● Men slain Thomas Adams slain.  went on land. The people of the Country lay entrenched a thousand and above, and straightway fell upon our men, and slew them all; among which was my brother Thomas Adams. By this l●sse we had scarce so many men whole, as could weigh our Anchor. So the third day in great distress, we set our course for the Island of Santa Maria, 

The Isle of S. Mar●a.  
Th●y meet with their Admiral.  
The General and 27. men slain at Mocha.   where we found our Admiral: whom when we saw, our hearts were somewhat comforted▪ we went aboard them, and found them in as great distress as we; having lost their General with seven and twenty of their men slain at the Island of Mocha: from whence they departed the day before we came by. Here we took counsel what we should do to get Victuals. To go on land by force we had no men: for the most part were sick. There came a Spaniard by composition to see our Ship. And so the next day he came again, and we let him departed quietly. The third day came two Spaniards aboard us without pawn, to see if they could betray us. When they had seen our Ship, they would have gone on land again: but we would not let them, showing that they came without leave, and we would not let them go on land again without our leave; whereat they we●e greatly offended. We shown them that we had extreme need of Victuals, and that if they would give us so many Sheep, and so many Beefs, they should go on land. So against their wills they made composition with us, which within the time appointed they did accomplish. Having so much refreshing as we could get, we made all things well again, our men being for the most part recovered of their sickness. There was a young man, one Hudcopee, which knew nothing, but had served the Admiral, who was made General: and the Master of our Ship was made Vice-admiral, whose name was jacob Quaternak of Rotterdam. So the General and Vice-admiral called me and the other Pilot, being an Englishman, called Timothy Shotten, (which had been with M. Thomas Candish in his Voyage about the World) to take counsel what we should do to make our Voyage for the best profit of our Merchants. At last it was resolved to go for japan. For by report of one D●rrick Gerritson, 
Timothy Shotten an Eng●ishman Pilot in the Admiral. D●rrick Gerritson.  which had been there with the Portugals, woollen cloth was in great estimation in that Island. And we gathered by reason that the Malucos, and the most part of the East Indies were hot Countries where woollen cloth would not be much accepted: wherefore we all agreed to go for japan. So leaving the Coast of Chili from thirty six degrees of South-latitude, the seven and twentieth of November, 1599 we took our course directly for japan, 

They leave the coast of Chili▪ and ail directly for japan. They crode the Equinoctial l●ne.  
These Isles seem to be the Ladrones. 8. of their men ran away with their pinn●sse. They lost their Admiral the 24. of February, 1600. a I'll call●d una Colonna. The 12. of April, 16●0. they discovered japan near unto Bungo. They came to an Anchor.   and passed the line Equinoctial with a fair wind, which continued good for divers months. In our way we fell with certain Islands in sixteen degrees of North-latitude, the Inhabitants whereof are men-eaters. Coming near these Islands, and having a great Pinnace with us, eight of our men being in the Pinnace, ran from us with the Pinnace, and (as we suppose) were eaten of the wild men, of which people we took one: which afterward the General sent for to come into his Ship. When we came into the latitude of seven and twenty and eight and twenty degrees, we found very variable winds and stormy weather. The four and twentieth of February we lost sight of our Admiral, which afterward we saw no more: Nevertheless we still did our best, directing our course for japan. The four and twentieth of March, we saw an Island called una Colonna: at which time many of our men were sick again, and diverse dead. Great was the misery we were in, having no more but nine or ten able men to go or creep upon their knees: our Captain, and all the rest, looking every hour to die. The eleventh of April, 1600. we saw the land of japan near unto Bungo: at which time there were no more but five men of us able to go. The twelfth of April, we came hard to Bungo, where may Barks came aboard us, the people whereof we willingly let come, having no force to resist them: at which place we came to an Anchor. The people offered us no hurt, but stole all things that they could steal▪ for which some paid dear afterwards. The next day, the King of that land sent soldiers aboard to see that none of the Merchant's goods were stolen. Two or three days after, our Ship was brought into a good Harbour, there to abide till the principal King of the whole Island had news of us, and until it was known what his will was to do with us. In the mean time we got favour of the King of that place, to get our Captain and sick men on land, which was granted. And we had an house appointed us, in which all our men were laid, and had refreshing given them. After we had been there five or six days, came a Portugal jesuite with other Portugals, 
The Portugals accuse them for Pirates.  who reported of us, that we were Pirates, and were not in the way of Marchandizing. Which report caused the Governors and common-peeple to think evil of us: In such manner, that we looked always when we should be set upon Crosses; which is the execution in this land for the every and some other crimes. Thus daily more and more the portugals incensed the justices and people against us. And two of our men, as traitors, gave themselves in service to the King, being all in all with the Portugals, having by them their lives warranted. The one was called Gilbert de Cunning, whose mother dwelleth at Middleborough, who gave himself out to be Merchant of all the goods in the Ship. The other was called john Abelson Van Owater. These traitors sought all manner of ways to get the goods into their hand● and made known unto them all things that had passed in our Voyage. Nine days after our ●●●uall, 
He war sent for to the great King.  the great King of the land sent for me to come unto him. So taking one man with me, I went to him, taking my leave of our Captain, and all the others that were sick, commending myself into his hands, that had preserved me from so many perils on the sea. I was carried in one of the King's galleys to the Court at Osaca, where the King lay, about eighty leagues from the place where the Ship was. The twelfth of May, 1600. I came to the great King's city: 
He cometh to the Court.  who caused me to be brought into the Court, being a wonderful costly house guilded with gold in abundance. Coming before the King, he viewed me well, and seemed to be wonderful favourable, He made many signs unto me, some of which I understood, and some I did not. In the end there came one that could speak Portuges. By him the King demanded of me, of what Land I was, 
The King's questions.  and what moved us to come to his Land being so fare off. I shown unto him the name of our Country, and that our land had long sought out the East-indieses, and desired friendship with all Kings and Potentates in way of merchandise, having in our Land divers commodities, which these Lands had not: and also to buy such marchandizes in this Land, which our Country had not. Than he asked whether our Country had wars? I answered him yea, with the Spaniards and Portugals▪ being in peace with all other Nations. Further, he asked me, in what I did believe? I said, in God that made Heaven a●d Earth. He asked me divers other questions of things of Religion, and many other things: As what way we came to the Country. Having a Chart of the whole world, I shown him, through the Strait of Magellan. At which he wondered, and thought me to lie. Thus from one thing to another I abode with him till midnight. And having asked me, what merchandise we had in our ship, I shown him all. In the end, he being ready to departed, I desired that we might have trade of merchandise, as the Portugals and the Spaniards had. To which he made me an answer: 

He was sent to prison.  
He was sent for again.  
He was sent to prison the second time.   but what it was I did not understand. So he commanded me to be carried to prison. But two days after he sent for me again, and enquired of the qualities and conditions of our Countries, of Wars and Peace, of Beasts and Cattles of all sorts, of the Heavens. It seemed that he was well content with all mine answers unto his demands. Nevertheless I was commanded to prison again: but my lodging was bettered in another place.  
The rest of this letter (by the malice of the bearers was suppressed: but seemeth to be in substance the same with the former. I have added this also, as containing diverse things not mentioned in the former. This William Adams lately died at Firando, in japan, as by 
* The james returning home this year. 1621.  the last Ship we received intelligence.    

§. VI The second Voyage of JOHN DAVIS with Sir EDWARD MICHELBORNE Knight, into the East-indieses, in the Tiger a ship of two hundred and forty Tuns, with a Pinnace called the Tigers Whelp: which though in time it be later than the first of the East-Indian Society, yet because it was not set forth by them, I have here placed.  
THe fift of December, 1604. we set sail from the Cows in the I'll of Wight. The three and twentieth we arrived at Teneriffe, in the road of Aratana. The fourteenth of january at night we were troubled with extreme heat, lightnings, thunder and rain all the night.  
The sixteenth we passed under the Equinoctial Line, shaping our course for the I'll Loronnah, the wind being at South Southeast, our course South South-west, & some three degrees southward of the Line, we met with such multitudes of fish, as it is incredible to report, so that with our Hooks, Lines and Harping Irons, we took so many Dolphines', Bonitoes, and other fishes, that our men were so weary with eating of fish, that we could not tell what to do with it. Moreover there were fowls called Pasharaboves and Alcatrarzes. We took many of those Pasharaboves, for it is a fowl that delighteth to come to a ship in the night: and if you do but hold up your hand, they will light upon it. The other foul called Alcatrarzi is a kind of Hawk that liveth by fishing. For when the Bonitoes or Dolphines' do chase the flying fish under the water, so that he is glad to flee from them out of the water to save his life, 
Pasharaboves. Alcatrazzi.  this Alcatrarzi flieth after them like a Hawk afer a Partridge. Of these flying fishes I have seen so many flee together, that you would have thought them to be a great flock of Birds afar off. They are but little fishes, scarcely so big as an Hearing.  

The I'll of Fernando de Loronnah.  The two and twentieth we came to an anchor at the I'll of Loronnah, being four degrees to the southward of the Line, where, in going on shore, our Skiffe was ouer-set, by reason of the violent breach that the Sea made, at which time was drowned a Kinsman of our General called Master Richard Michelburne, and all the rest were saved.  
The five and twentieth, our long Boat going to fill some empty Cask with water, came again within the danger of that unfortunate Sea, and was ouer-set, and two more of our men drowned. Here we were very 〈◊〉 troubled in getting wood and water aboard, because the landing was so dangerous, that 〈◊〉 were forced to pull our Cask on shore with Ropes, and so back again when it was filled. Not six days before we came hither, there was an Hollander here, which sent his Boat for water, which was broken all into pieces against the Rocks, and his men's brains beaten out, and their arms and legs cut from their bodies.  
The six and twentieth, our General went on shore to see the Island, and marching up and down in the same, we found nothing but a wild Country, inhabited only by six Negroes, which live like slaves. In this Island have been great store of Goats, and some wild Oxen; but by reason the Portugal Carakes sometime use to water here when they go into the East- Indieses, and that these poor slaves are left there as their servants, to kill and dry Goats against their coming thither, they have destroyed both Goats and Oxen, so that we could found but few. In this Island are great store of Turtle-doves, Alcatrarzes, and other Fowl, which we killed with our Pieces, and found them to be very dainty meat. Also here is good store of Maiz or Guynie Wheat. Here are likewise plenty of rotten Trees, whereon groweth the fine Bombast, and abundance of wild Goards, and Water-melons. When we were furnished with wood and water we came aboard.  
The twelfth of February, we found ourselves to be in seven degrees, five minutes to the southward: in which place at night, I think I saw the strangest Sea, that ever was seen: which was, 
A strange glittering of the Sea.  That the burning or glittering light of the Sea did show to us, as though all the Sea over had been burning flames of fire, and all the night long, the Moon being down, you might see to read in any book by the light thereof.  
The thirteenth day in the morning, we descried an Island, or rather indeed a Rock. The name is Ascention, the height eight degrees thirty minutes to the southward.  
The first of April, toward night, we descried Land from the main top, which bore of us, South Southeast, when according to our reckoning and accounts, 
April.  we were not near by forty leagues, but yet the variation of the Compass, did tell us that we were on Land thirty leagues before we saw Land.  
The second day in the morning we were hard by the shore, which was ten or twelve leagues to the Northward of the Bay of Saldannah.  
The third day we sailed by a little Island, which Captain john Davis' took to be an Island, that standeth some five or six leagues from Saldannah. Whereupon our General, Sir Edward Michelburne, desirous to see the Island, took his Skiffe, accompanied with no more than the Master's Mate, the Purser, and myself, and four men that did row the Boat, and so putting off from the Ship we came on land: while we were on shore, they in the Ship had a storm, which drove them out of sight of the Island: and we were two days, and two nights before we could recover our Ship. Upon the said Island is abundance of great 
Conie Island.  Coneys, and Seals: whereupon we called it Coney Island.  
The eighth day, we came to an Anchor, in the Road of Saldannah.  
The ninth we went on shore, finding a goodly Country, 
They land in the Road of Saldannah.  inhabited by a most savage and beastly people, as ever I think God created. In this place we had excellent good refreshing: in so much that I think the like place is not to be found among savage people. For we neither wanted Beef, Mutton, nor Wildfowl all the time we lay there. This Country is very full of Oxen and Sheep, which they keep in great Herds and Flocks, as we do our Cattles in England. Moreover, it doth abound with store of wild Beasts, and Fowls, as wild Deer in great abundance, Antelops, Babious, Foxes and Hares, Ostriches, Cranes, Pelicans, Herons, Geese, Ducks, Pheasants, Partridges, and diverse other sorts of excellent Fowls. Of which Fowls we killed great store with our Pieces. It is also most pleasantly watered with wholesome springs, which have their beginning from the tops of exceeding high Mountains, 
Exceeding high mountains.  which falling into the Valleys, make them very fruitful. Also there is a kind of Trees, not much unlike to Bay Trees, but of a fare harder substance, that grow close by the Sea side. The people of the Country brought us more Bullocks and Sheep, than we could spend all the time we stayed there. So that we carried fresh Beef and Mutton to Sea with us. For a piece of an old iron Hoop, not worth two pence, you might buy a great Bullock: and for a piece of iron, not worth two or three good Horse Nails, you might buy a Sheep. They go naked▪ save only they wear upon their shoulders a Sheep skin, and before their privities a little flap of a skin, 

Their women some are well featured, some of their men have but one stone. Copper is now in greatest request with them.  
A certain kind of root. May.  
The Cape de Bona Esperanza. Cape Das Agu●lhas.   which covereth as much, as though they had none at all before them. In the time of our being there, they lived upon the guts and filth of the meat, which we did cast away, feeding in most beastly manner: for they would neither wash nor make clean the guts, but take them and cover them over with hot ashes, and before they were through hot, they pulled them out, shaking them a little in their hands, and so eat both the guts, the excrements, and the ashes. They live upon raw flesh, and a certain kind of root which they have, which groweth there in great abundance. In this place we lay on shore, from the ninth of April until the third of May. By which good recreation and refreshing, we found ourselves in as good health, as when we put to Sea at the very first.  
The seventh of May, we were South of the Cape of Bona Esperança, by estimation ten leagues. This night we passed over the shoalds of Cape Das ●●●ilhas.  
The ninth day, rose a mighty storm, at which time we lost sight of our Pinnace, being driven by violence of weather from her. This storm continued for the space of two days, and two nights most fearful and dangerous, with rain, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of much water. The Portugals call this place, The Lion of the Sea, 
The Lion of the Sea.  by reason of the extreme fury and danger, which they found in doubling of this Cape. In the extremity of our storm appeared to us in the night, upon our main Topmast head, a flame about the bigness of a great Candle; which the Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most divine token, that when it appeareth the worst is past. As, thanked be God, we had better weather after it. Some think it to be a spirit: 
Corpo Sancto.  other writ that it is an exhalation of moist vapours, that are engendered by foul and tempestuous weather. Some affirm that the Ship is fortunate where it lighteth, and that she shall not perish. It appeared unto us two nights together, after which time we had a fair wind and good weather.  
The twenty fourth, the Isle De Diego Roiz, 
The I'll de Diego Roiz in 19 degrees 40. minutes.  standing in the Latitude of nineteen degrees & forty minutes to the southward, and in the Longitude of ninety eight degrees, and thirty minutes, bore North of us about five of the clock eight leagues off. We bore room to have landed, but the wind grew so stiff in the night, that we altered our determination. About this Island we saw great store of white Birds, having in their tails but two long feathers. These Birds, and diverse others accompanied us with such contrary winds and gusts, that we often split our sails, and bolting to and again, we rather went to the Lee-ward, than gained any thing, the wind blew so stiff at the East South East.  
The third day of june, standing our course for the Isle De Cirne, we descried the Isle De Diego Roiz again, 
june 3.  and bore room with it, thinking to have stayed there to attend a good wind: but finding it to be a very dangerous place, 

The I'll of Diego Roiz is a very dangerous place.  
The Isles Does Banhos.   we durst not come to an anchor there, for fear of the rocks and sholds that lie about it; and upon better consideration we altered our purpose, and stood for East- India.  
The fifteenth of june, we had sight of Land, which was the Isle Does Banhos, in six degrees, and thirty seven minutes to the southward, and in one hundred and nine degrees of Longitude. These Lands are falsely laid in most Charts, lying too much to the West. Here we sent our Boats to see, if they could found any good ground to anchor in. But searching both the South and West shore, they could found none. There are five of these Lands: they abound with Fowl, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats went on shore, and brought great store of them aboard us, which we found to be excellent meat. Seeing we could found no good anchoring, by reason that in some places close under the shore it was so deep, that we could found no ground, and in other places were such sharp rocks, and sholds, that we durst not anchor, having but bad and contrary winds, we left these Lands, and stood our course, as near as we could lie for India.  
The ninteenth of june, we had sight of Land, which was the I'll of Diego Graciosa, standing in the Latitude of seven degrees, 
Their Boats go on shore. The I'll of Diego Graciosa.  thirty minutes Southwards, and in Longitude one hundred and ten degrees, forty minutes by our accounts. This seemeth to be a very pleasant Island, and of good refreshing, if there be any place to come to an anchor. We sought but little for anchoring there, because the wind was bad, and the tide forced us to the shore: so that we durst not stay to search there any further. This Island seemeth to be some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding with Birds and Fish; and all the Island over seemeth to be a mighty Wood, of nothing else but Coco-trees. What else this Island yields we know not.  


july. They pass the Equinoctial Line.  
An Island or Lands in two degrees of Northerly Latitude, adjoining to Sumatra.   The eleventh of july, we passed again the Equinoctial Line, where we were becalmed with extreme heat, lightning, and thunder.  
The ninteenth we descried Land, which was many Lands, as we thought locked in one, which lay under the high Land, of the great Island of Sumatra. Here we sent off our Boat to get some fresh water: but the Sea went with such a violent breach upon the shore, that they durst not land: The people of this Island made great fires also along the shore, with intent, as we thought, to have had us come on Land. This Island or Lands, is in two degrees of Northerly Latitude.  
The five and twentieth we came to an anchor, by a little Island, where we sent our Boat on shore for water; but finding none, they returned with some Coco Nuts, affirming, that the Island was very full of Coco Trees, which had very few Nuts upon them. We saw three or four people upon this Island: but they went away and would not come near us. Those people we imagined to be left there to gather the Cocos, and to make them ready against others should come and fetch them.  

The I'll of Bata.  The six and twentieth, we came to an anchor, within a league of a great Island, called Bata, lying in twenty minutes of South Latitude. Here we builded up our Shalop, and named her the Bat. In this Island are none Inhabitants: it doth exceedingly abound with wood, and fresh water Rivers, as also with Fish, Monkeys, and a kind of Fowl, which they affirm to be that Country Batte, whereof in our time of being there I killed one, which was greater than an Hare, 
A great flying Squirel, or Bat.  and in shape very like a S●●●rrill, save only from each of his sides, did hung down two great flappes of skin, which when he did leap from tree to tree, he would spread forth like a pair of wings, as though he did seem to fly with them. They are very nimble, and will leap from bough to bough oftentimes, taking hold with nothing but their tails. Because our Shalop was builded in the kingdom of these beasts, she was called after their name, The Bat.  
The nine and twentieth day, travailing along the shore, in this Island I discovered a Roader, riding under a little Island about four leagues from me: which made me very glad, hoping it had been our Pinnace which we lost in the great storm, near under the Cape of Bona Esperatça: with which news by night I gate aboard our General; who in the morning sent me, with Captain john Davis', 
Three Barks.  to see if we could found her. But when we came to the place, we found three Barks riding under the Island. They made signs unto us to come aboard them, and told us they had Hens; we answered them that we would go fetch some money, and would come again the next morning, and buy. Some of them understood Portuguse. We durst not go aboard them, because we were but evil provided. The next morning being better furnished, we went, thinking to have some better commodities of them: but they had weighed anchor, and were all gone. It seemed they were afraid of us by their hasting away.  

August.  The fourth of August, we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman.  
The ninth of August, our General manned the Shalop, and sent us along the Coast, to see if we could found any Roaders, and espying a Sail, we gave her chase, which when she perceived she could not go from us, she came to an anchor, and forsook their Bark, and rowed all on shore to an Island in a small Boat, where we could not come at them. We laid there Bark aboard, not finding any one man in it: the chief lading was Cocos Oil, Nuts, and fine Mats. But seeing it was but such mean stuff, and knowing that if we should have taken it, our General would not have liked of it; we left her, not taking any thing from her worth the speaking of.  
The tenth and eleventh days we stood close along the main land, whereas we espied eight Prawes, riding over against a place called Tico. Which when we first espied, we were in good hope, 
Tico a Town in Sumatra.  that we might found our Pinnace among them. When we came up with them she was not there: but they put us in comfort, telling us there was an English Ship at Priaman, which was not passed six leagues from this Town of Tico. Than standing out to Sea we saw our Admiral, and in short time got aboard, telling our General the news. We had not sailed a league further, 
Their Ship cometh on ground.  but our Ship came on ground upon a Rock of white Coral: but God be thanked, having a great gale, in very short time we got her off again without any hurt at all: And coming near unto the Road of Priaman, we descried our Pinnace to be there, 
Th●y meet with their Pinnace, which they had lost so long before Priaman in forty minutes of Southerly Latitude.  which we had lost so long before in the great storm, in doubling the Cape of Bona Esperança. The Captain and Master of the Pinnace, met us half a league from the Road in their Skiffe, and at our coming aboard of us, our General did welcome them with a peal of great Ordnance: And after many discourses passed of what had happened, in the time of each others absence, we came to an anchor in five fathoms water, very good ground in the Road of Priaman, which standeth in forty minutes of Southerly Latitude.  
The fourteenth, our General sent me on shore with a Present to the Governor, and to others, to see what price Pepper was at, and to buy fresh victuals, and to know whether our men might came safely on shore. But when we came on shore, the Governor durst not speak with us privately, by reason of certain wars that were among them: by which means they were grown jealous one of another. These wars grew upon this occasion. The King of Achen having two sons, he kept the eldest at home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the youngest he made King of Pedir: whereupon the eldest son took his father prisoner, affirming that he was too old to govern any longer, and afterward made war upon his younger brother. Thus seeing little good to be done in this place, having refreshed ourselves with fresh victuals, we resolved to departed from thence.  
The one and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, on which day we took two Prawes, having nothing in them but a little Rice. The one of these Prawes hurt two of our men very sore after they had entered her. For our men thought, because they saw some leap overboard, they had all leapt overboard; but they were deceived. For the first two men that entered were sore hurt by two which lay close hidden behind their Sail: who as soon as they had wounded them, most desperately leapt overboard, swimming away like water Spaniels. So taking such things as best fitted us, we left their Prawes, doing them no further harm.  
The three and twentieth, we took a Fisherboat, having nothing of value in him, letting him go without any hurt, saving only one of them was shot through the thigh at the first meeting, when they resisted us.  
The five and twentieth, we descried a Sail, and sent our Shalop, Longboat, and Skiffe to see what she was: for our Ship and Pinnace could not fetch her up, because they were becalmed. These Boats coming up with her, bid him strike sail, but she would not. So we fell in fight with her, from three of the clock in the afternoons till ten of the clock at night, by which time our Pinnace had gotten up to us: then she strooke her sails and yielded. So we made her fast to our Pinnace, and towed her along with us all night. In the morning, our General sent for them to see what they were: and sent three of us to see what she was laden withal. When he had talked with them, they told him they were of Bantam: wherefore, knowing not what injury he might do to the English Merchants, 
A Ship of Bantam taken and freely dimissed.  that had a factory in Bantam at that present; and understanding by us, that their loading was Salt, Rice, and China dishes, he sent them aboard their own Bark again, not suffering the worth of a penny to be taken from them. They standing toward Priaman, and we toward Bantam, left each other. This Bark was of the burden of some forty Tuns.  
The second of September, we met with a small Ship of Guzarate, or Cambaya, 

They take a Ship of Guzarate.  
Sillibar in four degrees of Southerly Latitude.   being about eighty Tuns: which Ship we took and carried into the Road of Sillibar, standing in four degrees of Southerly Latitude; into which Road many Prawes continually come to refresh themselves. For here you may have Wood, Water, Rice, Buffles-flesh, Goats, Hens, Plants, and Fresh-fish, but all very dear.  
The eight and twentieth day, having dispatched all our business, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam.  
The three and twentieth of October, we came to an anchor in the Road of Marrah, 
October. The Road of Marrah.  being in the strait of Sunda: here we took in Freshwater. In this place are great store of Buffles, Goats, Hens, Ducks, and many other good things for refreshing of men. They esteem not so much of money as of Calicut clotheses, Pintadoes, and such like stuffs. The people being well used, will use you well; but you must look to them for stealing: for they think any thing well gotten, that they can steal from a stranger.  

The twenty eight. Bantam.  The eight and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, which standeth in six degrees and forty minutes of Southerly Latitude. This day we came within three leagues of the Town, where we came to an anchor all night. Here we thought to have seen the English Fleet; but it was gone for England three weeks before we came. Nevertheless, those that remained in the Country, as Factors of our Nation, came aboard us, being very glad to see any of their Countrymen in so foreign a place, and withal told our General, that the company of the Hollanders Ships that were in the Road, had used very slanderous reports of us to the King of Bantam: The effect whereof was, That we were thiefs, and disordinate livers, and such as did come for nothing but to deceive them, or use such violence, as time would give us leave to execute; and that we durst not come into the Road among them, but kept two or three leagues from thence for fear of them. After our General had heard this report; it so moved him, that he weighed anchor, sending the Hollanders word, that he would come and ride close by their sides, and bad the proudest of them all that durst to put out a Piece of Ordnance upon him; and withal sent them word, if they did go about, either to brave, or to disgrace him, or his Countrymen, he would either sink them, or sink by their sides. There were of these Hollanders five Ships, the one of them of seven or eight hundred Tuns, the rest of a fare smaller burden. But of this message (notwithstanding we came and anchored close by them) we never had answer. But whereas the Hollanders, were wont to swagger and keep great stir on shore, all the time before our being there, they were so quiet, that we could scarcely see one of them on Land.  
The second of November, having seen our Countrymen, we took our leave, and stood our course for Patane. 
The second of November, they departed from Bantam. Pedra Branca. Three Prawes.  And in our way, as we sailed between the Chersonesus of Malacca and Pedra Branca, we met with three Prawes, which being afraid of us, anchored so near unto the shore, that we could not come near them, either with our Ship or Pinnace. Wherhfore our General manned his Shalop with eighteen men, and sent us to them, to request them, that for his money he might have a Pilot to carry his Ship to Pulo Timaon, which is about some five days sailing from the place where we met with them. But they seeing our Ship and Pinnace at anchor, about a mile from them, and that they were not able to come any nearer them, told us plainly, that none of them would go with us, and being at anchor weighed, and were going away: Seeing that, we began a fight with them all three: one of them we took in less than half an hour, whose men, which were seventy three in all gate out of her, and ran on shore. The other fought with us all night, and in the morning about the break of day, she yielded unto us. Our General came to us in his Skiffe a little before she yielded. 
Two Prawes taken.  They were laden with Benjamin, Storax, Pepper, China Dishes, and Pitch. The third Praw got from us, while we were fight with the other. Our General would not suffer us to take any thing from them, but only two of their men to Pilot us to Pulo Timaon, because they were of java. These people of java, are very resolute in a desperate case. Their chief Weapons are javelins, Darts, Daggers, and a kind of poisoned Arrows, which they shoot in Trunks. They have some Harcubushes, but they are nothing expert in using them. 
Poisoned Arrows shot in Trunks. Palimbam. Grece, a Town in java.  They also have Targets. The most part of them be Mahumetans. They had been at Palimbam, and were going back again to Greece, a Port Town on the North-East part of java where they dwelled.  
The twelfth of November, we dismissed them, standing our course toward Patane.  
The six and twentieth of November, we saw certain Lands bearing of us Northwest, which neither we, 
Certain Lands.  nor our new Pilots knew. But having a very contrary wind to stand our course for Patane, we thought it very necessary to search those Lands for wood and water, hoping by that time we had watered, to have a better wind.  
The seven and twentieth, we came to an Anchor within a mile of the shore, in sixteen fathoms good ground, on the Southside of these Lands. Hear sending our Boat on shore, we found some of them to be Sunken Lands, nothing above the water but the Trees or Roots of them. In one of them we found a reasonable good watering place, and all the Lands a Wilderness of Woods. It is a very uncomfortable place, having neither Fruits, Fowl, nor any kind of Beast wherewithal to refresh men. These Lands we took to be some of the broken Lands, lying Southeast from the I'll of Bintam. 

The broken Lands near the I'll of Bintam.  
December.    
The second of December, having taken in wood and water, we weighed Anchor, standing our course for Patane, as near as a bad wind would give us leave. For we found the wind in these months to be very contrary, keeping still at North, Northwest, or North-East.  
The twelfth day, near unto Pulo Laor, we descried three sails, and sending our Pinnace and Shalop after one of them, 
Pulo Laor.  being the nearest unto us, we stayed with our ship, thinking to have met with the other two: but in the night they stood away another course, so that we saw them no more. In the morning, we descried our Pinnace and Shalop, about four leagues to Leeward, with the other ship which they had taken, The wind and current being against them, 
Another ship taken.  they were not able to come up to us: we seeing that went to them. When we came, we found her to be a juncke of Pan-Hange, being in burden above an hundred Tons, laden with Rice, 
Pan Hang.  Pepper and Tin, going to Bantam in java. Our General not esteeming any such mean luggage, took as much Rice as served for his provision, and two little brass Guns, and paid them royally for all: not taking any thing else from them, save only one man to be our Pilot to Patane: who was willing to come along with us, when he saw our General use them so well. The other two Pilots, which we took before out of one of the three Prawes, were unskilful men. Wherhfore our General rewarding them, for the time that they had been with him, sent them back again into their own Country, by the juncke which we took, that was going to java.  
The thirteenth day we left her, standing our course for Pulo Timaon, 
Pulo Timaon over against Pan-Hange.  joining on the King of Pan-Hange his Country. Here we were troubled very much with contrary winds and currents. For the Sea runneth always from the beginning of November, to the beginning of April, to the southward: and from April to November back again to the Northward. The wind also in the aforesaid first five months is most commonly Northerly, 
The Monsons' in these parts.  and in the other seven months Southerly. All the ships of China, Patane, jor, Pan-Hange, and other places which are to the Northward, come to Bantam or Palimbam, when the Northerly Monsoin is come: and return back again when the Southerly Monsoin cometh: Which Monsoins come in the months before mentioned. This being observed you shall have both wind and tide with you. Here, as I said before, I found such contrary violent winds and currents, 
In three weeks he could not get one league a head.  that I could not in three weeks get a league a head. This Country of Pan-Hange is a very plentiful Country, and full of Gentry, after the fashion of those Countries, store of shipping, and victuals very cheap. This Country lieth between jor and Patane, and reacheth on the sea-coast to Cape Tingeron, being a very high Cape, and the first Land-fall that the Caracks of Macao or juncks of China, 
Cape Tingeron.  or Camboia Prawes do make as they come for Malacca, java, Sumatra, jumbe, jor, Palimbam, Grece, or any other parts to the southward.  
Here as I stood for patane: about the twenty seven of December, I met with a juncke of the japons, which had been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia. Their Pilot being dead, with ignorance and foul weather, they had cast away their ship on the sholds of the great Island Borneo; and to enter into the Country of Borneo, they durst not: for the japons are not suffered to land in any Port in India with weapons: being accounted a people so desperate and daring, that they are feared in all places where they come. These people, their ship being split, with their Shalops entered this juncke, wherein I met them, which was of Patane, and killed all the people sa●e one old Pilot. This juncke was laden with Rice, which when they had possessed and furnished with such furniture, necessaries and arms as they saved out of their sunken ship, they shaped their course for japan: b●t the badness of their juncke, contrary winds, and unseasonableness of the year forced them to Leeward: which was the cause of mine unlucky meeting them. After I had haled them, and made them come to Lee-ward, sending my Boat aboard them, I found them by their men and furniture very unproportionable for such a ship as they were in; which was a juncke not above seventy tons in burden, and they were ninety men, and most of them in too gallant a habit for Sailors, and such an equality of behaviour among them, that they seemed all fellows: yet one among them there was that they called Capitaine, but gave him little respect. I caused them to come to an Anchor, and upon further examination I found their lading to be only Rice; and for the most part spilt with wet: for their ship was leak both under and above water. Upon questioning with them I understood them to be men of War, that had pillaged on the Coast of China and Camboia, and, as I said before, had cast away their ship on the sholds of Borneo. Here we road at Anchor under a small Island, near to the I'll of Bintam, two days entertaining them with good usage not taking any thing from them: thinking to have gathered by their knowledge, the place and passage of certain ships, on the Coast of China to have made my Voyage. But these Rogues being desperate in winds and fortunes▪ being hopeless in that paltry juncke ever to return to their Country, resolved with themselves either to gain my ship, or to loose their lives. And upon mut●all courtesies with gifts and feastings between us, sometimes fi●e and twenty or six and twenty of their chiefest came aboard: whereof I would not suffer above six to have weapons. Their was never the like number of our men aboard their juncke. I willed Captain john Davis' in the morning to possess himself of their weapons, and to put the Company before Mast, and to leave some Guard on their weapons, while they searched in the Rice, doubting that by searching and finding that which would dislike them, they might suddenly set upon my men, and put them to the Sword: as the sequel proved. Captain Davis' being beguiled with their humble semblance, would not possess himself of their weapons, though I sent twice of purpose from my ship to will him to do it. They passed all the day, my men searching in the Rice, and they looking on: at the Sunne-setting, after long search and nothing found, save a little Storax and Benjamin: they seeing opportunity, and talking to the rest of their Company which were in my ship, being near to their juncke, they resolved, at a watchword between them, to set upon us resolutely in both ships. This being concluded, they suddenly killed and drove overboard, all my men that were in their ship; and those which were aboard my ship sallied out of my cabin, where they were put, with such weapons as they had, finding certain Targets in my cabin, and other things that they used as weapons. Myself being aloft on the Deck, knowing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where, with the Boat Swains, Carpenter and some few more, we kept them under the halfe-decke. At their first coming forth of the cabin, they met Captain Davis' coming out of the Gun-roome, 
Captain john Davis' slain.  whom they pulled into the cabin, and giving him six or seven mortal wounds, they thrust him out of the cabin before them. His wounds were so mortal, that he died as soon as he came into the waste. They pressed so fiercely to come to us, as we receiving them on our Pikes, they would gather on our Pikes with their hands to reach us with their Swords. It was near half an hour before we could stone them back into the cabin: 
Three or four of the japonian Leaders killed.  In which time we had killed three or four of their Leaders. After they were driven into the cabin, they fought with us at the lest four hours before we could suppress them, often fyring the cabin, burning the bedding, and much other stuff that was there. And had we not with two Demy-culuerings, from under the halfe-decke, beaten down the bulk head and the pump of the ship, we could not have suppressed them from burning the ship. This Ordnance being charged with Crosse-barres, Bullets, and Case-shot, and bend close to the bulk head, so violently marred therewith boards and splinters, 
One and twenty japoans slain with demiculuering shot.  that it left but one of them standing of two and twenty. Their legs, arms, and bodies were so torn, as it was strange to see, how the shot had massacred them. In all this conflict they never would desire their lives, though they were hopeless to escape: such was the desperateness of these japonians. Only one leapt overboard, which afterward swam to our ship again, and asked for grace, we took him in, and asked him what was their purpose? He told us, that they meant to take our ship, and to cut all our throats. He would say no more, but desired that he might be cut in pieces.  
The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of December, we went to a little Island to the Leeward of us. And when we were about five miles from the Land, the General commanded his people to hung this japonian: but he broke the Rope, and fell into the Sea. I cannot tell whether he swam to the land or not. We took our course right to the little foresaid Island, and came there to an Anchor the thirtieth of December. We remained there three days to mend our Boat, and to take in wood and water. In this Island we found a ship of Patane, out of which we took the Captain, and asked him, whether the ships of China were come to Patane, or no? He told us that they were not yet come, but that they would come thither within few days. We made the Captain of that ship to be our Pilot, because he knew very well to what place the Chinish ships would come.  
The tenth of january we purposed to stay their, till it pleased God, that we should meet the Chinish ships.  
The twelfth of januarie, one of our Mates climbed up to the top of the Mast, and descried two ships which came toward us: but because of the wind they were forced to go to the Lee-ward of the Island. Assoon as we had sight of them we weighed Anchor, and made toward them. And we fetched up the greatest of them the twelfth of januarie in the night. We fought a little with them, and boarded them, and brought them to an Anchor.  
The next day, to wit, the thirtieth of januarie we unladed some of their goods, to wit, raw Silk and other Silks. They had fifty Tons of Silver of their Country: but we took little or none of it; because we had good hope, that we should meet with the other Chinish ships. After we had taken some of their Silks, we let them departed the fifteenth of january: and gave them twice as much, as we had taken from them. And casting them off, we took our course back again to China Bata: 

They return from the I'll of Bintam.  
Two small Lands called Pulo Sumatra.   but we could not fetch it up, because we had contrary wind; so that we were forced to put Lee-ward unto two small Lands, which they of java call Pulo Sumatra: where we came to an Anchor the two and twentieth of januarie.  
The four and twentieth day, as we road at Anchor there arose a great storm of wind, with which our Cable broke, so that we were forced to put into the nearest Creek.  
The second of February, five Holland ships met with us sailing homeward, which put into the same Road where we were. 
February.  Captain Warwick was General of these ships. He sent to our General to dine with him. Our General went to him. He told us that our English Merchants in Bantam were in great peril, and that still they looked for nothing else, then that the King of java would assault them, because we had taken the China ship, whereby the King of Bantam had lost his custom. Wherhfore Captain Warwick requested our General, that he would cease to go any further, and would sail home unto England with him. Our General answered, That he had not as yet made his Voyage, and that therefore he would not return, until it should please God to sand him somewhat to make up the Game. The Hollanders perceiving that they could not persuade our General to give over his purpose, 
February the third.  departed from us the third of February.  
Our General considering, that if he should proceed on his Voyage, it would be very dangerous for the English Merchants which were resident in those parts, and seeing that he had but two Anchors and two Cables to help himself withal, thought good to repair his ships, and to return home with that poor Voyage that he had made.  
When our ships were ready, and that we had taken in wood and water, 
They return home.  we hoist up our sails the fift of February to return for England.  
The seventh of April we had sight of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, after we had passed a great storm. 
April 7. 1606.   
The seventeenth of April we came to the I'll of Sancta Helena, where we watered, 
Sancta Helena.  and found refreshment, as Wine and Goats, which we ourselves killed. In the said Island are many wild Swine and Goats. There are also great store of Partridges, Turkey Cocks, and Guinea Hens, This Island is not inhabited. We departed from thence the third of May.  
The fourteenth, we passed under the Equinoctial Line. 
May. They arrived in Milford Haven in Wales. They came to Portsmouth.   
The seven and twentieth of june, we arrived in Milford Haven in Wales.  
The ninth of july, we came to an Anchor in Portsmouth Roade, where all our Company were dismissed. And here we ended our Voyage, having been out upon the same full nineteen months, in the year 1606.    

CHAP. II. A Privilege for fifteen years granted by her Majesty to certain Adventurers, for the discovery of the Trade for the East-indieses, the one and thirtieth of December, 1600.  
ELIZABETH, by the grace of GOD Queen of England, France and Ireland, Defendor of the Faith, etc. To all Our Officers, Ministers and Subjects, and to all other people aswell within this Our Realm of England, as elsewhere under Our obedience and jurisdiction, or otherwise, unto whom these Our Letters Patents shall be seen, showed, or read, greeting.  
Whereas Our most dear, and loving Cousin, George Earl of Cumberland; and Our well-beloved Subjects, Sir john Hart of London, Knight, Sir john Spencer of London, Knight, 
The names of the Adventurers.  Sir Edward Michelburne, Knight, William Candish, Esquire, Paul Banning, Robert Lee, Leonard holiday, john Watts, john More, Edward Holmden, Robert Hampson, Thomas Smith, and Thomas Cambell, Citizens and Aldermen of London, Edward Barker, Esquire, Thomas Marsh, Esquire, Samuel Bachouse, Esquire, james Lancaster, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordell, William Garway, Oliver Style, William Quarles, Bartholomew Barnes, William Offly, Robert Chamberlain, john Haruy, Richard Wiseman, William Stone, Francis Cherry, Thomas Alabaster, Richard Barret, john Swynerton the younger, Thomas Garaway, William Romny, james Deane, john Eldred, Andrew Banning, Edward Loaning, Thomas jackson, Nicholas Leate, john Wolstenholme, Nicholas Peard, William Chamber, Rowland Bachouse, Humphrey Smith, Robert Sandy, Henry Robinson, Richard Poyntel, john Highlord, William Haryson, Humphrey Style, Humphrey Robynson, Nicholas Ferror, Thomas Farryngton, john Combe, Robert Offly, Roger How, john Hewet, james Turner, Morris Abbot, james carrel, Robert Brooke, Richard Chamblyn, George Chamblyn, Leonard White, john Cornelius, Ralph Basby, William Genyngs, Gyles Paslow, Robert Bell, Thomas White, Nicholas Ling, William Palmer, Ellys Crippes, john Merrycke, Humphrey Hanford, Thomas Symons, Robert Cox, William Wustall, john Humphrey, Thomas Bostocke, Bartholomew Holland, Richard Cox, William Walton, William Freeman, Thomas Southacke, john Friar, Francis Dent, Richard Bull, Richard Pierce, Roger Hening, Robert Cobb, Robert Robynson, Francis Euington, Francis Taylor, Thomas Westrow, john Midleton, Robert Gore, Ralph Gore, William Cater, George Cater, john Busbridge, Thomas Horton, William Bond Merchant-Taylor of London, William Cotton, john Stockley, Roger Owfield, Augustine Skinner, Richard Wise, Robert Towerson, Richard Taylbye, Robert Middleton, Robert Bateman, Richard Gosson, Robert Waldore, Richard Wrag, john Wrag, William Dale, Laurence Waldo, Henry Brydgman, Samuel Armytage, Edward Haryson, Edward Nicolson, Clement Mosely, john Newman, Humphrey Wallot, Thomas Richardson, Thomas Boothby, john Coachman, Reinald Greene, Richard Burret, Robert Myldmay, William Hyne, George Chandeler, Edward Lutterfoord, William Burrell, Stephen Haruy, Thomas Henshaw, William Ferrys, William Aldersey, William Hewet, William Fisher, joseph Salbancke, Nicholas Manly, Nicholas Salter, William Willastone, William Angel, Nicholas Barnsly, john Hawkins, Roger Die, Richard Clarke, Thomas Hewet, George Whitemore, Henry Polstee, William Greenwell, Robert johnson, Bartholomew Huggott, Humphrey Basse, Robert Buck, Ambrose Wheeler, William Hale, Richard Hull junior, john Hodgson, Alphonsus' Foot▪ 
George Vt●y disfranchized the sixth of july, 1661.  Edmund Spencer, Robert Dewsy, Richard Piott, William Bonham, Edward Barkeham, George Coles, Ralph Hammer, james Colymer, Samuel Hare, George Vtlye, Gregory Allen, Henry Archer, jeffry Kerby, john Cason, Richard Beale, Thomas Shipton, john Fletcher, Thomas Talbot, Robert Pennyngton, Humphrey Milward, Richard Herne, Ralph Allen, john Brooke, Anthony Gibson, Robert Keys, Hugh Crompton, Richard Washer, George Holman, Morryce Luellen, Richard Parsons, Francis Barker, William Turner, john Greenwood▪ Richard Den, Richard Ironside, George Smiths, james Dunkyn Edward Walter, Andrew Chamblayn, Robert Startford, Anthony Stratford, William Myllet, Simon Laurence, Thomas Lydall, Stephen Hodgson, Richard Wright, William Starker, William Smith, john Ellacots, Robert Bayly, and Roger Cotton, have of Our certain knowledge been Petitioners unto Us, for Our Royal Assent and Licence to be granted unto them, that they at their own adventures, costs and charges, as well for the honour of this Our Realm of England, as for the increase of Our Navigation, and advancement of trade of Merchandise within Our said Realms, and the Dominions of the same, might adventure, might set forth one, or more Voyages, with convenient number of Ship and Pynnasses, by way of traffic and merchandise to the East- Indians, in the Country and parts of Asia and Africa, and to as many of the Lands, and Cities, Towns, and places thereabout, as where trade, and traffic of merchandise may by all likelihood, be established or had: divers of which Countries, and many of the Lands, Cities and Ports thereof, have long sithence been discovered by others of Our Subjects, albeit not frequented in trade of Merchandise. Know ye therefore, that We greatly tendering the honour of Our Nation, the wealth of Our people, and the encouragement of them, and others of Our loving Subjects in their good enterprises, for the increase of Our Navigation, and the advancement of lawful traffic, to the benefit of Our Commonwealth, 

A Body Politic.  
The Style of the Corporation.   have of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, given and granted, and by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, do give, and grant unto Our said loving Subjects, before in these Presents expressly named. That they, and every of them from henceforth be, and shall be one body corporate and politic indeed and in name, by the name of the Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, one body corporate and politic indeed, and in name really and fully for Us, Our Heirs and Successors. We do erect, make, ordain, constitute, establish, and declare by these Presents, and that by the same name of Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, they shall have succession, and that they, and their Successors, by the name of Governor and Company, trading into the East- Indieses, be, and shall be at all times hereafter, persons, able and capable in Law, and a body corporate and politic, and capable in Law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, and retain lands, tenements, privileges, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises, and hereditaments, of whatsoever kind, nature, and quality soever they be, to them and their successors. And also to give, grant, demise, alien, assign, and dispose all and singular other things, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, by the same name, that to them shall, or may pertain to do. And that they and their successors, by the name of the Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, may pled, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, and be defended in whatsoever Courts, and places, and before whatsoever judges and justices, and other persons and Officers, in all and singular Actions, Pleas, Suits, Quarrels, Causes, and Demands whatsoever, of whatsoever kind, nature, or sort, in such manner and form, as other Our liege people of this Our Realm of England, being persons able and capable, may, or can have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demyse, alien, assign, dispose, pled, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, and be defended, release, and be released, do permit and execute. And that the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their successors, may have a Common Seal, to serve for all the Causes and Business of them, 
A Common Seal.  and their successors. And that it shall and may be lawful, to the said Governor and Company, and their successors, the same Seal, from time to time, at their will and pleasure to break, change, and to make new, or altar, as to them shall seem expedient. And further, We will, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, We do ordain, that there shall be from henceforth, one of the same Company to be elected and appointed in such form and manner, as hereafter in these Presents is expressed: which shall be called the Governor of the said Company, and that there shall be from henceforth, four and twenty of the said Company, to be elected and appointed in such form, as hereafter in these Presents is expressed, which shall be called the Committees of the said Company, who together with the Governor of the said Company, for the time being, shall have the direction of the Voyages, of, or for the said Company, and the provision of the shipping and merchandises thereto belonging, and also the sale of all merchandises, of, or for the said Company, and the managing and handling of all other things belonging to the said Company: 
Thomas Smyth Alderman the first Governor.  And for the better execution of this Our Will, and Grant in this behalf▪ We have assigned, nominated, constituted, and made, and by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, we do assign, nominate, constitute, and make the said Thomas Smith, Alderman of London, to be the first, and present Governor of the said Company, to continued in the said Office, from the date of these Presents, until another of the said Company, in due manner, be chosen and sworn unto the said Office, according to the ordinances and provisions, hereafter in these Presents expressed, and declared, if the said Thomas Smith shall so long live. 
The first Committees for the direction of the affairs, the Company being 24.  And also We have assigned, nominated, and appointed, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, We do assign, nominate, constitute, and make the same Paul Baning, Leonard Holiday, john More, Edward Holmden, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordell, William Garway, Oliver Style, james Lancaster, Richard Wiseman, Francis Cherry, Thomas Alabaster, William Romney, Roger How, William Chambers, Robert Sandy, john Eldred, Richard Wiche, john Highlord, john Middleton, john Combe, William Haryson, Nicholas Ling, and Robert Bell, to be the four and twenty first and present Committees of the said Company, to continued in the said Office of Committees of the said Company, from the date of these Presents, for one whole year next following. And further, We Will and Grant by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their successors, that it shall and may be lawful, to, and for the said Governor and Company, for the time being, or the more part of them present, at any public Assembly, commonly called, The Court holden for the said Company, the Governor of the said Company, being always one from time to time, to elect, nominate, and appoint, one of the said Company to be Deputy to the said Governor; which Deputy shall take a corporal Oath before the Governor, 
A Deputy to the Governor.  and five or more of the Committees of the said Company for the time being, well, faithfully, and truly, to execute his said Office of Deputy, to the Governor of the Company; and after his Oath so taken, shall and may from time to time, in the absence of the said Governor, exercise and execute the Office of Governor of the said Company, in such sort as the Governor aught to do. And further, We will, and grant by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs, Executors, and Successors, unto us the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their successors, that they, or the greater part of them, whereof the Governor for the time being, or his Deputy to be one, and from time to time, and all times hereafter, shall, and may have authority, and power yearly, and every year, on the first day of july, or at any time, 
The first day of july, or with in 6. days after the yearly election of the Governor.  within six days after that day, to assemble, and meet together in some convenient place, to be appointed from time to time by the Governor, or in his absence, by the Deputy of the said Governor, for the time being. And that they, being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful, to, and for the said Governor, or Deputy of the said Governor, and the said Company for the time being, or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be present, whereof the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate one of the said Company, which shall be Governor of the same Company for one whole year from thence next following, which person being so elected, and nominated to be Governor of the said Company, as is aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of the said Office, shall take a corporal Oath before the last Governor being his Predecessor, or his Deputy, or any six or more of the Committees of the said Company for the time being, that he shall from time to time, well and truly execute the office of Governor of the said Company, in all things concerning the same, and that immediately after the said Oath so taken, he shall and may execute and use the said Office of Governor of the said Company, for one whole year from thence next following. And in like sort we will and grant, 
Every Brother to take a corporal Oath.  that as well every one above named to be of the said Company or Fellowship, as all others hereafter to be admitted, or free of the said Company, shall take a corporal Oath before the Governor of this said Company, or his Deputy for the time being, to such effect as by the said Governor or Company, or the more part of them. In any public Court to be held for the said Company, shall be in reasonable manner set down and devised, before they shall be allowed, or admitted to trade or traffic as a Freeman of the said Company. And further we will and grant by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
The four and twenty Committees to be yearly elected, on the first of july, or six days after.  unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, that the said Governor or the Deputy of the said Governor, and the Company and their Successors for the time being, or the greatest part of them, whereof the Governor, or the Deputy of the Governor from time to time to be one, shall and may from time to time to be one, shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter, have authority and power yearly, and every year on the first day of july, or at any time within six days after that day, to assemble, meet together in some convenient place to be from time to time appointed by the said Governor of the said Company, or in his absence by his Deputy. And that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful, to, and for the said Governor, or his Deputy, and the Company for the time being, or the greater part of them, which then shall happen to be present, whereof the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the time being to be one, to elect, and nominate twenty four of the said Company, which shall be Committees of the said Company for one whole year from thence next ensuing, which persons being so elected, and nominated to be Committees of the said Company as aforesaid, 
The Committees shall take a corporal Oath.  before they be admitted to the execution of their said Offices, shall take a Corporal Oath before the Governor or his Deputy, and six or more of the said Committees of the said Company, being their last Predecessors for the time being, that they and every of them, shall well and faithfully perform their said Offices of Committees, in all things concerning the same. And that immediately after the said Oath so taken, they shall and may execute, and use the said Offices of Committees of the said Company for one whole year from thence next following. And moreover, our will and pleasure is, and by th●se Presents, for Us, 
If the Governor dye, or be removed, a new to be chosen.  Our Heirs and Successors, we do grant unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East- Indieses, and to their Successors, that when, and as often it shall happen to the Governor of the said Company for the time, at any time within one year, after he shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the Office of the Governor of the said Company, as is aforesaid, to dye, or to be removed from the said Office, which Governor not demeaning himself well in his said Office, We will to be remooveable at the pleasure of the said Company, or the greater part of them, which shall be present at any their public Assemblies, commonly called their general Court, holden for the said Company, that then, and so often it shall and may be lawful to and for the residue of the said Company, for the time being, or the greater part of them, within convenient time after the death, or removing any such Governor, to assemble themselves in such convenient place, as they shall think fit for the election of the Governor of the said Company; or that the said Company, or the greater part of them being then and there present, shall and may then and there before their departure from the said place elect, and nominate one other of the said Company to be Governor of the said Company in the place or steed of him, that so died, or was so removed, which person being so elected, and nominated to the Office of Governor of the said Company, shall have and exercise the said Office for, and during the residue of the said year, taking first a corporal Oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof, and this to be done from time to time so often as the case shall so require. And also Our will and pleasure is, and by these presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Cuccessors We do grant unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East- Indieses, and to their Successors, that when, and as often as it shall happen any of the Committees of the said Company for the time being at any time within one year next after, that they or any of them shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the Office of Committees of the said Company, as is aforesaid, to dye, or be removed from the said Office, which Committees not demeaning themselves well in their said Office, We will to be removable at the pleasure of the said Governor, 
If any of the Committees, new to be chosen.  and Company, or the greater part of them, whereof the Governor for the time being, or his Deputy to be one, within convenient time after the death, or removing of any of the said Committees, to assemble themselves in such convenient place, as is or shall be usual and accustomed for the election of the Governor of the said Company, or where else for the Governor of the said Company, for the time being, or his Deputy to be one, being then and there present, shall and may then and there, before there departure from the said place, elect and nominate one, or more of the said Company to be Committees of the said Company in the places and steeds, place or steed of him or them, that so died, or were, or was so removed, which person, or persons so elected, and nominated to the Office, or Offices of Committie, or Committees of the said Company, shall have and exercise the said Office and Offices, for, and during the residue of the said year, taking first a Corporal Oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof, 
Freedom for the Sons & Apprentices of such, as are free of the Company.  and this to be done from time to time so often, as the cause shall require. And further, We do by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, will, and grant unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-indieses, and their successors, that they, and all that are, or shall be of the said Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-indieses, and every of them, and all the sons of them, and every of them at their several ages of one and twenty years, or upwards: And further, all such the Apprentices, Factors, or servants of them, and every of them, which hereafter shall be implayed by the said Governor and Company, in the said Trade of Merchandise, of, or to the East-indieses, beyond the seas, or any other the places aforesaid, in any part of the said East-indieses, shall and may by the space of fifteen years, from the Feast of the Birth of our Lord God last passed, before the date hereof, freely traffic and use the Trade of Merchandise by sea, in, and by such ways and passages already found out, 
The Places of the Freedom of this Company.  or discovered, or which hereafter shall be found out, and discovered, as they shall esteem, and take to be fittest into, and from the East-indieses into the Countries, and parts of Asia and Africa, and into and from all the Lands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Creaks, Towns and places of Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them beyond the Cape of Bona Sperancia, to the straits of Magellan, where any Trade or Traffic of Merchandise may be used, or had, to, and from every of them, in such order, manner, form, liberty and condition to all intents, and purposes, as shall be from time to time at any public Assembly, or Court held by, or for the said Governor or Company, by or between them, of them of the said Company, or Fellowship of Merchants of London, trading into the East-indieses, or the more part of them for the time, being present at such Assembly or Court, the Governor, or his Deputy being always present at such Court or Assembly limited, and agreed: And not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance: any statute, usage, diversity, religion, or faith, or any other cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding: so always that the same Trade be not undertaken, nor addressed to any Country, Island, Port, Haven, City, Creak, Town, or place already in the lawful, and actual possession of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any time hereafter shall be in league or amity with Us, Our Heirs or Successors, and who doth not, or will not accept of such Trade, but doth overtly declare and publish the same, 
That the Company may assemble in any convenient place.  to be utterly against his or their good will and liking. And further, Our will and pleasure is, and by these presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, We do grant unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-indieses, and to their successors, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Governor, and Company, and their successors from time to time, to assemble themselves for, or about any the matters, causes, affairs, or business of the said Trade, in any place or places for the same convenient, during the said term of fifteen years within Our Dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold Court for the said Company, and the affairs thereof; and that also it shall and may be lawful, to, and for them, or the more part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and there be present in any such place or places, whereof the Governor, or his Deputy for the time being to be one, to make, ordain, and constitute such and so many reasonable Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, 
Authority to make reasonable laws by the greatest part of a general assembly.  as to them, or the greater part of them, being then and there present shall seem necessary & convenient, for the good government of the same Company, and of all Factors, Masters, Mariners, and other Officers employed, or to be employed in any of their Voyages, and for the better advancement and continuance of the said trade, and traffic, and the same Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances so made, to put in and execute accordingly, and at their pleasure to revoke, or altar the same, or any of them as occasion shall require, and that the said Governor, and Company, so often as they shall make, ordain, or establish any such Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances in form aforesaid, shall and may lawfully impose, ordain, limit, and provide such pains, punishments, penalties, by imprisonment of body, or by fines, or amercements, or by all or any of them upon and against all offenders, contrary to such Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, or any of them, as to the said Governor, 
To punish offender's either in body or pu●●e, so it be not contrary to the Laws of the Realm.  and Company for the time being, or the greater part of them, then and there being present, the said Governor, or his Deputy being always one, shall seem necessary, requisite, and convenient for the observation of the same Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, and the same fines, and amercements shall and may levy, take, and have to the use of 〈◊〉 said Governor, and Company, and their Successors without the impediment of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, or of any the Officers, or Ministers of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, or without account to Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, to be rendered or made. All and sundry which Laws, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, so as aforesaid to be made, We will to be duly observed, and kept under the pains and penalties therein to be contained, so always the said Laws, Constitutions, Orders, Ordinances, Imprisonments, Fines, and Amercements be reasonable, and not contrary or repugnant to the Laws, Statutes, or Customs of this Our Realm. And for as much as the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East- Indieses, 
Freedom of Custom of goods outwards for four years.  have not yet experience of the kinds of Commodities and Merchandizes, which are or will be vendible, or to be uttered in the said parts of the East- Indieses, and therefore shall be driven to carry to those parts in their Voyages diverse and sundry Commodities, which are likely to be returned again into this Realm: We therefore of Our especial Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for the better encouraging of the said Governor, and Company of Merchants trading into the East- Indieses, and for the advancement of the said trade, do grant unto the said Governor and Company, and to their Successors, that they and their Successors during the four first Voyages, which they shall make or set forth for or towards the said East- Indieses, shall or may transport and carry out of Our Realm of England, and the Ports, Creeks and Havens thereof, all such and so much goods and merchandizes, being goods and merchandizes lawfully passable, and transportable out of this Realm, and not prohibited to be transported by any Law, or Statute of this Realm, as shall be by them, their Factors, or Assigns, shipped in any Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels, to be employed in any of the said four first Voyages, free of Custom, Subsidy or Poundage, or any other duties or payments to Us, or Our Successors due, or belonging for the shipping, or transporting of the same or any of them. And yet nevertheless Our Will and Pleasure is, and We do by these Presents straightly charge and command, that all and every such goods and merchandizes so to be transported out of this Realm, shall from time to time during the said four first Voyages, as is aforesaid, shall from time to time be duly entered by the Customer, controller, or other Officer of such Port, Creek, or Place, where the same goods, or merchandizes shall happen to be shipped, or laden, to be transported as aforesaid. And also of Our further especial Grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, We do for Us, Our Heirs, Successors, 
Six and six months time for payment of custom and subsidy inward.  grant to and with the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, that when and as often at any time during the said term, and space of fifteen years, as any Custom, Pondage, Subsidy, or other Duties shall be due and payable unto Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, for any Goods, Wares, or Merchandizes whatsoever to be returned out, or from any the Lands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns, or Places aforesaid unto the Port of London, or any of the Havens, Creeks, Members, or Places to the same Port belonging, that the Customers, and all other Officers for the time being of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, for or concerning receipts of Custom, Poundage, Subsidies, or other Duties unto whom it shall appertain, shall upon the request of the Governor, and Company of the said Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, or any other their Agents, Factors, or Assigns, give unto the said Governor and Company, their Agents, Factors, or Assigns, six Month's time for the payment of the one half, and after those six Months ended, other six Month's time for the payment of the other half of their said Custom, Poundage, or other Subsidy, or Duties, receiving good and sufficient bonds with surety to the use of Us, our Heirs and Successors, for the true payment of the same accordingly, and upon the receipt of the said bonds with surety from time to time, to give unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses for the time being, their Agents, Factors, or Assigns, their Cockets or other warrants to take out, and receive on land the same Goods, Wares, & Merchandises by virtue thereof, without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the said term of fifteen years, any Goods, Wares, or Merchandises of the said Governor, and Company for the time being laden from Our Port of London, or any the Creeks, Members, or Places to the same Port belonging, to be transported to or towards any of the Ports, Lands, Havens, Cities, Towns, or Places, aforesaid, shall happen to miscarry or be lost, before their safe arrival or discharge in the Ports, 
If goods miscarry outward the value of Custom shall be allowed in other good. afterward shipped.  for and to the which the same shall be sent, that then, and so often, and so much Custom, Poundage, Subsidies, or other Duties, as they answered to Us for the same before their going forth of our said Ports, Havens, or Creeks, shall after due proof made before the Treasurer of England for the time being of the said loss, and the just quantity thereof, be by virtue hereof allowed by the said Governor and Company, their Agents, or Factors, by warrant of the said Treasurer, to the said Customers or Officers in the next goods, wares, or merchandises, that the said Governor and Company, or their successors, shall and may ship, for or towards those parts, according to the true rates of the Customs, Poundage, or Subsidies before paid for the goods, wares, or merchandises so lost, or miscarrying, or any part thereof. And for that the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, are like to bring into this Our Realm a much greater quantity of foreign commodities, from the parts of the said East- Indieses, then can be spent for the necessary use of the same Our Realm, which of necessity must be transported into other Counteys, and there vented: We for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, do grant to, and with the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their successors, that at all times, from time to time, during the space of thirteen months, next after the discharge of any the same foreign commodities so to be brought in, the Subsidies, Poundage, Customs, and other duties, for the same being first paid, or compounded for, 
The Custom of goods being paid at coming into the Realm, it shall be lawful for any natural Subject to ship it out again, upon the first Custom within thirteen months.  as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company, and their successors, or any other the natural Subjects of this Our Realm, which may, or shall buy the same of them, to transport the same in English Bottoms, freely out of this Realm, as well ungarbled, as garbled, without payment of any further Custom, Poundage, or any further Subsidy, to Us, Our Heirs, or Successors for the same: whereof the Subsidy, Custom, Poundage, or other duties, shall be so formerly paid or compounded for, as aforesaid, and so provided, and the said Customer, or other Officer or Officers, to whom in that behalf it shall appertain, for the time being, by virtue hereof, shall upon due and sufficient proof thereof, made in the Custom House, of or belonging to the same Port of London, give them sufficient Cocket, or Certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And, to the end no deceit to be used herein to Us, Our Heirs, or successors, Certificate shall be brought from the Collector of the Custom, Subsidy, Poundage, or other duties inwards of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, to the Collectors of the Custom, Subsidy Poundage, or other duties outwards of Us, Our Heirs, or successors to the said goods, wares, or merchandises, have within the time limited, answered their due Custom, Subsidy, Poundage, or other duties for the same inwards. And moreover, We of Our further especial Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion have granted, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, do grant unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, 
That it shall be lawful in the first Voyage, to carry out in foreign Coin procured by the Company, or Bullion, the value of thirty thousand pound, so as six thousand thereof be coined in the Mint.  trading into the East- Indieses, that it shall and may be lawful for them, their Factors, or Assigns in their first Voyage or Fleet, which is now in preparing for their first adventure to the said East- Indieses, to transport out of this Our Realm of England, all such foreign Coin of Silver, either Spanish, or other foreign Silver, as they have procured, prepared, and gotten, or shall procure, prepare and get, as likewise all such other Coins of Silver, as they have procured, or shall procure to be coined in Our Mint, within Our Tower of London, out of such Plate or Bullyon, as it shall be provided for the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, their Factors, or Assigns, before the going forth of the same Fleet in these three first Voyages, so as the whole quantity of Coin or moneys, to be transported in this their said first Voyage do not exceed the value, or sum of thirty thousand pound sterling. And so as the sum of six thousand pound, at the lest parcel of the said sum of thirty thousand pound, be first coined in Our Mint, within Our Tower of London before the same, shall be transported as aforesaid; any Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalf notwithstanding. And in like manner, of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have granted, and by these Presents do for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
After the said first Voyage, in all the rest of the Voyages, they may carry out in every Voyage thirty thousand pound of such foreign Coin, as they bring into the realm, so as six thousand thereof be new coined in the Mint.  grant unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors: That it shall and may be lawful, to, and for the said Governor and Company, and their Successors, after the said first Voyage set forth yearly, for, and during the residue of the said term of fifteen years, to ship and transport out of this Our Realm of England, or Dominions of the same, in any their other Voyages, to, and towards any of the parts aforesaid, in form aforementioned, all such foreign Coin of silver, Spanish, or other foreign Silver, or Bullion of Silver, as they shall during the said term bring, or cause to be brought into this Our Realm of England, from the parts beyond the Seas, either in the same kind, sort, stamp, or fashion, which it shall have when they bring it in, or any other form, stamp, or fashion to be coined within Our Mint, within Our Tower of London, at their pleasure, so as the whole quantities of Coin or moneys, by them to be transported in any their said Voyages, during the residue of the said term, do not exceed the value or sum of thirty thousand pound in any one Voyage, and so as the sum of six thousand pound at the lest parcel of the said sum, or value of thirty thousand pound, so to be transported as aforesaid, be first coined within Our said Tower of London, before the same shall be transported in any of the said Voyages, any Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalf in any wise notwithstanding. And further, we of Our ample, and abundant Grace, mere motion, and certain knowledge, have granted, and by th●se Presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, that they and their Successors, 
That the trade shall be traded, according to the ordinances of the Company, and not otherwise.  and their Factors, Servants, or Assigns in the trade of merchandise for them, and on their behalf, and not otherwise, shall for the said term of fifteen years have, use, and enjoy the whole entire, and only trade and traffic, and the whole entire and only liberty, use, and privilege of trading and trafficking, and using feat and trade of merchandise, to and from the said East- Indieses, and to and from all the Lands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns, or Places aforesaid in such manner, and form as is above mentioned, and that the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and every particular and several person that now is▪ or that hereafter shall be of that Company, or Incorporation, shall have full, and free authority, liberty and faculty, licence and power in form aforesaid to trade and to traffic, to and from the said East Indieses, and all and every the parts thereof, in form aforesaid, according to the orders and manners, and agreement hereafter to be made, and agreed upon by the said Governor and Company of Merchant's of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their successors, or the more part of them, present at any Court, or public Assembly, of, or for the said Company, the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the time being always present at such Court or Assembly, and not otherwise. And for that the Ships sailing into the said Indieses, must take their due and proper times, to proceed in these Voyages, which otherwise, as we well perceive cannot be performed in the rest of the year following: Therefore we of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, do grant, to and with the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, that in any time of restraint six good Ships, and six good Pinnaces well furnished with Ordnance, and other munition for their defence, and five hundred Mariners, 
That six Ships and six Pinnasses, shall be yearly permitted to go into the East Indies, and five hundred Mariners, any restraint notwithstanding; except the Navy Royal go forth.  Englishmen, to guide and sail in the same six Ships and six Pinnaces at all times, during the said term of fifteen years, shall quietly be permitted, and suffered to departed and go in the said Voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, or by the Lord High Admiral, or any other Officer or Subject, of Us, Our Heirs or Successors for the time being, in any wise, any restraint, law, statute, usage, or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided nevertheless, that if We shall at any time within the said term of fifteen years, have just cause to arm Our Navy in warlike manner, in defence of Our Realm, or for offence of Our enemies, or that it shall be found needful to join to the Navy, of Us, Our Heirs or Successors, the Ships of Our Subjects, to be also armed for the wars to such a number as cannot be supplied, if the said six Ships, and six Pinnaces should be permitted to departed, as above is mentioned; then upon knowledge given to Us, Our Heirs or Successors, or by any Admiral, to the said Governor and Company, about the twentieth day of the month of july, or three months before the said Governor and Company, shall begin to make ready the same six Ships and six Pinnaces, that we may not spare the said six Ships and six Pinnaces, and the Mariners requisite for them to be out of Our Realm, during the time that Our Navy shall be upon the Seas; That then the said Governor and Company, shall forbear to sand six such Ships, and six Pinnaces for their trade of Merchandise, until that we shall revoke, or withdraw Our said Navy for this service. And We of Our further Royal favour, and of Our especial Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion have granted, and by these presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
A prohibition to all other subjects, not free of this Company, for trading into those parts upon several pains, without the licence and assent of the Company.  do grant unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and to their Successors, that the said East- Indieses, nor the Lands, Havens, Ports, Cities, Towns, or Places thereof, nor of any part thereof, shall not be visited, frequented or haunted by any of the Subjects of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, during the said term of fifteen years, contrary to the true meaning of these Presents. And by virtue of Our prerogative Royal, which We will not in that behalf have argued, or brought in question; We straightly charge, command, and prohibit for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, of what degree or quality soever they be, that none of them, directly, or indirectly, do visit, haunt, frequent, trade, traffic, or adventure by way of merchandise, into, or from any of the said East- Indieses, or into & from any of the Lands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns, or Places aforesaid, other than the said Governor, or Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and such particular persons, as now be, or hereafter shall be of that Company, their Agents, Factors, and Assigns, during the said term of fifteen years, unless it be by, and with such licence and agreement of the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, in writing first had, and obtained under their common Seal to be granted, upon pain that every such person or persons, that shall trade or traffic into, or from any of the said East- Indieses, other than the said Governor, or Company of Merchants of London trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, shall incur Our indignation and forfeiture, and loss of the goods, merchandise, and other things whatsoever, which so shall be brought into this Realm of England, or any the Dominions of the same, 
Forfeiture of goods & ships.  contrary to Our said prohibition, or the purport or true meaning of these Presents, as also the Ship and Ships, with the furniture thereof, wherein such goods, merchandises, or things shall be brought, the half of all the said forfeitures to be to Us, Our Heirs and Successors, and the other half of all, and every the said forfeitures, We do by these Presents of Our especial Grace, certain knowledge, 
The division of the forfeitures.  and mere motion, clearly and wholly for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, give and grant unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses: And further, all and every the said Offenders, for their said contempt, to suffer imprisonment during Our pleasure, 
Imprisonment.  and such other punishment, as to Us, Our Heirs or Successors, for so high a contempt shall seem meet and convenient, and not to be in any wise delivered, until they, and every of them, 

Entering into bond of a thousand pound.  
How the Company may grant licen●● to others, at what time.   shall become bound unto the said Governor, for the time being, in the sum of a thousand pound at lest, at no time there after, during this present Grant, to sail or traffic into any of the said East- Indieses, contrary to Our express commandment, in that behalf herein set down and published. And further, for the better encouragement of Merchant strangers, and others, to bring in commodities into this Our Realm, We for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading in to the East- Indieses, that they and their sucessours may from time to time, for any consideration or benefit to be taken to their own use, grant or give licence to any person or persons▪ to sail, trade, or traffic, into, or from any of the said East- Indieses, so as such licence be granted or given before such goods, wares, and merchandizes be laid on land, and so as such licence be made by the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses for the time being, under their Common Seal. And further of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors▪ we do condescend and grant, 
That her Majesty will not grant to any others to enter into these parts, during the term of 15. years. That the Company may admit others at their pleasure into this Freedom.  unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, and their Successors, that We Our Heirs and Successors, during the said term of fifteen years, will not grant liberty, licence, or power to any person or persons whatsoever, contrary to the tenor of these our Letters Patents, to sail, pass, trade, or traffic to the said East- Indieses, or into, or from the Lands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or places aforesaid, or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, or the most part of them. And Our will and pleasure is, and hereby we do also ordain, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, or the more part of them, whereof the Governor for the time being, or his Deputy to be one, to admit into, and to be of the said Company, all such Apprentizes to any of the said Fellowship or Company, and all such Servants and Factors, of or for the said Company, and all such others as to them, or the most part of them present, at any Court held for the said Company, the Governor, or his Deputy being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable with the Orders and Ordinances, to be made for the Government of the said Company. Provided always, that if any of the persons before named, & appointed by these Presents to be free of the said Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, 
Proviso, that if any named in the Pa●ent do not brin● in his promised adventure set down, it shall be lawful for the Company to disfranchise him.  shall not before the going forth of the Fleet, appointed for this first Voyage from the Port of London, bring in and deliver to the Treasurer or Treasurers appointed, or which within the space of twenty days next after the date hereof, shall be appointed by the said Governor and Company, or the more part of them, to receive the Contributions and Adventures, set down by the several Adventures, in this last and present Voyage, now in hand to be set forth, such sums of money as have been by any of the said persons, by these Presents nominated to be of the said Company, expressed, set down, and written in a Book appointed for that purpose, and left in the hands of the said Thomas Smith, Governor of the said Company, or of the said Paul Banning, Alderman of London, and subscribed with the names of the same Adventurers, under their hands, and agreed upon to be adventured in the said first Voyage, that then it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company, or the more part of them, whereof the said Governor or his Deputy to be one▪ at any their general Court, or general Assembly, to remove, disfranchize, and displace him or them at their wills and pleasures, And the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses for them and their Successors, do by these Presents covenant, promise, and grant to and with us, Our Heirs and Successors, that they the said Governor and Company, and their Successors: In all and every such Voyage, as they at any time, or times hereafter during the said term, shall make out of this Realm, by virtue of this Our Grant and Letters Patents, the first Voyage only excepted, 

The Company do promise to bring in after every Voyage returned within si● months, as great a quantity of silver, gold or foreign Coin, as they shall c●●●ie ou●, the first Voyage excepted.  
All silver or gold carried forth by the Company shall be shipped at the Ports of London, Dartmouth & Plymouth.  
The Privilege shall not extend into any place▪ being in the actual possession of any Prince in league or amity with her Majesty.   shall and will upon every return, which shall be made back again into this Realm, or any of our Dominions, or within six Month's next after every such return, bring into this our Realm of England, from the said East- Indieses, or from some other parts beyond the Seas▪ out of our Dominions, as great or greater value in Bullion of Gold or Silver, or other foreign Coin of Gold or Silver, respectively for every Voyage, the first Voyage only excepted, as shall be by force of these Presents, transported or carried out of this Realm, by them, or any of them in any kind of Silver abovesaid, whatsoever in any of the said Voyages, and that all such Silver, as by virtue of this our Grant and Letters Patents, shall be shipped or laden, by the said Governor and Company, or their Successors, to be transported out of this Realm in any of the said Voyages, shall from time to time at the setting forth of every such particular Voyages be shipped or laden at the Ports or Havens of London, Dartmouth or Plymouth, or at some of the same Ports & Havens, and at no other Port or Haven whatsoever within this our Realm, or the Dominions thereof, and that all and every such Silver, as from time to time, shall be shipped and laden in the said Ports of London, Dartmouth and Plymouth, or any of them to be by force of these Presents transported out of this Realm, as is aforesaid, shall from time to time, be duly entered by the Customer, controller, Collector or other Officer, to whom it shall appertain of every such Port or Haven, where the same shall happen to be shipped or laden, in the Custom Book belonging to the said Port or Haven, before such time as the same shall be shipped or laden to be transported as aforesaid without any Custom or Subsidy to be paid for the same. And that in like manner, all, and all manner of Gold and Silver whatsoever, which shall be brought into this Realm or any of our Dominions, by the said Governor and Company, or any of them, according to the true meaning of these Presents, shall likewise be from time to time, duly entered by the Customer, controller, or other Officer of every such Port, Creek or Place, where the same Gold or Silver shall happen to be unshipped, or brought to Land, before such time as the same Gold or Silver, or any part thereof shall be unshipped, or brought to Land, as is aforesaid Provided always, nevertheless, and Our will and pleasure is, that these Our Letters Patents, or any thing therein contained, shall not in any sort extend, to give or grant any licence, power, or authority, unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, or to any of them, to undertake or address any Trade unto any Country, Port, Island, Haven, City, Creek, Town or Place, being already in the lawful and actual possession, of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any time hereafter shall be in league, or amity with us, Our Heirs and Successors, and which doth not, or will not except of such trade, but doth overtly declare and publish the same to be utterly against his, or their good will and liking any thing in Present before contained, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. Provided also, that if it shall hereafter appear to Us, Our Heirs or Successors, that this Grant, or the continuance thereof, shall not be profitable to Us, Our Heirs and Successors, and to this Our Realm, that then▪ and from thenceforth upon and after two year's warning to be given to the said Company, by Us, Our Heirs or Successors, under Our or their Privy Seal, or Sign Manual, this present Grant shall cease, be void, and determined to all intents, constructions, and purposes. And further of Our special Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors do condescend, and grant to the said Governor, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-indieses, and their Successors, that if at the end of the said term of fifteen years, it shall seem meet and convenient, to the said Governor and Company, or any the parties aforesaid, that this present Grant shall be continued and if that also it shall appear unto Us, Our Heirs and Successors, that the continuance thereof shall not be prejudicial, or hurtful to this our Realm, 
If this Privilege be found unprofitable for th● Realm then within two year's warning given under the Privy S●ale, the same shall be void, but if it shall be found beneficial, than the same to be renewed with some additions  but that we shall found the further continuance thereof profitable for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, and for Our Realm with such Condions, as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then We, Our Heirs or Successors at the instance and humble Petition of the said Governor and Company, or any of them to be made unto Us Our Heirs and Successors will grant and make unto the said Governor and Company, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and persons Our Subjects, as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall be by Us, Our Heirs or Successors newly nominated not exceeding in number four and twenty new Letters Patents, under the great Seal of England, in due form of Law with like Covenants, Grants, Clauses and Articles, as in these Presents are contained, or with addition of either necessary Articles, or changing of these into some other parts, for and during the full term of fifteen years then next following. Willing hereby, and straight charging and commanding, all and singular Our Admirals, Vice-admirals, justices, Majors, Sheriffs, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffs, and all and singular other Our Officers, Ministers, Leadgemen, and Subjects whatsoever to be aiding, favouring, helping, and assisting unto the said Governor and Company, and to their Successors, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, Servants, Assigns and Ministers, and every of them in executing and enjoining the Premises, aswell on Land, as on Sea, from time to time, when you, or any of you shall thereunto be required, any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Proviso, Proclamation, or Restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained, or provided, or any other matter, cause, or thing whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Although express mention of the true yearly value, or certainty of the Premises, or of any of them, or of any other Gifts, or Grants by us, or any of our Progenitors, to the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East- Indieses, or to any of them before this time made, in these Presents is not made, or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or restraint, to the contrary hereof heretofore had, made, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever in any wise notwithstanding.  
In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents, Witness ourself at Westminster, the one and thirtieth of December, in the three and fortieth year of Our Reign. Per brevem Privato Sigillo. s.  
HUBERD.   

CHAP. III. The first Voyage made to East- India by Master JAMES LANCASTER, now Knight, for the Merchants of London, Anno, 1600. With four tall Ships, (to wit) the Dragon, the Hector, the Ascension and Susan, and a Victualler called the Guest.  

§ I. The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell them in the way till they departed from Saldania.  
THe Merchants of London, in the year of our Lord 1600. joined together, and made a stock of seventy two thousand pounds, to be employed in Ships and Merchandizes, for the discovery of a Trade in the East- India, to bring into this Realm, Spices and other Commodities. They bought four great Ships to be employed in this Voyage: the Dragon, of the burden of six hundred ton, the Hector, of the burden of three hundred tons, the Ascentic● of the burden of two hundred and threescore tons. These ships they furnished with men, victuals and munition for twenty months, and sent in them, in Merchandise and Spanish money, to the value of seven and twenty thousand pounds: all the rest of their stock was spent and consumed about the ships, and other necessaries appertaining to them: with money lent to the Mariners and Sailors beforehand, that went upon the Voyage.  
The Merchants were Suitors to her Majesty, who gave them her friendly Letters of commendation, written to diverse Princes of India, offering to enter into a league of Peace and Amity with them, the Copies of which Letters shall hereafter appear in their places. And because no great action can well be carried, and accomplished without an absolute authority of justice: She granted to the General of their Fleet Master james Lancaster, for his better command and government, a Commission of Marshal Law.  

The thirteenth of February, 1600.  The said Master james Lancaster the General, was placed in the Dragon, the greatest ship being Admiral: Master john Middleton Captain in the Hector, the Vide-admiral: Master William Brand chief Governor in the Ascension: and Master john Heyward in the Susan: and more in every of the said ships, three Merchants to succeed one the other, if any of them should be taken away by death.  
These ships were ready and departed from Wolwich in the River of Thames, the thirteenth of February after the English account, 1600. with four hundred and fourscore men in them. In the Dragon, two hundred and two men. In the Hector, an hundred an eight. In the Ascension, fourscore and two. And in the Susan, fourscore and eight. The Guest, a ship of a hundred and thirty tons, was added as a Victualler.  
These ships stayed so long in the River of Thames, and in the Downs for want of wind, that it was Easter day before they arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days in taking in their bread and certain other provisions appointed for them. From thence they departed the eighteenth of April, 1601. and road in Tor Bay, till the twentieth in the morning. While we road there, the General sent aboard all the ships, instructions, for their better company keeping, at their coming to the Seas: and further gave directions, if any of the Fleet should be separated the one from the other, by storms of wind, tempests, or other casualties, what 
* April, 1601. These places were the Calms of Canary, and if weakness permitted not to double the Cape So●danha, the third Cape Saint Roman in Madagascar, to Cirne, and so to Suma●ra their first place of Trade. May the fift.  places to repair unto, for their meeting together again.  
The second of April, 1601. the wind came fair and we hoist our Anchors, and departed out of Tor Bay, directing our course towards the Lands of the Canaria. The wind holding fair, the fift of May in the morning, we had sight of Alegranza, the Northermost Island of the Canarias, and directed our course between Forteventura, and the Grand Canaria: and coming to the South part of the Grand Canaria, thinking to water there, we fell into the Calms, which proceed by reason of the high-land that lieth so near the Seaside.  
The seventh of May, about three of the clock in the afternoon, we departed from the Grand Canaria, having the wind at North-east, and we directed our course South-west by South, and South South-west, till we came into 21. 1/●. degrees. From the eleventh to the twentieth, our course was for the most part South, till we came into eight degrees: the wind being always Northerly, and North-east. In this height, we found the Calms and contrary winds, which upon this Coast of Guinea, at this time of the year, are very familiar with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, thunder and lightning, very fearful to be seen and dangerous to the ships: unless a diligent care be had, that all sails be stricken down upon the sudden, perceiving the air never so little to change or altar. And yet many times, although the Masters of ships were careful, and looked unto it with great diligence: the suddenness was such, that it could hardly be prevented. From the twentieth of May, till the one and twentieth of june, we lay the most part becalmed, and with contrary winds at South, and turning up and down with this contrary wind, with much ado●, we got into two degrees of the North side of the Line: where we espied a ship, to the which, the General gave chase, commanding all the rest of the ships to follow him: and by two of the clock in the afternoon, we had set her up and took her. She was of the City of Viana in Portugal, and came from Lisbon in the company of two Carrackes, and three Galleons bound for the East- India, which ships she had lost at Sea. The three Galleons were ships of war, and went to keep the Coast of the East- India, from being traded with other Nations.  
We took out of her an hundred six and forty Butts of Wine, an hundred threescore and sixteen jars of Oil, twelve Barrels of Oil, and five and fifty Hogsheads and Fats of Meal, which was a great help to us in the whole Voyage after. The General divided these Victuals indifferently to all the ships, to every one his proportion without partiality.  
The last of june about midnight, we doubled the Line, and lost the sight of the North-star, having the wind at Southeast, and we held our course South South-west, and doubled the Cape of Saint Augustine some six and twenty leagues to the Eastwards. The twentieth of july, we were shot into nineteen degrees, forty minutes to the Southward of the Line, the wind inlargeing daily to the Eastward. Here we discharged the Guest, the ship that went a long with us to carry the Provisions, that our four ships could not take in in England. After we had discharged her, we took her Masts, Sails and Yards, and broke down her higher buildings for firewood, and so left her floating in the Sea: and followed our course to the southward. The four and twentieth of july, we passed the Tropic of Capricorn, the wind being North-east by North, we holding our course East Southeast. Now, by reason of our long being under the Line, (which proceeded of our late coming out of England, for the time of the year was too fare spent by six or seven weeks, to make a quick Navigation) many of our men fell sick. Therefore the nine and twentieth of july being in 28.1/●. degrees, he wrote a remembrance to the Governor of each ship, either to fetch Saldavia or Saint Helena for refreshing.  
Thus following on our course, the first of August we came into the height of thirty degrees, 
August.  South of the Line: at which time we met the South-west wind, to the great comfort of all our people. For, by this time, very many of our men were fallen sick of the Scurvy in all our ships, and unless it were in the General's ship only, the other three were so weak of men, that they could hardly handle the sails. This wind held fair, till we came within two hundred and fifty leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, and then came clean contrary against us to the East: and so held some fifteen or sixteen days to the great discomfort of our men. For now the few whole men we had, began also to fall sick, so that our weakness of men was so great, that in some of the ships, the Merchants took their turns at the Helm: and went into the top to take in the top-sails, as the common Mariners did. But God (who showeth mercy in all distresses) sent us a fair wind again, so that the ninth of September we came to Saldania, where the General before the rest bore in, and came to an anchor, 
They arrive at S●ldania.  and hoist out his Boats to help the rest of the ships.  
For now the state of the other three was such, that they were hardly able to let fall an Anchor, to save themselves withal. The General went aboard of them, and carried good store of men, and hoist out their Boats for them, which they were not able to do of themselves. And the reason why the General's men stood better in health then the men of other ships, was this: he brought to Sea with him certain Bottles of the juice of Lemons, 
The best remedy for the Scurvy.  which he gave to each one, as long as it would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting: not suffering them to eat any thing after it till noon. This juice worketh much the better, if the party keep a short Diet, and wholly refrain salt meat, which salt meat, and long being at the Sea is the only cause of the breeding of this Disease. By this means the General cured many of his men, and preserved the rest: so that in his ship (having the double of men that was in the rest of the ships) he had not so many sick, nor lost so many men as they did, which was the mercy of God to us all. After the General had helped the rest of the ships to hoist out their Boats, they began all to be greatly comforted. Than, he himself went presently aland to seek some refreshing for our sick and weak men, where he met with certain of the Country people, and gave them diverse trifles, as Knives, and pieces of old Iron, and such like, 
The most Universal language.  and made signs to them to bring him down Sheep and Oxen. For he spoke to them in the Cattles Language, which was never changed at the confusion of Babel, which was Moth for Oxen, and Kine, and Baa for Sheep: which Language the people understood very well without any Interpreter. After he had sent the people away very well contented with their presents, and kind usage order was presently given, that certain of every ships company should bring their sails aland, and build Tents with them for their sick men: and also to make fortifications of defence, 
Defence necessary.  if by any occasion the people should take any conceit of offence against us, and thereby offer us any violence. And the General prescribed an order for buying and s●lling with the people, which was, 
Manner of trading with the Savages.  that at such times as they should come down with the Cattles, only five or six men, appointed for that purpose, should go to deal with them and the rest (which should never be under thirty Muskets and Pikes) should not come near the Market, by eight or ten score at the nearest: and always to stand in their rank in a readiness, with their Musket's in their Rests, what occasion soever. should befall. And this order was most strictly observed and kept, that no man durst once go to speak with any of the people without special leave, and I take this to be the cause, why we lived in so great friendship and amity with them, contrary to that which lately had befallen the Hollanders, which had five or six of their men slain by their treachery.  
The third day after our coming into this Bay of Saldania, the people brought down Beefs and Muttons, which we bought of them for pieces of old Iron hoops, as two pieces of eight inches a piece, for an Ox, and one piece of eight inches for a Sheep, with which they seemed to be well contented. Within ten or twelve days, we bought of them a thousand Sheep, and two and forty Oxen, and might have bought many more, if we would. Now within twelve days they ceased to bring us any more Cattles, but the people many times came down to us afterward, and when we made them signs for more Sheep, they would point us to those we had bought, which the General caused to be kept grazing upon the Hills about our Tents, and was the cause (as we judged) they thought we would have inhabited there, and therefore brought us no more. But (God be thanked) we were well stored to satisfy our need, and might then, very well forbear buying. These Oxen are full as big as ours, and were very fat, and the sheep many of them much bigger, but of a very hairy wool, yet, of exceeding good flesh, fat and sweet, 
This Bay is in 34. degrees South of the Line.  and to our thinking, much better than our sheep in England. The people of this place are all of a tawny 
* 
Qualities of the people, and their difficult language.  
The healthfulness of this Bay.   colour, of a reasonable statute, swift of foot, and much given to pick and steal: their speech is wholly uttered through the throat, and they clock with their tongues in such sort, that in seven weeks, which we remained here in this place, the sharpest wit among us, could not learn one word of their language: and yet the people would soon understand any sign we made to them.  
While we stayed here in this Bay, we had so royal refreshing, that all our men recovered their health and strength, only four or five excepted. But, before our coming in, and in this place, we lost out of all our Ships one hundred and five men, and yet we made accounted, we were stronger at our departure out of this Bay, than we were at our coming out of England, our men were so well enured to the Southern Climates.   

§. II. Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their Voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at Saint MARIES, Antongill, Nicubar: the strange Plant of Sombrero, and other occurrents.  

1601.  THE four and twentieth of October, the General caused all our Tents to be taken down and our men to repair aboard the Ships: and being fitted both of wood and fresh water; The nine and twentieth of October, we put to Sea, and went out by a small Island, that lieth in the mouth of the said Bay: which is exceeding full of Seals and Pengwines, so that if there were no other refreshing, one might very well refresh there. Over the Bay of Saldania standeth a very high Hill, flat like a Table, and is called the Table: such another plain mark to found an Harbour in, is not in all that Coast, for it is easy to be seen seventeen or eighteen leagues into the Sea.  

November. 1. The Cape doubled. Novemb. 26.  Sunday, the first of November in the morning, we doubled the Cape of Buena Esperança, having the wind West North-West a great gale.  
The six and twentieth of November, we fell with the Head-land of the Island of Saint Laurence, somewhat to the East of Cape Sebastian, and being within five miles of the shore, we sounded, and found twenty five fathom: the variation of the Compass, being little more or less sixteen degrees. For in an East and West course, the variation of the Compass helpeth much, and especially in this Voyage.  

Decemb. 15.  From the six and twentieth of November, till the fifteenth of December, we plied to the Eastward, the nearest our course we could lie, always striving to have gotten to the Island of Cirne, 
I'll of Cirne, or D. Rodrigues.  which in some Cards is called Diego Rodriques, but we found the wind always after our coming to the Island of Saint Laurence, at East, and East Southeast, and East North-East, so that we could not obtain it: and to strive long in hope of change of winds we could not, for now our men began again to fall sick of the Scurvy. Than, the Captain of the Vice-admiral called to the General, and thought it best to bear into the Bay of Antongile, and there to refresh our men with Oranges and Lemons, to clear ourselves of this disease, which was by him and the whole counsel called for that purpose well approved.  
The seventeenth of December, we had sight of the Southermost part of the Island of Saint Mary, 
Isles of S. Mary and S. Laurence  and the next day we anchored between Saint Mary, and the great Island of Saint Laurence: and sent our Boats aland to Saint Maries, where we had some store of Lemons and Oranges, which were precious for our diseased men, to purge their bodies of the Scurvy. Now, as we road here, buying Oranges end Lemons, there arose upon us a very great storm, so that three of our Ships were put from their Anchros: but within some sixteen hours, the storm ceased, and the ships returned, and weighed their Anchors again. The General thought it not good to make any longer stay there, seeing the uncertainty of the weather, and that there was upon this Island so little refreshing to be had: only these Oranges and Lemons, a little Goat's milk, and some small quantity of Rice: we saw only one Cow, and that they drove away, as soon as they saw us come on Land. Seeing this place so dangerous to ride in, the General gave present order to sail toward the Bay of Antongile, the time of the year being spent, the Easterly winds come against us, and our men sick.  

People of S. Mar●e  This Island of S. Mary is high land, and full of woods, the people are black, very handsome and tall men, and of curled hair, only before in their foreheads they struck it up, as the women do here in England: so that it standeth some three inches upright. They are wholly without apparel, only their privy parts covered, they are very tractable to converse withal, yet seem to be very valiant. The most of their food is Rice, and some Fish: yet at our being there, we could buy but small store of Rice, for the time of their store was fare spent, and their Harvest was at hand. There are two or three watering places on the North part of this Island: but none of them very commodious, yet with some travel there is water enough to be had.  
The twenty third of December, we departed from this Island of S. Mary, and the twenty fift being Christmas day, we came into the Bay of Antongill, 
Decemb. 23. The bay of Antongill.  and came to an anchor in eight fathom water, between a small Island, and the Main, lying in the bottom of the Bay, a very good, and a safe road. But, the best riding, is nearest under a small Island, for the defence of the wind that bloweth there: for while we abode in this Bay, there blew an exceeding great storm, and those of our ships, that road nearest the small Island, being under the wind sped best: for two of our ships driven with three anchors ahead, the ground being Ozy, and not firm. At our going a land in the little Island, we perceived by writing upon the rocks, of five Holland ships which had been there, and were departed about two months before our coming in: and had had some sickness among their men, and had lost (as we perceived) between one hundred and fifty, and two hundred men while they road in that place.  
The next day after our coming to an anchor, we went a land to the Main Island, where the people presently repaired to us, and made us signs of the five Holland ships departed, and that they had bought the most part of their provision. Yet, they entered into barter with us, for Rice and Hens, Oranges and Lemons, and another fruit called Plantans, and held all at high rates, and brought but a pedlars quantity. Our market was near to a great river, into which we went with our boats, and some men that were appointed to be buyers, went ashore: the rest remained in the boats, always ready with their weapons in their hands: and the boats some fifteen or twenty yards off into the water, where the people could not wade to them: and were ready at all times (if they a shore had had any need) to take them in. So, we trifled off some days, before (as aforesaid) we could bring them to any real trade: for all these people of the South, and East parts, are very subtle, and crafty, in their bartering, buying and selling, that unless you hold a near hand with them▪ you shall hardly bring them to trade in any plain sort. For, they will ●ift you continually to give a little more, and t●en, no man will cell without that price: so that you must not enlarge to any one, more than another: for, in so doing, 
The want of this discretion in Virginia (whiles one out of need, or seeming bounty, would give a greater price than another, to the Savages for their comedies) so heigthned the prizes, and made them overvalue their corn, &c that it proved much hindrance to the Plantation. A Pinnace reared.  all will have that price, or none. The General seeing this, commanded measures to be made of (almost) a quart, and appointed how many glass beads should be given for every measure: and he that would not deal in this manner, should not deal at all. The like order was set down for Oranges, Lemons, and Plantans, how many for every bead, or else not. Our Merchants after a little holding off, consented, and our dealing was frank, and round, without any contradiction, or words. So, that while we abode here, we brought 15. ¼. tons of Rice, forty or fifty bushels of their Pease, and Beans, great store of Oranges, Lemons, and Plantans, and eight Beefs, with many Hens. While we road in this Bay, we reared a Pinnace, which we brought in pieces in our ships out of England: and cut down trees, of which there were very great, and great store, which trees we sawed out in boards, and sheathed her. This Pinnace was of some eighteen tons, and very necessary, and fit to go before our ships, at our coming into India. In the time we stayed here, there died out of the General's ship, the Master's Mate, the Preacher, and the Surgeon, with some ten other common men. And out of the Vice-admiral there died the Master, with some other two. And out of the Ascension, by a very great mischance, were slain the Captain, and the Boatswaines mate. For, as the Master's Mate, out of the General's ship was carried a land to be buried, the Captain of the Ascension took his boat to go aland to his burial: and as it is the order of the sea, to shoot off certain pieces of Ordnance at the burial of any Officer, the Gunner of the Ordnance shot off three pieces, and the bullets being in them, one stroke the Ascensions boat, and slew the Captain, and the Boatswaines Mate stark dead, 
How vain a thing is Man?  so that they that went to see the burial of another, were both buried there themselves. Those that died here, died most of the Flux, which (in our opinion) came with the waters which we drunk: for it was the time of winter, when it reigned very much, which caused great floods to overflow the Country: so that the waters were not wholesome, as in most places in these hot countries, they are not, in the times of their reins. This disease also of the Flux, is often taken, by going open, and cold in the stomach, which our men would often do when they were hot.  
We set sail out of this Bay the sixth of March, an● h●ld on our course toward the India, and the sixteenth we fell with an Island called Rogue-Pize, which lieth in 10. ●/●. degrees, to the South of the Equinoctial Line. To this Island the General sent his boat, 
The Isle of Rogue-Pize.  to see whether there were any safe riding for the ships: but the boat (for the most part) found deep water, where the ships could not safely ride. As we coasted along this Island, it seemed very fair, and pleasant, exceeding full of foul, and Coco nut-trees: and there came from the land such a pleasant smell, as if it had been a garden of flowers. And surely, if there be any good riding for ships in this Island, it must needs be a place of very great refreshing. For as our boats went near the land, they saw great store of fish, and the fowls came wondering about them in such sort, that with the Oars, wherewith the Mariner's rowe●, they killed many which were the fattest, and the best that we tasted all the voyage. And of these, there was such exceeding great abundance, that many more ships than we had with us, might have refreshed themselves therewith.  

1602. Dangerous Rocks.  The thirtieth of March 1602. being in six degrees to the South of the Line, we happened upon a ledge of Rocks, and looking overboard, and seeing them under the ship about five fathom deep, it much amazed us, falling upon the sudden, and unexpected. Than, as we were presently casting about the ship, we found eight fathom: and so held on our course East. One of our men, being in the top saw an Island Southeast of us, some five or six leagues off, being but low land: 
Thisle of Candu.  this we judged to be the Island of Candu, although in our course we could not (by computation) found ourselves so fare shot to the Eastward. Bearing on our course some thirteen or fourteen leagues, 
Other Rocks.  we fell upon another flat of Rocks. Than we cast about to the Southward, and sailing some twelve leagues, found other Rocks: so that, proving diverse ways, we found flats of Rocks round about us: and twenty and thirty, and in some places, forty and fifty fathom water in the midst of the flats. Here we were for two days and an half in exceeding danger, and could found no way to get out. But at last, we resolved to seek to the Northward, and in six degrees, forty three minutes (God be thanked) we found six fathom water: the Pinnace always going before us, and sounding with commandment, to make signs what depth she had, that thereby we might follow her. Thus (thanks be to God) being delivered out of this pound, we followed our course with variable winds, till the ninth of May about four of the clock in the afternoon. 
The Isles of Nicubar.  At which time we had sight of the Lands of Nicubar, and bore in, and anchored on the North-side of the Channel. But the wind changing to the South-west, we were forced to hoist our Anchors, and to bear over to the Southside of the Channel: and so came to an Anchor, under a small Island, that lieth on the said shore. Here we had fresh water, and some Coco Nuts, other refreshing we had little. Yet the people came aboard our ships in long Canoas', which would hold twenty men, and above in one of them: and brought Gums to cell in stead of Amber, and therewithal, deceived diverse of our men: For, these people of the East, are wholly given to deceit. They brought also Hens and Coco Nuts to cell, but held them very dear: so that we bought few of them. We stayed here ten days, placing of our Ordnance, and trimming of our ships: because we would be in all readiness at our arrival, at our first Port, which we were not (now) fare from.  

April 20.  The twentieth of April, in the morning, we set sail to go toward Sumatra, but the wind blew so hard at South, South West, and the Currant was against us, that we could not proceed: but beating up and down, our ships fell into two leaks, so that we were forced to go to the Island of Sombrero, 
The I'll of Sombrero.  some ten or twelve leagues to the Northward of Nicobar. Hear, we in the Admiral lost an anchor, for the ground is foul, and groweth full of sergeant Coral, and some Rocks: which cut our Cable asunder, so that we could not recover our anchor.  
The people of these Lands go naked, having only the privities bound up in a piece of Linen cloth, which cometh about their middles like a girdle, and so between their twist. They are all of a tawny colour, and anoint their faces with diverse colours; they are well limmed, but very fearful: for, none of them would come aboard our Ships, or enter into our Boates. The General reported, that he had seen some of their Priests, or Sacrificers, all apparelled, but close to their bodies, as if they had been sewed in it: and upon their heads, a pair of horns turning backward, with their faces painted green, black and yellow, and their horns also painted with the same colour. And behind them, upon their buttocks, a tail hanging down, very much like the manner, as in some painted clothes, we paint the Devil in our Country. He demanding, wherefore they went in that attire, answer was made him, that in such form the Devil appeared to them in their sacrifices: and therefore the Priests, his servants were so apparelled. 

Trees sufficient for main Masts.  
A strange Plant.   In this Island grow trees, which for their tallness, greatness, and straightness, will serve the biggest ship in all our Fleet, for a main Mast: and this Island is full of those trees.  
Hear, likewise we found upon the sands, by the Sea side, a small twig growing up to a young tree, and offering to pluck up the same, it shruke down into the ground: and sinketh, unless you hold very hard. And being plucked up, a great Worm is the root of it: and look how the tree groweth in greatness, the Worm diminisheth. Now, as soon as the worm is wholly turned into the tree, it rooteth in the ground, and so groweth to be great. This transformation was one of the strangest wonders that I saw in all my travails. For, this tree, being plucked up little, the leaves stripped off, and the pill, by that time it was dry, turned into an hard stone, much like to white Coral: so that this worm was twice transformed into different natures: Of these we gathered, and brought home many.   

§. III. Their entertainment and trade at Achen.  

29. Of May. 1602. Sumatra.  THE nine and twentieth of May, we set sail from this Island of Sombrero, and the second of june, we had sight of the land of Sumatra, and the fifth of june we came to anchor in the Road of Achen, some two miles of the City. Where we found sixteen or eighteen sail of ships of diverse Nations, some Goserats, some of Bengala, some of Calicut, called Malabares, some Pegues, and some Patanyes, which came to trade there.  
There came aboard of us two Holland Merchants, which had been left there behind their ships, to learn the language, and manners of the Country. These told us, we should be very welcome to the King, who was desirous to entertain strangers: and that the Queen of England was very famous in those parts, by reason of the wars, and great victories, 
The Fame of Q. Elizabeth.  which she had gotten against the King of Spain. The same day, the General sent Captain john Middleton, Captain of the Vide-admiral, with four or five Gentlemen, to attend upon him to the King: to declare unto him, that he was sent from the General of those ships, who had a message, and a letter, from the most famous Queen of England, to the most worthy King of Achen, and Sumatra. And that it would please his royal Majesty, to give to the said messenger, audience to deliver his message, and letter: with a sufficient warrant for the safety of him and his people, according to the law of Nations, holden in that behalf. This messenger was very kindly entertained by the King, who when he had delivered his message, gladly granted his request, and communed with him about many questions: and after, caused a royal banquet to be made him. And at his departure gave a robe, and a Tuck of Calico wrought with Gold, which is the manner of the Kings of this place, to those he will grace with his special favour. And withal, sent his commendations to the General, willing him to stay one day aboard his ships, to rest himself after his coming from the disquiet seas▪ and the next day to come a land, and have kind audience, and frank leave, with as great assurance, as if he were in the kingdom of the Queen his Mistress. And, if he doubted of any thing of this his royal word, such honourable pledges should be sent him, for his further assurance, as he should rest very well satisfied therewith.  
The third day, the General went a land very well accompanied, with some thirty men or more, to attend upon him. And first at his landing, the Holland Merchants met him, and carried him home to their house, as it was appointed. For as yet, the General would make choice of no house of his own, till he had spoken with the King: but stayed at the Hollanders house, till a Noble man came from the King, who saluted the General very kindly, and declared, that he came from his Majesty, and represented his person. Than, he demanded the Queen's letter of the General, which he refused to deliver: saying, he would deliver it to the King himself. For it was the order of Ambassadors, in those parts of the world from whence he came, to deliver their letters to the Princes own hands: and not to any that did represent the King's person. So, he demanded to see the superscription, which the General shown him, and he read the same, and looked very earnestly upon the seal, took a note of the superscription, and did likewise writ her Majesty's name: and then, with courtesy took his leave, and repaired to the Court, to tell the King what had passed. Who presently sent six great Elephants, 
The honourable entertainment of the English General by the King of Achen.  with many Trumpets, Drums, and Streamers, with much people, to accompany the General to the Court: so that the press was exceeding great. The biggest of these Elephants was about thirteen, or fourteen foot high, which had a small Castle, like a Coach upon his back, covered with Crimson Velvet. In the middle thereof, was a great Basin of Gold, and a piece of Silk exceeding richly wrought to cover it: under which her Majesty's letter was put. The General was mounted upon another of the Elephants: some of his attendants road, others went a foot. But, when he came to the Court gate, there a Noble man stayed the General, till he had gone in, to know the King's further pleasure. But, presently the said Nobleman returned, and willed the General to enter in. And when the General came to the King's presence, he made his obeisance after the manner of the Country: declaring that he was sent from the most mighty Queen of England, to congratulate with his Highness, and treat with him concerning a peace and amity with his Majesty, if it pleased him to entertain the same. And therewithal began to enter into further discourse, which the King broke off, saying: I am sure you are weary of the long travail you have taken, I would have you to sit down and refresh yourself. You are very welcome, and here you shall have whatsoever you will in any reasonable conditions demand, for your Princess sake: for she is worthy of all kindness, and frank conditions, being a Princess of great Nobleness, for Fame speaketh so much of her. The General perceiving the King's mind, delivered him the Queen's letter, which he willingly received: and delivered the same to a Noble man standing by him. Than the General proceeded to deliver him his present, which was a Basin of Silver, with a Fountain in the midst of it, weighing two hundred and five ounces, a great standing Cup of Silver, a rich Lookingglass, an Head-piece with a Plume of Feathers, a case of very fair Dags, a rich wrought embroidered Belt to hung a Sword in, 
The Queen's Presents sent to the King of Achen.  and a Fan of Feathers. All these were received in the King's presence, by a Nobleman of the Court: only, he took into his own hand, the Fan of Feathers: and caused one of his Women to fan him therewithal, as a thing, that most pleased him of all the rest. The General was commanded to sit down in the King's presence, as the manner is, upon the ground: 
A mettle of gre●t esteem, called Tambayck.  where was a very great banquet provided. All the dishes, in which the meat was served in, were, either of pure Gold, or of another Mettle, which (among them) is of great estimation, called Tambaycke, which groweth of Gold and Brass together. In this banquet, the King (as he sat aloft in a Gallery, about a fathom from the ground) drank often to the General in their Wine, which they call Rack. This Wine is made of Rice, and is as strong as any of our Aquavitae: a little will serve to bring one asleep. The General, after the first draught, drank either water mingled therewithal, or pure water, the King gave him leave so to do: for the General craved his pardon, as not able to drink so strong drink. After this feast was done, the King caused his Damosels to come forth, and dance, and his Women to play Music unto them: and these Women were richly attired, and adorned with Bracelets and jewels: and this they accounted a great favour, for these are not usually seen of any, but such as the King will greatly honour. The King also gave unto the General, a fine white Robe of Calico, richly wrought with Gold, and a very fair girdle of Turkey work, and two Cresses, which are a kind of Daggers, all which a Noble man put on in the King's presence: and in this manner he was dismissed the Court, with very great courtesies, and one sent along with him, to make choice of an house in the City, where the General thought most meet. But, at this time he refused this kindness, and rather chose to go aboard his Ships: and left the King to consider of the Queen's Letter, the tenor whereof, hereafter followeth.  
ELIZABETH by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, defendresse of the Christian Faith and Religion.  
To the great and mighty King of Achem, etc. in the Island of Sumatra, our loving Brother, greeting.  
THe eternal God, of his divine knowledge and providence, hath so disposed his blessings, and good things of his Creation, for the use and nourishment of Mankind, in such sort: that notwithstanding they grow in diverse Kingdoms, and Regions of the World: yet, by the industry of Man (stirred up by the inspiration of the said omnipotent Creator) they are dispersed into the most remote places of the universal World. To the end, that even therein may appear unto all Nations, his marvellous works, he having so ordained, that the one land may have need of the other. And thereby, not only breed intercourse and exchange of their Merchandise and Fruits, which do superabound in some Countries, and want in others: but also engender love, and friendship betwixt all men, a thing naturally divine.  
Whereunto we having respect (Right noble King) and also to the honourable, and truly royal fame, which hath hither stretched, of your Highness' humane and noble usage of Strangers, which repair into that your Kingdom, in love and peace, in the Trade of Merchandise, paying your due Customs. We have been moved to give Licence unto these our Subjects, who with commendable and good desires, sail to visit that your Kingdom: Notwithstanding, the dangers and miseries of the Sea, natural to such a Voyage, which (by the grace of GOD) they will make, being the greatest that is to be made in the World: and to present traffic unto your Subjects. Which their offer, if it shall be accepted by your Highness, with such love and grace, as we hope for, of so great and magnanimous a Prince: We, for them, do promise, that in no time hereafter, you shall have cause to repent thereof, but rather to rejoice much. For their dealing shall be true, and their conversation sure, and we hope, that they will give so good proof thereof, that this beginning shall be a perpetual confirmation, of love betwixt our Subjects on both parts: by carrying from us, such things and merchandise as you have need of there. So that your Highness shall be very well served, and better contented, than you have heretofore been with the Portugals and Spaniards, our Enemies: who only, and none else, of these Regions, have frequented those your, and the other Kingdoms of the East. Not suffering that the other Nations should do it, pretending themselves to be Monarches, and absolute Lords of all these Kingdoms and Provinces: as their own Conquest and Inheritance, as appeareth by their lofty Title in their writings. The contrary whereof, hath very lately appeared unto us, and that your Highness, and your royal Family, Fathers, and Grandfathers, have (by the grace of GOD, and their Valour) known, not only to defend your own Kingdoms: but also to give Wars unto the Portugals, in the Lands which they possess: as namely in Malaca, in the year of the Human Redemption 1575. under the conduct of your valiant Captain, Ragamacota, with their great loss and the perpetual honour of your Highness' Crown and Kingdom.  
And now, if your Highness shall be pleased, to accept into your Favour and Grace, and under your royal Protection and Defence, these our Subjects, that they may freely do their business now, and continued yearly hereafter: This Bearer, who goeth chief of this Fleet of four Ships, hath order (with your Highness' Licence) to leave certain Factors, with a settled House of factory in your Kingdom, until the going thither of another Fleet, which shall go thither upon the return of this. Which left Factors, shall learn the Language, and customs of your Subjects, whereby, the better and more lovingly to converse with them.  
And the better to confirm this Confederacy, and Friendship betwixt us, we are contented, if your Highness be so pleased, that you 'cause Capitulations reasonable to be made: and that this Bearer do the like in Our name. Which we promise' to perform royally, and entirely, as well herein, as in other Agreements and Arguments which he will communicate unto you: to whom, we do greatly desire your Highness to give entire faith and credit, and that you will receive him, and the rest of his company, under your Royal protection, favouring them in what shall be Reason and justice.. And we promise' on our behalf, to reanswer in like degree, in all that your Highness shall have need, out of these our Kingdoms, And we desire, that your Highness would be pleased to sand us answer, by this Bearer of this our Letter, that we may thereby understand of your Royal acceptance of the Friendship and League, which we offer, and greatly desire, may have an happy beginning, with long years to continued.  
AT his next going to the Court, he had long Conference with the King, concerning the effect of the Queen's Letter, wherewith the King seemed to be very well pleased, and said: if the contents of that Letter came from the heart, he had good cause to think well thereof. And, for the League, Her Majesty was desirous to hold with him, he was well pleased therewith. And, for the further demands the General made from Her, in respect of the Merchant's traffic: he had committed all those points to two of his Noblemen▪ to confer with him, and promised, what her Majesty had requested, should by all good means be granted. With this contented answer, after another Banquet appointed for the General, he departed the Court. And the next day, he sent to those Noblemen, the King had named to him, to know their appointed time, when they would sit upon this Conference. The one of these Noblemen was the chief Bishop of the Realm, a man of great estimation with the King, 
As the Turk hath his Mufti, so other Mahometan Princes have their Chief Priests in all Countries of that profession.  and all the people: and so he well deserved, for he was a man very wise and temperate. The other was one of the most ancient Nobility, a man of very good gravity: but, not so fit to enter into those Conferences as the Bishop was.  
A day, and a meeting was appointed, where many questions passed betwixt them, and all the Conferences passed in the Arabic Tongue, which both the Bishop and the other Nobleman well understood. Now, the General before his going out of England entertained a jew, who spoke that language perfectly, which stood him in good steed at that time. About many demands, the General made touching Freedoms for the Merchants, the Bishop said unto him: Sir, 
Great use of the Arabian Tongue.  what reasons shall we show to the King, from you, whereby he may (the more willingly) grant these things, which you have demanded to be granted by him? to whom the General answered with these reasons following.  
Her Majesty's mutual Love..  
Her worthiness in protecting others against the King of Spain the common Enemy of these parts.  
Her noble mind which refused the offer of those Countries.  
Nor will she suffer any Prince to exceed her in kindness.  
Whose Forces have exceeded the Spaniards in many Victories.  
And hindered the Portugals attempts against these parts.  
The Grand-Signor of Turkey hath already entered into League with her Majesty on honourable conditions. Reasons of another kind.  
Moreover, it is not unknown to the King, what prosperity, Trade of Merchandise bringeth to all Lands: with increase of their revenues, by the Custom of these Commerces.  
Also Princes grow into the more renown and strength, and are the more feared, for the wealth of their Subjects, which by the concourse of Merchandises grow and increase.  
And the more kindly that Strangers are entertained, the more the Trade doth grow. The Prince is thereby much enriched also.  
And for Achem, in particular, this Port lieth well, to answer to the Trade of all Bengala, java, and the Moluccas, and all China. And these places having vent of their Merchandise, will not let to resort hither with them. So that, by this means, the royalty of the King's Crown, will greatly increase, to the decrease, and diminishing of all the Portugals Trade, and their great Forces in the Indieses.  
And, if it shall happen, that his Majesty wanteth any Artificers, he may have them out of our Kingdom, giving them conten● for their travail: and free course to go, as they have good will to come. And any other necessary, that our Country bringeth forth, and may spare, shall be at the King's command and service.  
But, I hope his Majesty will not urge any demands more, than her Majesty may willingly consent unto: or that shall be contrary to her Honour and Laws, and the League she hath made with all Christian Princes her neighbours.  
Further, the General demanded, that his Majesty would 'cause present Proclamation to be made for our safety, and that none of his people should abuse any of ours: but that they might do their business quietly. And this last request was so well performed, that although there were a strict order, that none of their own people might walk by night: yet ours, might go both night and day, without impeachment of any. Only, if they found any of ours abroad at unlawful hours, the justice brought them home to the General's house, and there delivered them.  
After these conferences ended, the Bishop demanded of the General, notes of his reasons in writing, as also of his demands of the privileges he demanded in her Majesty's name for the Merchants, and he would show them to the King: and within few days, he should have his Majesty's answer to them. And with these conferences, and much gratulation, and with some other talk of the affairs of Christendom: they broke up for that time.  
The General was not negligent, to sand his demands to the noble men, which (for the most part) were drawn out before hand: for, he was not unready for these businesses, before he came aland in the Kingdom.  

cockfighting in Achen.  At his next going to the Court, and sitting before the King, beholding the cockfighting (which is one of the greatest sports this King delighteth in) he sent his Interpreter with his obeisance to the King, desiring him to be mindful of the business, whereof he had conferred with his Noblemen. Whereupon, he called the General unto him, and told him, that he was careful of his dispatch: and would willingly enter into Peace and League with her Majesty, and (for his part) would hold it truly. And for those Demands and Articles, he had set down in writing, they should be all written again, by one of his Secretaries, and should have them authorised by him. Which within five or six days, were delivered the General, by the Kings own hands, with many good and gracious words: the Tenor of which League and Articles of Peace, are too long to be inserted. According to their desires, was to the English granted, First, Free entry and trade. Secondly, Custom free, whatsoever they brought in, or carried forth: and assistance with their vessels and shipping, to save our ships, goods, and men from wrack in any dangers. Thirdly, Liberty of Testament to bequeath their goods to whom they please. Fourthly, Stability of bargains and orders for payment by the subjects of Achen, etc. Fiftly, Authority to execute justice on their own men offending. Sixtly, justice against injuries from the Natives. Seventhly, Not to arrest or stay our goods, or set prizes on them. Eightly, Freedom of Conscience.  
This League of Peace and Amity being settled, the Merchants continually went forward, providing Pepper for the lading of the ships: but there came in but small store, in respect of the last year's sterility. So by some of them he understood of a Port, about an hundred and fifty leagues from thence, in the South part of the same Island, called Priaman, where he might lad one of his smaller ships. 

Henry Middleton. Captain john Da●is.  
This was his second voyage to the Indieses. In the third with Sir E. Mich. he was slain, as before is showed.   Than he prepared the Susan, and placed for Captain and chief Merchant in her, M. Henry Middleton.  
He was also not a little grieved, that Captain john Davis' his principal Pilot, had told the Merchants before our coming from London, that Pepper was to be had here for four Spanish royals of eight the hundred; and it cost us almost twenty. The General, daily grew full of thought, how to lad his ships to save his own credit, the Merchant's estimation that set him a work, and the reputation of his Country: considering what a foul blot it would be to them all, in regard of the nations about us, seeing there were merchandise enough to be bought in the Indieses, yet he should be likely to return home with empty ships.  
Besides the Portugal Ambassador had a diligent eye over every step we trod, but was no whit accepted of the King. For the last day of his being at the Court, he had demanded of the King, to settle a factory in his Country, and to build a Fort at the coming in of the Harbour: his reason was, for the more security of the Merchant's goods, because the City was subject to fire. 
Discontent betwixt the Portugals and the King.  But the King perceiving what he meant, gave him this answer back again: Hath your Master (saith he) a Daughter to give unto my Son, that he is so careful of the preservation of my Country? He shall not need to be at so great a charge, as the building of a Fort: for I have a fit house about two leagues from this City, within the Land, which I will spare him to supply his factory withal: where they shall not need to fear either enemies or fire, for I will protect him. Hereupon the King was much displeased at this insolent demand: and the Ambassador went from the Court much discontented.   

§. FOUR Portugal wiles discovered, a Prize taken near Malacca.  

Portugal subtleties retorted.  SHortly after this, there came to our house, an Indian (to cell Hens) which was appertaining to a Portugal Captain, who came to that Port with a Ship laden with Rice, out of the Port of Bengala. This Captain lay in the Ambassadors house, and the General mistrusted, he came only for a Spy to see, and perceive what we did: and yet he gave commandment, he should be well entreated, and they should always buy his Hens, and give him a reasonable price for them. At last, he himself took occasion, pleasantly to common with the Indian, whence he was, and of what Country▪ saying, A young man of his presence, merited some better means then buying and selling of Hens. Sir, said he, I serve this Portugal Captain, yet am neither bound, nor free: but being free borne, I have been with him so long time, that now he partly esteemeth me as his own: and so great they are, that we cannot strive with them. Than said the General unto him; If thy liberty be precious unto thee, thy person meriteth it. But what wouldst thou do for him, that would give thee thy liberty without pleading with thy Master for it? Sir, said the Indian, Freedom is as precious as life, and my life I would adventure for him that should do it. Prove me therefore in any service that I can do for you, and my willingness shall soon make good what I have said. Well, said the General, thou hast willed me to prove whether thou meanest truly, or no. I would ask of thee, What the Ambassador saith of me, and my shipping which I have in this place; and what pretences he hath? Sir, said the Indian, he hath had a Spy aboard of all your Ships, a Chinese, 
A Spy for the Portugal discovered.  who is continually conversant with your people: so that he hath a draught drawn, not only of your ships, and their greatness; but also of every Piece of Ordnance that each ship hath, and how they are placed, and the number of your men that are in them. And he findeth your ships strong, and well appointed; But by reason of the sickness that hath been in them, they are but weak of men, and easy to be taken, if any force come upon them on the sudden: and within few days, he meaneth to sand his draughts to Malacca, for force to attempt your ships as they ride. The General laughed pleasantly to hear these things, saying; The Ambassador was not so idle as he thought him: for he well knoweth (said he) that I care little for all the forces of these parts. It is but to make thee, and the rest that are about him believe, that you are stronger than you be. But go thy way, and be here once in a day or twain, and tell me whether the Ambassador go forward in his proceed, and when those Messengers shall departed with the plots thou speakest of. And although it will benefit me little to know these things, yet I will give thee thy liberty for thy good will thou showest therein, as I have promised thee to do. This Indian went away very well contented, as any man might easily perceive by his countenance, and the lightness of his pace. Now, when he was gone, the General turned about, and said to me: We have met with a fit man to betray his Master, if we can make any benefit of the treason. And surely, he was not deceived in his opinion: for by this means, whatsoever the Ambassador did all the day, we had it either that night, or (at the furthest) the next day in the morning. And this Fellow carried the matter so warily, that he was neither mistrusted of any of the Ambassadors house, nor known to any of ours, what business he went about. For he had the right conditions of a Spy, being wily, fearful, careful, subtle, and never trusting any to hear what conference he had with the General: but delivered his mind unto him alone, and that in such careless sort, as if he had answered the General idly, whatsoever he demanded of him: for he stood in fear of our own people, lest they would bewray the selling of his Hens, which covered all his coming and going to our House.  
The next day, the General was sent for to the Court, and the King had conference with him, 
The forces of the King of Sumatra.  about an Embassage that the King of Siam had sent him touching the conquest of Malacca: and with what force he would assist him by Sea, if he undertook that service. For this King of Sumatra, is able to put a very great force of Galleys to Sea, if he may have but some four or five months warning beforehand, to make them ready. This conference the General furthered with many reasons, and took an occasion to enter into talk of the Spanish Ambassador, how insolently proud he carried himself: and that his coming into his Majesty's Kingdom and Court, was for no other purpose, but only as a Spy, to see and discover the strength of his Kingdom. I know it well (said the King,) for they are enemies of mine, as I have been to them: but what causeth thee to see this? The General answered him; That he could take nothing in hand, but his Spies attended upon him, to mark what he went about, and to what end. And among other things (saith he) he had taken a draught of his ships, and meaneth to sand it to Malacca: and to procure forces to set upon him at unawares. The King smiled to hear the General mention these things, and said; Thou needest not fear any strength that shall come from Malacca: for all the strength they have there, is able to do thee no harm. The General answered, I do not (said he) fear their strength, what they can do to me: but it may be much to my hindrance, that they understanding the time I mean to go to Sea, they shall thereby be advised to keep themselves within their Ports, so that I shall not be able to offend them. Is it so, said the King? Yea, said the General, and therefore I would entreat your Majesty, to make stay of two of the Ambassadors servants that are now going to Malacca, within these few days, who take not their passage from hence: but will go to another Port of yours, and there hire a Bark, to transport them thence, because they will be sure not to be intercepted. And if your Majesty intercept them there, you shall be privy to some of their plots and pretences. Well, said the King, let me understand of their departure from hence, and thou shalt see what I will do for thee. So, the General took his leave of the King, well contented, and had daily conference with his Merchant that sold Hens: so that there was not any thing done, or said in the Ambassadors house, but he was privy to it.  
Now the time was come, that the Embassodors two servants were to departed with their plots, and their Master's Letters: and they went down to a Port about five and twenty leagues from Achen. But the General was not slack to advice the King thereof, who had given order before: so that at their coming thither, and when they had hired their passage, and had embarked themselves with all their Letters, and were going over the Bar, a mile from the City, a Frigget went after them, and caused the Bark to strike sail, that the justice might see, what their lading was. And when the justice came aboard, and saw two Portugals there, he asked them from whence they came, and whether they were going: they answered, They came from Achem, and belonged to the Portugal Ambassador. Nay, said the justice, but you have rob your Master, and run away like thiefs with his goods: and therefore I will return you again to him, from whom you are fled, and there you shall answer it. But in this hurly-burly, and searching of them, they lost their plots, and their letters, and their Trunks were broken open: and they sent to Achem, bound back again to the Court, to be delivered to the Ambassador, if they did belong unto him. The General had some intelligence of these things, and the next time he came to the Court, the King called him unto him, and said: Now what sayest thou, art thou contented? The General made him obeisance, and gave him humble and hearty thanks for his clemency, and kindness towards him: and with some other conference, the General departed for that time. The Merchant of Hens came daily following his Merchandise, and as the General suspected, and he himself afterward confessed, not without his Master's consent; to advice from us, as well as he advised from his Master.  
But now the Summer was past, and September came, the time that the General meant to go to sea to seek means to supply his necessities: and now fell out the greatest Cross of all to his pretence. The Ambassador himself had his dispatch from the King to be gone. Which the General knowing, went to the Court, and where the King sat, seeing the sports that were made before him, he sent his Interpreter to him, desiring that it would please him to hear a certain request which he had unto his Majesty. Whereupon the King immediately called for him, and demanded what he would have him to do. It hath pleased your Highness, said the General, to do me many courtesies, and therefore I am further emboldened, to proceed to request one kindness more at your Majesty's hands. What is that (said the King, smiling) are there more Portugals going to Malacca, to hinder thy pretences? Yea, said the General the Ambassador himself (as I am given to understand) hath your Majesty's dispatch to be gone at his pleasure: and is determined to departed within five days. And what wouldst thou have me to do, said the King? Only stay him but ten days, till I be gone forth with my ships. Well, said the King, and laughed, thou must bring me a fair Portugal maiden when thou returnest, and then I am pleased. With this answer the General took his leave, and departed; and hafted all that he could to be gone. For he had left the Merchants behind him, and under the protection of the King till his return: and in the mean time to buy what Pepper they could, to help to furnish the Ascensions lading, which was now more than three parts laden. But the General would not leave her behind him, riding in the Port, but took her in his company: for she road but in an open place, All the three ships were made ready, 
This was Captain of a ship of Holland, called Speilberge. English favour to the Hollander.  and there was a Captain of a Dutch ship in the road, who desired the General that he might go to sea in his company, and take part of his adventure; his ship was above two hundred Tons, but had as little money to lad himself, as we; and therefore refused no consort. So the General was contented to give him ½. of what should be taken, and he rested therewith contented. The General having taken his leave of the King, and presented two of the chief Merchants unto him, M. Starkie, and M. Styles, the King graciously took them into his protection and safeguard: for these Merchants with some others, were left behind (as I said before) for the providing of such Pepper, as was there to be had, against the return of the ships from the Sea. The ships being ready, we set sail the eleventh of September, toward the straits of Malacca.  
Now, let me tell you how the King dealt with the Ambassador of Portugal, after our departure, which every day urged his dispatch to be gone: but still, upon one occasion or other, his passage was deferred. 
The King's subtle dealing with the Portugals.  At last (four and twenty days after our departure) the King said unto him: I marvel you are so hasty to be gone, seeing the English Ambassador is abroad at the Sea with his shipping? If he meet you, he will be able to wrong you, and do you violence. I care little for him, said the Ambassador, for my Friget is so nimble with Sail and Oars, that if I have but her length from him, I will escape all his force. Well, said the King: I am the more willing you should departed, because I see you rest so assured of your own safety: and so he had his dispatch to be gone. This service came well to pass for us, for if he had gone away in time, such advice would have been given from Malacca, by Frigates into the straits, that all ships would have had warning of us: but (by this means) we lay within five and twenty leagues of Malacca itself, and were never descried, whereby to be prevented. The third day of October, we being in the straits of Malacca, laying off and on, the Hector espied a Sail, 
This was the Carack of S. Thome in India.  and calling to the rest of the ships, we all descried her. And being toward night, a present direction was given, that we should all spread ourselves a mile and an half, one from another, that she might not pass us in the night. The ship fell with the Hector, that first espied her, and presently she called unto her, and shot off two or three pieces of Ordnance: so that the rest of the ships had intelligence, and drew all about her, and began to attempt her with their great Ordnance, and she returned shot again. But when the Admiral's ship came up, he discharged six pieces together out of his Prow: and then her main yard fell down. After that she shot no more, nor any of our ships, fearing lest some unfortunate shot might light between wind and water, and so sink her, (for the General was very careful) so the fight ceased till the morning. At the break of day, the Captain with some of the rest, entered their Boat, and the Hector being next her, called them to come aboard him: and Master john Middleton the Captain, being Vice-admiral, 
The Carrack yielded to the English.  brought the Boat and Captain aboard the General, to whom they rendered their ship and goods. The General presently caused all the chief men of the Prize, to be placed aboard our ships, and only placed but four of our men aboard the Prize: for fear of rifling, & pillaging the good things that were within her; and those four suffered none other to come aboard. And their charge was, if any thing should be missing, to answer the same out of their wages and shares: for when the ship was unladen, the Boatswain and the Mariners of the same ship, did wholly unlade her, and none of ours came within her to do any labour. Only they received the goods into their Boats, and carried them aboard such ships, as the General appointed them to do: so that by this order, 
Care to avoid rifling and spoil. Goods taken in the Prize.  there was neither rifling, thieving, pillaging, or spoiling, which otherwise would hardly have been avoided in such business as this. Within five or six days, we had unladen her of nine hundred and fifty packs of Calicoes, and Pintadoes, besides many packets of Merchandise: she had in her much Rice, and other goods, whereof we made small account. Now a storm arising, all their men were set aboard, and we left her, riding at an Anchor. This ship came from a place called Saint Thoma, that lieth in the Bay of Bengala, and was going for Malaca. When we intercepted her, she had in her above six hundred persons, Men, Women, and Children: her burden was nine hundred tons. The General would never go aboard to see her, 
His cate to prevent suspicion.  and his reason was, to take away suspicion, both from the Mariners that were there, and the Merchants that were at London, lest they might charge, or suspect him for any dishonest dealing, by helping himself thereby. He was very glad of this good hap, and very thankful to God for it, and as he told me, he was much bound to God, that had eased him of a very heavy care, and that he could not be thankful enough to him for this blessing given him. For, saith he, he hath not only supplied my necessities, to lad these ships I have: but hath given me as much as will lad as many more ships as I have, if I had them to lad. So that now my care is not for money, but rather, where I shall leave these goods that I have, more than enough, in safety, till the return of the ships out of England.  
The one and twentieth of October, our ships returned out of the straits of Malaca for Achen, where by the way a great Spout of water came pouring out of the Heavens, 
A great Spout of water.  and fell not fare from our ship, which we feared much. For these Spouts come pouring down like a river of water, so that if they should light in any ship, she were in danger to be presently sunk down into the Sea: it falleth with such an extreme violence, all whole together, as one drop, or as water poured out of a vessel: and sometimes dureth a quarter of an hour together, so that the Sea boileth with froth, of an exceeding height, by the violence of the fall of the Spout.   

§. V Their Present to and from the King: His Letters to Queen ELIZABETH: Their departure for Priaman and Bantam, and settling a Trade there.  
THE four and twentieth of October, 
Return to Achen.  we cast our Anchors in the Port of Achen in Sumatra, where the General went a shore, and found all the Merchants well, and in safety: who gave great commendations of their good, and kind entertainment received from the King, in the General's absence. Wherhfore, the General willing to gratify the King, with such things as he had taken in the Prize, sorted out a present of diverse things, that he thought might be most to his liking: and at his first going to the Court, presented them unto him. The King received the Present, and welcomed the General, and seemed to be very joyful, for the good success he had against the Portugal: and jestingly said, he had forgotten the most important business that he requested at his hands, which was, the fair Portugal Maiden, he desired him to bring with him at his return. To whom the General answered: that there was none so worthy, that merited to be so presented. Therewithal the King smiled, and said: If there be any thing here in my kingdom may pleasure thee, I would be glad to gratify thy good william. After this, the General commanded the Merchants to put aboard the Ascension, all such Pepper, Cinnamon, and Cloves, as they had bought in his absence: which was scarcely the ships full lading, but at that time there was no more to be had, nor that year to be hoped for. And therefore, he willed the Merchants to put all their things aboard the ships, for his resolution was to departed from thence, and go for Bantam in java maior, where he understood both of good sale for his commodities, and great return of Pepper to be had, and at a much more reasonable price, than they could buy it at Achen. This determination once known, all men hasten to put their things aboard. So the General made the King privy to his departure, and went to the Court, and had long conference with him, who delivered him a Letter for her Majesty, written in the Arabian tongue: The Tenor whereof, is as followeth.  
The Letter of the King of Achen, to the Queen of England.  
Glory be to God, who hath magnified himself in his Works, glorified his Dominion, ordained Kings and Kingdoms, exalted himself alone in Power and Majesty: he is not to be uttered by word of mouth, nor to be conceived by imagination of the heart, he is no vain phantasm: no bound may contain him, nor any similitude express him: his blessing and his peace is over all his goodness in the Creature: He hath been proclaimed by his Prophet heretofore, and since that often, and now again by this writing at this present, inferior unto none. For this City, which is not slack to show their love, hath manifested it, in the entertainment of that society, which filleth the Orisons with joy, and hath confirmed it to the eye by a sign, which bringeth knowledge of remembrance of it generally and particularly. And for that their request is just, with purpose for exchange; and they themselves of honest carriage, and their kindness great in doing good in general to the Creatures, helping the Creature in prosperity and adversity jointly, giving liberally unto the poor, and such as stand in need of their abundance, preserving the Creature to their uttermost with a willing mind: which for them now is extended unto India and 
* Or Carmania.  Arach; sending forth the chiefest men of discretion and note, calling also the best of the creatures to counsel herein.  
This is the Sultana which doth rule in the Kingdom of England, France, Ireland, Holland, and Friesland: God continued that Kingdom, and that Empire long in prosteritie.  
And because that he which hath obtained the writing of these Letters, from the King of the Kingdom of 
* Or Achen.  Ashey, who doth rule there with an absolute power; And for that there came unto Us a good report of you, declared and spread very joyfully by the mouth of Captain james Lancaster, (God continued his welfare long.) 1 And for that you do record that in your Letters, there are commendations unto us. and that your Letters are Patent Privileges. Almighty God advance the purpose of this Honourable consociation, and confirm this worthy league.  
And for that you do affirm in them, that the Sultan of 
* Or Spain.  Afrangie is your enemy, and an enemy to your people, in what place soever he be, from the first until now, and for that he hath lift up himself proudly, and set himself as King of the world: yet what is he, besides his exceeding pride and haughty mind? In this therefore is our joy increased, and our society confirmed: for that he and his Company are our enemies in this world, and in the world to come: so that we shall 'cause them to die, in what place soever we shall meet them, a public death.  
And moreover, you do affirm, that you desire peace and friendship with us. To God be praise and thanks for the greatness of his Grace. This therefore is our serious Will, and Honourable Purpose truly in this Writing, That you may sand fr●m your people unto Our 
* Or Bandar.  Ports, to Trade and to Traffic; and that whosoever shall be sent unto Us in your Highness' Name, and to whomsoever you shall prescribe the time, they shall be of a joint Company, and of common privileges. For this Captain and his Company, so soon as they came unto us, we have made them of an absolute society: And we have incorporated them into one Corporation and common Dignities: And we have granted them Liberties, and have showed them the best course of Traffic: And to manifest unto men, the love and brotherhood between us and you in this world. There is sent by the hand of this Captain, according to the custom, unto the famous 
* Of London.  City, a Ring of Gold, beautified with a Ruby, richly placed in his seat, two vestures woven with Gold, embroidered with Gold, enclosed in a read Box of 
* Or China.  Tzin.  
Written in 
* That is, by Computation of time.  Tarich of the year 1011. of Mahomet. Peace be unto you.  
Translated out of the Arabic, by WILLIAM BEDWEL.  
FOr a Present to her Majesty, he sent three fair clothes richly wrought with Gold, of very cunning work, and a very fair Ruby in a Ring: and gave to the General another Ring, and a Ruby in it. And when the General took his leave, the King said unto him: have you the Psalms of David extant among you? 
* Psalms of David known to the Mahometans.  the General answered: yea, and we sing them daily. Than said the King: I, and the rest of these Nobles about me, will sing a Psalm to God for your prosperity, and so they did very solemnly. And after it was ended, the King said: I would hear you sing another Psalm, although in your own language. So there being in the company some twelve of us, we sung another Psalm; And after the Psalm ended, the General took his leave of the King, the King showing him much kindness at his departure: desiring God to bless us in our journey, and to guide us safely into our own Country, saying, if hereafter your ships return to this Port, you shall found as good usage as you have done. All our men being shipped, we departed the ninth of November, being three ships, the Dragon, the Hector, and the Ascension. We kept company two days, in which time the General dispatched his Letters for England, and sent away the Ascension, she fetting her course homeward, toward the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and we, along the Coast of Sumatra, toward Bantam: to see if we could mere with the Susan, which had order to lad upon that Coast.  
As we sailed along the Coast of Sumatra, we suddenly fell among certain Lands in the night: 
Dangerous Flats.  and the day approaching, we marvelled how we came in among them, without seeing any of them. They were all low landed, and full of Flattes and Rocks, so that we were in great danger, before we could clear ourselves of them: but thanks be to God, who delivered us from many other dangers, as he did also deliver us from these. So holding on out course from Priaman, 
Priaman.  we passed the Equinoctial Line the third time, and came thither the six and twentieth of November, and found the Susan there, which the General had sent before from Achen, to lad there. Now, when they saw us, they were very glad of our coming, and had provided toward their lading, some six hundred Bahars of Pepper, and sixty six Bahars of Cloves. Hear our Pepper cost us less than at Achen, but there is none growing about this Port, but is brought some eight or ten leagues out of the Country, from a place called Manangcabo. 
Manangcabo. S●ore of Gold in Dust.  This place hath no other Merchandise growing there; only, there is good store of Gold in Dust, and small grains, which they wash out of the Sands of Rivers: after the great floods of Rain, that fall from the Mountains, from whence it is brought. This is a place of good refreshing, and is very wholesome and healthful, and yet it lieth within fifteen minutes of the Line. At this Port having refreshed ourselves with the good air, fresh victuals and water, the General gave Commission to the Captain of the Susan, to make what haste he could for his lading, 
The Susan first sent home. December the fourth, 1602. they departed from Priaman. They arrive in the Road of Bantam.  which would be accomplished with some hundred Bahars of Pepper, and so to departed for England. And the fourth day of December, we took our course toward Bantam, in the Island of java maior: and we entered the straits of Sunda, the fifteenth of December, and came to an anchor under an Island, three leagues from Bantam, called Pulopansa.  
The next day in the morning, we entered the Road of Bantam, and shot off a very great peal of Ordnance out of the Dragon, being our Admiral, and out of the Hector: such an one as had never been rung there, before that day. The next day in the morning, the General sent his Vice-admiral, Captain john Middleton aland, with a Message to the King: declaring, that he was sent by the Queen of England, and had both a Message and a Letter to deliver to his Majesty from her and required his Majesty's safe conduct and warrant to come aland, to deliver the same. The King returned him word, that he was very glad of his coming, and sent back a Nobleman with Captain Middleton, to welcome the General, and to accompany him aland. The General took some sixteen men in his company, and went aland with the Nobleman to the Court: 
The King of Bantam a child of 10. or 11. years of age. The Queen's Letter and Present to the K. of Bantam.  where he found the King (being but a child of ten or eleven years of age) sitting in a round-house; with some sixteen or eighteen Noblemen of the Country about him, in some reasonable estate. The General did his obeisance, and the King welcomed him very kindly. And after the General had had some conference about his message, he delivered to the King's hand, her Majesty's Letter, with a Present of Plate, and some other things withal: which the King received with a smiling countenance, and referred the General (for further conference) to one of his Nobles, who was then Protector. After some hour and an halves conference had of many things, the said Nobleman (as from the King) received the General under the King's protection, and all his Company: willing him to come aland, and buy and cell, without any kind of molestation, for there he should be as safe, as if he were in his own Country: and to this, all the Nobles agreed with one consent. There passed many speeches of diverse things, 
Trade began.  which (for brevity's sake) I omit to trouble the Reader withal: for, my purpose is to show the effect of this first settling of the Trade in the East-indieses, rather than to particularise of them. The General, after his kind welcome and conference had, took his leave of the King, and the rest of his Nobles: and presently gave order for the providing of housing, whereof the King willed him to make his best choice wheresoever he would. So, within two days, the Merchants brought goods ashore, and began to cell: but, one of the King's Nobles came to the General, and said, it was the custom of that place, that the King should buy, and furnish himself, before the Subjects should buy any thing. The General was well contented, for he was advised, that he would give a reasonable price, and pay very well. The King being served, the Merchants went forward in their sales: so that within some five weeks, much more was sold there in goods, then would have laden our two ships: 
A Rial of 8. is ●oure shillings six pence sterling.  and yet they brought away from thence two hundred and seventy six bags of Pepper. These contained sixty two pound weight a piece, and cost at first penny 5. ½. Rials of eight the piece, beside our anchorage, and the King's Custom, which anchorage for our two ships cost us (by agreement the General made with the Savendar, or Governor of the City) fifteen hundred Rials of eight, and one Rial of eight upon every bag of custom. We traded here very peaceably, although the javians be reckoned among the greatest Pickers and Thiefs of the World. But the General had commission from the King (after he had received an abuse or two) that whosoever he took about his house in the night, he should kill them: so, after four or five were thus slain, we lived in reasonable peace and quiet. But, continually, all night, we kept a careful watch. As we went buying Pepper, we sent it aboard, so that by the tenth of February, our ships were fully laden, and ready to departed, But, in this mean time, the Captain of the Hector, Master john Middleton, fell sick aboard his ship, in the Road (for the General observed this from the beginning of the Voyage, that if he himself were ashore, the Captain of the Vice-admiral kept aboard, because both should not be from their charge at one time. The General hearing of his sickness, went aboard to visit him, and found him weaker, than he himself felt, which experience had taught him to know in these hot Countries. And so it happened with Captain Middleton then walking up and down, 
The death of Captain john Middleton.  who died about two of the clock next morning.  
Now, the General began to put all things in order, and hasten his departure, and appointed a Pinnace of about forty tons (which he had) to be laden with Commodities, and put in her twelve men with certain Merchants, 
A Pinnace of 40. ton, with 12. men ●ent to the Moluccas. A Factory settled▪ in Bantam. A Letter and Present from the King of Bantam to the Queen.  and sent her for the Moluccas: to trade there and settle a factory, against the return of the next shipping out of England. Moreover, he left eight men▪ and three Factors in Bantam, the chief of which Factors, was Master William Starkey, whom he appointed to cell such Commodities as were left them: and to provide lading for the ships, against the next return. Also the General went to the Court to take his leave of the King, where he received a Letter for her Majesty, and a Present for her, of certain Bezar-stones, very fair, and to the General he gave a very fair java Dagger, which they much esteem there, and a good Bezar-stone with some other things. And thus the General took his leave of the King, with many kind countenances and good words.   

§ V Their departure for England, and occurrents in the way.  

The twentieth of February, they return for England.  THe twentieth day of February, we went all aboard our ships, shot off our Ordnance, and set sail to the Sea toward England, with thanks to God, and glad hearts, for his blessings towards us. The two and twentieth and three and twentieth of the same month, we were in the straits of Sunda, and the six and twentieth we were clear of all the isles that lie in those straits, and clear of all the land, holding our course South-west, so that the eight and twentieth, we were in eight degrees and forty minutes to the South of the Line. Upon Sunday the thirteenth of March, we were past the Tropic of Capricorn, 
They double the Tropic of Capri●orne.  holding our course, for the most pare, South-west, with a stiff gale of wind at Southeast. The fourteenth day of April, we were in thirty four degrees, judging the Land of Madagascar to be North of us. The eight and twentieth day we had a very great and a furious storm, so that we were forced to take in all our Sails. This storm continued a day and a night, with an exceeding great and raging Sea, so that, in the reason of man no ship was able to live in them: but God (in his mercy) ceased the violence thereof, and gave us time to breath: 
A terrible storm.  and to repair all the distresses and harms we had received, but our ships were so shaken, that they were leaky all the Voyage after.  
The third of May, we had another very sore storm which continued all the night, and the Seas did so beat upon the ships quarter, that it shaken all the Iron work of her Rother: and the next day in the morning, our Rother broke clean from the stern of our ship, and presently sunk into the Sea. 
They loose their Rother in a storm.  This strooke a present fear into the hearts of all men, so that the best of us, and most experienced, knew not what to do. And specially, seeing ourselves in such a tempestuous Sea, and so stormy a place, so that, I think, there be few worse in all the World. Now our ship drove up and down in the Sea like a wrack, which way soever the wind carried her: so that sometimes we were within three or four leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, then cometh a contrary wind, 
Almost 40. degrees o● South Latitude.  and driveth us almost to forty degrees to the Southward into the hail and snow, and sleet cold weather. And this was another great misery unto us, that pinched us exceeding sore, so that our case was miserable and very desperate. Yet all this while the Hector kept by us carefully, the company whereof was some comfort unto us: and many times the Master of the Hector came aboard our ship, so at the the last, it was concluded to take our mizzen Mast, and put it forth at the stern Port, to prove if we could steer our ship into some place where we might make another Rother to hung it, to serve our turns home. But this device was to small purpose, for when we had fitted it, and put it forth (the Seas being somewhat grown with lifting up the Mast) it did so shake the stern, and put all in such danger, that it was needful to make all convenient haste, to get the Mast into the ship again: which we were very glad when we had brought it to pass. Now we were without all remedy, unless we made a new Rother, and could bring it to pass to hung it in the Sea: which to perform let every man judge how easy a thing it was, our ship being of seven or eight hundred t●nnes, and in so dangerous a Sea as this was: but necessity compelleth to prove all means. Than the General commanded the Carpenter to make a Rother of the said mizzen Mast, to prove what we could do: but this bar fell in our way; that, at such time as we lost our Rother, we lost also the most of our Rother irons, wherewith to fasten the Rother. But yet, we went forward, and made all the haste we could, and one of our men dived, to search what Rother irons remained, who found but two, and one that was broken, to help us withal. Yet, by God's help, finding a fair day, we made fast the said Rother, and sailed on our course homewards: But, within three or four hours, the Sea took it off again, and we had much ado to save it, and with the saving of it, we lost an other of our irons, so that now, we had but two to hung it by: and our men began to be desirous to leave the Ship, and go into the Hector to save themselves. Nay, said the General, we will yet abide God's leisure, to see what mercy he will show us: for I despair not to save ourselves, the Ship and the goods, by one means or other, as God shall appoint us. And with that, he went into his cabin, and wrote a Letter for England, purposiing to sand it by the Hector, commanding her to departed, and leave him there: but, not one of the company knew of this command. The Letter was very brief, and the tenor little more or less, as followeth.  
RIght worshipful, what hath passed in this Voyage, and what Trades I have settled for this company, 
A Letter in a desperate case sent for England.  and what other events have befallen us, you shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion hath fallen) I must refer you. I will strive with all diligence to save my ship, and her goods, as you may perceive, by the course I take in venturing mine own life, and those that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if you sand out any Pinnace to seek me: because I live at the devotion of the wind▪ and seas. And thus far you well, desiring God, to sand us a merry meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.  
The Passage to the East India lieth in 62.1/●. degrees, by the Northwest on the America side.  
Your very loving friend, JAMES LANCASTER.  
THis Letter being delivered, the General thought they would have been gone in the night, according to their Commission: but, when he espied the ship in the morning, he said to me, these men regard no Commission. Now, the ship kept some two or three leagues from us, and came no nearer: for the Master was an honest and a good man, and loved the General well, and was loath to leave him in so great distress. And now, it was time for us, to seek all means that could be to save ourselves and the ship. Than, the Carpenter mended the Rother we had saved, and within two or three days, the weather began to be somewhat fair, and the seas smooth. So, we put out a sign to the Hector to come near us, out of which the Master, Master Saunder Cole came, and brought the best swimmers, and diverse that he had in his ship, 
Master Saunder Cole Master of the Hector.  who helped us not a little in the business we had to do. Thus, by God's good blessing, we hung our Rother again, upon the two hooks that were left: so that, we had some good hope to obtain one Port or other, to relieve ourselves withal. Now, we had been beaten to and fro, in these mighty seas, and had many more storms of weather, then are here expressed, sometimes for one whole month together, so that our men began to fall sick and diseased: and the wind fell so short, that we could fetch no part of the coast of Africa, which was nearest to us. Committing ourselves therefore to God, we set sail strait for the Island of Saint Helena: for, we knew we had doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanza, by the height we were in to the Northward. As we were in our course, the Mainyard fell down, and strooke one of our men into the sea, and he was drowned. This was the end (God be thanked) of all our hard fortunes.  
The fift day of june, we passed the Tropic of Capricorn, and the sixteenth in the morning we had sight of the Island of Saint Helena: at the sight whereof, there was no small rejoicing among us. We bore close along by the shore, the better to get the best of the Road, 
They arrive at Saint Helena.  in the Harbour, where we came to an anchor, right against a small Chapel, which the Portugals had built there, long since. Our ships road in twelve fathom water, which is the best of the Harbour. At our going a shore, we found by many writings, that the Carrackes of Portugal had departed from thence, but eight days before our coming. In this Island, there is very good refreshing of water, and wild Goats, but they are hard to come by, unless good direction be given for the getting of them. And this course our General took, he appointed four lusty men, and of the best shot he had, to go into the Island, and make their abode in the midst of it, and to every shot, he appointed four men to attend him, to carry the Goats that he killed, to the Rendezvous: thither went (every day) twenty men, to fetch home to the ships, what was killed▪ So there was no hoyting or rumour in the Island to fear the Goats withal. And by this means, the ships were plentifully relieved, and every man contented. While we stayed here, we fitted our shipping, and searched our Rother, which we hoped, would last us home. All our sick men recovered their health, through the store of Goats and Hogs, wherewith we had refreshed ourselves, having great need of good refreshing: For, in three months, we had seen no land, but were continually beaten in the sea.  
The fift day of july, we set sail from this Island, our course being Northwest. The thirteenth day, 
The I'll of Ascention.  we passed by an Island called the Ascension, which standeth in eight degrees. Not ships touch at this Island, for it is altogether barren, and without water: only, it hath good store of Fish about it, but deep water, and ill riding for ships. From hence we held our course still Northwest, 
They pass the Equinoctial.  the wind being South and Southeast, till the nineteenth day, and then, we passed the Aequinoctiall-Line. The four and twentieth day we were six degrees to the Northward, at which time, we judged ourselves to be an hundred and fifty leagues from the Coast of Guinea. Than we steered away North and by West and North till the nine and twentieth, at which time, we had sight of the Island of Fogo. 
The I'll of Fogo.  Here, we were becalmed five days, striving to pass to the Eastward of this Island, but could not: for the wind changed, and came to the North-east, so we stood West Northwest.  

The seventh of August. 1603.  The seventh day of August, we were in sixteen degrees, and the twelfth day we passed the Tropic of Cancer, that lieth in 23.1/●;. degrees, holding our course Northerly. But the three and twentieth, the wind came Westerly. The nine and twentieth, we passed the Island of Saint Marie, the wind fair.  
The seventh day of September, we took sounding, judging the Lands end of England to be forty leagues from us. The eleventh day, we came to the Downs, well and safe to an anchor: for the which, thanked be almighty God, who hath delivered us from infinite perils and dangers, in this long and tedious Navigation.    

CHAP. IU. A Discourse of java, and of the first English factory there, with diverse Indian, English, and Dutch occurrents, written by Master EDMUND SCOT, containing a History of things done from the eleventh of February, 1602. till the sixth of October, 1605. abbreviated.  

§. I. The description of java maior, with the manners and fashions of the people, both javans and Chynaesses, which do there inhabit.  
IAua maior, is an Island which lieth in an hundred and forty degrees of longitude from the middle part of it, 
java maior, and the Inhabitants.  and in the ninth degree of latitude, being also about an hundred forty and six leagues long, East and West, and some ninety leagues broad, South and North, the middle part of which Land is for the most part all mountains, the which are not so steep, but that people do travel to the top of them, both on horseback, and on foot. Some inhabitants do devil upon those hills, which stand next to the Sea, but in the very middle of the Land, so fare as ever I could learn, 
The Mid. land.  there are no Inhabitants, but there are wild beasts of diverse sorts, whereof some do repair near the valleys adjoining to the Sea; and devour many people. Towards the Sea, for the most part is low moorish ground, wherein stand their principal Towns of Trade, the chiefest whereof lie on the North and North-east side of the Island, as Chiringin, Bantam, jackatra, and I●rtan or Greesey, 
The Cities.  The which low ground is very unwholesome, and breedeth many diseases, (especially unto strangers which come thither) and yield no merchandise worthy trading for, or speaking of, but Pepper, the which hath been brought in times passed from all places of the Land to Bantam, as the chief Mart Town of the County, which Town for Trade doth fare exceed Achen, or any Town or City thereabouts; And Pepper was wont to be brought thither from diverse other Countries, which of late years is not, by reason that the Dutchmen trade to every place, and buy it up.  
This Town of Bantam, is about three English miles in length, also very populous, There are three Markets kept on every day, 
Bantam.  one in the forenoon, and two in the afternoon: that especially, which is kept in the forenoon, doth so abound with people, that they throng together, as in many Fairs in England. Yet I never saw any kind of Cattles to cell, by reason that there are very few tame in the Country. Their food is altogether Rice, with some Hens, 
Their food.  and some Fish, but not much, or in no abundance. The javans houses are altogether built of great Canes, and some few small Timbers, being slight buildings: In many of the principal men's houses, 
Their houses▪  is good workmanship showed, as car●ings, etc. And some of the chiefest have a square Brick room, being built in no better form than a Brick-kiln, which is only to put in all their household stuff, when fire cometh, but they seldom or never lodge, nor eat in them. There are many small Rivers running through the Town: also, there is a good road for ships, whereby if they were people of any reasonable capacity, it would be made a very goodly City, also it is walled round with a Brick wall, being very warlike built, with Flankers, and Turrets scouring every way▪ I have been told by some that it was first built by the Chinesses. In many places it is fallen to decay for want of repairing. At the very end of this Town, is the China Town, a narrow River parting them, which runneth cross the end of the China Town, up to the King's Court, and so through the middle of the great Town, and doth ebb and flow, so that at a high water, both Galleys and juncts of great burden, may go up to the middle of the great Town.  
This China Town, is for the most part built of Brick, every house square, and flat overhead, 
The China Town.  some of them having Boards, and small Timbers, or s●lit Canes over-crosse, on which are laid Bricks and Sand, to defend them from fire. Over these Brick Warehouses is set a shed, being built up with great Canes, and Thatched, and some are built up with small Timber, but the greatest number with Canes only. Of late years, since we came thither, many men of wealth have built their houses to the top, all fire free, of the which sort of houses, at our first coming, there was no more but the Sabindars house and the rich China Merchant's house, which nevertheless by means of their windows, and sheds ro●nd about them, have been consumed with fire. In this Town stand the English and Dutch houses, which are built in the same manner, 
The Dutch and English houses.  only they are very much bigger, and higher than ordinary houses, and the Dutchmen of late (though with great cost and trouble) have built one of their houses up to the top all of Brick, fire free, as they suppose.  
The King of this place is absolute, 
The King and his power. Punishment of Adultery.  and since the deposing and death of the late Emperor of Damacke, is held the principal King of all that Island: he useth always Marshal law upon any offender whom he is disposed to punish. If any private man's Wife or Wi●es be taken with dishonesty, so that they have good proof of it, they 'cause them presently to be put to death, both the woman, and the man that is taken in Adultery with her. And for their Slaves, they may execute them for any small fault. To every Wife that a javan, being a freeman, marrieth, 
Costly wives.  he must keep ten women-slaves, which they as ordinary use as their wives; and some of them keep for every wife, forty slaves, for so they keep ten: they may have as many more as they will, but they may have but three wives only.  
The javans, are generally exceeding proud, although extreme poor, 
javans proud and poor.  by reason that not one amongst an hundred of them will work. The Gentlemen of this Land are brought to be poor, by the number of Slaves that they keep, which eat faster than their Pepper or Rice groweth. The Chinois, do both plant, dr●sse, and gather the Pepper, 
Chinois frugal.  and also sow their Rice living as Slaves under them, but they suck away all the wealth of the Land, by reason that the javans are so idle. And a javan is so proud, that he will not endure one to ●t an inch in height above him, if he be but of the like calling. They are a people that do very much thirst after blood, yet they will seldom fight face to face one with another, or with any other Nation, but do altogether seek revenge of their enemy cowardly, albeit they are for the most part men of a goodly stature. Their law for murder, is to pay a fine to the King, 
Punishment of murder.  and that but a small sum: but evermore the friends of the party murdered, will be revenged on the murderer, or his kindred, so that the more they kill one another, the more fines hath their King. Their ordinary weapon which they wear, is called a ●rise, it is about two foot in length, 
Their weapons and fights.  the bla●e being waved, and crooked to and fro, Indenture like, and withal exceeding sharp, most of them having the temper of their Mettle poisoned, so that not one amongst five hundred that is wounded with them in the body escapeth with his life. The handles of these weapons, are either of horn or wood, curiously carved in the the likeness of a Devil, which many of them do worship. In their wars, their fight is altogether with Pikes, Darts, and Targets. Of late, some few of them have learned to use their Pieces, but very untowardly.  
The apparel of the be●ter sort, is a tuck on their heads, and about their loins a fair Pintadoe, all the rest of their bodies naked; sometimes they will wear a close coat, 
Their apparel.  somewhat like a Mandilion, of Velvet, Chamblet, Cloth, or some other kind of Silk: but it is but seldom, and upon some extraordinary occasion. The common sort wear on their head, a flat cap of Velvet, Taffeta, or C●llico-cloath, the which is cut in many pieces, and seamed with a fair stitch, to make them sit flat and compass: about their loins they wear a kind of Callico-cloth, which is made at Clyn, in manner of a silk girdle, but at the lest one yard broad, being of two colours. Also, there cometh from thence many sorts of white colours, which they themselves do both Dye Paint and Gilled, according to the fashions of that Country: Likewise, they can wear a kin● of striped stuff, both of Cotten, and Rinds of trees, but by means of their laziness, there is very little of that worn. 
Their head & head-tire.  The men for the most part, have very thick curled hair on their heads, in which they take great pride, and often will go bareheaded to show their hair: the women go all bareheaded, some of them having their hair tucked up, like a Carthorse tail, but the better sort do tuck it up, like our riding Geldings tails. About their loins they wear the same stuffs, which I have before mentioned, always having a fair Girdle or Pintado, of their Country fashion, thrown over on their shoulders, which hangeth down lose behind them.  

Their religion.  The principal of them are most religious, but they very seldom go to Church: They do acknowledge Christ to be a great Prophet, whom they call Naby Isa, and some of them do keep of Mahomet's Priests in their houses, but the common people have very little knowledge in any Religion, only they say, there is a God which made heaven and earth, and them also. He is good they say, and will not hurt them, but the Devil is naught, and will do them hurt, wherefore many of them for want of knowledge do pray to him, 
The Devil prayed to.  only for fear jest he should hurt them. And surely if there were men of learning, which were perfect in their language to instruct them, a number of them would be drawn to the true faith of Christ, and also would be brought to civility. For many which I have reasoned with, concerning the Laws of Christians, have liked all well, excepting only their plurality of Women, for they are all very lasciviously given, 
Bribing.  both men and women. The better sort which are in authority, are great takers of bribes, and all the javans in general, are bad paymasters when they are trusted, notwithstanding, their Laws for debts are so strict, 
Laws for debt.  that the Creditor may take his Debtor, his Wives, Children, Slaves, and all that he hath, and cell them for his debt.  

Thievish people.  Likewise, they are all much given to stealing, from the highest to the lowest, and surely in times past, they have been 
* So L. Vertomannus. Idleness.  Man-eaters, before that Traffic was had with them by the Chynasses, which as I have heard some of them say, is not above one hundred years since. They delight much in ease and Music, and for the most part, they spend the day sitting cross legged like a Tailor, whitling of a stick, whereby many of them become very good Carvers, to carve their Crise handles: and that is all the work that most of them endeavour to do. They are very great eaters, but the Gentlemen allow their Slaves nothing, but Rice sod in water, with some roots and herbs, and they have a certain herb called Bettaile, which they usually have carried with them wheresoever they go, in boxes, or wrapped up in a cloth like a Sugarloaf, and also a nut called Pinange, which are both in operation very hot, and they eat them continually to warm them within, and keep them from the Flux, they do likewise take much Tobacco, and also Opium.  

javans dull.  The javans themselves, are very dull and blockish to manage any affairs of a Commonwealth, whereby all strangers go beyond them that come into their land: and many of the Country of Clyn, which come thither to devil, do grow very rich, and rise to great Offices and Dignity amongst them, as their Sabandar, their Laytamougon, and others, especially the Chineses, who like jews live crooching under them, but rob them of their wealth, and sand it for China.  

Chinois crafty.  The Chineses are very crafty people in trading, using all kind of cozening and deceit which may possibly be devised. They have no pride in them, nor will refuse any labour, except they turn javans (as many of them do when they have done a murder, or some other villainy) than they are every whit as proud, 
Religion of the Chinois.  and as lazy as the javans. For their Religion they are of diverse sects, but the most of them are Atheists. And many of them hold opinion, that when they die, if they be good men, they shall be borne again to great riches, and be made Governors, and if they be wicked men, than they shall be turned into some ugly beast, as a Frog or a Toad. They burn sacrifice every new Moon, mumbling prayers over them, with a kind of singing voice, and as they sing, they thing a little Bell, which at the end of every Prayer, they ring out as fast as they can. This ceremony they also use, when any amongst them of account lieth a dying. The manner of their sacrifice is this: They furnish their Altars, with Goats, Hens, Ducks, and diverse sorts of fruits, the which are sometimes dressed to eat, and sometimes raw, and then are dressed afterwards and eaten. All that they burn, is only papers painted, and cut out in curious works, and valued by them at a certain price. I have many times asked them, to whom they burn their sacrifice, and they have answered me to God: but the Goserats and Turks 
* This seems to be the malice of one Idolater to another.  which are there, say they burn it to the Devil. If they do so, they are ashamed to confess it. They are many of them well seen in Astronomy, and keep a good account of their months and years: they observe no Sabbath, nor one day better than other, except when they lay the foundation of a house, or begin some other great work, which day they ever after observe as a holy day. When any of them that are wealth die in Bantam, their bodies are burnt to Ashes, 
Funeral Rites.  which Ashes they put close in jars, and carry it to China to their friends. I have seen when some of them have lain a dying, they have set up seven Odours burning, four of them being great, and burning light, and they were set upon a Cane, which lay cross upon two Crotches, about six foot from the ground, and three set on the ground right under them, being very small, and burning dim. I have demanded the meaning of it many times, but I could never have other answer, but that it was the fashion of China; and surely many such like things they do, not knowing why, or wherefore, but only that it hath been a fashion amongst them. They delight very much in Plays, and singing, 
Plays.  but they have the worst voices that one shall hear any people have, the which Plays or Interludes, they hold as service to their gods: in the beginning of which, they often use to burn a sacrifice, the Priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground three times, one presently after another. These Plays are made commonly, when they think their juncks or shipping are set forth from China; likewise, when they are arrived at Bantam, and also when they set out from Bantam towards China: These Plays sometimes begin at noon, and end not till the next day morning, being most commonly in the open street, having Stages set up for the purpose. Moreover, they have amongst them some Soothsayers, which sometimes rage, and run up and down the streets like mad men, 
Soothsayers.  having swords drawn in their hands, taring their hair, and throwing themselves against the ground. When they are in this frantic taking, they affirm, and other Chyneses do believe, that they can tell what shall come to pass after. Whether they be possessed with the Devil or not, who revealeth something to them, I know not, but many Chyneses use them, when they sand a juncke of any voyage, to know whether they shall speed well or not, and by their report, it hath fallen out according as these Soothsayers have told them. The Chyneses are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles under them, hanging something lower than their gowns. They are surely the most effeminate, and cowardliest people that live. 
Effeminateness.  On their heads they wear a Cawl, some of them being made of Silk, and some of hair: the hair of their heads is very long, which they bind up on a knot, right on the crown of their heads. Their Nobility and Governors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hat, and the other like a French-hood; others being of Network, with a high crown, and no brims. 
Feature of body.  These people are tall, and strong of body, having all very small black eyes, and very few of them have any hair on their faces: They will steal, and do any kind of villainy to get wealth: their manner at Bantam, is to buy Women-slaves, (for they bring no women out of China) by whom they have many children, and when they return to their own Country, not minding to come to Bantam again, they cell their women, but their children they carry with them. As for their goods, they take an order to sand some at every shipping: for if they die in Bantam, all the goods they have there, is the Kings, and if once they cut their hair, 
Hair cutting.  they may never return to their Country again, but their Children may; always provided, that they never cut their hair.   

§. II. A true and brief Discourse of many dangers by fire, and other perfidious treacheries of the javans.  
AFter our Ships were laden, and all things set in as good order as it could be: upon the one and twentith of February, 1602. our General taking his leave of the shore, departed, 
The English left at Bantam. Mr. Starkey.  leaving behind him to be resident in Bantam nine persons, over whom he appointed M. William Starkie, to be chief Commander: likewise he left xiii. more, which he appointed to go in our Pinnace for Banda; of which he was appointed for chief Commander over the rest, 
Thomas Tudd. Thomas Keith.  Thomas Tudde Merchant, and for Master of the said Pinnace, one Thomas Keith. The General at his departure left order, that this Pinnace should be sent away with all speed; wherefore having taken in, to the quantity of fifty six Chests and fardels of goods, upon the sixth of March at night, she set sail, but by reason of contrary winds, after she had spent near two months, beating up and down in the Seas, she was forced to return again to Bantam. Also at our General's departure, he left us two houses full of goods, and likewise some goods lying in the Dutchman's house, but we were too few in number to keep one well, had not God of his great mercy preserved us.  
It is not unknown to all that were there, the quarrel betwixt the javans and us, before our ships departed, who sought all the means they could to be revenged. Insomuch, 
javans go about to fire the English house.  that presently after the departure of our Pinnace, they began to practise the firing of our Principal house, with fiery darts and arrows in the night, and not content with that, but in the day time, if we had brought out any quantity of goods to air, we should be sure to have the town fired to windward not fare from us. And if these fire Arrows, had not by God's providence, been espied by some of our own house, as they were, it was thought of us all, that that house and goods had been all consumed, as might plainly appear at the top, when we came to repair it. But as the malice of the rascal sort of people began now to appear, and continued for the space of two years against us: So God's mercy began to show itself unto us, and continued to the last day. As this discouse will plainly show hereafter, his Name be blessed for it.  
So soon as we had dispatched away our Pinnace, we began to lay the foundation of our house, 
The house builded.  which was seventy two foot long, and thirty six foot broad, but by reason there was at that time, a new Protector chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost, before we could be permitted to go thorough with it. Also we ayred all our prize goods, and M. Starkey caused the leathers of most of the packs to be stripped off, by whose counsel it was I know not, but these goods did not keep their colours nothing so well as the rest did, as we found afterwards.  

The Town fired, and some of our goods burned.  The one and twentieth of March, by reason of a China Captain that shot a Piece, the town was set on fire, in which fire were many houses full of goods consumed. Amongst other, the Dutch house was burnt to the ground, wherein we had lying sixty five fardels of goods, besides some Pepper. Also we had some Pepper lying in a Chinaes' house, which for the most part was burned and spoilt, so that we lost one hundred and ninety sacks clear, besides the damage, the rest received. Our loss by this fire was great, but we praise God it was no more, considering how near the fire came to both our houses, and how unfit they were at that time for such a danger, especially one, where the fire came within three yards of it; insomuch that the jammes of the windows were so hot, that a man could hardly s●ffer his hand to touch them, and yet the old and dry thatch took not fire, to the great admiration of all people that were there of many Nations. There was gathered about this house all the villains in the Country, so that all that night, we that kept that house durst take no rest, for fear they would throw some firebrands upon it. In the Evening some of us standing in the door, there came javans, whom we known to be notorious Thiefs, 
Wicked people and bold Thiefs.  and asked us how many we were that lay in that house, we demanded again, what they had to do to ask, and if they would know, they should come at midnight and see, at which answer they departed very much discontent, but such is their boldness there, that in the day time they would come and look before our faces, how our doors were hanged, and what fastening they had within, and many times we were informed by some that wished us well, that if we did not keep good watch, that there was a Crew, that meant to enter suddenly upon us, and to cut our throats, in so much that we being but four at that house, what with overwatching, and what with the Disease that reigneth much in that Country, which is looseness of the body, we were grown to very great weakness, and two of us never recovered it.  
The nineteenth of April, 1603. came into the Road, nine sail of Hollanders, over whom was General Wyborne Van Warwick, 
Nine sail of Hollanders.  who shottly after sent two of them for China, two for the Moluccoes, two laded at Bantam, one went to jortan. Also he dispatched a Pinnace to Achen, to will certain ships (that went from thence by Captain Spilbergs directions to Zeilon▪ to win a small Fort from the Portugals) to come to Bantam, in the mean time, he with one ship stayed until their arrival. We are very much beholding to this General for wine, bread, and many other necessaries, 
Van Warwick's kindness.  and courtesies received of him. He would often tell us how Sir Richard Luson relieved him, when he was likely to perish in the Sea, for the which he would say he was bound to be kind to Englishmen wheresoever he met them, and to speak truth, there was nothing in his ships for the comfort of sick men, but we might command it, as if it had been our own. Also he in his own person, did very much reverence the Queen's Majesty of England, when he talked of Herald. But there were some of base sort in his Fleet, that did use very unreverent specches of Her to some of the Country people.  
The five and twentieth of April died Thomas Morgan, our second Factor here, who had been sickly a long time. 
Death of T. Morgan.  Also Master Starkey began to grow very weak. The eight and twentieth day, came in our Pinnace which was sent for Banda; having lost one of her Factors, William Chase, and the rest but weak and sickly. About this time there came certain of the King's Officers, and forbade us to go forward with our house, the reason whereof, as I do judge was because the new Protector had not as yet received a Bribe; 
New Protector perfidious.  and the Sabyndar and he being at that time not friends, he could do us little pleasure: wherefore we complained to Cay Tomongone Gobay, the Admiral, who indeed is the Father of all Strangers in that place. He presently made a great Feast, and invited all the principal of the Court, at which Feast he began to discourse of our cause, telling them what a shame it was that the King and they would not keep their words to the English General and Merchants, and that rather than he would break his word, he would go devil in a small Cottage himself, and we should have his house: but after much ado, he made them grant that we should go forward with our house, the which in short time after was finished. Our principal Merchant fearing Pepper would be dear, by reason of the Flemish shipping that was there present, and the rest that were to come, bought up as much Pepper as he could, and because our house was not as yet ready, he disbursed his money before the Pepper was weighed, and by reason the Flemings are not curious in receiving their Pepper, when we came to weigh ours, we were forced to receive it as they did, or else we should have neither money nor Pepper, so that we had in that parcel much fowl and bad Pepper.  

Master Starkeys' death.  Upon the last of june, Master Starkey ended his days, whose burial General Warwick caused to be honoured with a Company of shot and Pikes, the Colours trailed upon the ground, according to the Order of Soldier's burial.  
The fourth of I●ly, the great Market on the East-side of the River, was by villainy of certain signans, (who thought to get some spoil of the Chines goods) set on fire, in which fire some Chinois that were indebted to us, lost all that they were worth, 
Fire.  so that we escaped not without some loss by it. The seventeenth of july, deceased Thomas Dobson, 
M. Dobsons' death. Another fire.  one of the Factours left for Banda: the seven and twentieth day the Town was burnt again on the East-side the River. The fifth of August at ten a clock at night, there came to our house Captain Spilberge, Captain john Powlson, and some other Dutch Captains, who told us they had that day been with the Protector about some business, who asked them if they would take our parts, if he should do any violence to us, to the which they answered, as they said, that we and they were near Neighbours, wherefore they might not see us wronged, they said more that he straightly charged them, that whatsoever he should do unto us, that they should not be offended nor aid us any way.  
From thence I went presently to the Protector, and gave him a small Present, and also thanks for his men, which four or five days before he had sent to help us in our building. The Present he received, but I perceived by his countenance he was angry: He told me, that that day he had much business with the King, but the next morning he would sand for me, for that he had to speak with me. The same day the Admiral sent his son to him to know what his meaning was to use such threatening speeches of us, but he denied them. In the morning following he sent for me: when I came he asked me, what they were that had told me he meant to harm us: I told him the Hollanders: he asked again whether they were Slaves or Captains, I told him they were Captains: he bade me I should show his Scrivana those Captains. He said more, that if any javan or Chines had done it, he would have sent for him, and cut his throat before us. Than he began to found fault with us, because we did not come to him when we had any Suit, but went always to the Sabinda● or the Admiral: I answered again that he was but new come into his place, and that we had as yet no acquaintance with him, but hereafter I would come to him. Than he promised me he would do us all the friendship he could, but it was but dissimulation to borrow money of us. Also the Flemings about this time spread a rumour through their own Fleet, that the King would force us to lend him five thousand Rials of eight, otherwise he would 'cause our house to be plucked down again, the which was false, for neither the King nor the Protector, had at that time sent to us for any, nor did in four months after.  
The seventeenth of August, Captain Spilberge having vented all his Commodities (which he shared in our prize) and laden his ships and his Pinnace with Pepper, departed thence, having in his company two ships more of Warwick's Fleet. The nineteenth of August, we brought out certain packs of goods to air, wherefore a javan being Slave to one of the principal of the Country, threw some fireworks upon a Thatched house, a little to windward of us, 
javans treachery.  we espying it pursued him, and took him, and carried him to Cay Tomongone the Admiral, who put him in Irons. Within an hour after there came more of his fellows, who would have taken him away perforce, wherefore the Admiral's men and they fell by the ears, and many were hurt on both sides. So soon as the Admiral's men had beaten them away, he sent him to the King, but because his Master was one of the King's friends, he was not put to death: although by the Law of the Country he should have died, neither did we greatly seek it, because his Master was our very good friend also. Likewise, if a javan do offend he must be punished with death, for if they inflict any less punishment, they are so wicked and bloody a people, that they will be cowardly revenged, not only of Strangers, but of their own Masters: so that if any Slave do offend his Master, he doth quite forgive him, or else he dies for it. But they are very obedient, and will seldom offend their Masters, because they are for the most part as wicked as themselves. The two and twentieth of August, at night there were certain javans gotten into a great yard hard by our house, who when we were singing of a Psalm, which we did use to do when we set our Watch, these Rogues threw stones at our windows, as if they would have beaten down our house, and some of the stones came in at the windows, and miss us very narrowly, but we took some of them, which yet upon submission we spared.  
About this time there grew a quarrel between the Flemings and the Chinois, 
Quarrel betwixt Chinois and Hollanders▪ Hollanders drunken disorders.  and some were slain and hurt on both sides. This grew by the misbehaviour of the Flemings, which in that place do carry themselves very rude and disordered, in that abundant manner that they are a shame and infamy to Christendom and Christians. I do not condemn them all, but the vulgar sort, who when they are ashore, and their drink in, their Commanders can bear no rule over them. They got the worst before this quarrel was ended, but not by the Chinois, nor by manhood of the javans, only some that were Slaves to some Turncoat Chinois, would steal behind the Flemings in the Evening, and cowardly stab them.  
One day they being very importunate, for one of their men which was slain, the Protector demanded of them, when they came to any Country to trade, whether they brought Law●s with them, or whether they were governed by the Laws of the Country they were in: to the which they answered, that when they were aboard their ships, they were governed by their own Laws, but when they were ashore, 
Punishment for Murth●●▪  they were under the Laws of our Country they were in: well, said the Protector, than I will tell you the Laws of the Country, which is this, if one kill a Slave, he must pay twenty Rials of eight, if a Freeman, fifty Rials, if a Gentlem●n, a hundred Rials. The Flemings requested to have that under his own hand, the which they had, and it was all the mends they had for killing of their man, if they would have taken fifty Rials of eight, they might have had it.  

Lampoons cruel enmity to java.  About the fift of September, here came a juncke full of men from the Island of Lampon, which standeth in the straits of Sunda; and are enemies to the javans, and all others that are dwellers in Bantam: these are so like the javans, that the one is not known from the other. Also there were many javans consorted with them. These men having their juncke riding in a Creek hard by the Town, and being in all points like unto the javans, would boldly come into the Town, and not only in the evenings and nights come into houses, and cut off the people's heads, but at noon days, in so much that for the space of a month, we could take little rest forth grievous crying of the people. One day while we were sitting at dinner, they came and took a woman, being our next Neighbour, and muffled her so with a Sack, that she could not cry, and so carried her into a tuft of bushes in our backside, and there cut her throat, and meant to have cut off her head, if they had had time. Her Husband missing her, and looking out might see them carry her, who cried out, and we rose from dinner and pursued them, but it was too late to save her life. Also they were very swift of foot, so that we could come near none of them, and for any thing that we knew, they might be amongst us, for after the javans were come we could not know them. It was thought of some that they lay hid in the bushes till the coming of the javans, and then stole out, and put themselves amongst them. There were some java women that would cut off their Husband's heads in the night, 
Perfidious javans.  and cell them to these people. They did linger much about our house, and surely if we had not kept good watch, they would have attempted the cutting of our throats (if not for our heads) for our goods. But after awhile, many of them were known, and being taken were executed, which were men of very goodly stature. The reason they do make these hard Adventures, 
Cruelty rewarded.  is, their King gives them a woman for every stranger's head they bring him, wherefore many times they would dig up such as were new buried at Bantam, and cut off their heads, and so cousin their King.  
Also at this time, some credible men that wished us well, of whom the Admiral was one, bid us have a special care of our good watch, because some of the principal of the Land in birth, though not in wealth nor office, 
Treachery intended and prevented.  which had many Slaves, but little to maintain them, had laid a Plot to have slain us in the night, and to have made spoil of our goods which they took to be ten times more than were, and after to have given it out, the Lampoons had done it. Whereupon we were forced to have Lights burning all night round about our house, otherwise in the dark nights, they being so black as they are might have entered suddenly upon us, before we should descry them. For all the upper work of our houses by reason of the heat are open, and they are built with Canes, and likewise the fence round about the houses, which is but a weak building, and may quickly be borne down. These Heathen Devils came forth two or three times, thinking to have executed their bloody pretence, but God would not suffer them. For so soon as they came within sight of our Lights and might hear our Drum sound at the end of every watch, their hear●s failed them, so that they durst not give the attempt, for they supposed, we were ready not only with our small shot, but with our Murderers to give them entertainment, and to speak truth, they should have found it so indeed. After they had waited long, and could never found opportunity, they fell out amongst themselves, and so were dispersed. divers others made bold but vain attempts, and therefore now fell to work with the Chinois, whose houses at this time were full of our goods, which they had bought, in so much that everynight for a long time, we had such grievous crying out, and we looking every hour when we should be assaulted, durst take no rest in the night. Many Chinois about us were slain, and surely if we had not defended them with our shot, many more would have been slain: for the singing of a Bullet is as terrible to a javan, as the cry of the Hounds is in the ears of the Hare: for they will not abide if once they hear it. But these continual alarms, and grievous outcries of men, women and children grew so rife in our ears, 
The miseries of the English.  that our men in their sleep would dream they were pursuing the javans, and suddenly would leap out of their Beds and catch their weapons▪ his next fellow hearing the doleful noise he made, would bustle up, and in their sleep have wounded one another, before those that had the watch could come to part them: and if they should have set their weapons further from them they would not have been ready, if we should have had occasion, the which we looked for every minute, and being but few of us, I took my turn to watch as long as any, in which I have stood many times more in fear of my own men then of any other, and when I have heard them bussel, have catched up a Target, for fear they would have served me as they did their fellows.  

Terror of the word Fire.  But all this fear was nothing to us in comparison of that which I will now speak of, which was fire. O this word fire, had it it been spoken near me, either in English, Mallayes, javanes, or China; although I had been sound asleep, yet I should have leapt out of my bed, the which I have done sometimes, when our men in their watch have but whispered one to another of fire: In so much that I was forced to warn them, not to talk of fire in the night, except they had great occasion.  
And not only myself, but my fellows, Thomas Tudd, and Gabriel Towerson, after our watches had been out, and we heavy asleep so that our men many times sounding a Drum at our Chamber doors, we have never bewrayed them, yet presently after they have but whispered of fire, we all have run out of our Chambers. I speak not this, that any that may be sent thither hereafter should be discouraged, for than we were strangers, and now we have many friends there, and the Country is grown to much better civility, and as the young King groweth in age, will more and more, because their Government will be better. 
The Town five times burnt in three months.  In three month's space, the Town on the East-side the River, was burnt five times, but God be praised the wind always favoured us, and although the javans many times fired it on our side, yet it pleased God still to preserve us, so that by reason it blew but little wind, it was quenched before it came to hurt us.   

§. III. Differences betwixt the Hollanders (styling themselves English) the javans, and other things remarkable.  
ABout this time also, there was much falling out between the Flemings and the Country people, by means of the rude behaviour of the Flemings, and many of them were stabbed in the evenings: and at that time the Common people knew not us from the Flemings, for both they and we were called by the name of Englishmen, by reason of their usurping our name at their first coming thither to trade, wherein they did our Nation much wrong, for we were ever ashamed of their behaviour, and as we passed along the street, we might hear the people in the Market, railing and exclaiming on the English men, although they meant the Hollanders, wherefore, 
Hollanders called themselves English in the Indieses, and so disgraced us. Novemb. 17. solemnised, & thereby a difference made betwixt us.  we fearing some of our men might be slain in stead of them, we began to think how we might make ourselves known from the Hollanders.  
And now the seventeenth of November drawing near, the which we held to be our Coronation day, (for at that time, nor the year following, we knew no other) we all suited ourselves in new apparel of silk, and made us all Scarves of white and read Taffeta, being our Country Colours, Also we made a Flag with the read Cross through the middle, and because we that were the Merchants would be known from our men, we edged our Scarves with a deep fringe of gold, and that was our difference. Our day being come, we set up our Banner of Saint George, upon the top of our house, and with our Drum and Shot we marched up and down within our own ground, being but fourteen in number, wherefore we could march but single one after another, and so plied our Shot, and casting ourselves in Rings and Esses. The Sabindar and diverse of the Chiefest of the Land, hearing our Pieces, came to see us and to inquire the cause of our triumph, we told them, that that day seven and forty year, our Queen was crowned, wherefore all English men, in what Country soever they were did triumph on that day, He greatly commended us for having our Prince in remembrance in so fare a Country. Many others did ask us, why the English men at the other house did not so: we told them, that they were no English men, but Hollanders, and that they had no King, but their Land was ruled by Governors. Some would reply again, and say they named themselves to be English men at first, and therefore they took them to be English men, but we would tell them again, they were of another Country near England, and spoke another Language, and that if they did talk with them now, they should hear they were of another Nation. The multitude of the people did admire to see so few of us deliver so much shot, for the javans and Chinees are no good shot. In the after noon I caused our men to walk abroad the Town, and the Market, whereby the people might take notice of them, and the read and white Scarves and Hatbands made such a show, that the Inhabitants of those parts had never seen the like, so that ever after that day, we were known from the Hollanders, and many times, the children in the streets would run after us, crying, Oran Engrees bayk, oran Hollanda jahad, which is, the English men are good, the Hollanders are naught. General Warwick went for Patanea, and from thence to China.  
The sixth day of December came in two ships, which some six months before he had sent thither, who coming under the Island of Mackow, found a Carrack there riding at an anchor, being full laden with raw Silks, Musk, and diverse other costly wares, ready to departed, 
A Carri●● taken.  and at that time, her men were almost all ashore, so that they took her without any resistance, or very little, they laded their two ships and the rest they set a fire, so that there was by their own report▪ twice so much burnt as they brought away. Coming back they met with a great juncke of Zion, with whom they fought and killed threescore and four men. They had some slain and hurt also, but when they had taken her, and knew her to be of Zion, they let her go again, because they had or shortly meant to sand Factors there, the Captain of the juncke was slain, who they say, when they haled him would not tell them of whence he was, and when they bade him strike, Answered that he would not for never a Sail that swam in the Sea. The Fleming's not knowing Musk sold great store to certain of japan, which they met with at Sea for little or nothing. After they had spent some forty days in Bantam, and their Mariners, some wickedly and some vainly consumed their pillage, (which was great) upon the seventeenth of january they set sail from thence, being four ships in company there. One had laded at Bantam, and one that some two months before came from China; and had spent four years out of their Country, of which time, they had been fourteen months at Cachinchina, where they at their first coming were betrayed, 
Cachinchina.  and their Captains taken Prisoners, whom they made kneel on their knees four and twenty hours, having their necks bore, and one standing with a sharp Sword ready to have strooken off their heads when the word should be given. They bore them down to be men of War and Spies, and no Merchants. These Dutchmen were Papists, wherefore in the end the Portugal Friars saved their lives, and afterwards they were kindly used, but their ransom cost them dear.  
About this time the Protector sent to me diverse times to lend him two thousand pieces of eight, and if not two thousand, a thousand, but I put him of, telling him we were left there with goods but no money. Also that the people of the Country aught us much, the which we could not get in, likewise that as yet we had bought but little Pepper, wherefore we must buy all we could to get lading against we expected our ships. 
Macaou.  The Flemings that came in so rich from Mackow, had so bribed him, that now he began to hearken to them concerning the building of a fair house.  
The sixth of February we lost one of our Company Robert Wallis, and many more of our men were seek and lame, 
Danger by heat of Pepper.  which came by the heat of the Pepper in milling and shuting it, so that ever after we were forced to hire Chines to do that work, and our own men to oversee them only.  
The sixteenth of February, came in a great ship of Zeilan from Pattany, but five or six days before her coming, she sent in a small Slup or Pinnace, willing their Factors to buy up all the Pepper they could, 
Chinois dishonesty.  which made us think that General Warwick, with all his ships was coming to lad there, wherefore we bought up all that we found to be good and merchantable. For the Chinees spoiled much with water and dirt, because the Flemings refused none, and it is of a certain, the Chinees bought one of another, and sold it to the Flemings again at the same price they bought it, and yet they would gain ten Rials of eight in a hundred sacks, by putting in water and dirt, for were it never so bad, they knew their Chapmen, and blow which way the wind would, they had shipping to come thither, either from the East or from the West, in so much that one would have thought they meant to carry away the Pepper growing on the Trees, Mountains and all. The people there hearing our Countries are cold, have asked us if we beaten Pepper in our Mortar, 
A ●●st of our buying so much Pepper.  that we plaster our wales with to make our houses warm. This ship had taken much good purchase, but they swore those Englishmen they had with them, and also charged them upon loss of their wages, they should tell us nothing, which we took very unkindly.  
There was at this time three houses of Flemings, and all lay for several accounts, and bought up Pepper every one so much as they could get. The fift of March, the Protector sent to me in the King's name to borrow a thousand Rials of eight, 
Englishmen with the Hollanders.  wherefore I was forced to lend them five hundred, or else they would have fallen out with me, the which the Flemings would have been glad to have seen.  
About this time, there came in a juncke from jore, with certain Flemings in it, who stole a-away with their goods, 
A juncke from jor.  because jore had a long time been besieged by the Portugals of Malacco, so that they of the Town could hardly look out. They said the Portugals offered the King of jore peace, upon condition he wo●ld deliver those Flemings that were there into their hands, or kill them himself, to the which the King answered, that he would first loose his Kingdom. In the beginning of this month of March, and to make an end of this old and wonderful year, 1603. we had two great fires on the other side of the water which did much spoil, 
Two great fires.  but God be thanked the wind always favoured us.  
And now to begin the new year 1604. my Pen affords to speak of little else, but Murder, Theft, 
Anno, 1604.  Wars, Fire and Treason, and first to begin with a Tragedy. We had a Malato of Pegu in our house, which our ships brought from Achen, and in the great ship that came lately from Pattania, there was one of his Country men, who on Sunday being the eight of April, had gotten a bottle of Wine, and brought it ashore to make merry with our Molato. In the afternoon, they walk abroad, met with the Provost of their ship, who bid their Molato get him aboard, but he answered he would not yet, whereupon the Provost strooke him, our Molato seeing his Countryman misused and being some what tickled in the head with wine, which he did seldom use to drink, 
Dangers by a Molato.  thought he would revenge his Countryman's quarrel, wherefore he presently came home, and the evening being come, he took a Rapier and a Target, and with his Cryse at his back went forth. And because at that time there was much quarrelling and brabbling between the javans and the Flemings, I charged our men, that if they were sent out in the evening about any business, they should take their Weapons with them, for fear some javans, that knew them not might do them a mischief in the dark, we thinking the Cook had sent him into the Market for Herbs or something which he wanted, mistrusted nothing. Also there went out with him a Slave of the Sabindars, 
Needs must he go whom ●he Devil 〈◊〉. This Story being long I have cut of●, le●t 〈◊〉 so irk ●ome quarrels caused both 〈◊〉 javans & Hollanders, the prolixity might 'cause a third from the Reader.  which was borne and brought up amongst the Spaniards at the Manelies. They meeting with the Provost, & the other Molato together, our Molato began to quarrel with the Provost, and presently out with his Cryse, and stabbed him, then fearing his Countryman would bewray him, stabbed him also, and would have slain him that went out with him, had he not run thorough a great Ditch, and so got from him, then meeting with a poor javan, and being nu●led in blood stabbed him likewise.  
There manner is, that when a javan of any account is put to death, although there be a common Executioner, yet the nearest of kin doth execute his office, and it is held the greatest favour they can do them. The Protector would have twenty Rials of eight for the javan which was slain, and the Hollanders his life. And accordingly they came with a guard of shot, the sixteenth of April, to his execution, which the Executioner performed with quickest dispatch.  
The same evening their Vice-admiral, having one ship more in company set sail for Holland. The fourteenth day Thomas Tudd, 
Thomas Tudd dyeth.  the Companies chief Factor left there for Banda who had been a long time sick departed his life, so that of seven Factors left there for this place and Banda, we were now but two living, and we had lost in all since the departure of our ships, eight men besides the Malato that was executed, and we were now ten living and one Boy. The twentieth day died jasper Gensbery, who was Admiral of the two ships that was betrayed at Cachinchina.  
The two and twentieth of April, came in a great juncke from China, 
Difficulty in Sails.  which was thought to be cast away, because she tarried so late, for they use to come in February and March, but by reason of her coming, Cashis' kept all the year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to us, in the sales of our prize goods, for when Cashis' were cheap, and Rials dear, we could not vent a piece of stuff at half the value we did at our first coming. Again, the Chinois this year sent all the Rials they could get for China, wherefore we were forced to give them credit, or else we must loose the principal time of the year for our sales. Pepper the Flemings had left none, but what was in our hands and the Sabindars, who would not cell for any reasonable price. Also our goods now began to grow old, and the colours of many sorts began to vade, for the Warehouses in that place are so hot and moist, that although men take never so much pains in airing and turning their wares, yet they will spoil any sort of Cloth which shall lie long in them.   

§. FOUR Treacherous undermine, with other occurrents.  
A Chines borne, but now turned javan, who was our next neighbour, and kept a victualling house, and brewed Aracke, which is a kind of hot drink, that is used in most of those parts of the world, in stead of Wine, had two Outhouses, where his guests did use to sit, and in the one he used to brew, which joined to our pales, on the South side of our house; but now he began another Trade, and became an Ingenor, having got eight Firebrands of hell more to him, only of purpose to set our house a fire. 
Vault- 〈◊〉 to convey away the English goods.  These nine deep workers digged a Well in one of these houses, from the bottom of which Well, they brought a Mine, quite under the foundation of our house: but when they came up to the Planks of our Warehouse, they were at a stand, but before they could make this Mine, they were forced to dig a very deep Well in their yard, to draw away the water which did abound in this Mine, and because we should mistrust nothing, they planted Tobacco, and many other herbs, hard by that Well, and would every day be watering of them: Also, we might hear them boiling of water every day, but because they were Brewers, and had many tubbs to wash and to fill, we mistrusted nothing of that ensued. When they came to these Planks afore-named, they durst not cut them, always for some of us were walking over them, both night and day. After they had waited two months, and could never found opportunity to cut the boards, they began to cast their Cerberous heads together how they should get in, but the Devil set them wrong to work, for if they had continued still, until they had come but cross the warehouse opposite against them, they had found thirty thousand Rials of eight buried in jarres, for fear of fire, 
Great danger.  and also that room was not boarded at all, so they might have come into the Warehouse, and had what they sought for. Well, one of these wicked consortship being a Smith, and brought up always to work in fire, told his fellows he would work out the planks with fire, so that we should never hear nor see him: and upon the eight and twentieth of May, about ten of the clock at night, they put to a Candle, and burned a round hole through the boards. So soon as the fire came thorough, the Mats of our Packs took fire, which presently spread, and began to burn; all this while we knew nothing, nor could perceive nothing, by reason of the closeness of the Warehouse, for all the windows were plastered up, for fear of fire overhead. After the f●rst watch was out, wherein I was one myself, the second watch smelled a strong funcke of f●re, for it was by that time much increased, but they knew not where it should be, and searched every room and corner. One remembered a Rat's hole at last, behind his Trunk, where he might plainly perceive the smoke to steam up out of the hole. Than presently he came into my Cham●●●, and told me our Cloth Warehouse was a fire, I hearing this word fire, although I was fast asleep, yet it was no need to bid me rise, neither was I long a slipping on my clotheses, but presently ran down and opened the doors, whereat came out such a strong smoke, that had almost strangled us. This smoke, by reason it had no vent, was so thick, that we could not perceive where abouts the fire was, and at that time we had two great jars of Powder standing in the Warehouse, which caused us greatly to fear being blown up; yet setting all fear aside, we plucked all things off that lay on them, which felt in our hands very hot: The Powder we got out, and carried it into our backside, than we searched boldly for the fire and found it; we lighted Candles, but the thickness of the smoke put them out, than we tied twelve great Wax Candles together, and lighted them all, which continued alight: we plucked out packs so fast as we could, but by reason of the heat and smoke which choked us, being so few as we were, could do little good upon it: wherefore we let in the Chinois; then came in as well those that had done it, as others, hoping to get some spoil. When I saw that these damned Chinois would do us little good, but rather harm, I was almost in despair, and having at that time a thousand pound in Gold, 
Hymskerke.  which I had received of General Hymskerke for Pepper, in my Chest above stairs, I ran up thinking to fetch it, and to throw it into a pond on our backside, but when I came to my Chamber door, my mind altered, and I thought I would go see once again what might be done, and coming through our Hall, I chanced to cast mine eye into our dining room, which was right over the place where the fire was, where there were Chinois that had removed the Table, and were breaking up the Bricks of the Ceiling; amongst which was our unkind neighbour, which was the principal Actor; I bid them leave and g●t them down, the which they would not, until I began to let fly amongst them: when I had driven them down, I went down after them, and desired some Merchants that stood by, with whom we had dealings, that they would urge the rest of the Chinois to help us pluck out packs, promising they should be well paid for their pains: it pleased God to put so much good in their minds, which I think, never had any before nor since, so that they fell to work of all hands, and presently the room was cleared, out of which came fifty and odd packs, whereof sixteen were on a light fire. Thus by their help the fire was quenched, which they knew, and therefore would not work any more, and the next day were paid for their work, besides what they stole.  

Discovery of knavery.  We wondered much how this fire should come, suspecting the portugals had hired Malayes to do it. But a certain Chines, a Bricklayer, which wrought at the Dutch house, in the morning, told a Fleming that had been long in the Country, that certain Chinois had done it, which now were fled, and if we looked well in the room, we should find the manner how it was done. The Dutchman told an English Surgeon what he had heard, and willed him to come and tell us, and he himself, because he was perfect in the language, would go and inquire after them. The English Surgeon came to me, and desired me he might see the room where the fire was, I presently called for a Candle, and shown him the room; he going to one corner, found a little ●ound hole, which was burned through one plank of the floor, whereat I put down a long stick which I had in my hand, but could feel no ground: then I called for an Axe, and as softly as we could, we wrinched up the plank, where under was a way, that the greatest Chest or Pack in our house might have gone down, which when I saw, as secretly as I could, I called three of our men, and went to the house from whence the Mine came, having our weapons. I set one in the door, 
javans taken.  and charged him he should let none come out, whatsoever he were, and myself with the other two went in, where in one room we found three men, there were two more in another room, who hearing us, fled out at a back door, which we knew not of before we see them; those three, after two or three blows given, we brought away, one was a dweller in the house, but the other two we could prove nothing against them: I laid them fast in Irons, and presently I sent Master Towerson to the Protector, to certify him how the case stood, and to de●re him they might be sought out, and have justice done upon them, which he promised should be done, but was very slack in performance.  

Hollanders kindness.  The Dutch Merchants hearing we had taken some, and doubting the Chynois would rise against us, came very kindly with their weapons, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel: when we had laid out those goods that had received some water to air, than we examined this party that dwelled in the house, who told us the names of six that were fled, but he would not contesse that he knew any thing of it: also he said, the other two knew nothing of the matter, neither could he tell us, as he said, whether the rest were fled. Than fearing him with an hot Iron, but not touching him, he confessed the whole manner of all, and that he did help; he said, those two outhouses were built for that purpose at the first, although they put them to other use, because we should not mistrust them: and more, that the mine was made two months before, in which time many nights before, they had been in the mine, striving to get into our house, but could not.  
We tortured him, because when we had laid down the iron, he denied all; 
Execution of a China thief▪  but being tortured, made a second confession. The next morning I sent him to execution: as he went out of our gates, the javans (who do much rejoice when they see a Chynese go to execution: as also the Chynois do, when they see a javan go to his death) reviled him, but he would answer again, saying, The Englishmen were rich, and the Chynois were poor, therefore why should they not steal from the English if they could. The next day, the Admiral took another of them, and sent him to me, who knew there was but one way with him, and therefore resolved with himself not to confess any thing to us: he was found hid in a privy, and this was he that put the fire to our house; he was a Goldsmith, and confessed to the Admiral, he had clipped many Ryalls, and also coined some sergeant: some things he confessed to him concerning our matter, but not much, but he would tell us nothing. Wherhfore because of his sullenness, and that it was he that f●red us, I caused him to be burned under the nails of his Thumbs, Fingers and Toes, with sharp hot irons, and the nails to be torn off, and because he never blinshed at that, 
Cruel torturing.  we thought that his hands and legs had been numbed with tying, wherefore we burned him in the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but all was one with him: then we burned him quite through the hands, and with rasphes of iron tore out the flesh and sinews. After that I caused them to knock the edges of his shinbones with hot fearing irons. 
A dissolute resolution.  Than I caused cold screws of iron to be screwed into the bones of his arms, and suddenly to be snatched out: after that all the bones of his fingers and toes to be broken with pincers; yet for all this he never shed tear, not nor once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand nor foot; but when we demanded any question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and strike his chin upon his knees to bite it off. When all the extremity we could use was but in vain, I caused him to be put fast in irons again, where the Amits or Aunts, which do greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and tormented him worse than we had done, as we might well see by his gesture. The King's Officers desired me he might be shot to death; I told them that was too good a death for such a villain, and said more, That in our Countries if a Gentleman, or a Soldier had committed a iact worthy of death, than he was shot to death, and yet he was befriended too, but they do hold it to be the cruelest and basest death that is. Wherhfore they being very importunate, in the evening we lead him into the fields, and made him fast to a stake: the first shot carried away a piece of his arm, bone and all; 
Execution.  the next shot struck him through the Breast up near to the shoulder, than he holding down his head, looked upon the wound: The third shot that was made, one of our men had cut a b●llet in three parts, which stroke upon his Breast in a triangle, whereat he fell down as low as the stake would give him leave; but between our Men and the Flemings, they shot him almost all to pieces before they left him. Now in this time the Admiral, and the Sabyndar sent us a guard of men every night, for fear the Chynois would rise against us, but we feared it not, yet we kept four of their men to be witnesses, that whatsoever we did, if they should rise, was but in our own defence. The other two I set free.  
Another of them I obtained by a bribe, who confessed his associates, viz. Vniete the chief, Sawman his partner that dwelled in the house with him, Hynting, Omigpayo, Hewsameow, Vtee, which was shortly after crysed for lying with a woman, himself Boyhy, Irrow, and Lackow, which were fled to jackatra: the which Irrow and Lackow I had never heard of before, I made all the means I could to get them, but I could not except I would have been at exceeding great charges, and there were others that belonged to some javans, which were great men, and getting into their houses, we could not get them: some of them did offer them to s●ll to us, and we did beaten the price as one would do about an Ox or a Calf but they held them so dear, that I durst not deal with them: I proffered them as much for every one, as they might buy them another slave in their rooms, and some benefit, but they were so fit instruments for their purpose, being practised in all villainy, that they would not part with them without a great sum. For all the javans and Chynies▪ from the highest to the lowest are all villains, 
All the people ●aught.  and have not one spark of grace in them; and if it were not for the Sabindar, the Admiral and one or two more, which are Clyn-men borne, there were no living for a Christian amongst them, without a Fort, or very strong house all of brick or stone. This Boyhoy we tortured not, because of his confession, but crysed him.  
Amongst all other of the devil's Instruments here upon earth, there was one of the King's blood, 
A noble villain  called Panggran man delicke, who kept one of those nine villains in his house. One day he coming to our house to buy cloth, we desired him he would deliver this f●llow into our hands, promising him that we would 'cause our General to give him thanks, and told him how good it would be for the Country, to root out such villains as they were▪ he answered again, That we should tell them so, that had the government of the Country in their hands, or cared for the good of the Country, for he did not. Some three or four days he came to our house again, and would have had me given him credit for six or seven hundred Rials of eight in cloth, but because he was a man not to be trusted, I excused the matter, saying, That I looked every day for our Ships, and that I could deliver no goods, but I must have Pepper presently, whereby I might have lading ready. After he had been very earnest, and saw he could not prevail, he went out very angry, and being at our gate, he looked back upon our house, and said, It was pity but it should be burnt again. Also he would have had a Chynese that we had some dealings with, to have helped to some Chynois that dwelled near us, to undertake the firing of our house again. He being a man generally hated of all for cruelty that he had done, the Chynois told us what he said: wherefore I would presently have gone to the Court to have complained of him; but many wished me not to do so: 
Miserable government.  for they said, He was a desperate villain, and cared neither for King nor Protector, but if we brought him to that open shame, he would do us a mischief whatsoever came of it: and I saw it, for the King and the Governor, had sent to him often times, to deliver us that fellow he had, but he cared not for them. Shortly after, we had many shrewd attempts to have fired our house: for the town was fired in three places at one instant in the night, a little to windward of our house, 

Often treacheries.  
A woman stolen.   and twice another night, but God blessed our industry and preserved us.  
Amongst all these sorrowful and troublesome discourses, it happened that a certain Chynois which dwelled hard under our pales, did steal away another Chynies wife, and being hardly pursued by her husband, they had no means to shifted her away, but to put her over the pales into our ground. And at that time we having newly shot much Pepper into our Warehouse, which was so extreme hot, 
The heat of Pepper in those parts.  that we were forced to keep the door open night and day, having always a regard to it in the night: This being a fit place for her to hide her in; got behind the door, so fare as she could stand for heat, and her husband would have sought all java and China, before he would or durst come thither to seek. In the night after our watch was set, one of our Company went into our backside, the which place we did very much frequent night and day; but as he was coming back, and being a little star light, he saw the woman stand in the Pepper house door, who came forth to take breath, for she had been better to have been in the stoves so long: he presenly swore, A woman: I ran down, and caused her to be searched and examined presently; 
A merry jest.  She told us that her husband would have beaten her, wherefore she was forced to climb over our pales, and to hide herself.  
It is an ordinary thing for the Chines to beat their Wives, especially she being a Cuchinchyne woman, which had no friends in Town, for the javans will hardly suffer them to beaten their women; wherefore now having searched and secured every place, I thought it would prove but some such jest. The next morning her husband came, who falling down on his marie-bones, desired me to be good unto him, for I having so lately tortured some Chines, he thought I would torture him: But in my conscience he needed no more plague or punishment then such a Wife, wherefore I presently dismissed them both.  
The Protector, a little before had given us, all the houses and ground which joined to our pales, and belonged to those Chynois, which undermined our house, but although it were given, yet I think, there was never Englishman paid so dear for so little ground, in any Country in the world: the houses were rotten, but the ground did us great pleasure. We bought also a house of a Pangran, or Gentleman, which came so near our Pepper-house door, that it was very troublesome to us, when we should carry in or out our Pepper, wherefore I bought that house with the ground, so that now we had a very spacious yard.  
The ninth of September, the Protector sent a Proclamation, that no Chines should weigh any Pepper to the strangers, meaning the English and the Hollanders: the which Proclamation was procured by the Hollanders, and we knew it very well, for the same day they dined with us, and at dinner they told us, the Protector owed them ten thousand sacks of Pepper, but I told them that was not so, 
The old Queen.  for they would never be such fools to trust him so much. The next morning, I went to the old woman, who commands the Protector, and all the rest, and indeed is called Queen of the Land by the Sabindar, and diverse others, although she be not of the King's blood, but only for her wisdom, is held in such estimation amongst them of all sorts, that she ruleth, as if she were solely Queen of that Country. After we had made our griefs known to her, she presently sent for the Protector, willing us to talk with him before her: when he came, I demanded of him, for what cause he had forbidden us to Trade; he answered, he must buy ten thousand sacks of Pepper for the King, I told him again, that the Flemings themselves told me, that the Pepper he would buy was for them, and that he owed them ten thousand sacks. Many shifts he used, but the Queen our constant friend said, he should not hurt us. For the Hollanders, when they saw they could get no trading with the people for Pepper, than they delivered the Protector money, and wrought with him, as I have before rehearsed: and if we had had but ten thousand Rials of eight, more than we had, the Flemings should have got little Pepper that year in Bantam. It is most certain, they are very much hated there, and what they do or procure, is for fear of their shipping, wherein they do abound in all those parts. The twelfth of September, the Protector sent Rials up and down amongst those that were dealers in Pepper. In the King's Name, some to serve him an hundred sacks, some fifty sacks, some ten, some five, as it were a begging, and indeed he took it up at the King's price, which was 1/●. a Rial in a sack less than we paid. The Chines with much grudging served him, a while after he set a tax upon them to serve him so much more; then the Chines railed upon the Protector, and the Hollanders both, and many of them would not receive their Money, but the Officers would throw it down in their houses, and take their names.  
The fifteenth of September, by means of an old Trot, which was making of Candles, the Town was set on fire, the which consumed all the upper work of our three houses, 
The Town fired.  to our exceeding great danger, cost and trouble: The Sabindar came to us in the tumult, also the Admiral, who had charge of the Court, in the Kings and Governor's absence, then in progress, sent us a great train of his principal men; likewise, one of the King's Uncles came to us with a great number, and also the rich China, with a very great crew. All these came to see that no body should offer us any violence, for they knew well we had enemies of great force, but not for our sakes, but for our goods. Now we were laid open to all our enemies, for our fence for the most part was burnt to the ground, and we had not a place to dress our victuals in, yet as good fortune was, we had one little shed in the middle of our yard, which was our Court of Guard, that escaped, where we encamped by night. The Dutch house escaped, 
Dutch enemies in trade, otherwise friends.  though but narrowly, wherefore we borrowed some of their men▪ For it is to be noted, that though we were mortal enemies in our Trade, yet in all other matters we were friends, and would have lived and died one for the other. Also the Admiral and Sabindar sent us men every night, so that we with our Drum, Shot, and Pikes, lived a Soldier's life, until our fence was made up, and afterwards too. For this was but to show us the way, and our fence was no sooner up, but we looked every hour when it should be burnt down, or borne down by those that would have had the cutting of our throats.  
The Pangran Mandelicko in the end of September, fell to robbing of juncks, one of which was of jore, laden with Rice, Men and Women: with a great crew of villains, his Slaves, he seized on the juncke in the night, and carried away all the Rice, with the Men and Women as his prisoners. The which was the next way to keep away all other juncks, which used to bring victuals to the Town, whereby to starve them all, for that land is not able to serve one quarter of the people that are in it. The King and his Protector sent to him, 
Anarchy worse than tyranny. Many tyrants worse than one.  commanding him to deliver the people and goods which he had taken, the which he would not, but presently fortified himself. Also the rest of the Pangranes that were of the King's blood, and his, but being all traitors to the King, maintained him; so that the King's Officers durst not meddle with him. The Protector, Sabindar, and Admiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, the Rebels grew every day stronger and stronger, and all the people in the Country, and also strangers began to be in great fear. I was forced to borrow some small Ordnance of China Merchants, which were our friends, and with Chains and Bushes to fortify ourselves, and our men were beside every day, a making of Chain-shot, Langrall-shot, and Crosse-barre-shot. 
Dangerous Rebels.  All Trade of Merchandise was laid aside, neither did any in the Town look after buying and selling: And every day, we should have the Rebels espyals would come into our yard, who would be very inquisitive, what, and wherefore those were, which our men were all so hard at work upon, we would plainly tell them, that we looked every night for such a man's coming, wherefore we made provision for his entertainment.  
About the twentieth of October, came in the King of jacatra, 
King of jacatra  with a crew of fifteen hundred fight men, besides stragglers, and had a thousand more coming after. He challenged the Rebels, and likewise the Pangranes to fight with him and his Company only: he had indeed a a great quarrel against them all, for but a little before, they sought means to put him out of his Kingdom, but the Rebels keep their fortification, and would not come out. The six and twentieth of October, the King of jacatra, and the Admiral sent for us, to know if there were no means to fire them a reasonable distance off, out of the reach of their Baces, of which they had a great number. We told them if there had been a ship in the Road, it might easily have been done, but for us to do it, we thought we should hardly found things wherewithal. The Admiral asked me what things we would have, I told him Camphire, Saltpetre and Brimstone; as for some things we had already. The Admiral said he would help us to all these, and desired us we would help them: also he had a long Bow and Arrows, fit for such a purpose, but I think a Musket had been better. We were minded to have caused the King's Ordnance to have been planted, and to have shot read hot Bullets amongst them, which I think would have made perilous work, both with them and their Thatched houses, and fortifications made of Canes. The principal Rebel had fought all the means he could to fire us, now we meant verily to see if we could fire him: but whether it was for fear of the King of jacatra, or hearing we were about such a matter: The Pangranes and the Rebels, both came to an agreement within two days after, the which agreement was this, 
Agreement.  that the principal Rebel should within six days departed out of the King of Bantams Dominion, having with him only thirty of his household, the which he did. For the space of ten days, we looked every hour, both night and day when the King's Forces and the Pangranes would join battle, for they were both ready: 
Slaves cause of not fight  but the javans are very loath to fight if they can choose; the reason they say is, their wealth lieth altogether in Slaves, so that if there Slaves be killed, they are beggared, wherefore they had always rather come to a set-feast, than a pitched Battle.  

The Queen renowned after her death.  The seventeenth day of November, which we took to be our Coronation day, and having all our Pieces and Chambers lying laden since the troubles, we invited the Flemings to Dinner, in the middle of Dinner we drank a Health to our Queen, and also shot off all our Ordnance.  
There resort to this Town of Bantam a number of many Nations, the which diverse of them are Leigers. 
Fame of the English.  These people having heard much fame of the English Nation in times past, before ever they saw any of us, had an especial eye to our carriage and behaviour, and we were grown a common admiration amongst them all, that we being so few should carry such a port as we did, never putting up the lest wrong that was offered by either javans or Chinees, but always did justice ourselves, and when the Protector did wrong us himself, it was known that we did not spare to tell him of it sound, and in such sort that he wanted very much of his william. It is well known also, 
English resolution admired.  that at the first coming of our ships, the javans offered us much wrong, in purloining our goods, but so many as we took, were either slain, wounded, or sound beaten: the javans thought we durst not do so, when our ships were gone, wherefore they did practise to steal both day and night, but they found it all one, the which they did admire at, for it is most certain, and I have heard many Strangers speak it, that have been present when we have beaten some javans that they never knew or heard of any Nation but us, that were Leigers there, that durst once strike a javan in Bantam, and it was a common talk among all Strangers and others, how we stood at defiance with those that hated us for our goods, and how little we cared for them. Likewise, how we never offered any wrong to the meanest in the Town, and also how we were generally beloved of all the better sort: 
Hollanders hated.  they would say, it was not so with the Flemings, nor with no other Nation. And all the while I was there, I never heard, that ever the Flemings gave a javan so much as a box on the ear, but many times fowl of the Chinees, who will very seldom make any resistance, yet it is of truth, they are mortally hated, aswell of all sorts of javans, as Chinees.  
Now every day they looked for their shipping, and having little Pepper, nor knew not where to buy any, for the Chinees would cell them none, so long as we would give as much as they. And more than that; for when all our Rials was laid out, some of them sold us Pepper to be paid when our ships came, not▪ knowing when they would come, nor we neither at that time, but as we guessed. If they would have gone to the Flemings, they might have had ready money, and great thanks. They therefore bought what they could by retail in the Markets, sending it to a Chineses house by Boat in the evening, 
Chino●● fraud.  but the charge consumed the gain.  
About this present time, the Emperor of Damack, who not many years before for tyranny had been deposed by the Kings teereabouts, going by Sea from Bantam, to another Town upon the Coast, was by one of his sons stabbed in his Bed sleeping.  
The Chineses will mingle usually their Pepper in the night if you leave it with them, or put in dust, or transport it, and we should be sure to found that which we had not liked, at one mans yesterday, now in another man's house, a good distance off, and the next night after at another house, as who should say, it was another parcel, and the old Warehouse where it lay first should be shut, or a parcel of better Pepper in it.  

First news of Q. Eliz. death.  In November, and the beginning of December, we were busied both in building and getting in, and making clean of Pepper, the fourteenth of December, came in a Dutch Pinnace, who told us of the death of our late Queen, and of the great Plague and Sickness, that had been over all Christendom, which strooke more terror to our minds, than all the troubles we had passed, but they could tell us no news of our ships, which caused us much to doubt, only they told us, the King of Scots was crowned, and that our Land was in peace, which was exceeding great comfort unto us, also they told us of the peace that was likely to be betwixt England and Spain. In all the Dutch Fleet, and because we heard of no Letters for us in the Pinnace, I made haste, and went aboard the Dutch Admiral to bid him welcome, also to inquire for Letters, the which we found in their Vice-admiral. The two and twentieth of December, by means of some of our friends, 
Principal Miner taken.  Vniete that was the principal that undermined our house, being descried and taken, having been long in the Mountains, and for want of food, was forced to repair to certain houses near the Town, from whence he was brought to the rich Chinas' house, so soon as I heard of him, I sent Master Tewerson to the Protector to certify him of it, and withal to tell him, we would shortly execute him, for since the time that this mischief happened, I never went out of sight of our house myself, but once, until our ships came in, the which once was when the Protector crossed us, so that then I was constrained, and my fear was so great, that I thought all would be burnt, before I should come back again, likewise three times every week, I used to search all the Chinees houses round about us, for fear of more undermining.   

§. V General Middleton's arrival, the sickness and death of many. Quarrels 'twixt Ours and the Hollanders, begun by Captain Severson, a Dutchman, and the King of Bantams circumcision, and pompous Triumphs.  
THE same day towards Evening, we descried our Ships coming into the Road, 
English shipping ●ome, and their weakness.  to all our extraordinary great joys; but when we came aboard of our Admiral, and saw their weakness, also hearing of the weakness of the other three ships, it grieved us much, knowing that Bantam is not a place to recover men that are sick, 
Bantam unhealthful. Henry Middleton General.  but rather to kill men that come thither in health. At my first coming aboard, I found our General, Captain Henry Middleton, very sickly and weak; to whom I made relation in brief what troubles we had passed; also I certified him nevertheless, we had lading ready for two ships, which was some content unto his mind, very much grieved for the weakness of his men. They had hardly fifty sound men in their four ships, and of the sick men a number died. Also of those that came thither in health, many never went out of the Road.  
The four and twentieth day, our Vice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst came a shore, with some other Merchants▪ on which day we executed this Villain which we had lately taken. 
Captain Colthrust.  Having now slain the fourth principal, and one more was killed for stealing of a woman: at my coming away there remained four alive, of which, two were at jacatra, one with Mandelicko the traitor, and one with Cay Sanapatty Lama, which we could not as then come by. The same day, our Vice-admiral being accompanied with us there resident before, and also some other of the new Merchants, went to the Court to certify the King, 
Letters from King james.  that our General had Letters from the King of England, with a present for him, and more to tell him our General was weary, having been long upon the Seas, and so soon as he was a little refreshed, he would come himself to see him, and also to deliver the Letters, and the Present.  
The five and twentieth, being Christmas day, we dined aboard our General: but I should have spoken before of a Counsel that was hol●en on Sunday, being the three and twentieth day, wherein it was thought of all, that the Dragon, 
Dragon sent to the Moluccos.  and the Ascension were fittest to go for the Moluccos, for diverse reasons which need not here be rehearsed; and the Hector, and Susan to lad Pepper, and to be dispatched home. And the same week after, we were busied in getting of fresh victuals, Herbs, Fruits, and Flowers, for the recovery of our men, 
Men sick of the Scorbute.  which were most pitifully paid with the Scurvy.  
The one and thirtieth day, our General came on shore, and being accompanied withal the Merchants that were in health, and diverse others, he went to the Court, and delivered the King's Letters and Present, the which were as followeth: One fair Basin and Ewer, 
Present to the King.  two fair standing Cups, all parcell-gilt, one gilt spoon, and six Muskets with their furniture: the which were kindly received. A day or two after our General spent in visiting our chiefest friends, as the Sabindar, the Admiral, the rich Chynois, and also gave them Presents, who very thankfully received them. After this, we fell all to work, both ashore and aboard, to pack up, and take in goods for the Moluccos: but after our men were a little recovered of the Scurvy, 
Flux succeeded the Scorbute.  the Flux took them, so that we continued still very weak in men, in so much, that it was impossible in man's judgement, that ever we should be able to accomplish our business in that manner.  
On Monday, being the seventh of january, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall Ships, besides Pinnaces and Slupes, set sail for Amboyna, and the Moluccos, so that we rested very doubtful a long time, whether our ships should get any lading in those parts that year, by reason of their number of shipping which was gone before ours. Neither could our Ships possibly go sooner, by means of our weakness.  
The tenth of january, the ships that were bound home, began to take in Pepper, but they were so oppressed with sickness, that they could make no dispatch. The eighteenth day, 
Much sickness.  our ships having taken in all the goods which we thought meet for those parts, set sail for the Lands of Banda, having their men for the most part extreme weak and sick: 
The Ascension sent to Banda.  but how they spent their time until their return to Bantam, I must refer to their own reports. Presently after the departure of these ships, the protector sent unto us to agreed about Custom, the which we had thought we had known since our first shipping departed, but he asked many duties, which we never heard of before, & because I would not grant to pay them, he commanded the Porters they should carry no Pepper: wherefore to prevent that this should not be a hindrance to us in lading our ships (for we had hindrance enough besides) I was forced to agreed with him, to pay in hand according to that rate as our ships paid before, and to let the full agreement rest until the return of our General, and he thought he did us great kindness herein. 
Death of many  It pleased God to take away the two Masters of these two ships which we were now a lading, Samuel Spencer, Master of the Hector, and Habbakuck Pery, Master of the Susan. Also William Smith, the principal Master's mate of the Hector, and soon after Captain Sty●es, with many other of their principal men, with a number of their ordinary sailors, so that we were not only constrained to hire men to do them all the ease we could there, but likewise to hire so many as we could get of Goosserates and Chynois to help bring home our ships, to our exceeding great cost and charges. With much turmoil, we got them both laden, by the sixteenth of February, but it was the fourth of March, before they could make their ships ready to set sail.  
The fourth of March, the Hector and Susan set sail for England, having sixty three persons in the Hector of all sorts, 
Hector and Susan ●ent for England.  English and others, but many of her own men being sick. The Susan so near as I could learn, had forty seven of all sorts: also many Englishmen sick, I pray God sand us good newe● of her, William Crane being Master of the Hector, and Richard Hacknesse, Master of the Susan.  

A Holland ship.  The sixth of May, came in a ship from Holland, who had come all along by the Coast of Goa, and meeting there with two ships more of Holland, which were bound out for Cambaya, they three had taken four Portugal ships, wherein they found great riches, only one of them was laden with great horses, which they set on fire, and consumed both ship and horses. This ship came out of Holland in june, 1604. but they could certify us of no further news, than our own ships had done. 
Captain Syverson first caus● of breach betwixt Hollanders and English.  Their Captain's name was Cornelius Syverson, who was a very proud Boor, and had neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity, presently after whose coming in, the Flemings withdrew their familiarity, which they were wont to hold with us, and that as we thought, by General Warwick's charge to them.  
But now I will leave this contemner of courtesy and hater of our Nation, with his rascal crew which he brought with him, and speak somewhat of the manner and order of the King's Circumcision, and of the Trumphes that were held there every day, for the space of a month and more before his going to Church, whereby all the better sort of that Country had been busied, from the time of the coming in of the China juncks, which is in February and March, until the four and twentieth of june, 
Circumcision of the King of Bantam.  about making preparation. There was a great Pageant made, the forepart of which was in likeness of an huge devil, upon this Pageant was set three chairs of State, the middlemost was for the King, which was placed higher than the other by some two foot, on either of his hands were placed the sons of Pangran Goban, who is heir apparent to the Crown, if the King should die without issue. This Pageant was placed on a green before the Court gate, and railed in round about. The manner of their Country is, that when any King comes newly to the Crown, or at the Circumcision of their King, all that are of ability must give the King a present, the which they must present in open manner, with the greatest show they are able to make. And those that are not able to do it of themselves, do join a Company of them together, and so perform it, both strangers and others. About the five and twentieth of june, these shows began, and continued all that month, and the next, except certain rainy days. The Protector began himself the first day, and every Noble man, and others had their days, not as they were in birth, but in readiness, and sometimes two or three Companies in a day. Because the javans are no good shot, the Protector borrowed shot both of us and the Flemings; when they came to set forth, there was a great strife whether should go fore-most, they contemning our paucity, and ours their sordidness. Our men were in neat apparel, with scarves and coloured hatbands; they in thr●mbed greasy caps, tarred coats, and their shirts (if they had any) hanging betwixt their legs. Ours went therefore in the rearward, refusing to follow next after the Flemings.  
Every morning the King's guard, which were both shot and pikes, were placed without the rails round about the Pageant, being commonly in number, about three hundred men: but some principal days of shows, there was upward of six hundred, the which were placed in files according to our martial discipline. 
The difference 'twixt us and javans, in military matters.  But in our march we do much differ: for whereas we commonly march, three, five, seven, or nine, they never go but one, and so follow one another so close as they can, bearing their pikes right upright. As for shot they have not been used unto. Their drums are huge pans made of a mettle called Tombaga, which make a most hellish sound. They have also their Colours and Companies suitable, but their Standards and Ancients are not like ours: their Ancient staff is very high, bending compass at the top, like the end of a long Bow, but the Colours on it is har●ly a yard in breadth, hanging down from the top with a long pendant. The first day being the greatest day of show, there were certain forts made of Canes, and other trash, set up before the King's Pageant, wherein were certain javans placed to defend them, and other companies were appointed to assault them, and many times the assailants would fire them: but still when the javans were at it in jest with their pikes, our men and the Flemings were at it in earnest with their shot, and were forced to march apart. The Protector perceiving it, sent to them, desiring both parties to be quiet, whereupon they were quiet for that day. The next time we saw their Merchants, which was that Evening, I asked one of them if he thought Holland now were able to wage war with England, that there should be such equality between their men and ours, to strive who should go foremost? And likewise we told them all, that if Englishmen had not once gone before, their Nation might have gone behind all Nations of Christendom long ago: but they would answer that times and seasons do change, 

Dutch ingratitude & Pride in many 〈◊〉 this business of the Dutch as the fault is not (I hope) Nationall but Per●onall, I have mollified t●e Authors style, and left out some harsher censures, ●eat● Pacifi●●.  
The King's triumphal pomp. The shot. Music. Targeteers & Darts.  
Trees, Beasts, and Fowls.   and without doubt the greater multitude of them here, do hold themselves able to withstand any Nation in the world: but I can say nothing of the opinion of their States at home, and of the wiser sort.  
Now a word or two in what manner the King was brought out every day, and what shows were presented before him: Always a little afore the shows came, the King was brought out upon a man's shoulders, bestriding his neck, and the man holding his legs before him, and had many rich ty● asoles carried over and round about him: his principal Guard came out before him, and were placed within the rails, round about the Pageant. After the King came out, a number of the principal of the land, which gave their attendance upon the King, as it should seem, they had their days and times appointed them. The shows that were brought, came in in this manner: First, a crew of shot being led by some Gentleman-slave, after followed the pikes, in the middle of which was carried their colours, and also their music, which was ten or twelve pans of Tombaga, carried upon a coulstaffe between two; these were tuneable, and every one a note above another, and always two went by them which were skilful in their Country music, and played on them having things in their hands of purpose to strike them, also they had another kind of music which went both afore and after, but these pans are the principal. After the pikes followed a crew of Targeteers with darts, than was brought in many sorts of trees, with their fruit growing upon them, than followed many sorts of beasts and fowls both alive, and also artificially made, that except one had been near, they were not to be discerned from those that were alive.  
After these followed a crew attired like Maskers, which before the King did dance, vault, 
Dancers and Tumblers.  and show many strange kind of tumbling tricks, of these there were both men and women. After all these, followed sometimes two hundred, sometimes three hundred women, all carrying Presents only at every tenth woman, there went an old motherly woman Soldier to keep them in order, which carried nothing. These Presents were of Rice and Cashes, 
Presents.  the which were laid in frames made of split Canes curiously set out for show, with painted and gilded papers, but the present itself was not commonly worth above twelve pence or thereabouts. After them followed the rich presents, which was commonly a fair Tuck, and some fairer Cloth of their Country fashion, being curiously wrought and guilded, or embroidered with Gold for the Kings own wearing, the which was carried also by women having two Pikes borne upright before them. Also every present which was for the Kings wearing, had a rich Tierasoll borne over it. Last of all followed the Heir to that party which sent the presents, which is their youngest son, 
Youngest Son Heir.  if they have any, being very richly attired after their Country manner, with many jewels about their arms and middles, of Gold, Diamonds, Rubies, and other stones, having also rich Tierasoles borne over them, and a number of men and women attending on them; after he hath done his obeisance to the King, he sits down upon a Mat being laid upon the ground, which is their order in general, the presents are all borne by the King's Pageant into the Court, where there are some Officers appointed to receive them. After all which passed, one within the King's Pageant, speaks out of the Devil's mouth, and commands silence in the King's name, Than begins the chiefest of the Revels and Music, and now and then the shot discharges a Volley. 
Revels.  Also the Pikemen and Targeteers with Darts doth show all their feats of Arms: their shot is very unskilful, but the Pikes and Targets are very expert, and always when they come to charge their Enemy, they come towards him dancing, because his Adversary should have no steady aim to throw his Dart, or make a thrust at him. Likewise amongst some of these shows there came junckes sailing, artificially made, being laden with Cashes and Rice. 
junckes and Iunca●cs.  Also in these were significations of Historical matters of former times, both of the Old Testament, and of Chronicle matters of the Country, and Kings of java. All these Inventions the javans have been taught in former times by the Chinees, or at lest the most part of them; 
Histories.  for they themselves are but Blockheads, and some they have learned by Goossarats, Turks, and other Nations which come thither to trade.  
We brought a very fair pomegranate Tree being full of fruit growing on it, both ripe, half ripe, some young, and some b●dded: this Tree we digged up by the roots, 
English Present.  which we set in a frame being made or Ratanes, or Carrack Rushes, somewhat like a B●rds Cage, but very wide. At the root of this Tree we placed earth, and upon that green Turfs, 
Coneys, Rarities in java.  so that it stood as if it had been still growing; upon these Turfs we put three Siluer-hayred Coneys, which our Vice-admiral had given me, and at the top, and round about upon the boughs, we with small threads made fast a number of small Birds, which would ever be chirping. Likewise, we had four very furious Serpents, which the Chinees there can make artificially, upon these we hung the Cloth which was for the Kings own wearing, which were five pieces curiously wrought, and guilded after their fashion. Some other pieces of Stuffe there were also for the King to bestow upon some of his followers. Moore we gave him a fair Peternell damasked, and a Case of Pistols damasked, with very fairer Cases severally belonging to them, the which had great silk strings, with Tassels of Gold. Now we had no women to carry these things, wherefore we borrowed thirty of the prettyest Boys we could get, and also two proper tall javans to bear Pikes before them. Master Towerson had a very pretty Boy, a Chinees son, whose Father was a little before slain by Thiefs: this youth we attired as gallant as the King, whom we sent to present these things, and to make a speech to the King, signifying to him, that if our number had been equal to our good wills, we would have presented his Majesty with a fare better show.  
The King and diverse others about him took great delight in the Coneys. Also our men carried some Fireworks with them, 
Fireworks.  which were very rare matters to the young King and his playfellows, but the women cried out, for fear they would set the Court a fire.  

Hollanders Vanities.  The Flemings gave a present which they can easily brag off, small matters, they do not spare to brag very much of their King, meaning Grave Maurice, whom they call in all these parts at every word Raia Hollanda. Much quarrel arose betwixt our men and them, the Flemings in drink still beginning and bra●ing, and usually getting the worst. I had much to do to restrain our men, which yet was necessary considering we had a great charge of goods, the charge of which lay upon me. Also we were but badly housed, and in a dangerous Country, likewise if we gave them blows, it was likely, a number of them would come upon us: we being but few could not defend ourselves without shedding of blood, the which would require revenge. They were above a hundred men in the House, Ship, and Flyboat, which (no doubt) would have come upon us having such an occasion, and we but thirteen in a Straw-house.  

King of jacatras' pomp & homage.  The eighteenth of july, the King of jacatra came in to present his show before the King of Bantam, also to give his present, and to do his homage, the which was performed the three and twentieth of july in this manner. In the morning early, the King of Bantams Guard (which was on this day an extraordinary number) were placed in files, their Pikes set upright in the ground, and their shot lying in order, and every man sitting by his Arms, being clothed in read Coats. About eight of clock myself with some other of our Merchants and men went to see this show, and taking up our standing near the King's Pageant, the King's Guard would often bid us sit down, but we would answer, they must first bring us a form: for indeed there is no Nation suffered to stand in the Kings or any great man's presence, if they be near them. We and the Flemings were commanded by the Officers to sit down, as well as the rest, but we were too stout (knowing they had no such Commission) to stoop under their yoke: 
Standing a token of honour, sitting of submission; contrary to our Customs.  but for other Nations they would bang them if they refused, although the ground and place where they should sit were never so dirty. But the javans, who cannot endure to have any stand over them, would remove a good distance from us, and many of the King's Guard forsook their Weapons, and would go sit afar off, neither can they endure that one should lay his hand on their head, the which is not for any point of Religion, as some will affirm, but only of mere Pride. Many times, when I have come into a Chinees house, where javans have set in the floor, I sitting down on a Chest, as our order was, they have all start up, and ran out at doors: the Chinees would tell us, if any other Nation should do so, but we or the Hollanders, they would stab them, but they durst not meddle with us.  
But now to my former matter. About nine a clock the King was brought out in the same manner, as I before have mentioned, some two hours after the King of jacatra came, having a guard of some hundred persons about him: so soon as ever he came in sight, the King's Guard all rose up, and every man proved his Weapon, the which we had never seen before when any show came in, so that it should seem that there was great fear, not that the King of jacatra would offer any violence, but there was a number of other petty Kings, who had great troops of men, 
Many petty Kings.  the which Kings were his mortal Enemies, wherefore fearing they might rise against him, we plainly perceived the King of Bantams Guard, had their charge to be ready to defend the King of jacatra, if such a matter should happen. When he came near the innermost file of the King's Guard, he could not pass to the King but he must needs go thorough a rank of these petty Kings, 
Cowardly sta●s.  whom he knew did most deadly hate him, wherefore fearing the cowardly stab, which is used amongst that Nation, he began to look very ghastly, and wildly on it, although he is as stout a man▪ as any is in all those parts: pass them he would not, but sat down, upon a Leather that was laid on the ground, the which every Gentleman hath carried after him for that purpose. So soon as he was set, he sent to the King, to know if it were his pleasure, he should come unto him, whereupon the King sent two of the principal Noblemen about him, to conduct him to his presence, and after the King of jacatra had done his obeisance, the young King embraced him, and welcomed him according to the Country order: after this the King of jacatra sat down in a place appointed for him. All this while there was some other pretty shows presented.  
About twelve a clock came his show and presents. The Soldiers came in order as I have before declared, 
King of Iaca●raes Presents.  being about three hundred in number, than followed so many women with Cashes and strange Fowls both alive and artificial, and likewise many strange beasts; amongst which was one furious beast called by them a Matchan. This beast is somewhat bigger than a Lion, and very Princely to behold if they be at liberty, they are spotted white and read, having many black streaks which came down from the reins of his back under his belly. I have seen one of them jump at the lest eighteen foot, by many men's estimation for his prey. 
Matchan a fierce wild beast.  They do kill many people near the Town of Bantam, and many times the King and all the Country, goeth a hunting of them, not only in the day time, but in the night. This Matchan, which I now spoke of, was in a great Cage of wood, which was placed upon Trucks of old carriages, and being drawn in with Buffels, he lay for all the world like a Traitor upon a hurdle. There was drawn in like manner a huge Giant, which by our estimation, might be some thirty foot in height: also a Devil came in, in like order: 
A huge Giant and a devil. A garden and fish pond.  more there was drawn in a Garden having many sorts of herbs and flowers in it. In the middle of which Garden, was a Fishpond, wherein was diverse sorts of small Fishes, and all sorts of Fishes which they do know in those parts, were brought in either alive, or artificially made. Amongst these things, came in many Maskers, 
Maskers and Tumblers.  Vawters, Tumblers, very strangely, and saluagiously attired, which did dance and show many strange feats before the King. There was drawn in likewise a very fair bedstead, whereon was a fair quilted bed: also eleven bolsters and pillows of Silk, embroidered with Gold at the ends. The posts of the bedstead were very curiously carved and gilded, with a fair Canopy wrought with Gold: A number of other pretty toys, were brought in and presented. Last of all, came in his youngest son, riding on a Chariot, but it was drawn with Buffels, 
A Chariot drawn by Buffles. Horses few & not used to draw.  which me thought was very unseemly. Indeed they have but few horses, the which are small Nags. I never saw any of them put to draw, but only to ride on, and to run at Tilt, after the Barbary fashion (as I have heard some Barbary Merchants say) which exercise they use every Saturday towards Evening, except in their time of Lent, which is a little before ours.  
The second day after this show was presented, being Friday, and their Sabbath, the King was carried on his Pageant to Church, where he was circumcised. 
King of Bantam circumcised.  His Pageant was borne by many men, it was reported to me by the King's Nurse, four hundred: but I think she lied, for me thought there could not stand so many under it.  
The four and twentieth of july, our General came into the Road from Ternata: 
The General's return from Ternata.  so soon as we discerned the ship, and knew her to be the Dragon, I took a Praw and went aboard to bid him welcome, who declared to me the dangers they had passed, and also of the unkind dealings which he had of the Hollanders, albeit he saved some of their lives. Nevertheless, he told me he had (though with great pains and turmoil) gotten a good quantity of Cloves towards his lading, the which was good news to us, wherefore we gave God hearty thanks for all, especially that he had brought him thither again in safety, not doubting but within short time, we should be able to furnish him with the rest of his lading. The eight and twentieth day, came in the great Encusen of Holland from Ternate: Also the same day the King of jacatra came to see our General.   

§. VI Further quarrels betwixt the English and Dutch, with other accidents.  
THE first of August in the afternoon, our General, and all the rest of the Merchants, being very busy in the Warehouse, taking an inventary of the remainder of prize-good, and all other goods, 
English wounded by the Dutch.  there was word brought that the Flemings had wounded two of our men, the which we saw come bleeding in at the gate. Our General commanded every man to get him weapons, with all speed, and to lay them over the pates sound, the which presently was performed: himself could found no weapon ready, wherefore he took up a bar of Iron, but finding that too heavy, he came into the street only with a small Cudgel. The Flemings were banged home to their own gates, one was run quite through the body, what became of him we could not certainly tell, yet some said he escaped it, two more lost their arms, the Merchants with diverse others of their house came with shot. The Flemish Merchants came to our General, but hearing that their men began, they answered, 
Dutchmen satisfied with their fellow's reward.  that they had but their deserts: and after they had drunk a Cup of Wine, they kindly took their leave of our General, and all the rest of the Merchants, and so departed. News was presently carried to the Court, how the Flemings and we were by the ears, and that there was two slain. Some about the King, asked whether they were English or Flemings, which were slain; answer being ma●e, that they were Fleming's: They said, it was no matter if they were all slain. In this broil, I thank God, we had no man hurt, but two, the which was done before the complaint came, neither had they any great harm; one having a slash over the hand, the other a stab under the ●ide with a knife, which was not very deep: this was the first time, but it was not long, but we were at pell mell again, and again, where the Flemings sped as they did now.  
The eleventh of August, came in two ships from Cambaya, 
Ships from Cambaia. The Ascension from Banda.  who had taken great wealth from the Portugals, the same day came in one ship from Ternate. The sixteenth day, came in the Ascension from Banda; The eight of September, the Dutch Merchants invited our General, and all his Merchants and Masters to a feast, where there was great cheer, and also great friendship was made between us. The fifteenth day of September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland, one being a small ship, which had laden Pepper at Bantam; the other, had taken in some Cloves at Ternate. The rest of her lading was of prize-good, which was taken out of the ships which came from Cambaya. 
New Dutch Fray.  The one and twentieth day, came in the Dutch Admiral from Banda. The two and twentieth day, our General sent some of his Merchants to the Dutch house, to bid him welcome. On which day, a drunken Fleming caused a new fray, which began with our Surgeon, and after parts, were taken on both sides, and some of the Dutch wounded.  
Again, about one a clock the same afternoon, our General sitting upon a bench at our gate, talking with a Portugal which sat by him, who sometimes had been of good reputation, there came one of their drunken Swads, 
Another drunken quarrel of a Dutchman.  and sat down between our General and this Portugal. Our General seeing the rudeness of this unmannerly Fleming, gave him a box on the ear, and thrust him away. Presently, diverse of his consorts came about our gate, drawing their Knives and Sables, and began to swagger. We taking the But-ends of Pikes and Halberds, and Faggot-stickes, 
Rack house, where hot drinks are sold.  drove them into a Racke-house, who shutting the door upon us, we broke it open, and knocked some of them down, bringing them away as prisoners to our General. So many of the Flemings as came by in peace, our General caused to go into our yard, where they were in safety, and those that would not, bore it off with head and shoulders. So soon as we had beaten them well, that took the Racke-house, there came another troop of them down the street to take their parts, with whom we met; and after a few brabbling words past, we laid on such load, that they were forced to give ground, and to betake them to their heels: some of them were beaten down in the street, 
Dutchmen chastised, and the bloody design thence intended.  and many had their pates pitifully broken, others were forced to run through a great miry Ditch, to escape from us, they were chased in at their own gates.  
The Master of their Admiral had occasioned this fray, and gone from ship to ship, to bid them go weaponed on shore, and kill the Englishmen they met with. And when some went to go aboard the Dutch ships on business, some Englishmen of their Fleet, with weeping eyes called to them, that they should not come: For straight order was given, to kill as many Englishmen as they could, either aboard or on shore, and willed them to certify our General of it. Wherhfore the Flemings have no cause hereafter to complain, but to say we dealt kindly with them: for the truth is, it lay in our hands that day, to have slain a great number of them, the which had been done, if our General had but given the word. These frays were greatly admired at, of all Nations in that place, that we should dare to bandy blows with the Flemings, they having seven very tall ships in the Road, and we but two. There was not one of our men had any harm, 
M. Sarys.  only Master Sarys Merchant, who received a cut on the forefinger with a Sable.  
At the latter end of this fray, the Dutch General came to our house, with a great Guard of Captains, 
Dutch General satisfied.  Merchants, and diverse others, whom our General being in like manner accompanied, met in the streets, and brought him into our house. After the beginning of the matter was declared to the Dutch Admiral, he liked well of that we had done. Some of the Captains about him said, we complained, but their men bore away the blows, as might appear by their bloody pates and shoulders: the Dutch Admiral answered, it was no matter, for he saw plainly, the fault was in their men, wherefore he would take order henceforward, that so many of them should not come ashore at once. After much talk had passed, and a banquet of sweet meats ended, the Dutch Admiral kindly took his leave of our General: and all the rest of the Merchants, both English and Dutch, shaking hands one with another.  
There were certain javans, which belonged unto two of the principal men of that Land, next unto the King, 
javan thiefs.  who had stolen nine Muskets and Callivers out of the Ascensions Gunner room: shortly after two of them coming to steal more, 
Their taking.  were taken by our people with the manner. Our General sent me aboard to examine them, and to bring them ashore. They first told me, they belonged to great men, which were our very good friends, but I mistrusting they did dissemble with me, bid them confess the truth, and they should found some favour, than they confessed truly whose Slaves they were, and said the Pieces were forth coming. After they came ashore, our General sent the King and the Protector word of it, and desired he might have his Pieces again; The Protector sent to the Masters of these two Slaves for them, but they loving the Pieces better than their men, said they had no Pieces, but what they had bought with their Money, yet they sent to our General to desire him, to defer their execution for a day or two, the which was granted: but because their Masters were no great good willers to the King, the Protector in the Kings Name sent the Executioner to put them to death, with a Guard of Pikes. 
Their execution.  When they came to the place of execution, our General taking pity of them, would have given them their lives: But the Hangman said, their lives were in the King's hands, and not in our Generals, wherefore because the King had sent him, he would execute them. Which the two Thiefs very patiently suffered, as the manner of all that Nation is, when they are bound to it. They do hold it the greatest glory that can be, to dye resolutely without any show of fear: and surely so they do, in as careless a manner as it is possible for flesh and blood, the experience of which I have seen by diverse, both men and women. One would think these men should be good Soldiers, but it is not so, this valour is but when there is no remedy. Against the people of those parts of the world, they are reasonable tall men, but they will not meddle with Christians, except they have some exceeding great advantage of number, or other means.  
The six and twentieth of September, by means of a javan shooting off a Piece, 
The Town set on fire.  the Town was set on fire, but by reason we had good help of our Mariners, who were many of them ashore at that time, our house was preserved, but the Dutch house being to leeward, 
Dutch house burned.  although they had never so much help, could not be saved, but the upper work of one of their principal houses, which did join to their great house, was burnt, and all their outhouses, wherein lay cables, hawsers, pickled pork, and diverse other things, whereby they sustained great loss. Some that had served there five years, lost all that they had gotten in those parts.  
Not long after this, the Town on our side the way, 
The Town twice fired.  was twice fired by the javans in the night, which put us to great trouble, in carrying and recarrying our things, but by labour of our Mariners and the Chynees, it was quenched. The third of October, our General made a feast, which was for his farewell, whereunto he invited the Dutch Admiral, with all the rest of his Captains, Masters, and Merchants, where we were all exceeding merry, and great friendship was made between us.  
The fourth of October, our General being accompanied with diverse Merchants and others, 
Preparation to dep●rt.  went to the Court to take his leave of the King, and his Nobles. The sixth of October, being Sunday, about ten a clock, our General, with all that were bound home, went aboard, who going by the Dutch house, went in, and took his leave of the Dutch Admiral, and the rest of his Merchants. Also there went aboard with him Master Gabriel Towerson, 
M. Towerson.  who was to stay for Agent there, and some other Merchants, who after dinner, some went ashore, and some stayed until the next day. About three a clock we weighed Anchor, and with some Ordnance bid the Town and Dutch ships farewell. About eleven or twelve a clock at night, we came to an Anchor under an Island, where the next day we took in wood, which our General had sent our men before hand to cut ready. The seventh day towards evening, we weighed Anchor again, and set sail: Master Towerson, and some other of the Merchants, than took their leave to go ashore, whom we committed to the protection of the Almighty; and ourselves to the courtesy of the Seas, desiring God to bless both them and us, and if it be his will, to sand us a happy meeting again in England.    

CHAP. V The second Voyage set forth by the Company into the East-indieses, Sir Henry Middleton being General: wherein were employed four ships; the Read Dragon, Admiral; the Hector, Vice-admiral; the Ascension with the Susan: written by Thomas Clayborne in a larger Discourse, a brief extract whereof is here delivered.  
THE second day of April, 1604. being Monday, about twelve of the clock, we had sight of the Lizard. The three and twentieth day, West South-West to the Westward, two and twenty leagues, latitude fifteen degrees, and five minutes: and this day we fell with the Westermost part of S. jago, 
The Isle of S. jago. Maio.  being West by North six leagues, and at five of the clock we stood to the Eastward for Maio, the wind at North.  
The four and twentieth day we fell with Maio, and stood to the southward of the Island, and came to anchor at fifteen fathoms, one point North-West and by North, and the other East Southeast.  
The five and twentieth day we landed, and lost one of our Merchants, 
They land in Maio.  who was taken by the people of the Island. The six & twentieth day in the morning, we landed an hundred men to see if we could get our Merchant again, but could not come near any of the people of the Island; so we left him behind us, and this night about nine of the clock we set sail, the wind at North.  
The sixteenth day of May, latitude 00. fifteen minutes, and this day we passed the Equinoctial. The thirteenth of july in the forenoon, we had sight of Cape Bona Esperanza being of us fifteen leagues. The seventeenth day we came to anchor in the Road of Saldania, 
They came to an anchor in the road of Saldania. M. Cole drowned.  having sixty men sick of the Scurvy, but (God be praised) they all recovered health before we wen● from hence. Saldania is in latitude thirty three degrees, fifty six minutes, or thirty four degrees. Here M. Cole was drowned, being Master of the Hector, our Vice-admiral: and here we stayed five weeks wanting a day.  
The twentieth day of August being Monday we weighed, and set sail out of the Road of Saldania, the wind Southerly, and we stood to the Westward.  

Bantam.  The three and twentieth of December, being Sunday, we came to anchor in Bantam Roade, where we found six Holland ships, and three or four Pinnasses.  
The eighteenth day of january, we set sail out of Bantam road, with the Dragon and the Ascension; 
Amboyno. The Moluccas.  but they parted at Amboyna. The General went with the Dragon to the Moluccas, and the Ascension (whereof M. Colthrust was Captain) for Banda; and the Hector and the Susan laded Pepper at Bantam, and set sail from thence about the middle of February.  
The twentieth day of February, the Ascension arrived at Banda, and anchored in four fathoms and an half, 
Banda. Nero▪ Banda is in 4. degrees 40. minutes. An high burning hill in Gun●●nappi.  by Nera, which is the chiefest place in those Lands. From the South-part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is East by South, to the southward thirty leagues: the latitude of Banda is four degrees, forty minutes, and the going in is to the Westward. There is a very high hill that burneth continually, and that Hill you must leave on the Larbordside, and the other great Island on your Starboard side. The going in is very narrow, and you cannot see it till you come within half a mile: but fear not to stand with the Island, that the high Hill is on, while you come within two Cables length of it; for so you must do, and then you shall have about twenty fathoms; and then stand along still by that Island about a Cables length from it, if the wind will give you leave, and then you shall found shallower water, eight, seven, six fathoms, and in the very narrow of all, you shall have five fathoms, and so that depth until you come into the Road.  
By God's help, a man may go in without any danger, keeping near unto the aforenamed Island: it is somewhat shallow on the Starboard side, in the narrow of the going in, but that will show itself. 
Puloway. Pulorin.  There are two small Lands, one called Puloway, and the other Pulorin, and they lie about three leagues to the Westward of the going in: there is no danger about them, but may be very well perceived. You may leave those Lands on which side you please, either at your going in, or coming out.  
About the middle of March, here we found the wind to be variable, and so continued till the middle of April; 
The Monsons'.  and than it continued, and stood between the East and Southeast, four months to our knowledge. But it doth use to continued five months, as the people of the country say, and likewise five months between the West and North-West, and the other two months variable. Here in the dark Moons it is given much to gusty weather, and much rain. Here we stayed one and twenty weeks, 
They stayed in Banda 21. weeks.  and six days, in the which time we had eleven men died, and most of the Flux.  
The one and twentieth day of july, 1605. being Sunday, we set sail from Banda, the wind at East Southeast, and we stood to the Westward. The two and twentieth day, we fell with the South-end of Burro, 
Burro.  the wind at East Southeast.  
The seven and twentieth day we fell with Deselem, and then we came about the South-end of the Island, 
Deselem.  leaving seven Lands on our Larboard side. We stood close by the wind to the Northward, fair by the main Island of Deselem, to clear ourselves of a small Island and a should, that lieth off the South-West part of Deselem, and leaving this Island, and all the other sholds on our Larboord-side, we stood North, North-West, along the West side of Deselem, while we came in six degrees and ten minutes: then we steered West eighteen leagues, and fell with the point should that lieth off the South-West end of Celebes: 
Celebes.  And the very Souther-most part of that should, lieth in six degrees, and being clear of that, we stood to the Westward.  

Bantam.  The sixteenth day of August, we came to anchor in Bantam road.  


They return from Bantam for England. Note.  
A sunken Island.   The sixth day of October being Sunday, we set sail out of Bantam road, with the Dragon and the Ascension.  
The fifteenth day of November, latitude thirty one degrees, forty eight minutes, the wind North North-West, thick foggy weather. This day about ten of the clock in the morning, we came within a ships length of a Rock, or sunken Island: the water shown upon it very brown, and muddy, and in some places very blue, and being a ships breadth or two to the Northward of it, we saw the water by the ships side very black and thick, as though it had been earth, or gross sand boiling up from it. The variation in this place, is one and twenty degrees from North to West decreasing. 

The variation 21. degrees from North to West decreasing.  
Sight of land.    
The sixteenth of December, West nine leagues, latitude thirty four degrees, and twenty minutes. This day in the morning we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, distant from us some twelve leagues.  
The six and twentieth day, latitude thirty four degrees, thirty minutes. Now being in the latitude, 
The cape of Bona Esperansa.  and in the sight of Cape Bona Esperansa, and within one league of it, we steered North-West, and North North-West, and North, and as the land lay about the Cape.  

Saldania road.  The seven and twentieth day, we came to anchor in Saldania road, where we found our Admiral, and the Hector, which ship the Dragon, our Admiral, met withal seven days before, driving up and down the Sea about four leagues of the Cape Bona Esperansa, 
53. men dead out of the Hector.  with ten men in her. All the rest of her men were dead, which were in number three and fifty, which died since she came out of Bantam, which time was nine months: being in great distress, she lost company of the Susan, three months after she came out of Bantam road, which ship (the Susan) was never heard of since. Here we came to anchor in seven fathoms, 
The Susan utterly lost.  having the low point going in North-West by West, and the Sugarloaf South-West, ½. a point to the Westward, the point of the breach of Pengwin Island North-West by North, and the Hill between the Sugarloaf and the low point, West South-West, the peake of the Hill to the Eastward of the Table, South by East.  
The sixteenth day of january in the morning, we set sail from Saldania Road, and went to the Northward of Pengwin Island, between that and the Main. When we had the Island South from us about one mile and a half we sounded, and had ground twenty fathoms, white Coral, and Whistles of shells. When we were clear of the Island, we stood off West by South, and West South-west, while we brought the Island Southeast by East of us, now being about six of the clock in the afternoon, we had sight of the Hector, coming out to the Southward of the Island, for we left her at Anchor when we weighed. Now the wind being at South, we stood all night to the Westward, close by a wind, in the morning following we had lost sight of the Hector, and then we steered away Northwest with a low sail while noon, being the seventeenth day thinking to get sight of the Hector, but we could not.  
The first day of February, West to the Southward sixteen leagues of Latitude, sixteen degrees and twenty minutes: this day about one of the clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Saint Helena, bearing West to the Northward from us, about twelve or thirteen Leagues.  
The second day West, and West by South four Leagues, then having the Island West from us about eight or nine Leagues, the wind at Southeast we lay off and on, to the Eastward of the Island, most part of the night, and in the morning following, we stood to the Northward of the Island.  
This day about twelve of the clock, we came to anchor in the Road of Saint Helena, 
Santa Helena.  our Land anchor lay in seventeen fathoms, our ship rid in twenty fathoms, blackish, gravely sand. We had one point North-east of us, and one sharp Hill like a Sugarloaf (with a Cross on the top of it) that bore North-east by East. The Church in the Valley Southeast. In this Valley there are many Trees likewise, the high-land Southeast up from the Church, and all the Valley beside is full of Trees: the other point of the Land South-west to the Westward. We mored Southeast, and Northwest. Our anchor in the offing lay in one and twenty fathoms. 
The Hector.   
The third day at night being Monday we had sight of the Hector, coming about the South end of the Island, but could not fetch into the Road, yet stood to the Northward as near as she could lie, the wind at East.  
The four and five days, our Boats went out to help to get her into the Road, but they could not.  
The sixth day at night being a little wind, we towed her in with our Boats, into thirty five fathoms, one mile and a half from the shore, bearing from us South-west by West, distant about two Leagues. 
Seven degrees forty five minutes of variation.   
The eleventh day, we set sail from Saint Helena, the wind at East North-east, and we steered Northwest. This Northwest part of the Island lieth in the Latitude of sixteen degrees, and in seven degrees, forty five minutes of Variation. Note this, that the Church that bore Southeast of us, when we were in the Road, standeth in the bottom of the fift Valley from that point that bore North-east of us.  
We came to anchor in the Downs, on the sixth of May 1606. where we rid eight days for a fair wind.   

CHAP. VI A journal of the third Voyage to the East India, set out by the Company of the Merchants, trading in those parts: in which Voyage were employed three Ships, viz the Dragon, the Hector, and the 
* The Consent, held no consent with the Dragon and Hector, whose Voyage you shall ha●e by itself. This journal of Captain Keelings and that of Captain Hawkins, written at Sea-leasure, very voluminous in a hundred sheets of Paper; I have been bold to so to shorten as to express only the most necessary Observations for Sea or Land Affaires.  Consent, and in them the number of three hundred and ten persons, or thereabouts: written by WILLIAM KEELING, chief Commander thereof.  

§ I. Their diasters and putting back for Sierra Leona, and what happened till they departed from Saldania.  
APrill the first 1607. the Dragon and Hector were fallen as low as the Downs: and after their departure from thence their hopes were by diverse disasters so fallen down, and crossed, that after they had passed the Line in the beginning of june, piercing four or five degree of Southerly Latitude, they were enforced by Gusts, Calms, Raines, Sicknesses, and other Marine inconveniences to return Northward: and missing the I'll of Fernando de Loronha, certain of nothing but uncertainties which much amazed them, The General on july the thirtieth, having consulted with Taverner the Master, and hearing his answer that they must be driven to return for England, the whole Company expecting no other (all which to recite would at once both becalm and bestorme the Reader) they consulted for their best course, wherein (you shall have it in his own words) we had some speech of Sierra Leona. I, having formerly read well of the place, sent for the 
* 
M. Hackluits books of Voyages are of great profit. This saved the Company, as Sir Th. Smith affirmed to me, 20000. pounds, which they had been endamaged if they had returned home, which necessity had constrained, if that Book had not given light.  
Conclusion to seek Sierra Leona.  
Many flowers, a sign of land. Currents.  
Sight of land.   Book, and shown it my Master, who as myself, took good liking to the place. Whereupon, my Company beginning to be grievously diseased, we, without hope to get Fernando de Loranha, (water being our special want, and a watering place so nigh) I called a counsel: and after Dinner propounded what was fittest for us to do. They were generally of opinion, that we had no reason to stand to the South any longer, for many reasons: and demanding their opinions, concerning a place of watering, Churchward, Savage, and Taverner, opined Mayo the fittest, how much without reason, I leave to judgement. Earming, Pokham, Mollineux, and my Master, held Sierra Leona fittest; and myself, the Author thereof, for many causes. Wherhfore, we concluded to seek for Sierra Leona. I acquainted my Company with our determinations, to their great comfort.  
This morning the fourth of August, we saw many Flowers, a sign of Land, and this evening we had ground from twenty eight to sixteen fathom Ozy, but no sight of land.  
I hoist out my Schiffe, and sent her to ride near us, to prove the set of the Current: she found by the Log-line, the Current to set Southeast by East two miles a watch: howbeit the Schiffe road wind-road. We steered all this morning East, and East by South, and had from thirty to twenty, and ten fathom water: no sight of land, and the greatest depth was Ozy, the lest a gross yellow sandy ground.  
About nine of the clock, we espied the land, being a round plot of mean altitude, bearing North-east from us, about eight leagues.  
We were at noon in the latitude of seven degrees and fifty six minutes, and have steered all day East, sometimes North, sometimes Southerly, one point, as our water deepned or shoaled: for we had oftentimes ten fathom upwards, and at the next cast seven fathom under pity ground. And when we found shoal water, as we bore up Northerly, we deepned, instantly (a persuasion that we borrowed upon the shoals of Saint Anna, alias Madera Bomba) I allow since yesterday at noon, fourteen leagues East, and five leagues West, wind at South, and South by West, and South by East.  
In the afternoon we had nine, ten, eleven and twelve fathom water.  
The first land proved Ilha Verde, being a very round land, and a notable mark, for whosoever is bound for the place, 
Ilha Verde a very round Land.  from the Southwards.  
About seven in the evening, we anchored in twenty fathom water, hard sand, having steered six leagues or more North-east, and North North-east, the South part of Ilha Verde, bearing East of us: and the Cape of Sierra Leona, being a low point North by East, about eight leagues from us: but the said land over the said Cape, is very high land, and may be seen in a clear, fifteen leagues off.  
About six in the morning, we made sail for the Road, and had no less than sixteen, 
The Rock▪  fifteen, ten or nine fathoms, till we were North and South with the Rock, (which lieth to the Westward of the Cape of Sierra Leona) about 1. 1/● miles; and one mile from the nearest shore) within half a mile thereof, we had then, seven fathom very good shoaling, between us, and the Rock. And soon after we had passed the Rock, we had twenty fathom water, and shoalded to eighteen, sixteen, twelve, and ten fathom, all the way into the Road, 
A sand on the North shore.  borrowing very near the South shore. For there is a sand lying off the North shore about two miles, or a league from the South shore, whereon the Sea breaketh. We road in ten fathom water, good ground, the point of Sierra Leona, bearing West Northerly, 
Sierra Leona.  the North point of the Bay North Westerly, and the foresaid breach or Sand, North, North-east.  
Note, that coming in, when we were North and South with the Rock, it bore with the South point (for Sierra Leona is the North point of the South land making the Bay, 
Note.  or River) and Ilha Verde, North by West and South by East.  
This afternoon, being anchored, we espied men to wove us ashore. I sent my Boat, which leaving two Hostages, brought four Negroes, who promised refreshing.  
My Schiffe sounded between us, and the foresaid Breach, and found fair sholding, having two fathom water, within two Boats length of the Breach.  
Note, that all the Observations of the Variation, 
A special note. Variations.  since our coming from two degrees of North latitude to this place, proved erroneous: for to each distance, having reference to any Meridian Easterly thereof, there must be added thirty leagues, and from such as are referred to Meridian's Westerly, must be substracted thirty leagues. For it appeareth by our falling with the land, that the ship was so much more Westerly, than we supposed ourselves; myself notwithstanding the said error, being as much, if not more Westerly, than any of our Mariners. 
Good admonition.  Howbeit, I wish every man to trust to his own experience▪ for, Instruments may deceive, even the most skilful.  
The seventh, there came Negroes of better semblance, aboard with my Boat (for whom, as for all other, we were fain to leave one of my men, for two of them in hostage) who made signs, that I should sand some of my men up into the Country, and that they would stay aboard in hostage. I sent Edward Buckbury, and my Servant William Cotterell with a Present, viz. One course Shirt, three foot of a bar of Iron, a few Glass Beads, and two Knives. They returned towards night, and brought me from the said Captain, one small ear-ring of Gold, valued at seven, eight, or nine shillings sterling: and because it was late, the Hostages would not go ashore, but lay aboard all night, without pawn for them.  
I sent my Boat, and fetched five tons of fresh water, both very good and easy to come by. 
A good watering place.   
The eleventh, I went ashore a fishing, where the people brought their women unto us, but feared, we would carry them away. I gave some trifles, we bought good store of Lemons, two hundred for a penny Knife, wind at East.  
The twelfth, I went but took little fish, wind from Northwest to South, rainy weather.  
The thirteenth, It rained without intermission: we got fish enough for a meal.  
I bought an Elephant's tooth of sixty three pound English, for five yards blue calico, and seven or eight pound of Iron in bar.  
The fourteenth, I kept aboard, all day rainy.  
The fifteenth, I went and took within one hour and a half, 
Six thousand fishes taken in an hour an half. Weather.  six thousand small and good fish Cavallos.  
After noon, with Captain Hawkins, and a convenient Guard, I went ashore, and to the Village, where we bought two or three thousand Lemons. We esteem it a fair day, wherein we have three hours dry over head.  
The sixteenth, I licenced our weekly Workers to recreate themselves with me ashore, where in our large walk, we found not passed four or five acres of ground sowed with Rice: the superficies of the ground is generally an hard Rock.  
This only day, hitherto, we had fair weather.  
The seventeenth, It was all day fair weather. I appointed making of Limon-water.  
The twentieth, john Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of Gold, in form of an half Moon, valued at five, six, or seven shillings sterling. He reporteth the people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing two leagues up, and the chief Village eight miles from the landing.  
The two and twentieth, We went ashore, where we made six or seven Barricoes full of Limon-water. I opened the Companies Firkin of Knives ●o buy Limbs withal. 
Limon-water.   
The seventh of September in the afternoon, we went all together a shore, to see if we could shoot an Elephant: 
An Elephant shot.  we shot seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as appeared by his track, but being near night, we were constrained aboard, without effecting our purposes on him.  

The best road.  The best Road and watering place is the fourth Bay, to the Eastward of the point Sierra Leona. It floweth nearest West South-west, within where we road: and the water highest upon a Springtide at the lest, twelve foot.  
After noon, the wind came at West South-west, and we anchored in ten fathom water, Ilha Verde bearing from us Southeast ½. South, and the point of Sierra Leona North-east by East ½ Easterly, about three leagues from us, where we found the flood to set North-east by North, a strong tide.  
I have at no time observed the Sun in the Road, howbeit I have sundry times purposed the same, both aboard and ashore, but the Master made the Road by his observation, in eight degrees and thirty six minutes of North Latitude, 
Latitude of Sierra Leona, 8.36. North. The Variation 1. degr. 50. min.  and the point of Sierra Leona, bore nearest West about a league or four miles off. The Master also made the Variation to be one degree, fifty minutes North-easting: but my Instrument was out of order, and I had no time to mend it.  
The fourteenth in the morning, we weighed the wind all Easterly: but about eight it calmed, and we drove to the North again: after with the ebb, drove to the South-west by South, toward night, the flood being come, we anchored in 25. 1/●. fathom water: the point of Sierra Leona bearing North-east by East, about seven leagues of us. We have not had less than ten fathom water, all day. They found a Current setting North by West, on the sixteenth day.  

Saldania.  The seventeenth of December, About two in the afternoon, we saw the land, the Table at Saldania very plain, and stood in to make it, till three, than I caused the Master to steer East Southeast, and Southeast by East, to put about the Cape: what time sick, and whole, desired to put into Saldania. Whereupon we bore up for Saldania, and about noon we got into the Road anchoring in 5. 1/●. fathom water: the West point bearing West Northwest, the Island North Northwest, 
The Sugarloafe.  and the Sugar-lofe South-west.  

Penguin Island.  The Westermost Cape Land, and Pengwin Island bore South by West, etc. There is a breach South of the Island, about a mile distant.  
Between the Island and shore are seven mile's distance. The Sugarloaf and the I'll, bear South by East, and North by West. From the West point of the Bay, half a mile off is a flat. The Westermost South land, and point of the Sugarloaf, beareth South South-west, and North North-east.  
There is another breach, which lieth East Southeast from the Island half a league off.  
As soon as I was anchored, I sent a shore, finding the people very bold, but dear. I found ashore these words engraven upon a Rock, 
The arrival of the Consent at Saldania july 24. 1607. 102. sheep. 12. bullocks. 2. calves. They bought for 200. iron hoops, 450. sheep, 46. cows 19 steeves, 9 calves, and one Bull.  viz. The four and twentieth of july, 1607. Captain David Middleton in the Consent.  
The one and twentieth, I went ashore, where we bought a hundred and two sheep, twelve Bullocks and two Calves, whereof I allowed the Hector a proportionable share, and this continued diverse days in which they bought much Cattles.   

§. II. Their departure from Saldania, and what happened after till the ships parted company.  
THE first of january, 1607. by Sun rising we were both under sail, and by six in the Evening, we were ten leagues West Southerly from the South point of the Bay. The nineteenth we shipped much water at the Helm port, and at the hole abaft in my Gallery, 
Sea shipped.  about two after midnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. Latitude thirty five degrees, twenty two minutes, I allow thirteen leagues South Southeast, wind, East North-East, and North-East, six leagues drift South, and three leagues North-East wind all Westerly. Our too great quantity of kintledge goods, maketh our ship to labour marvellously: 
Dragon laboursome.  wherein the Company must have special care, another Voyage.  
The twentieth, I aired and dried our cloth, also oiled the Companies pieces and blades. I strengthened the cases of Calicoes, etc. I allow thirty leagues North-East as we steered, wind at South-West and South. 
Land.  This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the admiration of all our Mariners, we saw the land, bearing North North-West, about twelve leagues off, we in the latitude of thirty four degrees. And surely, but that I had many dear experiments of the strength of the Westerly current in my last voyage, I should likewise admire: albeit I am more Westerly than any, by reason I doubted currents for causes before noted, being by reckoning an hundred leagues more Easterly, then then the sight of land approveth us.  
The two and twentieth, Latitude thirty four degrees, four minutes. I allow thirty three leagues East by North, Northerly, wind South and South South-West. But by this reckoning, the ship should have been in thirty three degrees, twelve minutes, and we found her fifty more South, caused by the Current. Whereby it is evident, 
Note.  that such as depend upon their dead reckoning and judgement, without respect had to the currents, must needs make intolerable errors. I bring the ship to her latitude upon a South line, in her distance Easterly.  
I must acknowledge, that in judgement the Current must be of greatest power here abouts, the land falling away suddenly North-East, and South-West, and we opening the gut. And I presume, that as we come more Easterly, past the middle of the gut, we shall found the Currents force diminished.  
The twenty fift, latitude thirty four degrees fifty one minutes. judgement alloweth for three 1/●. watches, nine leagues North-East by East, wind South-West: and for two watches, five leagues South wind, all Easterly, and East North-East: yet note, how we are continually carried to the South, contrary to reasonable judgement.  
The six and twentieth, latitude thirty five degrees, twenty eight minutes. I allow thirteen leagues South Southeast wind, at East North-East: so I do not find that the Current useth such violence as before, except we should be carried by the stream, as much Westerly of the South, as I allow her Easterly thereof, which would raise or depress the Pole, in the same proportion: but herein our variation (being well observed) will resolve us.  
The seventeenth of February, we saw the land bearing East, about eight leagues from us, and as I deem, in the latitude of twenty four degrees, twenty minutes. We stood in till after six a clock, at what time, being within four leagues of the shore, we flatted, the Hector being too near a stern for us to stay. Where we tacked, we had no ground at eighty or ninety fathoms, no great marvel, for it is low smooth land.  
About noon, we were thwart of two small Lands, seeming to make a good road: wherefore not knowing our latitude, we stood off till we could observe, it being nigh noon. Note, 
Two Lands▪  we could have no ground at sixty fathoms within two miles of the shore.  
The eighteenth, latitude twenty three degrees, thirty seven minutes: wherefore we stood in again, supposing this to be the place we sought: but coming near the shore, and having sent both Schiffes a head, they found but six fathom water; for which, 
Anchored.  we anchored in seven ½. fathom water, sandy ground, about one in the afternoon, the two Lands and breach bearing South Westerly, a mile from us.  
There is an Inlet about three leagues from us East Northerly, which the Master supposeth to be S. Augustine, and we purpose to search the same. I called a Council, 
A Counsel. Variation 15.30.  where we resolved to make some small stay at S. Augustine. Variation in this place, is fifteen degrees, and thirty minutes.  
Variation again observed this morning, is fifteen degrees, twenty six minutes, 
Variat. 15.26▪  but I was fain to observe over the Land half a degree high: otherwise, I should have made somewhat more variation, and to these two observations, I repose great trust. It floweth East. 
Tide.   
The nineteenth, we weighed this morning, and in the weighing broke one of our anchors, through defect therein. And surely, the matter deserveth much blame, 
Anchor brake.  but I refer me for the particulars, to a Certificate which I purpose to make thereabout.  
We steered for the abovementioned seeming Harbour, or Bay, and found, from whence we weighed, from ten, twelve, to twenty fathom: and coming near the point, in the height of the Bay, we had no ground at an hundred fathoms, till we came very fare into the Bay (our Schiffes being before us, and having ground) and then we had from thirty to eight fathom, and further in deep water. We anchored in eighteen fathom, and laid another anchor in forty fathom, the South shore being the deepest water, the other, being by the coming down of rivers made shallow.  
The twentieth, we had seventy fathom water at the ship, the ground oaze. The land beareth West by South, and North of us: and to the North are certain sholds, and a breach, 
S. Augustine.  bearing North-West of us: so that we are but five points of the Compass, open to winds: but the road is very pity ground, and deep water: and there runneth a strong stream down the river continually. Captain Hawkins came aboard me, whom with both our Schiffes strong, I sent a shore, myself being ●ll at ease. Toward night he returned aboard, without having seen any people; but their fresh track in diverse places. They left some beads and trifles in a boat which they found, to allure the naturals. He affirmeth little likelihood of refreshing here: but my fishers from the other side, tell me of Beasts bones good store, and bones have had flesh.  
George Euans, one of the Hector's Company, was shrewdly bitten with an Alegarta.  
I willed all speed in filling our water, and in the mean time, purpose to seek for refreshing. 
George Euans bitten by an Alegarta. Tide. People.  It floweth here nearest East, and higheth much water.  
The one and twentieth, we espied four Naturals, I sent to present them beads, etc. they promised by signs store of cattles the morrow.  
The two and twentieth, seeing people I went a shore, where we found a subtle people, 
Naturals.  their bodies strong, and well framed: their privities only carelessly covered, with cloth made of the rinds of trees. We bought one Calf, one Sheep, and one Lamb: but they would not deal save for silver, by any means.  
After noon, I rowed up the river, aswell to look for the best watering, as otherwise. The water is very shallow, and brackish.  


Nine Beasts cost 10. shillings sterling. Oxen with bunches on their shoulders People circumcised.  
A beautiful beast. Note.  
Anchor lost. Three beasts cost two shillings 3. pence. Spiders.   The four and twentieth, I went a shore, seeing one man there, where we bought three Kine, two Steers, and four Calves: they cost us nineteen shillings sterling, besides a few beads.  
The Cattles are fare better flesh than those of Saldania, with bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like those of the Camels, save that they stand more forward.  
The people are circumcised, as some affirmed to have seen.  
Here we found the beautiful beast.  
Water by the ships side, at an high water very fresh, and at a low water very salt, contrary to sense. Also, fresh water at high water on one side of the ship, and very salt on the other side, the ship tide road.  
The five and twentieth, in a gust at North-West, our ship drove, and the cable broke, and we lost the anchor. We bought one Calf, and one Sheep, and one Lamb great tailed, which cost two shillings three pence. I found certain Spiders, whose web was perfect good, and strong as silk.  
Note, that all along the low land, from East to West a ledge of rocks lieth 1/●. a mile from the shore, whereon the Sea breaketh continually: between which and the shore, is two fathom water near to, good for landing, and marvellous full of fish, fit to hail a net in.  

Note.  The eight and twentieth in the morning betimes, we were under sail to put to sea. There lieth a breach four miles from the North point of the Bay, South Southeast. Note, that the ridge of land, like a roof or barn, is about five miles to the Northward of the midst of the Bay. I conceit this Bay of S. Augustine to be unfit for any ships to expect refreshing, 
S. Augustine unfit to refresh.  it being to be had but in small quantity: the place very untoward for riding, the water deep, the ground pity and foul, as appeareth by the cutting of our cable.  
The twelfth of March, latitude fifteen degrees fifty minutes. We founded sundry times in the afternoon, and had no ground at ninety fathom, and before eight, we had ground at twenty, 
Danger.  twenty eight, seventeen, and sixteen fathom, all within ●/● a cables length: then we instantly tacked off, and had nineteen, and twenty four, and the third cast, no ground at forty fathom. The ground was small shinglestones like beans, and we about five or six miles from the shore (an untoward place to fall with in a dark night.) This afternoon, we had a fresh gale at East by North, whereby we have gotten somewhat North by the land.  
The thirteenth, latitude fifteen degrees forty five minutes. Yesterday afternoon, we got somewhat to the North, having a fresh gale at East by North. It hath been calm from midnight, till eleven this forenoon, and we have driven South as appeareth by the land. We were at noon within three leagues of the shore.  
The foureteenth, latitude fifteen degrees forty two minutes: so that we are gotten North but three leagues, and judgement would have allowed at lest fifteen leagues North North-East. So it seemeth that the Current runneth swift, and I doubt setteth more South than South-west. For this morning, though it were hazy, we were not fare from the shore, seeing the land all along, and now being much cleared we can hardly see it.  
The fifteenth, latitude fifteen degrees forty minutes. I can allow in judgement, no less than twenty leagues North by East, yet see by observation we are gone to the Southwind, at South to South-west a fair gale.  

Note.  We cannot see the land, yet are but ten leagues from it. I know not what course to take to get out of this Current: for if we put off, and the Current hold, it may endanger us of In. de Nova: and keeping the shore, God knoweth what dangers there be: and where such a gale stems not the stream, it is indiscretion to continued.  


The main power of the Current lessened.  
Opinion, of the cause of the Currents.   The seventeenth, latitude fourteen degrees fifty seven minutes, so we have gotten twenty five leagues North. judgement would allow twelve leagues North North-East, Northerly, and she hath run nine by observation: so that the main power of the Current is lessened. My Master opineth, that the Moon's seasons have peculiar domination over these Currents, causing their force, till three or four days after the full. But I rather think, that the deep Bay between Cape Corientes and Mosambique, causeth an indraught, or eddy of some stream, coming either from the North-East, or more Easterly in at the North-East of S. Laurence, and so along the land to the Cape Corientes: 
Their sailing alongst the Island, & truck at Tamara, with other occurrents I have left ou●, as being more fully known by later experience. Le●uing Abbadelcuria they were forced to ride in Delisa, a Road on the North of Soco●o●a▪ ti●l the Monson freed them, at which time Captain Keeling set sail for Ba●tam, and Captain Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow.  or else the stream, which is affirmed to set from S. Laurence, Northwest, meeting with the land of Mosambique, may by the said falling away of the land, be drawn that way. Which supposition, if it be true, than we committed an error, in falling with the land before we had gotten nearer North, than Mosambique point, which trendeth fare into the Sea, and whence the Norther land lieth away North and South next hand; and the Souther land, South-west by etc. for if we had not fallen too much Westerly, and brought the said Cape too nigh our Meridian, we should not have felt this stream at all.   

§. III. Instructions learned at Delisa of the Moors and Guserates touching the Monsons', and while they road there. Their coming to Priaman and Bantam.  
THE Moors of this place affirm, that in some years, pieces of Ambergris are found, Poiz twenty kintals, of such bulk, 
Huge quantity of Amber-gre●se. Note.  that many men may shelter themselves under the sides thereof, without being seen. This is upon the coasts of Mombasa, Magadoxo, Pata, Brava, etc. being indeed all one long Coast.  
They of this place make yearly voyages to the Isles of Comora, to buy slaves; 
Notes of Como●a Lands.  and report the people to be very treacherous, having at times killed fifty persons by treason: and therefore they trade aboard.  
They affirm, that there are eight Hollanders upon Pemba, who have been there three or four years, whereof two are turned Moors. 
Eight Hollanders upon Pemba, whereof two are Moores. The Monson.   
They reckon this Monson of South winds, to begin yearly the first of May, and the extremity thereof to continued one hundred days. The most wind (which they report to be wonderful) is in june and july. For the tenth of August, it beginneth to be less wind, and soon after come the North winds with much rain, for three or four months more: at what time they make the most Aloes upon the I'll, and is only the juice of Semper vivens, put into Goat's skins, and so dried. 
Aloes how made.   
The three and twentieth, I sent a shore to weigh certain Aloes, and received aboard, 1250. pounds, which cost for the Companies account, 250. Dollars, and so at other times. We bought in all 1833. pounds neat. The Chief sent to borrow five hundred rials of eight, 
1250. pound Aloes. Presents. Aloes 575. pound. Mon●on.  which I refused to lend. I presented him with two yards of Carsey, gallant colour, and a knife of mine. I sent again a shore, and received 575. pound more Aloes, cost 115. Dollars.  
The four and twentieth, I understood more, that the West winds began this year the last of April, and do each year come eleven days later than the year before: so that in thirty three years, they begin again the same day of the same Month; which I conceit not to be truth. That the Easter Monson will come this year the thirteenth of October, and continued till April forcible: and then fair weather while May. That the West Monson returneth (both Monsons' falling each year eleven days later than other) neither have they more than two Monsons' yearly. That their year, called Neyroose, beginneth with the first of the East Monsons'. That as the West Monson bloweth here all South, so doth the East Monson all North. That after the twenty fifth of September, ships cannot departed from the Read sea to the Eastward. That Chaul, Dabul, and Danda rageepuree, are good and safe ports, and rich trade towns, upon the coast of India. That at Saada, Ilbookee, Auzoane, Mootoo, four of the Isles of Comora, there is abundance of cheap Rice, and the people good. Inghezeegee, and Malale, two more of the same Lands, 
Isles of Comora.  have small store of Rice, and the people very treacherous: at the first whereof they report, that sixteen years since, an English ship lost many men treacherously, which surely, was Sir james Lancaster.  
That this day of (May the six and twentieth) is the two hundred and four and twentieth of their account of Neyrooze. No rain on the Coast of Arabia, 
The loss of M. james Lanc●ster in Captain Raymond's Voyage.  till the seuentieth day of this Monson. The three hundred and fift of Neyroose, the best time to go for Suratt, to put hence I say, and that in ten or twelve days they get thither.  
Burrom, Mekella, and Cayxem, are good Harboroughs for both Monsons' on the Coast of Arabia, but no places for Merchandizing. 
Burrom, Makella and Caixem, good Ports. Xael.   
That Xael, or Xaer, hath no harbour nor Road for any time, but would vent Iron and Lead, a Turk being Aga: and that they sand by land for such Commodities to Caixem, a day's journey to the West ward, but there is no going thither at this time. That in both Monsons', there is a continual extreme Sea-gate upon the Coast of Arabia: the Current also there as the wind. That there is no riding at the entrance of Suratt, to have any shelter of the West shore, for the West Monsons', aswell by reason of ill anchor ground, as chief the extremity of Tides, which (by their reports) ouer-set ships not a ground.  
This Road of Delisa, is a very good place for the West Monson, but which is strange, two miles either East or West from the Road, it doth continually blow so much wind, 
Note.  that no ship can ride it. Neither can I give any reason for it, except the distance 'twixt us and the high Mountain's cause it: for there is much low land betwixt us and them. june the four and twentieth, we set sail to departed.  
The three and twentieth of july, we saw an Island, and about noon two more, we left two to the North, and one to the South latitude of four degrees and two minutes, 
An Island. 4. degrees, 2. minutes, Southerly. Notes of Isles to Sea-bord of Priaman.  South of the Equinoctial. The North of these Isles is great▪ and high land full of Trees.  
Between the two Southermost of these three Lands, ten leagues distant, there lieth a Breach d●●g●rous about half way between them: to avoid which we steered within two leagues of the●●●d●lemost Island very good passage, the breach being then to the South about three leagues from us. It lieth very dangerous for men bound through by night, not having knowledge thereof. We could discern no unlikelihood of a passage, between the two Northermost also, but it is not a league broad. The Southermost I'll is the biggest. Of the two Southermost Isles, the West part of the North, and the East point of the Southermost, bear North and South ten leagues distant. The Breach lieth from the Easter end of the Northermost of the said two South Lands, Southeast half the Channel over.  

Note.  The six and twentieth, we were half way between Priaman at Tecu, about three leagues from the shore where I noted, viz. The two Hummockes of Tecu, with the high land over them, bear North and by West, and South by East ½. a point Easterly. There lieth a shoal four mile from the shore, bearing South and North with the high land of Tecu. We had forty five fathom water, 2. 1/●. leagues from the shore, we then bearing North-east by East from the Road of Priaman. There is an Island about four leagues from the said Road, North-east and South-west. The three Lands of Priaman, 
Isles of Priaman. Priaman.  lie South Southeast, and North Northwest being distant each from other about a mile. Afternoon we got into Priaman Roade, and I saluted the Town with five Pieces of Ordnance.  
The Governor sent me a Goat. I presented the Governor with three yards of Stammel-cloath, one blue calico, one piece stocked, one Barrel, and two Sword-blades. The Governor sent me a Goat. 
Presents.  The Messenger spoke good Portuguze, to whom I presented one blue calico. There came another of Achen, with whom I had good conversation in Arabic, by whom I had great hope of good trade.  
The nine and twentieth, I went ashore betimes, shooting seven Pieces of Ordnance, and coming to the Governors' house, 
I went ashore where with much ado, we barganed for Pepper.  he presented me with a Buffalo, and appointed me to make price of Pepper with sundry chief men. Where being set down among sixty persons, they first propounded that I must weigh such Pepper as I bought of them in the Town: Whereabout we had much speech, I desiring to weigh upon the Island, but they would weigh in the Town.  
They demanded fifty Dollars the Bahar for Pepper, which much displeased me. For the Achen man had willed me to offer but sixteen Dollars, howbeit there was craft in daubing: for he being a Merchant, 
Craftin daubing.  would have engrossed much Pepper, before I should have bought, and after would have sold it me at his own price. After much time, and many words, we accorded at 22 ●/●. Dollars the Bahar, besides six per Cento, Custom. I refused to pay two other Customs, or rather Exactions. The one of a hundred and sixty Dollars, the other not much less: whereto, with much ado, I consented, and Writings were drawn between us.  
The last night a man speaking Portuguse, lay aboard me, who in the behalf of the late Governors' Wife, by him titled Queen, desired my aid in taking the Town, offering me the one half thereof. To whom (not unacquainted with the fineness of Moors) I refused to intermeddle, 
Treacherous offer of a More.  it not being answerable to my Prince, and this morning sent him ashore.  
I sold Cloth to Nakhada, for a hundred fifty nine Mass of Gold.  
The Town and bounds of Priaman yield not yearly above five hundred Bahars of Pepper, but with parts near adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and the Mountains over the Town are made two thousand five hundred Bahars yearly: 
Notes of Priaman.  which quantity will lad two good ships, and may be bought very good cheap, if a factory have means to buy all the year. But their Harvest is only in August and September, and is fetched away by them of Achen and java only, the Guserats not being permitted to Trade there, by the King of Achen his express commandment. 
Good counsel.  So that a ship (touching at Suratt) and buying, especially blue Calicoes, white Calicoes, blue striped, and chequered Stuffs, and some small and fine Pintatoes leaving a factory, shall lay the best foundation for gain, against another year, that ever I have heard off: I say, against another year, for that I see not, how ships can go to Cambaya, and come hither time enough in one year. And in such case the King of Achen his Letter must be procured, for our safer proceeding in these parts.  
The eighteenth of September, In the morning we made sail, the Lord prospero us.  
The nineteenth, At noon, we were West Northwest from the point, to the South of Priaman, ten leagues we steered to the Eastward of Ilha de Tristeza.  
The twentieth, before day, we saw an Island, a head, and steered East Southeast, to go clear of it: we went to the Eastward of it four leagues, the I'll Sumatra being seven leagues from us. 
Note.   
The one and twentieth, I allow six and twenty Leagues Southeast by South, we were within six or seven leagues of Sumatra, and West from us about four leagues was another great jand: so that Navigation upon this Coast is carefully to be performed, for we found no such Isle's projection. 
Notes.   
Latitude three degrees, twenty minutes, I allow eighteen leagues South Southeast wind Northerly.  
We being nine or ten leagues from Sumatra, have seen another small Island to Sea-boord of us, 
Island.  three or four leagues off.  
The first of October, 1608. Latitude five degrees and thirty minutes, I prick by the Land, being twelve leagues from us, and have gone faster to the South then by reckoning.  
The second, we saw land in the morning, which we made for the Salt Island, but it proved a round Hummock upon Sumatra. We have made almost no way, 
Note. Salt I'll, in the strait of Sanda.  yet are at noon in five degrees and fifty five minutes, by help to the South. The third, we saw the Salt I'll bearing North-east by North, some four or five leagues from it. It lieth in latitude six degrees six minutes. We were when we first saw the Island, within four leagues or less of the South land: whether Lands (which I think) or java, it bore from us East, Southeast wind all night, fresh at West and Northwest.  
Note the South land are Isles, and lie the Wester part, with the Salt Island (or roundest and highest Island of the Straitss mouth) South-west by South, etc. 
Note.   
The nearest of the South Lands, being the Westermost of them, is six leagues distant from the Salt Island.  
The Salt Island, lieth half Seas over, and the distance 'twixt Sumatra and the Souther land is twelve or fourteen leagues.  
The Salt Island, with the point including the whole Bay, wherein is Bantam Road, lie East North-east, and West South-West (which I should have set first.)  
The Salt Island with the highest South land of Sumatra (it being a round Hummock, and with the Northwest point of java, to the Eastward of the four Lands, which I formerly call the South land) bear East Southeast, and West Northwest. The Hummocke of Sumatra, and point of java, being about twenty leagues distant.  
This evening, we had the Salt Island, four leagues North from us.  
The fourth, in the morning we were within five or six leagues of the point, including Bantams whole Bay, East North-east from us. There are before we come to the said point two Rocks full of Trees, bearing each with other North and South four miles distant between which too we steered. The Southermost lieth very near java and the Northermost half way and more, between the point of Bantam and another low ragged Island, which (with other two to the Northward of it) bear with the Northermost Rock, West South-west, and East Southeast, between which Lands we do not know of any passage.  
Note that that ragged Island maketh the Strait, and we came to the South thereof.  
We got into the Road of Bantam where we found six Holland ships, 
We arrived at Bantam.  whereof two were almost laden with Cloves, and two were to be laden with Pepper.  
I found thirteen English alive, whereof four were Merchants. I received a Letter from Captain David Middleton.  
The sixth, I paid Vncte and Tegin the two Chineses their wages, and released them.  
The twentieth, I called my Merchants, 
Counsel and resolution, to sand the Pinnace for Banda.  and having formerly resolved to return with the Dragon for England, upon special considerations, I now questioned concerning the employment of our Pinnace not yet finished: where we concluded that Brown and Sidall should go in her for Banda.  
john Hearne, john Saris, and Richard Savage to remain at Bantam. Also, that so soon as the Pinnace could return from Banda, john Saris should go in her to Suquedana upon Borneo.  
The fifteenth of November, I sent for jaques Lermite, and discovered unto them a purpose in the javans, to cut their throats whereof I understood very particularly.  
The two and twentieth, the Ambassador of Siam came to visit me, and dined with me. He affirmeth that a thousand Clotheses read, would vent in his Country in two days, 
Vent of Read English cloth in Siam.  and great quantity yearly; they clothing their Elephants and Horses therewith.  
Gold is there abundant, and worth (as he reporteth) three times the weight in Silver, being good Gold. There are also precious stones in quantity, and cheap. And that their King would accounted it, 
The King of Holland.  one of their greatest happinesses to have commerce with so great a King as his Majesty of England: with whom, as he understood, the King of Holland was not comparable.  
The eight and twentieth, I took leave of the King, the Governor, the Admiral, the old Sabandare, jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, with purpose to be aboard the morrow.  
The nine and twentieth, I went aboard for altogether.  
The second of December, within night, our Merchants came aboard, 
King's Present.  bringing a Letter from the King of Bantam, to his Majesty of England, and two Picolls of Canton, in present unto him.  
The twelfth, we espied a Sail, which proved the Hector, 
Hector. M. William. Hawkins Captain of the Hector left at Surat.  year we got out of the straits. She had no Captain he remaining at Suratt, I understood, that the Portugals had taken eighteen English, whereof diverse of our Factors, and goods to the value of nine thousand Dollars.  
The fourteenth, we got into Bantam Road again, forced to a longer Voyage or loss of reputation.  
The sixteenth, there came a small Fleming from Amsterdam, with news of peace, 
News of peace 'twixt S●a●ne and the Netherlanders.  between Spain, France, and the Netherlands: and that his coming was to desist from their purpose to Malacca.  
I appointed Master Molineux and Pockham for England, the rest with me for the Maluccoes.  
The seventeenth, I removed to the Hector, and the Masters shifted ships.  
The one and twentieth, I sped Master Towerson with all things, willing his departure with all speed.  

Dragon set sail for England.  The three and twentieth, The Dragon made sail from Bantam, the Lord prospero her.   

§ FOUR Their Voyage to Banda, Observations by the way, Actions there.  
THe first of january, 1608. About one in the morning we weighed, and with a gale of the shore, got about the East point, East North-east from where we road three leagues.  

A dangerous shoal.  Thence to another point, Southeast Easterly three leagues, between the two points lieth a shoal, having little water, a great length: to prevent which, it is good to steer half way between java, and the Isles Tonda, which are five leagues distant.  
To the Eastward of the second point, close aboard the shore lieth the Isle Tanara, and is not seen of such as come fare off, it lieth so near the shore.  
From the second to the third points, bearing East Southeast, are four leagues. And 1. ½. mile off that point North by West lieth the Isle Lackee, 'twixt which and the point is but 1. ½. fathom water by report. We road all night, having the I'll East a league off, six fathom water.  
The fourth, we weighed and steered within ½ a league of Lackee, having seven or eight fathom water. The Island Lackee, with the West point including jacatra, lieth East Southeast four leagues distant. There lieth a dangerous sand of the West point of jacatra: so it is good to bor●ow of the Island lying opposite unto the said point.  
The eighth, I went to jacatra, and anchored fare out. The King sent his Sabandare to desire Powder and Match, 
jacatra. Presents.  and I presented him thirty pound of Powder, and a roll of Match. I bought of them a Portugal Boy (which the Hollanders had given unto the King) who would by no means forsake Christianity: he cost me forty fi●e Dollars. The points, as we road, bore Northwest and East by North four leagues distant: the Town and highest of the Eastermost hills South by East, and the West hill South by West from us. We have seen since we came from Bantam thirty or forty Lands.  
The tenth in the afternoon, we weighed and got under sail.  
There lieth a sunken Island, even with the water about two leagues West by North from the East point of jacatra. We left it on our Larbord, going between it, and the Easter Island. The two points making jacatra Bay, bear East Southeast, and West Northwest four leagues distant.  
The Eastermost Island lieth in a strait Line between both points.  
The eleventh, we were at noon ten leagues North-east from the East point of jacatra.  
The twelfth, we were at noon South-west by South two leagues from an Island, having made East by South thirty leagues way. And there is a shoal South and North with the said Island three leagues from java, called Los tres Hermanos: the I'll lieth ten leagues from java, but not so fare Easterly as is projected. The said Island beareth with the highest hill we see upon java North by West. There is a point of java, which with the same and the former Island, beareth South by West Westerly.  
The fifteenth, we were near Madura, contrary to my expectation. I suppose that the I'll of java is not so long as it is projected▪ 
Madura.  or else we have found a set to the Eastward. A round I'll, and the highest Easter land of java, bear with us South South-west, half West about six leagues from us, the I'll within three leagues of us.  
Another I'll is with us Northwest five leagues from us. I pricked according to the land, and do overleap thirty leagues.  
The sixteenth, I allow sixteen leagues East. North-east.  
The seventeenth, I allow sixteen leagues East by North.  
At noon, we were two leagues Southeast by South from an Island which trendeth East by North two leagues long (no mention hereof in Platts. 
An Island not mentioned. )  
The eighteenth, at noon, we were near the Isles 
* Or Nuiasira.  Nossaseres, it was North by West a league of us. It trendeth Northwest and Southeast two or three leagues long, in latitude five degrees, thirty minutes.  
I allow thirty six leagues East North-east.  
We saw another flat Island to the North thereof.  
The nineteenth, I allow eighteen leagues East, wind Westerly.  
The twentieth, we yet see no land, albeit the ship hath run more ground, since we made Nossaseres then the distance projected between them. 
The three Isles of Gicaliam.  This evening we saw three Isles to the North of us, four or five leagues or more: they were low land, and lay a good length East and West, all small Lands. We founded thwart of them, and had but nineteen fathom water.  
The one and twentieth, this forenoon we saw the land of Celebes, 
Celebes.  and esteem the distance 'twixt it and our being yesternoone, nine and twenty leagues as we steered East, and I deem the Isles we saw yesterday, the Easter of them to be three and twenty leagues from Celebes. But we could not fetch Macassar by any means, the wind fresh Northerly, and Northwest. We anchored in twelve fathom water, the South point of Celebes, bearing East by South six leagues from us. Note, that the falling with Celebes, 
Note.  by reckoning nine and twenty leagues before we came to it, was caused by making error in the East end of java. For whereas I overleaped thirty leagues there, as by the fifteenth. I was ashore here, before we had his length nine and twenty leagues. Wherhfore I opine that the ordinary distance between Bantam and Celebes, being two hundred thirty five leagues is near the truth. Also, 
The distance between Bantam and Celebe●, is 235. leagues.  that between Celebes and Nossaseres is seventy six leagues, or else, that the Isles we saw the eighteenth were not (as we supposed) Nossaseres. We broke our Cable and lost our Anchor.  
The three and twentieth, from the point where we road to another point, that is East by South ten leagues thence, to another low point East by North Northerly eight leagues (and one league East of the said East point, is the notable round land) to another low point is six leagues East, and thence to another point, three leagues North-east by East, but this distance is to the Eastward of the straits. We haled it all night under the notable round land, it being four leagues East North-east from us. The highest South land of Celebes, and the West point of Desolam, bear North Northwest, ten or twelve leagues distant. The West end of Desolam, 
Desolam.  and the low East point of Celebes (which is the narrowest of the straits) bear South by West twelve or fourteen leagues off. The Coast of Desolam is nearest South-west.  
The East end of Desolam, with the Isles making the Strait, and the East land of Celebes, 
The strait of Desolam.  in sight lie all in a right line, South and North nearest.  
The four and twentieth, This morning we saw Cambina, 
Cambina▪  and cannot possibly be more than twenty leagues East North-east from the straits of Celebes.  
We were at one afternoon, North-east by North eight leagues from the West point thereof, it being a very high and round hill, the rest higher, but thick land. The Wester part of what we see lieth Southeast by South, and the Easter part Southeast by East, eight leagues long at the lest.  
The five and twentieth, We have done little, but are still under the Island, and see land to the North, whether Celebes or what I know not.  
The seven and twentieth, This morning we were North and South with land lying twelve leagues East Southeast from the East-side of Cambina. Coming near it, the Wester part proved two Lands, lying East North-east, etc.  
The great Island lieth East by North five leagues, making three or four headlands. 
Button.   
There lieth a round Island South from the said headlands, eight leagues distant. From the Easter point to another North-east ½. North three leagues thence, to another North-east six leagues thence, to another North-east by North three leagues. From the last point save one, Southeast by East, eight leagues lieth a shoal six leagues long as it beareth.  
The eight and twentieth, 
Ticabessa.  From the said point North-east eight leagues lieth the Island Ticabessa, whereof we had fight. And from the said point North-east by North fourteen leagues lieth the East or North-east point or part of Button.  
Toward night came a Caracoll with forty or fifty men aboard me, sent from the King of Button, among which were the King's Uncle, and S●nne, who knew Sidall and Spalding.  
The one and thirtieth in the morning, we were five leagues North-East, Northerly from the point nearest Ticabessa, and within three leagues of the North part of Ticabessa, 
Ticabessa.  which are two or three Iles. At noon, we were six leagues Southeast from the East point of Button, whereby we have more way since, then the ship can have run.  
The third, latitude four degrees twenty five minutes. 
February, 160●  I allow twenty four leagues East North-East wind, Northwest and North North-West, but we are set Southerly.  
The fourth in the morning about eight, we saw Burro, 
Burro.  the East point whereof was North-East by East seven leagues off, and the West point North by West nine leagues off. I allow twelve leagues, North-east wind Westerly.  
The fift, taking advice what to do, all men opined fittest to go for Banda; winds not serving for the Moluccos, we concluded to go thither. From the last Easter point of Burro, 
Counsel.  to another four leagues East and West. The I'll Bloy lieth South and North from the Eastermost end of Burro, 
Bloy. Amb●yno▪  four or five leagues. We saw Amboyno from Burro, East by North twelve leagues, and lieth ten leagues long East, to the Eastward whereof lie other Isles, East and West of good quantity.  
The sixth, we saw the high land of Banda, and is (in my opinion) twenty five leagues distant from the Easter part of Amboyno, East by South ½ Southerly. The seventh Pulorin, with the little round I'll to the North, beareth South by East five leagues distant. Puloway with Pulorin, East Southeast, 
P●loway. Pulorin. A chored in the road of ●anda.  and West Northwest, three leagues off.  
The eight, we got into the road or harbour of Banda, where the people and Hollanders came to welcome me. There is a small fiat Island lieth to the North of Pulorins' East end. Puloway and the entrance of the harbour West Notherly, three leagues distant. The two points of the Sound bear North ½. East, etc. one ½. mile distant. He that is bound in, must borrow on the North side, close under the highest Hill. We road in six ½. fathom water, the Sounds entrance being West South-west one mile of us, Nera one mile North, and the low point of the round hill, West one mile. The Hope was put to the East, and came Piloted in the morrow.  

Our Kings Letter● and Presents to Nera.  The ninth, I went a shore, and delivered his Majesty's Letter to Nera, together with a Present, being the best gilt cup with a cover, the best Head-piece and Gorget, and one of M. Bucks Pieces, which cost twenty five Dollars. It was received with the most State that hath been known: but they would bethink themselves for our house till to morrow. The Hollanders shot five Chambers at my landing, and five at my going aboard. I dieted with them. They report, that the East Monson bloweth eight months, 
Monson.  and beginneth 'twixt the first and tenth of May.  
The eleventh, we agreed for the building of our house.  

Vrtatan.  The one and twentieth, I went to Vrtatan, to have conference with the people, where I promised to be at Lantor the Sunday following.  
The five and twentieth, in the afternoon, I was called, and went to Lantor, where I delivered the King's Letter, 

Lantor. Our King's Letter.  
The Hollanders S●ie.  
No●e of the Hollanders.   the small gilt cup with a cover, the fair gilt Target, one Piece stocked, and a Barrel, which they received respectively.  
Nakhada China (as the Hollanders Spy) came aboard me in the night, to counsel me to speed. Where the Dutch have a factory, let no man look for better measure, large gifts being better regarded then good dealing.  
The thirteenth, they of Lantor demanded Serepinang one hundred and forty rials of eight, and I required leave to cell my cloth, as I might, with a public price making. The Priest was sent from the State, to demand payment of Rooba, Rooba, before we traded: which I denied, except upon condition the whole Country would bind themselves to lad me with Mace and Nuts, within four months. At one hundred Dollars, he took time to 
* ●e char●.  be chary. I answered, that perceiving they deferred time till the Hollanders arrival (which was now in suspense, the Monsons' being almost spent, and already some East winds come in) I would not give past ninety rials: wherewith he took his leave, having as ●●ooth an outside, as rough in mind.  


Three Hollanders.  
Loss of 74. Hollanders.   The sixteenth, there came in three tall Hollanders, without anchoring, shot thirty, sixteen, and nine pieces of excellent Ordnance. Two of these ships came from Tarenate, having lost Paul Van Carden their Admiral, with seventy four men taken by the Spaniard, who would harken to no other ransom for him, except the Fort of Machian, by him formerly taken, might be resigned. The Dutch offered fifty thousand Dollars for him.  
The seventeenth, the Hollanders visited me by Sr Brewer.  
The eighteenth, the Hollanders of the two least ships, came to visit me, and supped with me: 
Note second.  but an Englishman reporteth, that they mean to surprise us ere a month expire.  
The nineteeths, the States sent again for Rooba, Rooba, which I refused to pay, so they sent again, to tell me, that now they are together: but except I would exceed one hundred Dollars, I should save my labour and not trouble myself. I sent them word again, that though I laded not a grain, I would not give above one hundred. They sent soon after to call me, where after long dispute, 
Accorded for Spice with the Bandanesse●.  we accorded at one hundred Dollars, Rooba, Rooba, three hundred and eighty Dollars, and Serepinang fifty Dollars, besides Pissalin, a duty to the four Sabandares', of four pieces Sarassa, or Malaian Pintadoes.  
We received a Beam and weight, the Cattee poise ninety nine Dollerss, and in the haberdepoize, 
Cattee Banda.  five pound thirteen ½. ounces: so our Rials are too light.  
The twentieth, this day we began to weigh, and the Hollanders coming ashore, made price at one hundred, with four hundred Rooba, Rooba, fifty Serepinang, and four clothes.  
We paid the Hollanders underhand price, else we must have been idle.  
The three and twentieth, I made a secret accord with the Chief of Puloway, to sand a Factory thither, 
Accord with Puloway.  and were constrained to lend them three hundred Rials, and give Serapinang one hundred Rials, with four Malaian Pintadoes.  
The four and twentieth, the Dutch hearing of my accord with Puloway, sought to prevent me.  
The nine and twentieth there came six great ships Hollanders, into the Road, whom I saluted with nine Pieces, 
Six Hollanders.  answered with three: besides two small Pinnasses.  

April the first. 1609.  The first of April, received by the Hope from Puloway, 225. ¼. Cattees, Mace, and 1307. ½. C. Nuts, which Mace (all bought by him) I marked with B. for distinction.  
The fourth, I went aboard to cure mine eye, which by the heat of Nuts, watching, etc. was very sore. 

An English hou●e.  
Two Hollanders. Note.   I left the house and goods with Augustine Spalding. There arrived from the Moluccos two small Hollanders. Note, that now the 〈…〉 morning, bloweth hard Easterly.  
The ninth, the Dutch Admiral, Peter Williamson Varhoef, went ashore to Vrtatan. The Fleet shot forty Pieces of Ordnance: his ship but five. He delivered a letter from Count Maurice, without present, whereof when the people demanded, answer was made: that they had one, but it was not yet accorded what it should be. This I understood.  
The tenth, the Sabandar at my request, sent for the same Letter, which being in Portuguse, I perused, and found it only an authoricall Instrument, binding the Prince and State, to conform what their Admirals and Counsels should accord with other States. It was written in Paper, sealed under the Contents, and left open for all.  
The eleventh, we began to bring our Nuts aboard, thereto constrained by the Dutch: 
 their meaning was, to go ashore within a day or two: so that we could neither select the best, nor let them lie long enough in sweat.  
The twelfth, this night after the first watch, the States sent four men to request my company ashore instantly, which I refused to do till morning.  
The thirteenth, I went betimes ashore, where the Sabandar of Nera came to visit me, and then after much talk, 
My 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉  I propounded (as I had sundry times formerly done) the formal delivering of Bandan, to the use, and in the Name of his Majesty of England, our Sovereign, before the Hollanders did land, or begin their purposed Fort. They seemed to like well thereof, and concluded to be chary thereabout, and give me answer to day: but I doubt their inconstancies.  
The fifteenth day, the Dutch went ashore, twenty Boats, one thousand and two hundred men: the Naturals fled.  
The eighteenth, I went ashore, and sent for some Hollanders of note, to speak with me, to whom I made known many wrongs I had received since their coming in: wishing redress, and affirming, that though we were not at present strong enough to right ourselves, yet his Majesty of England, our Sovereign, would not permit his Subjects to sustain any damage by their means, without special and sound satisfaction.  
I affirmed, that notwithstanding wrongs received, 
Note.  I could not choose but Christianly advertise them, that the people purposed to poison their water, and to that end warned me not to drink thereof. He thanked me, and having been with their Admiral, requested me from him, to have patience concerning Rice, till he had had counsel therein. (Necessity hath no Law.)  
The twentieth, I went ashore to fetch the Rice, in part of Daton Putee his debt to the Company: but the Hollanders had dishonestly taken the same, notwithstanding the Admiral promised that I should have it. Thence I went among the javans, to have bought some Rice, who generally affirmed, that the Hollanders had straightly charged them, not to cell me any: 
Note.  neither durst they, though I offered five Dollars the Coyoung more than the Dutch paid. At my coming home, I found him that the Admiral had formerly sent unto me, whom I requested to tell his Admiral, that I esteemed his so taking my Rice, a great wrong: and that if he were a Gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I walked among them. Whereto was answered, that he was a Weaver. I reprehended the reporter, being an Englishman serving them, who affirmed, that his own people spoke so of him generally. Thence I took my Praw, and went to Labatacca, where I found such small doings, as was not fit to keep people thereabout: wherefore I appointed them to come away in the Skiffe, which I would sand for them and their goods to day.  
The two and twentieth, I went to Comby, where the Dutch did us much wrong, even in our yard: whereof having sundry times complained without redress, is argument, 

The Hollanders much wrong us.  
Dutch Fort began.   that it proceeded by order from the chief.  
The four and twentieth, they began their Fort.  
The five and twentieth, a Dutch Pinnace from Puloway, would give me no news of Browne there. I managed my Skiffe, and went to Puloway, where I found little Spice. The people desired me to stay at Air Putee, promising to lad me, offering to enact among them the penalty of death, to such as would sell one Cattee of Spice to the Hollanders. I seemed to distrust their words, having once beforce deceived me: whereupon they offered to pass writings and oaths. I questioned the bringing of it aboard, which they refused, fearing the Dutch. I offered to sand one Englishman in each Praw, and to run the hazard if the Dutch took it: but they would not hazard their people.  
The six and twentieth, in the morning, putting into my Boat four Suckles of Mace, 
4.  and many Nuts, with three Chief, to consider what to do: by the way the Chief affirmed, that if we would not deal with them, their Spice should rot upon the trees, and they would all dye, ere they would deal with the Hollanders. But they are wicked and faithless Moors, neither know I what to do. Forby going for the Moluccos, I must lose two thousand Dollars owing here, and trade there uncertain: and staying two months more here, will prevent going to the Moluccos: At last we agreed.  
The nine and twentieth, the Chief being convented, after many protests, they made me a writing to deal with me only, for all their Spice at Puloway, and Puloron, and at Air Putee, 
Ay●e Putee.  and not to cell or part with the Hollanders one Cattee thereof.  
The Hollanders offered twelve thousand Dollars among the Country, to make their peace, and drive us hence, which they refused: and desired me often, and earnestly, not to conceit ill, in that they permitted the Dutch to come ashore, 
Note.  and cell their Cloth, being upon a special consideration, to me immaterial.  

May the fourth, 1609.  The fourth of May 1609. I went to Puloway, where I found the Hollanders offer Cloth at ●/3. our price. I found a thousand Cattees Nuts, and two hundred Cattees Mace, which they of Pulorin had sold us, not weighing to the Hollanders one Cattee.  


The quarrels 'twixt the Dutch and Bandesses, grew partly out of the levity of these, and partly out of the insolency of those which exercised fortifications in stead of merchandising, & spa●e● no● the liberty of the living, or sepulchers of the dead. Hence murders and hostility. See my P●lg. l. 5. c. 16. §. ● Note.  
Shot with a Trunk. Note.  
Dutch Admiral murdered. Note.  
English courtesy to the Hollanders: but how repaid since, the world hath seen.   The eight, the Dutch there sent to request the conveyance of a Letter, and a sick man aboard them, which I promised: but my Nuts being ready to lad, Nakhada Goa came to me from the Chief, to entreat me, not to carry their man or letter, but stay also myself, which I refused, and fitted hence. Whereof he having informed, they sent me word again by him: that if I went, they would make purchase of whatsoever I left behind, and accounted us enemies: whereupon I stayed.  
The ninth, the people sent and required me, not to departed these four days. As I was going to bed, there came a command upon our lives, that we should not stir out of doors: and presently thereupon, I heard that the Dutch were upon their knees to the people. I armed myself and went out among them, where I found the Dutch overcome with fear; and demanding the cause of coming aboard so late, they answered, that one of them was shot into the leg with a Trunk, as he slept in their house: which caused them to seek my help, and were intercepted by the way. I went home with them, and leaving three English with two of them in their house, I brought two Dutch home with me.  
The tenth, in the morning, I caused the goods of the Dutch (at their earnest request) to be brought home to my house, whereat the Country seemed offended with me.  
There was counsel taken, and resolution to kill the Dutch, but Nakhada Goa preserved their lives. The Dutch were commanded by the people, not to stir out of doors, upon pain of their lives, their goods and money registered. This evening many Prawes and men went hence.  
The twelfth, at night, there returned a Praw with news, that they had slain the Dutch Admiral, with all his chief followers and counsel.  
The thirteenth, I had much ado to keep the Dutch from being slain, by those of Campon Awrat, whose Sabandar was slain by the Dutch.  
The foureteenth, two Dutch Pinnasses arrived, and the Country would fain have gotten them ashore: whereof my people, by order advised them. They of Campon Awrat came all armed, to have slain the Dutch, which with much entreaty and danger, I prevented. About noon, I sent away my Schiffe with Letters, of, and for the Dutch. This night, we had much ado to preserve the Dutch alive with careful watch.  
The fifteenth, my Schiffe returned with Letters, from, and for the Dutch.  
The sixteenth, the States consulted and resolved, that with me the Dutch should be safe: but would not permit them aboard their ships. I came aboard, and brought Letters from, and to the Dutch, and at the Harbours' mouth, was hailed by five Dutch Shallops, and other Boates.  

Note.  The twentieth, in the evening, Simon Hoen, Vice-admiral, came aboard me, giving me many thanks, for kindnesses showed to the Dutch at Puloway. I shot seven parting Guns.  
The five and twentieth, I manned my Praw, and went to Labatacca, where they desired a man or two Ledgers, 
Our house sold  to buy their Spice, which I promised them. The Hollanders pulled down my house, and satisfied me for the same, one hundred and fifty Dollars, besides forty of the boards. When I was going to bed, Van Bergell, and Samuel King, came from the Vide-admiral, to let me know, that they had counselled concerning my Trade at Labatacca, and concluded to permit my quiet Trade there: except at such times, as they should come to surprise the same. Also, they requested me not to take offence, if their Boats laid mine aboard, to search what aid I did to their enemies, which I took in ill part. And in prevention of which inconveniences, I propounded unto them▪ that if they would pay me such debts, as Nera and Cumber owed me, amounting to twelve or thirteen hundred Dollars, I would trade at Puloway and Pulorin only: whereof they promised me answer to morrow.  
The six and twentieth, Van Bergell brought me word, that I might trade at Labatacca.  
The seven and twentieth, I sent Matthew Porter with a Cargason to Labatacca.  
The one and thirtieth, I went to Labatacca to forward business. About supper time, Van Bergell and Samuel King came aboard me, desiring private speech with me from their Vice-admiral: and going into my Cabbine, after many Italian-like Compliments, they delivered me a note from their Vice-admiral, permitting us trade, but prohibiting victual and munition to be carried to the people, which they held for enemies, and requesting that their Boats might pass by them to be searched to that end, which else should be done by force, 
* I have left out (fearing the tediousness) this & other letters on both sides.  threatening confiscation on of ship and goods.  
I answered; that I would follow my trade, wherein if he wronged me, it would be too heavy for him to answer. That I had a remainder of the Rice, with I formerly acquainted him, which I would cell, except they took an unanswerable course therein. That for Munition, I had in the ship not past twenty handgunnes, belonging to sundry poor men, the sale whereof I neither could nor would prevent, except they would buy them, which I would 'cause to be reasonably sold. Concerning my subjection to their search, I answered, to have rather my estate, and life hazarded here, than my hitherto unspotted reputation at my coming home: nay, I should therein become a Traitor unto my Sovereign, wherewith my conceit was never stained.  
The second of june, I sent the Vice-Admiral and Council a few lines in Answer thereof, 
june, 1609▪  by Augustine Spalding, seeking all ways of Peace.  
The third, I received a note from the Dutch, whereby they would continued their search by all means, offering to buy the handgunnes, but not permit the Rice to be carried. Whereto instantly by their Messenger, I answered, as followeth;  
THE Vice-admiral, M. Simon jahnson Hoen, etc. of the Dutch Fleet, may please to know; That to the end, to take away all cause of quarrel from them to us, 
My reply.  and show the World our honest cause, and their wilfulness: Whereas they will not permit my Rice to be carried to Puloway, I will likewise therein consent to them, upon condition, that they shall revoke their purposed search. And to the end, they shall have some security for the performance, I will p●sse my yet unfalsified word; or if that (through your incredulity) be not sufficient, mine oath unto your Deputies, or yourselves, generally at pleasure to the same effect. But if herein you will not (through desire of quarrel with the English) consent unto my reasonable request: then be pleased to know, that I will sand it, at what price or hazard soever. Concerning our munition, I writ nothing; your purpose to buy the same, being prevention to your own doubts, which I pray let be done speedily for your own satisfactions. Thus I commit you to the Almighty who prospero your honest proceed, as I wish to mine own. From aboard the Hector in Banda, this third of june, 1609.  
WILLIAM KEELING.  
Toward night, they sent me again their last resolution (they having called four Counsels thereabout) holding their determination for the search. Whereupon, considering their purposes, 
Dutch resolution.  and that the lest breach would prove total, wherein sixty two men, against a thousand or more, could not perform much (to the hazarding of ship and goods or at lest not permission to lad, their Fort commanding all) I yielded as upon constraint to the search.  
The fift, I went with my last Rice to Puloway, the Hollanders having first sent aboard, and searched, to our great discontents; notwithstanding which, the ship at Lantor woven us, and called us aboard. I refused; they said they would shoot: but I neither went aboard, nor they shot.  
The foureteenth, I went to Labatacca, where I bought some Spice, and put away some cloth.  
The four and twentieth, I went to Cumber, whence I stowed eleven Suckles Mace.  
The five and twentieth, I went to Lantor to recover some debts made by Sidall, which were denied. The six and twentieth, I sent my great boat for Puloway. I went to Labatacca, whence I stowed two Suckles Mace.  
The seven and twentieth, my Boat returned with Spice from Puloway. The javans began to have conference with the Hollanders.  
The nine and twentieth, I went to Cumber, whence I stowed fourteen Suckles Mace.  
The first of I●ly, 1609. I went to Cumber to accounted with debtors. The second, 
july, 1609.  the Hollanders (with all the strength they could make, leaving the ships and fort weakly manned) went and took Labatacca: where, as they say, they killed twenty or sixteen persons, 
Labatacca taken by the Hollanders.  and burned the Town, bringing away pots and pans. I am verily persuaded, that forty men would have done as much as they did, with more than ten times so many.  
The fourth, I sent to Cumber, and one of my Guserates counselled me to go no more: for they distrust my Intelligence with the Dutch.  
The sixteenth, before day, the Hollanders with their whole power went to the Eastward, and having burned certain boats, and returning to take Salomo, were there at much stri●e about landing, not who should landlord soon, but who might stay longest aboard. By which, 
Salamo repulseth the Dutch▪  and other their defaults, they were repulsed with the loss of six men, besides many hurt: among whom the Governor, M. jacob de Bitter, is reported to have behaved himself worthily there. Afterward, Matthew Porter and others, desired to go a shore, which I permitted, by whom one sen● me word, that the Hollanders meant to take me, and wished me to look well to my ship and self. The cause, as he saith, was this: They report that the two last nights we made signs a shore▪ (and were by the people answered) of the Hollanders provision to land: whereof, God knoweth, that I knew nor heard not.  
The seventeenth, the Dutch sent Van Bergell, and Samuel King aboard me, requesting to know when I hoped to be gone: wherein I could not satisfy them, Puloway delaying me as it doth. They offered to make good all my debts, if I would be gone speedily, which I refused: affirming that the Company wo●ld not feel so small a loss. Also, 
Note.  that I could not answer it at home, having stayed till now, that lading is ready. We had some speech concerning the supposed signs, which we should make to the Country against them: Wherein I made just protests to the contrary.  
They affirmed us to have made signs two nights together, and said, that many Depositions were taken thereupon: (a sign of their purpose to quarrel with us.) Also, that one of my men yesterday being in their Fort demanded, why we made signs to the Country? should answer: that we had reason so to do, the Country being so much indebted unto us, and the Dutch hindering us what they can. Which imposture, I had no patience longer to harken unto, but pawned my hand that they could not prove any thing, first or last: wishing them to take their courses. Howbeit, that I might utterly prevent all cause of mistrust in them of us even in the whole World's opinion: I offered to go ride in Laboan java, where I might neither know their stir, nor could make signs to hurt them.  
The eighteenth, in the afternoon the Dutch sent many of their chief aboard me, who at first demanded kindly, whether I continued in my former determination of lading here? whereto I answered yea. Whereupon they desired me to take some course to go hence in friendship, I answered, that now Spice was ready, I hoped to get hence within twenty days laden, and in friendship. Many reasons passed between us: but when they saw my purpose, they delivered me a note from their Vice-admiral and Council, wherein were forged as many untruths as lines. The Copy whereof followeth.  

The Dutch their note, fraughted with as many untruths, as so few lines may well contain: showing their ingrate affections, for all Christ●an helps by our Nation performed unto them. etc. together with their selfe worthless overweening.  THe General Master William Keeling, May please to know, that it hath been by our Deputies proffered unto him, that if he thought good to transport over to us, the Debts remaining among the Bandanese, and then in friendship withdraw from the Road, with his ship (which himself heretofore hath partly made mention of to some of us) we are resolved to deal with him in that behalf. And albeit, this reasonable proffer, to eschew quarrel, is by us to him motioned: yet hath the General aforesaid, denied to accept the same. Notwithstanding we have sufficient occasion enough, with good reason to command him, with his said ship, to withdraw from forth this Road, and out of our Fleet also, without the command of the Artillery of the Fortress of Nassau: and that the foresaid General may understand the reasons which moved us to the same we have at large remonstrated the same, as followeth.  
The eight of April, 1609. The Worshipful Admiral Peter Williamson Var Hoef, being anchored with his Fleet, in the Lands of Banda, and there understanding of the Merchants of the united East India Company, how they were through the Inhabitants of Banda, daily constrained and molested, and also sometimes dispossessed of their Clotheses and Merchandizes, which they held for themselves at such rates as they pleased, satisfying for them, as and when they thought good: 

The building of this Fort, how it was liked of the Inhabitants, the Premises declare. Besides, they profaned their Burial ground to that purpose, an odious abomination to the Band●neses. And how unlikely is it that they would admit a Fort to captivated their liberty, and that near their Mesgid to profane their Religion?  
Their practices since may awaken the Readers Observation.  
The two and twentieth of May, 1609. The Admiral and Council of the Hollanders slain.   and so remained indebted so much, as their debt unto the General East India Company, amounted unto above twenty thousand Rials of eight, without intention to recontent the same. And further that our Leigers, concerning their lives, have ever lived in very doubtful estate, fearing, least daily they would untimely practise their ends, as appeared few years past, they have murdered our Merchants, and forcibly taken other some, and after their custom, made Heathens of them.  
Wherhfore the Admiral aforesaid was moved by all friendly means, to make a Castle or Fortress, whereby our Leigers, and Merchandizes, might rest in better safety, both against the Portugal, and against all other our Enemies: which by most of the chief Orancayas, was condescended unto. And thereupon, have we proceeded to the building of a Fortress, upon the Island Neyra. Which Fortress, being about half finished, the Admiral Var Hoen abovesaid, hath procured a Convention of the chief Orancayas, and Council of the I'll of Banda, to meet with him, and other of his Council at Ratoo: and there to have entered in treaty of a friendly accord and contract together. To which effect, the said Admiral appointed the fiscal, or justice of the Fleet, besides other of good account, as Hostages, to continued at Keyacke: that thereby, they, the rather or with less fear might come to the Admiral aforesaid, and his Council.  
Thus the Admiral, with diverse of his Council, together with a Company of his Soldiers, the two and twentieth of May, 1609. came to Ratoo, the nominated place of Convention; their being a Bandanese approached unto him out of the Woods; who told the Admiral, that the Orancayas, and other chief of the Isles, were near there in the Woods, but were so timorous of the Soldiers, that the Admiral had with him, as they feared to come unto him: and therefore prayed him and his Counsel to come unto them. The Admiral understanding the report, passed towards them, together with his said Council, and left his Soldiers at their appointed place. And being entered amongst them, he found the Woods replenished with armed Blackmoors, Bandanese, and Orancayas, who instantly encircled them, and without much conference between them passed, were by them treacherously and villainously massacred, and gave every of our chief, no less than twenty wounds. This Stratagems thus performed, they presently assaulted the Company of Soldiers, intending to have served them with the like sauce. But they partly in fear, and doubt of some treachery, armed themselves, and stood in their defence, and encountered one another, so as in fine they betook themselves to their best refuge, with loss of some of their chief, and so fled unto Cayack: and there have murdered the fiscal or justice aforesaid, with the rest of the hostages, besides diverse others of our people, who were walked into the Woods, to gather Cocus Nuts: insomuch, as at that time, were murdered about forty of ours by the Bandanesses, contrary to their oaths and promises. All which, provoketh us to execute and practise all revenge possible, toward the inhuman treacherous Bandanesses: which occasions prick us forward, to prosecute this present bloody war against them. Than followed many presumptions of his assistance of the Bandanesses, by English Powder and Munition, by signs, etc. which I omit. They conclude on those suppositions.  
We, by virtue of our Commission, and Patent of his Princely Excellency, command the foresaid General to withdraw with his ship from forth our Road out of our Fleet, and without the command of the Artillery of the Foretresse of Nassau, within the time of five days, after the date hereof. And in that we have conquered, by force of Arms, the Island Nera, so do we also pretend, and hold the Roads thereabout depending, as the Road of Labatacca, etc. to be under our command: and will not permit any (the time that we war with the Bandanesses) to anchor there.  
Thus by us ordained, past, and absolutely resolved upon by the Vice-admiral, and residue of the Council in the ship of Hollandia, upon the Road of Banda, the eight and twenty of july, 1609. 
july eighteen, 1609.   
Simon johnson Hoen, jacob de Bitter, Hen: Van Bergell, john Cornelisson Wijst, Will: jacobson, Simon Martens, Rufger Tomassen, Marlahen. 1609. Peter Bahuec. 1609. Will Vanderuort, alias, Secret.  
Whereto I briefly answered by word, that I could not answer my so going hence (lading being now ready) to my Country: and that unless I were otherwise commanded then by words, I would ride here till I were laden, which would be within five and twenty days at the uttermost. They affirmed, that this their signification to me, was answer. Whereto I applied, that oftentimes rash men threatened to kill, which they durst not for life perform. I shot five parting Pieces.  
The nineteenth, I sent away my Schiffe for Puloway, to know of riding there. Van Bergell came aboard to search the Boat; I willed him to tell the Vice-admiral, that I would leave a factory at Puloway, in case of constraint: and without constraint I would not hence.  
The twentieth, about one this morning, my Schiffe returned from Puloway, without note of our debts, or Inventory of goods, the principal causes of my writing. He only affirmed, that the people were willing to pay their debts, if we co●ld stay fifteen or twenty days: also offering us their best Road at Puloway. The Dutch and we came to some accord for the time of our stay, and for our debts, the Monson also inviting us thereto, and the Trade which already we had.  
The first of August 1609. peace generally published 'twixt the Dutch and Country, 
The first of August, 1609.  is an uncomfortable argument, of the Puloy●●s breaking with us. The Dutch sent me a Letter of credit, for the receipt of my debs left at Banda, payable at Bantam. The Hollanders this evening, 
Peace between the Hollanders and the Bandanesses.  shot an hundred and fifty Pieces of Ordnance, for joy of peace. Upon the Governor's earnest entreaty, I went to see the Dutch Fort, whose square may be foot, having thirty Pieces of Ordnance in circa, whereof eight very good Brass Demicanons.  
The fourth, I sent my Boat to fetch away goods, wherein came a Servant of Nakhada Guserat, by whom I understood that the Pulowans were resolved to let me have no more Spice, except some little, to shadow their wrong unto us: wherefore I sent the Boat again for Browne. ● being fair by the Town, shot five Pieces, the better to procure my people thence: 
Perfidy of the Islanders.  they not perceiving that we took any displeasure at their ill dealings. I sent again for Browne; which Boat staying long, I shot two several warning Pieces. Whereupon M. Browne came aboard me, but not Spalding: affirming, that they would not let him come, before I came ashore. Wherhfore I stood again to the Eastward, and coming somewhat near the Town, the King of Macassar came aboard me, to redeem his pawn, and brought Spalding and the three Dutch aboard me, 
The King of Macassar comes aboard.  more thanks to the love of his good pawn, than their honesties.  
The tenth, I weighed an half hundred by our ordinary Banda Beam, and it weighed nine ●/●. Cattees, whereby the Cattee appeareth to weigh five pound, fourteen 1/●. ounces haberdepoize. 
Banda weights.  I weighed also the single Cattee, which made five pound fourteen ¼. ounces haberdepoize.  
The eleventh, we anchored near Macassar upon Celebes, I being very desirous to go thither, hoping upon reports, to find Cloves there for Cloth. 
Macassar upon Celebes.   
The twelfth, I sent my Schiffe armed, to inquire of the place, who returning, heard that Macassar was yet 1/●. a day's sail to the North: and that three months since, 
A ship of Holland lost before Macassar.  there was a Dutch ship lo●t in sight of the Town: upon which dangerous report, we gave over the search of Macassar.  
The one and twentieth, we anchored in jaccatra, where we found the Banda and Enquisen, two Dutch ships, having been eight days there: who brought our people (in the Hope) and their goods from Amboyno.  
The six and twentieth, coming near the point, we met a Praw with Ralph Hearne, sent by Master john Saris to me, who had ready three thousand four hundred eighty one bags of Pepper. 
They arrive in the Road at Bantam.  We got betimes into the Road, and john Saris came aboard me▪ in a Dutch Boat.  
The thirteenth, upon the King's request, I sent five and twenty armed men to make him pastime, which he willed in honour of his having the last night, made conquest of his Wines virginity.  
The three and twentieth, having taken in there four thousand and nine hundred bags of Pepper, I questioned the leaving of a factory, where to we accorded.  

Factory at Bantam.  The seven and twentieth, I appointed the factory at Bantam, (viz:) Augustine Spalding, Factor, at fifty pound sterling a year: Francis Kellie, Chirurgeon, forty five shillings a month: john Parsons thirty shillings a month: Robert Neale, twenty nine shillings a month: Augustine Adwell, four and twenty shillings a month: Etheldred Lampre, twenty shillings a month: William Driver, twenty shillings a month: William Wilson, two and twenty shillings a month: William Lamwell, sixteen shillings a month: Philip Badnedg, sixteen shillings a month: Francisco Domingo, twelve shillings a month: juan Seraon, ten shillings a month: Adrian, Master Towersons Boy, ten shillings a month. I also hired six persons to go with us for England, and make all possible speed.  
The nine and twentieth, we ended with the Governor about our customs, with much ado.  
The thirtieth we delivered the Companies business from Saris to Spalding, giving him special charge of the Dutch insolency and hate towards us, and therefore to have little to do with them.  

October. 1609.  The second of October, 1609. I went and took my leave of the Governor, and desired his favour to our Factor, which he promised in seeming heartily.  
The third, betimes I came aboard for adieu, having visited all my friends.  
The first of November, 1609. About the distance six hundred and fifty from Bantam, we were in five and twenty degrees So●th Latitude, having four and twenty degrees variation, and four and twenty days running it.  

Storm.  The nine and twentieth, we had all day an hard gale of wind, which towards night proved a storm, at West South-west from the Northward, and put us to try with our main course, continuing all night, and the next day. Wherein (as sundry other times before) we have found a report of Linschot to be true, 
Note.  that generally all Easterly winds coming about to the Northward, if it prove rain, presently the wind cometh about to the West South-west, and there bloweth. 
Variation thirteen degrees.  We were in two and thirty ½ South when the storm took us, and had about thirteen degrees variation, and upwards.  

December the eight▪ 1609. Terra Donatall.  The eight of December, 1609▪ We ●ell betimes in the morning, with Terra Donatall, some six leagues of us, the Wester part where the variation was about eight 1/●. degrees. We were at noon under thirty one degrees, and seven and twenty minutes of Latitude, we standing South Southeast (wind at South-west) under l●w sails.  
We met a Hollander, and understood by them, that the Erasmus (a ship of the Fleet, which made homewards, at my arrival with the Dragon at Bantam) being very leaky at Sea, and the rest of the Fleet so leaving her, steered for the Island Mauritius, and there unladed the said Erasmus, leaving the goods there, with five and twenty persons to guard the same, till it might be sent for the rest of her company being now in this ship;  

The latitude and description of the I'll Mauritius.  That upon Mauritius were two havens; the one, called the Northwest, lying under twenty degrees, somewhat less; the other, the Southeast in twenty degrees and fifteen minutes, all kind of refreshments being there to be ha●● as Fish, Turtles, Manatees, in great abundance, Fowls infinite, and Goats, newly by them brought thither, in some reasonable numbe●, Hogs also, and the place very healthful. The Island is between thirty and forty leagues in circuit: and the variation there being one and twenty degrees the North-westing. They came from Bantam in May, were a month getting Mauritius, stayed there four months and an half, and have been six weeks thence, whereof seventeen days with contrary winds.  

Cape Das Agul●as.  The two and twentieth, we were in Latitude thirty five degrees, twenty eight minutes, and within seven leagues of the Cape Agulhas, which riseth like two Isles, we being Southeast of it: but coming more thwart like three Lands, two Bays North making three perspicuous points low, and seeming round. We sounded about seven in the evening, and had seventy seven fathom water, Oazy ground, being South of the shore, about five leagues the most, and as I guess, newly got to the Westward of the Flats shoaldest.  
I observed the Sun's setting, and found small variation, having eight and twenty 1/●. degrees (South of the West) Azimoth, our latitude being about five and thirty degrees, and six and twenty minutes.  

Note.  A man bound home upon this Coast, finding no weather for observation, either for latitude or variation, may boldly and safely keep himself in sixty fathom water, and shelly ground: and when he findeth Oazy, is very near Cape Da● Aghulas: and when he looseth ground at one hundred and twenty fathom line, he may resolve that he hath passed the said Cape, provided he be within the latitude of thirty six degrees.  
The three and twentieth, we steered all night, West by North, and West Northwest, a fresh gale Easterly, and in the morning, saw the land all along, about eight or ten leagues from us high land. About noon, we were near Cape Buona Speranza, having run 'twixt Cape D'aghulas and it, in seventeen hours. We got within three leagues of the Sugar-loaf, 
Cape De Buona Speranza.  and stood off and on all night.  
The eight and twentieth, I received by the Dutch Boat six sheep (the fa●test that ever I saw) from the Island: the tail of one of them was eight and twenty inches broad, and weighed five and thirty pound weight.  
I received of the Dutch a Main Topsail (whereof we had extreme want) and delivered them a note to the Company, to receive twelve pound twelve shillings for the same: beside, 
Main top sail bought.  their promises to us for other wants, are very honest and Christianlike. We took fat sheep left on Pengwin Island, and set leave in their room●. I left a note also there of my coming, and the state of my company, as others had done before.  
The tenth of january, in the morning, we were under sail homeward. Note, 
january the tenth. 1609. Set Sail.  that all the time we have been here, the wind hath been Westerly, and Southerly: and the two former times that I was here, at the same season, it blew storms Easterly.  
The twentieth, we passed the Southern Tropic, about noon. 
South Tropic.  The Dutch came and supped with me: shot three parting Pieces.  
The thirtieth, before day, we saw S. Helena, 
Santa Helena.  having steered sixty six leagues West in that latitude. We road on the Northwest part thereof, a mile from the shore, Northwest from the Chapel, in two and twenty fathom sandy ground. The Island may lie truly two hundred and seventy, or two hundred and eighty leagues to the Westward, from the land of Aethyopia, we were fain to steer close in under the high-land, to get ground, the bank being steep too, and without no anchoring.  
The ninth of February, we weighed, and made sail homeward: 
February 9 Set sail from S. Helena. Ascention. We left the Dutch to our Christian grief.  having received aboard here, for refreshing, nineteen Goats, nine Hogs, and thirteen Pigs.  
The sixteenth, we saw the I'll Ascention seven or eight leagues West South-west from us.  
The eight and twentieth, in the morning, the wind being Westerly, and reasonable fair weather, we steered with the Dutch (who had made a Wast upon his Mizzen Mast-head for us.) He told us, that he had but eight or nine men standing, the rest sick, and six and forty dead. A grievous chastisement unto them, and to us, a never sufficiently acknowledged mercy: that they who offered to spare me ten or twenty men, or more upon occasion, should so generally decay, and we lose no one, nay every one in good health.  
Toward night, at my Companies earnest suit, considering our leak, with many other just causes, on our part, besides our want of means to aid them, though we should accompany them: they having (without any our speech or motion to the like end) desired us to acquaint such Dutch, as we should meet with their distress, that they might take the best course for their aid, we made sail, and left them not without sensible and Christian grief, for our want of means to help them. Latitude forty five degrees and six minutes.  
The first of May, 1610. We had very fair weather, wind South-west, 
May 1610.  latitude forty nine degrees, and thirteen minutes.  
The second, betimes in the morning, the wind came at South, and blew an hard storm, which put us into our fore-course.  
Toward night, we spoke with a Lubecker, who told us, that Silley bore East by North (thirty eight Dutch miles, which is fifty leagues) from us: and the weather being fair, we made sail. I told them of the distressed Dutch.  
The ninth, in the morning, Beachy was North North-East, three leagues from us.  
The tenth, about Sunset, we anchored in the Downs.    

CHAP. VII. Captain WILLIAM HAWKINS, his Relations of the Occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in India, in the County of the Great MOGOLL, and of his departure from thence; written to the Company.  

§. I. His barbarous usage at Surat by Mocrebchan: The Portugals and jesuits treacheries against him.  
AT my arrival 
* 
Captain Keeling and he had kept company together all the voyage before related (& not needful to be repeated) to the Road of D●lisa in Socatora, whence on june the 24. Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as you have heard; the other in the Hector for Surat (the mean while built a Pinnace) on the fourth of August having received from the General a duplicate of the Commission under the Great Seal. He cometh on shore the 28. of August, 1608.  
Chanchana. Mocrebchan.   unto the Bar of Surat, being the four and twentieth of August, 1608. I presently sent unto Surat Francis Buck, Merchant, with two others, to make known unto the Governor, that the King of England had sent me as his Ambassador unto his King, with his Letter and Present: I received the Governors' answer, both by them, and three of his Servants sent me from Surat, that he, and what the Country afforded, was at my command: and that I should be very welcome, if I would vouchsafe to come on shore. I went accompanied with my Merchants, and others, in the best manner I could, befitting for the honour of my King and Country. At my coming on shore, after their barbarous manner I was kindly received, and multitudes of people following me, all desirous to see a new come people, much nominated, but never came in their parts. As I was near the Governor's house, word was brought me that he was not well, but I think rather, drunk with Affion or Opinion, being an aged man. So I went unto the chief Customer, which was the only man that Seafaring causes belonged unto (for the government of Surat, belonged unto two great Noblemen; the one being Viceroy of Decan, named Chanchana; the other, Viceroy of Cambaya and Surat, named Mocreb chan, but in Surat he had no command, save only over the King's Customs) who was the only man I was to deal withal. After many compliments done with this chief Customer, I told him that my coming was to establish and settle a Factory in Surat, and that I had a Letter for his King from His Majesty of England, tending to the same purpose, who is desirous to have league and amity with his King, in that kind, that his Subjects might freely go and come, cell and buy, as the custom of all Nations is: and that my ship was laden with the commodities of our land, which by intelligence of former travellers, were vendible for these parts. His answer was, that he would dispatch a Footman for Cambaya, unto the Nobleman his Master: for of himself he could do nothing without his order. So taking my leave, I departed to my lodging appointed for me, which was at the Customhouse: In the morning, I went to visit the Governor, and after a Present given him, with great gravity and outward show of kindness, he entertained me, bidding me most hearty welcome, and that the Country was at my command. After compliments done, and entering into the main affairs of my business, acquainting him wherefore my coming was for these parts: he answered me, that these my affairs did not concern him, because they were Seafaring causes, which did belong unto Mocrebchan, unto whom he promised me to dispatch a Footman unto Cambaya, and would writ in my behalf, both for the unlading of my ship, as also concerning a factory. In the mean while, he appointed me to lodge in a Merchant's house, that understood the Turkish, being at that time my Trouch-man, the Captain of that ship which Sr Edward Michelborne took. 
The Captain of the ship that Sir Edward Michelborne took.   
It was twenty days ere the answer came, by reason of the great waters and raines that men could not pass. In this time, the Merchants, many of them very friendly feasted me, when it was fair weather that I could get out of doors▪ for there fell a great rain, continuing almost the time the Messengers were absent, who at the end of twenty days brought answer from Mocrebchan, 
Excessive rain.  with Licence to landlord my goods, and buy and cell for this present Voyage: but for a future Trade, and settling of a factory, he could not do it without the King's commandment, which he thought would be effected, if I would take the pains of two months travel, to deliver my King's Letter. And further, he wrote unto his chief Customer, that all, whatsoever I brought, should be kept in the Customhouse, till his Brother Sheck Abder Rachim came, who should make all the haste that possibly could be, for to choose such goods as were fitting for the King: (these excuses of taking goods of all men for the King, are for their own pri●ate gain.) Upon this answer, I made all the hast I could, in easing our ship of her heavy burden of Lead, and Iron, which of necessity must be landed. The goods being landed, and kept in the Customers power, till the coming of this great man, perceiving the time precious, and my ship not able long to stay, I thought it convenient to sand for three Chests of Money, and with that to buy Commodities of the same sorts, that were vendible at Priaman and Bantam, which the Guzerats carry yearly thither, making great benefit thereof. I began to buy against the will of all the Merchants in the Town, whose grumbling was very much, and complaining unto the Governor and Customer, of the leave that was granted me, in buying those Commodities, which would cut their own throats at Priaman and Bantam, they not suspecting that I would buy Commodities for those parts, but only for England.  
At the end of this business, this great man came, who gave me licence to ship it: before the shipping of which I called a Council, which were the Merchants I had, and those that I thought fitting for the business I pretended, demanding every one's opinion according to his place, what should be thought convenient for the delivery of his Majesty's Letter, and the establishing of a Trade. So generally it was agreed and concluded, that for the effecting of these weighty affairs, it neither would, nor could be accomplished by any, but by myself, by reason of my experience in my former travels and language: as also I was known to all, to be the man that was sent as Ambassador about these affairs. After it was concluded, and I contented to stay, I made what haste I could in dispatching away the ship, and to ship the goods. This done, I called Master Marlowe, and all the company that was on shore before me, acquainting them with my pretence, and how they should receive for their Commander Master Marlowe: willing them that they obey and reverence him, in that kind as they did me. This done, I brought them to the water side, and seeing them embark themselves, I bade them farewell.  
The next day, going about my affairs to the great man's brother, I met with some ten or twelve of our men, of the better sort of them, very much frighted, telling me the heaviest news, as I thought, that ever came unto me, 

Our two Barks taken by the Portugals, and thirty men in them.  
This not fight, was vpbrayd●d to our men by the Indians with much disgrace, sincere ●ouered with interest your ●●●f●ghts with th● Portugals. The intolerable pride of the Portugal Captain.   of the taking of the Barks by a Portugal Frigate or two and all goods and men taken, only they escaped. I demanding in what manner they were taken, and whether they did not fight▪ their answer was no: M. Marlowe would not suffer them, for that the Portugals were our friends: and Buck, on the other side, went to the Portugal without a pawn, and there he betrayed us, for he never came unto us after. Indeed, Bucke went upon the oath and faithf●ll promise of the Captain, but was never suffered to return. I presently sent a letter unto the Captain Maior, that he release my men and goods, for that we were Englishmen, and that our Kings had peace and amity together. And that we were sent unto the Mogul's country by our King, and with his letter unto the mogul, for his subjects to trade in his Country: and with his Majesty's Commission for the government of his subjects. And I made no question, but in delivering back his Majesty's subjects and goods, that it would be well taken at his King's hands: if the contrary, it would be a means of breach. At the receipt of my letter, the proud Rascal braved so much, as the Messenger told me, most vil●ly abusing his Majesty, terming him King of Fishermen, and of an Island of no import, and a fart for his Commission, scorning to sand me any answer.  
It was my chance the next day, to meet with a Captain of one of the Portugal Frigates who came about business sent by the Captain Maior. The business as I understood, was that the Governor should sand me as prisoner unto him, for that we were Hollanders. I understanding what he was, took occasion to speak with him of the abuses offered the King of England, and his subjects: his answer was, that these Seas belonged unto the King of Portugal, and none aught to come here without his licence. I told him, that the King of England's licence was as good as the King of Spain's, and as free for his Subjects, as for the King of Spain's & he that saith the contrary, is a traitor, and a villain, & so tell your great Captain, that in abusing the King of England, he is a base villain, and a traitor to his King, and that I will maintain it with my sword, if he dare come on shore. I sending him a challenge, the Moors perceiving I was much moved, caused the Portugal to departed. This Portugal some two hours after, came to my house▪ promising me, that he would procure the liberty of my men and goods, so that I would be liberal unto him: 
The ●nglish prisoners sent for Goa.  I entertained him kindly, and promised him much, but before he departed the Town, my men and goods were sent for Goa.  
I had my goods ready, some five days before I could be clear, and have leave, for they would not let them be shipped, vnt●ll this great man came, which was the third of October: 
The third of October. The ship departeth leaving M. William Hawkins and his servants in the Country. The perfidy & treason of Mocrebchan and the jesuite Peniero.  and two days after, the ship set sail, I remaining with one Merchant William Finch, who was sick the greater part of his time, and not able to stir abroad to do any business: the rest were two servants, a Cook, and my Boy. These were the company I had, to defend ourselves from so many enemies, which lay daily lurking to destroy us: aiming at me for the stopping of my passage to the great mogul. But God preserved me, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to go forwards on my travels. After the departure of the ship, I understood that my goods and men were betrayed unto the Portugal, by Mocrebchan, and his followers: for it was a plot laid by the jesuite and Mocrebchan, to protract time till the Frigates came to the Bar, and then to dispatch me: for till then, this dog Mocrebchan his brother came not: and the coming of these Frigates was in such secrecy, that till they had taken us, we heard no news of them.  
After the departure of my ship, I was so misused, that it was unsufferable, but so long as my ship was at the Bar, I was flattered withal. But howsoever, well used or ill, it was not for me to take thought for any thing, although remaining in an heathen Country, environed with so many enemies, who daily did nothing else but plot to murder me, and cozen me of my goods, as hereafter you shall understand. First, misused by Mocrebchan, as to have possession of my goods, taking what he pleased, and leaving what he pleased, giving me such a price as his own barbarous conscience afforded▪ that from thirty five would give but eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had full authority from him: and how difficult it was to get money from his chief servant, after the time expired, as it is best known to us, who took the pains in receiving a small part thereof, before his coming to Surat: and after his coming, I was barred of all: although he outwardly dissembled, & flattered with me almost for three months, feeding me with fair promises of payment, and other kindnesses. In the mean time, he came to my house three times, sweeping me clean of all things that were good, so that when he saw, that I had no more good things left, he likewise by little and little degraded me of his good looks. Almost all this time, William Finch was extreme sick of the Flux, but thanks be to God recovered past all hope, I, on the other side, could not peep out of doors for fear of the Portugals, who in troops lay lurking in byways, to give me assault to murder me, this being at the time that the Armada was there.  
The first plot laid against me, was: I was invited by Hogio Nazam to the fraughting of his ship for Mocha, 
The first plot of the Portugals to kill me.  as the custom is, they make at the fraughting of their ships great feasts, for all the principallest of the Town. It was my good hap at that time, a great Captain belonging to the Viceroy of Guzerat resident in Amadavar, being sent about affairs unto Surat, was likewise invited to this feast, which was kept at the water side: and near unto it, the Portugals had two Frigates of their Armada, which came to receive their tribute of the ships that were to departed, as also refreshment. Out of these Frigates, there came three gallant fellows to the Tent where I was, and some forty followers Portugals, scattering themselves along the Sea side, ready to give an assault when the word should be given. These three Gallants that came to the tents, armed with coats of Buff down to the knees, their Rapiers and Pistols by their sides, demanded for the English Captain: upon the hearing of which, I arose presently, and told them that I was the man, and perceiving an alteration in them, I laid hand on my weapon. The Captain Mogol, perceiving treason towards me, both he and his followers drew their weapons: and if the Portugals had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew (in retiring to their Frigates) had come short home.  

The second plot.  Another time, they came to assault me in my house with a Friar, some thirty or forty of them: the Friars coming was to animate the soldiers, and to give them absolution. But I was always wa●y, having a strong house with good doors. Many troops at other times, lay lurking for me and mine in the streets, in that kind, that I was forced to go to the Governor to complain, that I was not able to go about my business, for the Portugals coming armed into the City to murder me: 

Padre Peneiro a jesuite, a pattern of jesuitical sanctity. How frank would the jesuites have been to judas, beyond those Priests which g●ue but thirty pieces for the price of blood, and those but of two shillings six pence the piece? whereas this jesuite offers forty thousand Royals (who can deny them Royal Merchants?) at four shillings six pence the piece.  
jesuites policy. Just jesuitism.   which was not a custom at other times, for any Portugals to come armed as now they did. He presently sent word to the Portugals, that if they came into the City armed again, at their own perils be it. At Mocrebchan his coming, with a jesuite named Padre Pineiro in his company (who proffered Mocrebchan forty thousand Rials of eight, to sand me to Daman, as I understood by certain advice given me by Hassun Ally, and Ally Pommory) I went to visit him, giving him a Present, besides the Present his brother had: and for a time, as I have above written, I had many kind outward shows of him, till the time that I demanded my money. After that, his dissembling was past, and he told me plainly, that he would not give me twenty Manadies per Vare, but would deliver me back my cloth. Upon which dealings, I dissembled as well as I could with him, entreating leave for Agra, to the King, telling him that William Finch was the man that I left as my chief in this place: and in what kind soever his pleasure was to deal with me, he was the man to receive either money or ware. Upon which answer, he gave me his licence and letter to the King, promising me forty horsemen to go with me, which he did not accomplish. After licence received, the Father put into Mocrebchan his head, that it was not good to let me pass: for that I would complain of him unto the King. This he plotted with Mocrebchan to overthrew my journey, which he could not do, because I came from a King▪ but he said, that he would not let me have any force to go with me. And what else he would have him to do, either with my Trenchman and Coachman, to poison or murder me, if one should fail, the other to do it: this invention was put into Mocrebchans head by the Father. But God for his mercy sake, afterward discovered these plots, and the Counsel of this jesuite took not place. Before the plotting of this, the jesuite and I fell out in the presence of Mocrebchan, for vile speeches made by him of our King and Nation, to be vassals unto the King of Portugal: which words I could not brook, in so much, that if I could have had my will, the Father had never spoken more, but I was prevented.   

§. II. His journey to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertayment at Court.  
NOw finding William Finch in good health, newly recovered, I left all things touching the Trade of Merchandizing in his power: giving him my remembrance and order, what he should do in my absence. So I began to take up Soldiers to conduct me, 
He setteth forward on his journey from Suratt ●oward Agra.  being denied of Mocrebchan, besides Shot and Bowmen that I hired. For my better safety, I went to one of Chanchanna his Captains, to let me have forty or fifty Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna, being then Viceroy of Decan, Resident in Bramport, who did to his power all that I demanded, giving me valiant Horsemen Pattans, a people very much feared in these parts: for if I had not done it, I had been overthrown. 
Another dangerous Pio● of the Portugals. 〈◊〉 Province.  For the Portugals of Dama● had wrought with an ancient friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute Lord of a Province, (between Daman, Guzerat and Decan) called Cruly, to be ready with two hundred Horsemen to stay my passage: but I went so strong and well provided, that they durst not encounter with us: so likewise that time I escaped.  
Than at Dayta, another Province or Princedom, 
Dayt● another Province.  my Coachman being drunk with certain of his Kindred, discovered the Treason that he was to work against me, which was, that he was hired to murder me: he being overheard by some of my Soldiers, who at that present came and told me, and how it should be done in the morning following, when we begin our travel: (for we use to travel two hours before day) upon which notice, 
They use to travel two hours before day.  I called the Coachman unto me, examining him, and his friends before the Captain of the Horsemen I had with me: who could not deny; but he would never confess who hired him, although he was very much beaten, cursing his fortune that he could not effect it: for he was to do it the next morning, so I sent him Prisoner unto the Governor of Suratt.  
But afterward by my Broker or Truchman, 
The jesuites bloody plot discovered. Virous an virus, quis in jesuita requirat? M. Hawkins departeth from Suratt. The first of February 1608.  I understood that both he and the Coachman were hired by Mocrebchan, but by the Father's persuasion, the one to poison me, and the other to murder me: but the Truchman received nothing till he had done the deed, which he never meant to do, for in that kind he was always true unto me: thus God preserved me. This was five days after my departure from Suratt, and my departure from Suratt was the first of February 1608. So following on my travels for Bramport, some two days beyond Dayta, the Pattans left me, but to be conducted by another Pattan Captain, Governor of that Lordship, by whom I was most kindly entertained. His name was Sherchan, being sometime a Prisoner unto the Portugal, and having the Portugal Language perfect, was glad to do me any service: for that I was of the Nation, that was enemy unto the Portugal. Himself in person, with forty Horsemen, went two days ioureney with me, till he had freed me from the dangerous places: at which time he met with a troop of Outlaws, and took some four alive, and slew and hurt eight, the rest escaped. This man very kindly writ his Letter for me, to have his house at Bramport, which was a great courtesy, otherwise I could not tell where to lodge myself, the Town being so full of Soldiers: for than began the Wars with the Decans.  
The eighteenth of the said Month, thanks be to God, I came in safety to Bramport, and the next day I went to the Court to visit Chanchanna, 
His arrival at Bramport.  being then Lord General and Viceroy of Decan, giving him a Present; who kindly took it: and after three hours' conference with him, he made me a great Feast, and being risen from the Table, invested me with two Cloaks, one of fine Woollen, and another of Cloth of Gold: giving me his most kind Letter of favour to the King, which availed much. That done he embraced me, and so we departed. The Language that we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well.  
I remained in Bramport unto the second of March; 

He stayeth in Bramport till the second of March.  
His arrival at Agra the sixteenth of April, 1609.   till than I could not end my businesses of moneys that I brought by exchange, staying likewise for a Carravan, having taken new Soldiers, I followed my Voyage or journey to Agra: where after much labour, toil, and many dangers, I arrived in safety the sixteenth of April, 1609. Being in the City, and seeking out for an house in a very secret manner, notice was given the King that I was come, but not to be found: He presently charged both Horsemen and Footmen in many troops, not to leave before I was found, commanding his Knight Marshal to accompany me wieh great state to the Court, as an Ambassador of a King aught to be: which he did with a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that I admired much: for I could scarce obtain time to apparel myself in my best attire. In fine, I was brought before the King, I came with a slight present, 
He c●me before the King.  having nothing but cloth, and that not esteemed: (for what I had for the King, Mocrebchan took from me, wherewith I acquainted his Majesty.) After salutation done, with a most kind and smiling countenance, he bade me most hearty welcome, upon which speech I did my obeisance and duty again. Having his Majesty's Letter in my hand, he called me to come near unto him, stretching down his hand from the Seat Royal, where he sat in great Majesty something high for to be seen of the people: receiving very kindly the Letter of me, viewing the Letter a pretty while, both the Seal, and the manner of the making of it up, he called for an old jesuite that was there present to read it. In the mean space, while the jesuite was reading it, he spoke unto me in the kindest manner that could be, demanding of me the contents of the Letter, which I told him: upon which notice, presently granting and promising me by God, that all what the King had there written, he would grant and allow withal his heart, and more if his Majesty would require it. The jesuite likewise told him the effect of the Letter, but discommending the style, saying, 
jesuitical Charity.  it was basely penned, writing Vestra without Maiestad: my answer was unto the King, and if it shall please your Majesty, these people are our enemies: how can this Letter be ill written, when my King demandeth favour of your Majesty? he said, it was true.  

The Mogoll skilful in the Turkish tongue.  Perceiving I had the Turkish Tongue; which himself well understood, he commanded me to follow him unto his Chamber of Presence, being then risen from that place of open Audience, desiring to have further conference with me: in which place I stayed some two hours, till the King came forth from his women. Than calling me unto him, the first thing that he spoke, was that he understood that Mocrebchan had not dealt well with me, bidding me be of good cheer, for he would remedy all. It should seem, that Mocrebchans' enemies had acquainted the King with all his proceed: 
Spies upon every Nobleman.  for indeed the King hath Spies upon every Nobleman. I answered most humbly, that I was certain, all matters would go well on my side, so long as his Majesty protected me. Upon which speech he presently sent away a Post for Suratt, with his command to Mocrebchan, writing unto him very earnestly in our behalves: conjuring him to be none of his friend, if he did not deal well with the English, in that kind, as their desire was.  
This being dispatched and sent, by the same Messenger, I sent my Letter to William Finch, wishing him to go with this command to Mocrebchan: at the receipt of which he wondered that I came safe to Agra, and was not murdered, or poisoned by the way, of which speech William Finch advertised me afterward.  
It grew late, and having had some small conference with the King at that time, he commanded that I should daily be brought into his presence, and gave a Captain named Houshaber chan charge, that I should lodge at his house, till a house were found convenient for me: and when I needed any thing of the King, that he should be my Solicitor. According to command, I resorted to the Court, where I had daily conference with the King. Both night and day, his delight was very much to talk with me, both of the Affairs of England and other Countries, as also many demands of the West Indies, whereof he had notice long before, being in doubt if there were any such place, till he had spoken with me, who had been in the Country.  
Many days and weeks being past, and I now in great favour with the King, to the grief of all mine enemies, 
M. William. Hawkins had been in the West Indi●s.  espying my time, I demanded for his Commandment or Commission with Capitulations for the establishing of our Factory to be in mine own power. His answer was, whether I would remain with him in his Court, I replied, till shipping came: then my desire was to go home, with the answer of his Majesty's Letter. He replied again, that his meaning was a longer time, for he meant to sand an Ambassador to the King of England, at the coming of the next shipping: and that I should stay with him until some other be sent from my King, to remain in my place, saying this: Thy staying would be highly for the benefit of thy Nation, and that he would give me good maintenance, and my being here in his presence, would be the cause to right all wrongs that should be offered unto my Nation: and further, what I should see beneficial for them, upon my petition made, he would grant: swearing By his Father's Soul, that if I would remain with him, he would grant me Articles for our factory to my hearts desire, and would never go from his word. I replied again, that I would consider of it. Thus daily enticing me to stay with him, alleging as is above written, and that I should do service, both to my natural King and him, and likewise he would allow me by the year, three thousand and two hundred pounds sterling for my first, 
The King's stipendiary wages and honourable Pensions to his Nobles.  and so yearly, he promised me to augment my Living, till I came to a thousand Horse. So my first should be four hundred Horse. For the Nobility of India have their Titles by the number of their Horses, that is to say, from forty to twelve thousand, which pay belongeth to Princes, and his Sons. I trusting upon his promise, and seeing it was beneficial both to my Nation and myself, being dispossessed of that benefit which I should have reaped, if I had gone to Bantam, and that after half a dozen years, your Worships would sand another man of sort in my place, in the mean time, I should feather my Nest, and do you service: and further perceiving great injuries offered us, by reason the King is so fare from the Ports, for all which causes above specified, I did not think it amiss to yield unto his request. Than, because my name was something hard for his pronunciation, he called me by the name of English Chan, that is to say, English Lord, but in Persia, it is the Title for a Duke, and this went currant throughout the Country.  
Now your Worships shall understand, that I being now in the highest of my favours, the jesuites and Portugals slept not, but by all means sought my overthrow: and to say the truth, the principal Mahometans near the King, 
jesuitical Christianity.  envied much that a Christian should be so nigh unto him. The jesuite Peniero being with Mocrebchan, and the jesuites here, I think did little regard their Masses and Church matters, for studying how to overthrew my Affairs: advice being gone to Goa by the jesuites here, I mean in Agra, and to Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, he working with Mocrebchan to be the Portugals assistance, 
The practice of the Portugals against ou● Trade.  and the Viceroy sending him a great Present, together with many Toys unto the King with his Letter. These presents and many more promises, wrought so much with Mocrebchan, that he writeth his Petition unto the King, sending it together with the present, advertising the King, that the suffering of the English in his land, would be the cause of the loss of his own Countries, near the Seacoasts, as Suratt, Cambaya, and such like: and that in any case he entertain me not, for that his ancient friends the portugals murmured highly at it: and that the fame is spread amongst the portugals, 
Lying, a great stratag●me.  that I was General of ten thousand Horsemen, ready to give the assault upon Di●, when our shipping came.  
The Viceroys Letter likewise was in this kind: the King's answer was; that he had but one English●man in his Court, and him they needed not to fear, 
The King's answer.  for he hath not pretended any such matter: for I would have given him Living near the Sea parts, but he refused it, taking it near me here. This was the King's answer, upon which answer, the portugals were like mad Dogs, labouring to work my passage out of the World. So I told the King, what dangers I had passed, and the present danger wherein I was, my Boy Stephen Gravener, 
Nicholas Vfflet.  instantly departing this World, my man Nicholas Vfflet extreme sick, and this was all my English Company, myself beginning to fall down too. The King presently called the jesuites, and told them that if I died by any extraordinary casualty, that they should all rue for it. This past, the King was very earnest with me to take a white Maiden out of his Palace, who would give her all things necessary with slaves, and he would promise' me she should turn Christian: and by this means my meats and drinks should be looked unto by them, and I should live without fear. In regard she was a Moor, I refused, but if so be there could be a Christian found, I would accept it: At which my speech, I little thought a Christians Daughter could be found. So the King called to memory one Mubarique Shakstone his Daughter, who was a Christian Armenian, 
Mubarique Shakstone an Armenian Chr●stian. Ekbery Padasha.  and o● the Race of the most ancient Christians, who was a Captain, and in great favour with Ekber Padasha, this King's Father. This Captain died suddenly, and without will, worth a Mass of Money, and all rob by his Brothers and Kindred, and Debts that cannot be recovered: leaving the Child but only a few jewels. I seeing she was of so honest a Descent, having passed my word to the King, could not withstand my fortunes. Wherhfore I took her, and for want of a Minister, 

He taketh a Christian Gentlewoman to Wife. She came over with him for England, but he dying by the way, she was after married to M. Towerson. The Pinn●sse of the Ascension cast away near Sura●t. The King's Commission in the favour of the English under his great Seal with golden Letters. The Ascension cast away. The greater part of the King's Nobles are Mah●metans.  
Some of the Ascensions Company and M. Alexander Sharp● their General came to Agra.   before Christian Witnesses, I married her: the Priest was my man Nicholas, which I thought had been lawful, till I met with a Preacher that came with Sir Henry Middleton, and he showing me the error, I was new married again: so ever after I lived content and without fear, she being willing to go where I went, and live as I lived. After these matters ended, news came hither, that the Ascension was to come by the men of her Pinnace, that was cast away near Suratt, upon which news, I presently went to the King and told him, craving his Licence, together with his Commission, for the settling of our Trade: which the King was willing to do, limiting me a time to return, and be with him again.  
But the King's chief Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man envious to all Christians, told the King, that my going would be the occasion of war: and thus harm might happen unto a great man who was sent for Goa, to buy toys for the King. Upon which speech, the King's pleasure was I should stay, and sand away his Commission to my chief Factor at Surat, and presently gave order, that it should be most effectually written. In fine, under his great Seal with Golden Letters, his Commission was written, so firmly for our good, and so free as heart can wish. This I obtained presently, and sent it to William Finch. Before it came there, news came that the Ascension was cast away, and her men saved, but not suffered to come into the City of Surat, Of that likewise I told the King, who seemed to be very much discontented with that great Captain Mocreb chan, my enemy: and gave me another commandment for their good usage, and means to be wrought to save the goods, if it were possible. These two commandments came almost together, to the great joy of William Finch and the rest, admiring much at these things. And now continuing these great favours with the King, being continually in his sight, for the one half of four and twenty hours serving him day and night, I wanted not the greater part of his Nobles that were Mahumetans, to be mine enemies. For it went against their hearts, that a Christian should be so great & near the King: and the more, because the King had promised to make his Brother's children Christians, which two years after my coming he performed, commanding them to be made Christians. A while after came some of the Ascensions Company unto me (whom I could have wished of better behaviour, a thing pried into by the King.) In all this time, I could not get my debts of Mocrebchan, till at length he was sent for up to the King, to answer for many faults, and tyrannical Injustice, which he did to all people in those parts, many a man being undone by him, who petitioned to the King for justice.. Now, this Dog to make his peace, sent many bribes to the King's sons, and Noblemen that were near the King, who laboured in his behalf. After news came that Mocrebchan was approached near, the King presently sent to attach all his goods, which were in that abundance, that the King was two months in viewing of them, every day allotting a certain quantity to be brought before me: and what he thought fitting for his own turn he kept, and the rest delivered again to Mocrebchan. In the viewing of these goods, there came those Pieces and Costlet, and Head-piece, with other Presents that he took from me for the King of mine own, not suffering me to bring them myself: at the sight whereof, I was so bold to tell the King what was mine. After the King had viewed these goods, a very great complaint was made by a Banian, how that Mocrebchan had taken his Daughter, saying; she was for the King, which was his excuse, deflowering her himself: and afterwards gave her to a Brammen, belonging to Mocrebchan. The man who gave notice of this Child, protested her to pass all that ever he saw for beauty. The matter being examined, and the offence done by Mocrebchan, found to be true, he was committed to prison, in the power of a great Nobleman: and commandment was given, that the Brammene his privy members should be cut off.  
Before this happened to Mocrebchan, I went to visit him diverse times, who made me very fair promises, that he would deal very kindly with me, and be my friend, and that I should have my right. Now being in this disgrace, his friends daily soliciting for him, at length got him clear: with commandment, that he pay every man his right, and that no more complaints be made of him if he loved his life. So Mocrebchan by the King's command, paid every one his due, excepting me, whom he would not pay, but deliver me my Cloth, whereof I was desirous, and to make, if it were possible, by fair means, an end with him: but he put me off the more, delaying time till his departure, which was shortly after. For the King had restored him his old place again, and he was to go for Goa, about a fair ballast Ruby, and other rare things promised the King.   

§. III. The MOGUL'S inconstancy, and Captain HAWKINS departure with Sr HENRY MIDDLETON to the Red-Sea: Thence to Bantam, and after for England.  
ALL my going and sending to Mocrebchan for my Money or Cloth, was in vain, I being abused so basely by him, that I was forced to demand justice of the King, who commanded that the Money be brought before him: but for all the Kings command he did as he listed, and do what I could, he cut me off twelve thousand and five hundred Mamadies. For the greatest man in this kingdom was his friend, and many others holding on his side, murmuring to the King, the suffering of English to come into his Country: for that we were a Nation, that if we once set foot, we would take his Country from him. The King called me to make answer to that they said: I answered his Majesty, that if any such matter were, I would answer it with my life: and that we were not so base a Nation, as these mine enemies reported. All this was, because I demanded my due, and yet cannot get it. At this time, those that were near favourites, and nearest unto the King, whom I daily visited, and kept in withal, spoke in my behalf: and the King holding on my side, commanded that no more such wrongs be offered me. So I thinking to use my best in the recovery of this, intreting the head Vizir that he would be means that I receive not so great a loss; he answered me in a threatening manner: that if I did open my mouth any more, he would make me to pay an hundred thousand Mamadies, which the King had lost in his Customs by entertaining me, and no man durst adventure by reason of the Portugal. So by this means I was forced to hold my tongue, for I know this Money was swallowed by both these Dogs. Now Mocrebchan being commanded in public, that by such a day he be ready to departed for Guzerat, and so for Goa, and then come and take his leave, as the custom is: in this mean time, three of the principallest Merchants of Surat, were sent for by the King's commandment, and come to the Court about affairs, wherein the King or his Vizir had employed them, being then present there when Mocrebchan was taking his leave; this being a plot laid both by the Portugals, Mocrebchan, and the Vizir. For some six days before a Letter came unto the King from the Portugal Viceroy, with a Present of many rare things. 
A Letter from▪ the Viceroy of the East-India to the Mogul, against the English.  The Contents of this Letter were, how highly the King of Portugal took in ill part the entertaining of the English, he being of an ancient amity with other compliments: and withal, how that a Merchant was there arrived, with a very fair ballast Ruby, weighing three hundred and fifty Rotties, of which stone the pattern was sent. Upon this news, Mocrebchan was to be hastened away, at whose coming to take his leave together with Padre Pineiro, that was to go with him, the above named Merchants of Surat being then there present, 
A speech of Mocreb chan to the King against the English.  Mocrebchan began to make his speech to the King, saying, that this and many other things he hoped to obtain of the Portugal, so that the English were disannulled: saying more, that it would redound to great loss unto his Majesty and Subjects, if he did further suffer the English to come into his parts. Upon which speech he called the Merchants before the King, to declare what loss it would be, for that they best knew. They affirmed, that they were like to be all undone because of the English, nor hereafter any toy could come into this country, because the Portugal was so strong at sea, and would not suffer them to go in or out of their Ports; and all their excuse was, for suffering the English.  
These speeches now and formerly, and lucre of this stone, and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were the causes the King overthrew my affairs; saying, Let the English come no more: presently giving Mocrebchan his commandment, to deliver the Viceroy to that effect, that he would never suffer the English to come any more into his ports. 
The King's commandment upon false information against the English.   
I now saw, that it booted me not to meddle upon a sudden, or to make any petition unto the King, till a pretty while after the departure of Mocrebchan; and seeing my enemies were so many, although they had eaten of me many Presents. When I saw my time, I made petition unto the King. In this space, I found a toy to give, as the order is: for there is no man that cometh to make petition, who cometh emptie-handed. Upon which petition made him, he presently granted my request, 
None make petition to the King without some Present.  commanding his Vizir to make me another commandment in as ample manner as my former, and commanded that no man should open his mouth to the contrary: for it was his pleasure that the English should come into his Ports. So this time again I was a float. Of this alteration, at that instant the jesuite had notice: for there is no matter passeth in the Mogul's Court in secret, but it is known half an hour after, giving a small matter to the writer of that day: for there is nothing that passeth, but it is written, and writers appointed by turns, so that the Father, nor I, could pass any business, but when we would we had notice. So the jesuite presently sent away the most speedy messenger that could be gotten, with his Letter to Padre Pineiro, and Mocrebchan, advertising them of all that had passed. At the receipt of which, they consulted amongst themselves, not to go forward on their voyage for Goa, till I were overthrown again. Wherhfore Mocrebchan wrote his petition unto the King, and letters unto his friend, the head Vizir, how it stood not with the King's honour to sand him, if he performed not what he promised the Portugal: and that his voyage would be overthrown, if he did not call in the commandment he had given the Englishman. Upon the receiving and reading of this, the King went again from his word, esteeming a few toys which the Fathers had promised him, more than his honour.  
Now being desirous to see the full issue of this, I went to Hogi● jahan, Lord General of the King's Palace (the second man in place in the Kingdom) entreating him that he would stand my friend. He very kindly, presently went unto the King, telling him that I was very heavy and discontent, that Abdall Hassan would not deliver me my commandment, which his Majesty had granted me. The King answered him (I being present, and very near him) saying, It was true, that the commandment is sealed, and ready to be delivered him: but upon letters received from Mocrebchan, and better consideration by me had on these my affairs in my Ports in Guzerat, I thought it fitting not to let him have it. Thus was I tossed and tumbled in the kind of a rich Merchant, adventuring all he had in one bottom, and by casualty of storms or pirates, lost it all at once. So that on the other side, concerning my living, I was so crossed, that many times this Abdall Hassan his answer would be unto me; I know well enough you stand not in such need, for your Master beareth your charges, and the King knew not what he did in giving to you, from whom he should receive. My answer was, that it was the King's pleasure, and none of my request; and seeing it is his Majesty's gift, I had no reason to lose it: so that from time to time, he bade me have patience, and he would found out a good living for me. Thus was I dallied withal by this mine enemy, in so much that in all the time I served in Court, I could not get a living that would yield any thing, giving me my living still, in places where Outlaws reigned: only, once at Lahor▪ by an especial commandment from the King, but I was soon deprived of it: and all that I received from the beginning, was not fully three hundred pounds, a great part whereof was spent upon charges of men sent to the Lordships. When that I saw that the living which the King absolutely gave me, was taken from me, I was then past all hopes: for before, at the news of the arrival of shipping, I had great hope, that the King would perform former grants, in hope of rare things that should come from England. But when I made Arse or Petition unto the King concerning my living, he turned me over to Abdal Hassan: who not only denied me my living; but also gave order, that I be suffered no more to enter within the read rails: 
The read Rails a place of Honour.  which is a place of honour, where all my time I was placed very near unto the King, in which place there were but five men in the Kingdom before me.  
Now perceiving that all my affairs were overthrown, I determined with the Council of of those that were near me, to resolve whereto to trust, either to be well in, or well out. Upon this resolution I had my petition made ready, by which I made known unto the King, how Abdall Hassan had dealt with me, having himself eaten what his Majesty gave me: and how that my charges of so long time (being by his Majesty desired to stay in his Court, upon the faithful promises he made me) were so much, that it would be my utter overthrow: therefore I besought his Majesty that he would consider my cause, either to establish me as formerly, or give me leave to departed. His answer was, that he gave me leave, commanding his safe conduct to be made me, to pass freely without molestation, throughout his Kingdoms. When this Commandment was ma●e, as the custom is, I came to do my obeisance, and to take my leave, entreating for an answer of my King's Letter. Abdall Hassan coming unto me from the King, in a disdainful manner utterly denied me: saying, that it was not the custom of so great a Monarch, to writ in the kind of a Letter, unto a petty Prince, or Governor. I answered him, that the King knew more of the mightiness of the King of England, then to be a petty Governor. Well, this was mine answer, together with my leave taken.  
I went home to my house, studying with all my endeavours to get all my goods and debts together, and to buy commodities with those moneys, that were remaining using all the speed I could, to clear myself of the Country: staying only for Nicholas Vfflet, to come from Lahor, with a remainder of Indic●, 
William. Finch determined to return over-land for England.  that was in William Finches power, who determined to go over land, being past all hopes for ever embarking ourselves at Surat: which course I also would willingly have taken, but that as it is well known, for some causes I could not travel thorough Turkey, and especially with a woman. So I was forced to curry favour with the jesuites, to get me a safe conduct or Seguro, from the Viceroy to go for Goa, and so to Portugal, and from thence to England: thinking, as the opinion of others was, that the Viceroy giving his secure Royal, there would be no danger for me. But when my Wife's Mother, & Kindred saw that I was to carry her away, suspecting that they should never see her any more, they did so distaste me in these my travels, that I was forced to yield unto them, that my Wife go no further then Goa, because it was India: and that they could go and come and visit her, and that, if at any time I meant to go for Portugal, or any otherwhere, that I leave her that portion, that the custom of Portugal is, to leave to their Wives when they die: unto which I was forced to yield to give them content, to prevent all mischiefs. But knowing that if my Wife would go with me, all would be of no effect, I effected with the jesuite to sand for two Secures, the one concerning my quiet being, and ftee liberty of conscience in Goa, and to be as a Portugal in all Trade and Commerce in Goa: (this was to show my Wife's Parents.) The other was an absolute grant for free passage into Portugal, and so for England, with my Wife and Goods, without any disturbances of any of my Wife's friends: and what agreements I made with them to be voided and of none effect, but I should stay or go, when I pleased with free liberty of conscience for myself. This last Securo I should receive at Cambaya, which at my departure for our ships was not yet come, but was to come with the Carravan of Frigates.  
This and much more the Fathers would have done for me, only to rid me out of the Country: for being clear of me, they should much more quietly sleep. About this time, I had notice of the coming of thre● English ships, that were arrived at Mocha, and without fail their determination was to come for Surat, 
Nicholas Bangham.  at the time of the year: having this Advertisement by Nicholas Bangham from Bramport, who departed from me some six weeks before, both for the recovery of certain Debts, as also with my Letter to our shipping, if it were possible to sand it, advertising them of my proceed.  
In this time of my dispatching, news came of Mocrebchans return from Goa, with many gallant and rare things, which he brought for the King. But that Ballast Ruby was not for his turn, saying it was false, or at the lest, made his excuse for fear, that if he should give the Portugal his price, and when it came into the King's power, it should be valued much less (which ouer-plus he should be forced to pay as he had done in former times, for other things) he left it behind him. And beside, I understood, that Mocrebchan had not his full content as he expected of the portugals. And likewise, at this instant, the Vizir, my enemy was thrust out of his place, for many complaints made of him, by noblemans that were at great charges and in debt, & could not receive their liuings in places that were good, but in barren & rebellious places: and that he made a benefit of the good places himself, & rob them all. For these complaints and others, he had much ado to escape with life, being put out of his place, & sent to the Wars of De●a●. Now one Gaibbeig being the King's chief Treasurer (a man that in outward show made much of me, & was always willing to pleasure me, when I had occasion to use him) was made chief Vizir: and his Daughter married with the King, being his chief Queen or Paramor. This Viziers son and myself were great friends, he having been often at my house, and was now exalted to high Dignities by the King. Perceiving this alteration, and being certified of the coming of shipping, by certain advice, sundry ways. Knowing the custom of these Moors that without gifts and bribes, nothing would either go forward or be accomplished, I sent my Broker to seek out for jewels, fitting for the King's S●ster and new Paramour: and likewise, for this new Vizir, and his son.  
Now after they had my Gifts, they began on all s●des to solicit my cause: at which time news came to Agra, by Banians of Diu, how that of Diu, three English ships were seen, and three days after other news came, 
Three English sh●ps at the Bar of Surat.  that they were at the Bar of Surat. Upon which news the great Vizir asked me what Toy I had for the King, I shown him a Ruby Ring that I had gotten: at the sight of which he bade me make ready to go with him at Court time, and he would make my Petition to the King, and told me that the King was already won. So once more coming before his Greatness, and my Petition being read, he presently granted me the establishing of our factory, and that the English come and freely trade for Surat:: willing the Vizir that with all expedition my commandment be made, upon which grant the Vizir made sign unto me, to make obeisance, which I did according to the Custom. But now what followed? A great Nobleman and nearest Favourite of the King being the dearest friend that Mocrebchan, and likewise Abdall Hassa● had, brought up together from their childhood, and Pages together unto the King, began to make a speech unto the King: saying, that the granting of this would be the utter overthrow of his Sea Coasts and people, as his Majesty had been informed by petition from diverse of his Subjects: and beside, that it stood not with his Majesty's honour to contradict that which he had granted to his ancient friends the Portugals, and whosoever laboured for the English, knew not what he did; if knowing, he was not his Majesty's friend. Upon the speech of this Nobleman, my business once again was quite overthrown, and all my time and presents lost▪ the King answering, that for my Nation, he would not grant Trade at the Sea Ports, for the inconvenience that diverse times had been scanned upon. But, for myself, if I would remain in his service he would command, that what he had allowed me, should be given me to my content: which I denied, unless the English should come unto his Ports according to promise, and as for my particular maintenance, my King would not see me want. Than desiring again answer of the King's Letter, he consulted a while with his Viziers, and then sent me his denial. So I took my leave and departed from Agra, 
He departeth from Agra the second of November 1611.  the second of November 1611. being of a thousand thoughts what course I were best to take: for I still had a doubt of the portugals that for lucre of my goods they would poison me. Again, on the otherside, it was dangerous by reason of the Wars to travel thorough Decan unto Masulipatan: by land, by reason of the Turks, I could not go: and to stay I would not amongst these faithless Infidels.  
I arrived at Cambaya, the last of December, 1611. where I had certain news of the English ships that were at Surat. Immediately I sent a Footman unto the ships with my Letter, with certain advice, affirmed for a tru●h, by the Fathers of Cambaya, unto me, that the Viceroy had in a readiness prepared to departed from Goa, four great ships, with certain Galleys, and Frigates for to come upon them, and Treasons plotted against Sir Henry Middleton's person: of which news, I was wished by the Fathers to advice Sir Henry: 
A feigned policy of the jesuites.  which I found afterward to be but their policy, to put him in fear, and so to departed, and withal, I wished them to be well advised. And as for me my shifts were to go home, by the way of the portugals, for so I had promised my Wife and her Brother, who at that present was with me: and to delude him and the Fathers till I had notice for certain, that I might freely get aboard without fear, which I was assured to know at the return of my Letter; in the mean time, I did all that I could to dispatch her Brother away: who within two days after departed for Agra, not suspecting that I had any in●ent for the ships. Nicholas Vfflet now departing from me to survey the way, being two day's journey on his way, met with Captain William Sharpeigh, Master Fraine, and Hugh Greet sent by Sir Henry to Cambaya unto me, which was no small joy unto me. So understanding of the place (which was miraculously found out by Sir Henry Middleton, and never known to any of the Country) I admired and gave God thanks: for if this place had not been found, it had been impossible for me to have gotten aboard with my goods. Wherhfore making all the haste that I could, in dispatching myself away, I departed from Cambaya, 

He came aboard the English Fleet. They departed with the English Fleet from Surat to Dabull. A Portugal ship taken.  
1612. They arrive at the mouth of the Read Sea.  
The Fleet of M. john Saris. They arrive at Tecoo in Sumatra.  
They arrive at Bantam, December, 1612.   the eighteenth of january 1611. and came unto the ships the six and twentieth of the said month, where I was most kindly received by Sir Henry Middleton. From this place we departed the eleventh of February 1611. and arrived at Dabul the sixteenth of the same: in which place we took a Portugal ship and Frigate, out of which we took some quantity of goods. And from thence we departed the fift of March 1611. for the Read Sea, with an intent to revenge us of the wrongs offered us, both by Turks and Mogul's: at which place we arrived the third of April 1612. Here we ●ound three English ships, their General was Captain john Saris. Having dispatched ou● business in the Read Sea, we set sail from thence the sixteenth of August, 1612. and arrived in Tecu in Sumatra, the nineteenth of October 1612. and having ended our business there, we departed in the night, the twentieth of Novemb. 1612. and came on ground the same night, three leagues off, upon a Bed of Coral, in three fathom water, or thereabouts▪ and by the great mercy of God we escaped: but were forced to return back again to stop her leaks, the goods being taken out, and some damage received. Now her leaks being somewhat stopped, and her goods in, not losing an hour of time, we departed from thence the eight of December, 1612. and arrived at Bantam the one and twentieth of the same: where Sir Henry Midleton not finding the Trade sufficient to go home that year, was forced to stay and carine her. Having ended account with him, as himself liked best. I took my goods and shipped them in the Solomon, which came for our Voyage, for saving of a greater Fraight: but I could not be admitted to go in her myself; Captain Saris I thank him, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed, that the Solomon and we should keep company together.  
From thence we set sail on the thirtieth of january 1612. and arrived in Saldania Roade, the one and twentieth of April 1613. and coming near some two hundred leagues from the Cape, we had much foul weather and contrary winds. Here we found four sail of Hollanders that departed Bantam a month before us. There was great kindness betwixt us, especially to me, in regard that they had heard much of my great estate in India, by an Agent of theirs, that was Li●ger at Masulipatan. 

The Epedition arrived in Saldania.  
Many advices of the Author touching Forts, Indian Factories, etc. I have omitted as not so fitting every Eye. Their departure from Salda●ia.   Some eight days after the Expedition came in, and brought me a Letter from your Worships, and delivered it unto me two days after their arrival. The wind coming fair, we depareed from Saldania the one and twentieth of May, 1613.   

§ FOUR A brief Discourse of the strength, wealth, and Government, with some Customs of the great mogul: which I have both seen and gathered by his chief Officers, and Overseers of all his Estate.  
FIrst, I begin with his Princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Barons, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, and Yeomen. As Christian Princes use their degrees by Titles, so they have their Degrees and Titles by their number of Horses: unless it be those that the King most favoureth, whom he honoureth with the Title of Chan, and Immirza. None have the Title of Sultan but his Sons. Chan in the Persian Language, is as much as a Duke, Immirza is the Title for the King's Brother's Children.  
They that be of the Fame of twelve thousand Horsemen belong to the King, and his Mother, and eldest Son, 
Vzbek.  and one more, who is of the blood Royal of Vzbeck, named Chan Azam. Duke's be nine thousand Fame, Marquis' five thousand Fame, Earls three thousand, Viscounts two thousand, Barons a thousand, Knights four hundred, Esquires an hundred, Gentlemen fifty, Yeomen from twenty downwards. All they that have these numbers of Horsemen, are called Mansibdars, 
Mansibdars.  or men of Live, or Lordships. Of these there be three thousand, that is to say, four be of twelve thousand Horse apiece, and they be the King, his Mother, Sultan Peruis, Prince, and Chan Azam. Of nine thousand Horsemen there be three, that is to say, Sultan Chorem, 
These Ragas be Gentiles.  the King's third Son, Chanchanna, and Kelich Chan. Of five thousand there be eighteen, named Hasuff Chan, Chan Ichan, Abdula Chan, Raga Manging, Ray Durga, Raga Sursing, Ramadas Rechwa, Raga Bassu, Emirel Vmera, M●habet Chan, Chan Dowran, Sedris Chan, Hogio Bey Mirza, Mirza Cazi, Ettebar Chan, Abulset Dekenny, jelam Cully Chan, Sheik Ferid. Of three thousand there be two and twenty, to wit▪ Chan Alem, Imirza Ereg, Imirza Darab, Hogio jahan, Hogio Abdal Hassan, Mirza Gaysbey, Mirza Shemchadin, Mirza Chadulla, Seffer Chan, Kazmy Chan, Mirza Chin Kelich, Saif Chan, Lalla Bersingdia, Mirza Zeady, Mirza Ally Ec●erchuly, Terbiat Chan, Mirza Laschary, Mirza Charucogly, Mirza Rustem, Ally Merdon Badur, Tasbey Chan, 
Thirty six thousand Officers and Stipendaries of the Court. The Rupia is two shillings sterling, some say two shillings and three pence: some two shillings and six pence.  Abulbey. The rest be from two thousand downward till you come to twenty Horses, two thousand nine hundred and fifty. Of Horsemen, that receive pay monthly, from six Horse to one, there be five thousand, these be called Haddies. Of such Officers and men as belong to the Court and Camp, there be thirty six thousand, to say, Porters, Gunners, Watermen, Lackeys, Horse-keepers Elephant-keepers, Small shot, Frasses, or Tent men, Cooks, Light bearers, Gardiners, Keepers of all kind of Beasts. All these be paid monthly out of the King's Treasury, whose Wages be from ten to three Rupias.  
All his Captains are to maintain at a seven-nights warning, from twelve thousand to twenty Horse, all Horsemen three Leeks, which is three hundred thousand Horsemen: which of the Incomes of their Lordships allowed them, they must maintain.  

The King's yearly Income of his Crown Land, is fifty Crou of Rupias, every Crou is an hundred Leeks, and every Leck is an hundred thousand Rupiae.  

Candahar.  THe compass of his Country is two year's travel with Carravan, to say, from Candahar to Agra, from Soughtare in Bengala to Agra, from Cabul to Agra, from Decan to Agra, from Surat to Agra, from Tatta in Sinde to Agra. Agra is in a manner in the heart of all his Kingdoms.  
His Empire is divided into five great Kingdoms, the first named Pengab, whereof Lahor is the chief Seat; the second is Bengala, the chief Seat Sonargham: the third is Malua, the chief Seat is Vgam: the fourth is Decan, the chief Seat Bramport: the fifth is Guzerat, the chief Seat is Amadavar. The chief City or Seat Royal of the Kings of India, is called Delly, where he is established King: and there all the Rites touching his Coronation are performed.  
There are six especial Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier, Neruer, Ratamboore, Hassier, Roughtaz. In every one of these Castles he hath his Treasure kept.  
In all his Empire there are three Arch-enemies or Rebels, which with all his Forces cannot be called in, to say, Amberry Chapu in Decan: in Guzerat, the Son of Muzafer, that was King, his name is Bahador of Malua, Raga Rahana. His Sons be five, to say, Sultan Coussero, Sultan Peruis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar, and Sultan Bath. He hath two young Daughters, and three hundred Wives, whereof four be chief as Queens, to say, the first, named Padasha Ba●u, Daughter to Kaime Chan: the second is called Noore Mahal, the Daughter of Gais Beijge: the third is the Daughter of Seinchan: the fourth is the Daughter of Hakim Hamaun, who was Brother to his Father Ecber Padasha.   

His Treasure is as followeth, The first, is his several Coin of Gold.  
INprimis, of Seraffins' Ecberi, which be ten Rupias a piece, there are sixty Leeks. 
A Tole is a Rupia Challany of Silver, and ten of these Tolls, are the value of one of gold.  Of another sort of Coin, of a thousand Rupias a piece, there are twenty thousand pieces. Of another sort of half the value, there are ten thousand pieces. Of another sort of Gold of twenty Tolls a piece, there are thirty thousand pieces. Of another sort of ten Tolls a piece, there be five and twenty thousand pieces. Of another sort of five Tolls, which is this King's stamp, of these there be fifty thousand pieces.   

Of Silver, as followeth.  
INprimis, of Rupias Ecbery, thirteen Crou every Crou is an hundred Leeks, and every Leck an hundred thousand Rupias, is one thousand three hundred Leeks. Of another sort of Coin of Selim Shakstone this King, of an hundred Tolls a piece, there are fifty thousand pieces. Of fifty Tolls a piece, there is one Lecke. Of thirty Tolls a piece, there are forty thousand pieces. Of twenty Tolls a piece, there are thirty thousand pieces. Of ten Tolls a piece, there are twenty thousand pieces. Of five Tolls a piece, there are five and twenty thousand pieces. Of a certain Money that is called Savoy, which is a Tole ¼. of these there are two Leeks. Of jagaries, whereof five make six Tolls, there is one Lecke. Moore should have been coined of this stamp, but the contrary was commanded.   

Here followeth of his jewels of all sorts.  
INprimis, Of Diamantes 1. ½. Battman, these be rough, of all sorts and sizes, great and small: but no less than 2. ½. Carats. The Battman is fifty five pound weight, which maketh eighty two pounds ½. weight English. Of Ballast Rubies little and great, good and bad, there are single two thousand pieces. Of Pearl of all sorts, there are twelve Battmen. 
Eshime a precious stone coming from Cathaya.  Of Rubies of all sorts there are two Battmen. Of Emeralds of all sorts, five Battmen. Of Eshime, which stone cometh from Cathaia, one Battman. Of stones of Emen, which is a read stone, there are five thousand pieces. Of all other sorts as Coral, Topasses, etc. There is an infinite number.   

Here followeth of the jewels wrought in Gold.  
OF Swords of Almain Blades, with the Hilts and Scabbards set with diverse sorts of rich stones, of the richest sort, there are two thousand and two hundred. Of two sorts of Poniards there be two thousand. Of Saddle Drums, which they use in their Hawking, of these there are very rich ones of Gold, set with stones, five hundred. Of Brooches for their heads, whereinto their Feathers be put, these be very rich, and of them there are two thousand. Of Saddles of Gold and Silver set with stones, there are one thousand. Of Teukes there be five and twenty, this is a great Lance covered with Gold, and the Fluke set with stones, and these in stead of their colours, are carried, when the King goeth to the wars, of these there are five and twenty. Of Kittasoles of state, for to shadow him, there be twenty. None in his Empire dareth in any sort have any of these carried for his shadow but himself, of these, I say▪ there are twenty. Of Chairs of Estate, there be five, to say, three of Silver, and two of Gold: and of other sorts of Chairs, there be an hundred of Silver and Gold, in all an hundred and five. Of rich Glasses, there be two hundred. Of Vases for Wine very fair and rich, set with jewels, there are an hundred. Of drinking Cups five hundred, but fifty very rich, that is to say, made of one piece of Ballast Ruby, and also of Emerods', of Eshim, of Turkish stone, and of other sorts of stones. Of Chains of Pearl, and Chains of all sorts of precious stones, 
Eshins stones of Cathay.  and Rings with jewels of rich Diamonds, Ballast Rubies, Rubies and old Emerods', there is an infinite number, which only the Keeper thereof knoweth. Of all sorts of plate, as Dishes, Cups, Basins, Pots, Beakers of Silver wrought, there are two thousand Battmen. Of Gold wrought, there are one thousand Battmen.   

Here followeth of all sorts of Beasts.  
OF Horses there are twelve thousand. Whereof there be of Persian Horses four thousand, 
Or Kasimir.  of Turkey Horses six thousand, and of Kismire two thousand, all are twelve thousand.  
Of Elephants, there be twelve thousand, whereof five thousand be teeth Elephants, and seven thousand of she once, and young ones, which are twelve thousand. Of Camels there be two thousand. Of Oxen for the Cart, and all other services, there be ten thousand. Of Moils there be one thousand. Of Deer like Bucks for game and sport, there be three thousand. Of Ounces for Game, there be four hundred. Of Dogs for hunting, as Greyhounds and other, there be four hundred. Of Lion's tame there are an hundred. Of Buffalaes', there be five hundred. Of all sorts of Hawks there be four thousand. Of Pigeons for sport of flying, there be ten thousand. Of all sorts of singing Birds, there be four thousand.  
Of Armour of all sorts at an hour's warning, in a readiness to arm five and twenty thousand men.  
HIs daily expenses for his own person, that is to say, for feeding of his Cattles of all sorts, and amongst them some few Elephants Royal, and all other expenses particularly, as Apparel, Victuals, and other petty expenses for his house amounts, to fifty thousand Rupias a day.  
The expenses da●ly for his Women by the day, is thirty thousand Rupias.  
All this written concerning his Treasure, Expenses and monthly pay is in his Court, or Castle of Agra: and every one of the Castles above nominated, have their several Treasure, especially Lahor, which was not mentioned.  
The Custom of this Mogoll Emperor is to take possession of his Nobleman's Treasure when they die, and to bestow on his Children what he pleaseth: but commonly he dealeth well with them, 
The Mogoll heir to every man.  possessing them with their Father's Land, dividing it amongst them: and unto the eldest Son, he hath a very great respect, who in time receiveth the full title of his Father. There was in my time a great Indian Lord or Prince, a Gentle named Raga Gaginat, upon whose goods the Kings seizing after his death, 
Raga Gaginat his wealth.  he was found (besides jewels and other Treasure) to have sixty Maunes in Gold, and every Maune is five and fifty pound weight. Also his custom is, that of all sorts of Treasure, excepting Coin, to say of all sorts of Beasts, and all other things of value, a small quantity is daily brought before him. All things are severally divided into three hundred and sixty parts, 
Daily survey of the King's wealth.  so that he daily fee a certain number, to say, of Elephants, Horses, Camels, Dromedaries, Moils, Oxen, and all other: as also a certain quantity of jewels, and so it continueth all the year long: for what is brought him to day is not seen again, till that day twelve month.  
He hath three hundred Elephants Royal, which are Elephants whereon himself rideth: and when they are brought before him, 
Elephant's Royal.  they come with great jollity, having some twenty or thirty men before them with small Streamers. The Elephant's Cloth or Covering is very rich, either of Cloth of Gold, or rich Velvet: he hath following him his she Elephant, his Whelp or Whelps, and four or five young ones, as Pages which will be in number some six, some seven, and some eight or nine. These Elephants and other Cattles, are dispersed among his Nobles and men of sort to oversee them, the King allowing them for their expenses, a certain quantity: but some of them will eat a great deal more than their allowance cometh unto. These Elephants Royal eat ten Rupias every day in Sugar, Butter, Graine, and Sugar Canes. These Elephants are the goodliest and fairest of all the rest, and tame withal, so managed, that I saw with mine eyes, when the King commanded one of his young Sons named Shariar (a Child of seven years of age) to go to the Elephant to be taken up by him with his snout: who did so, delivering him to his Keeper that commanded him with his hook: and having done this unto the King's Son, he afterwards did the like to many other Children. When these Elephants are showed, if they who have the charge of them bring them lean, then are they checked and in disgrace, unless their excuse be the better: and so it is with all things else in that kind, that every man striveth to bring his quantity in good liking, although he spend of his own.  
When he rideth on Progress or Hunting, the compass of his Tents may be as much as the compass of London and more, 
The King's Tents as large in compass as London.  and I may say, that of all sorts of people that follow the Camp, there are two hundred thousand: for he is provided, as for a City. This King is thought to be the greatest Emperor of the East, for Wealth, Land, and force of Men: as also for Horses, Elephants, Camels and Dromedaries. As for Elephants of his own, and of his Nobles, 
Forty thousand Elephants  there are forty thousand, of which the one half are trained Elephants for the War: and these Elephants of all beasts, are the most understanding. I thought good here to set down this one thing, which was reported to me for a certainty, although it seemed very strange. An Elephant having iournyed very hard, being on his travel, was misused by his Commander, and one day finding the fellow asleep by him, but out of his reach, having green Canes brought him to eat, split the end of one of them with his teeth, and taking the other end of the Cane with his snout, reached it toward the head of the fellow, who being fast asleep, and his turban fallen from his head (the use of India being to wear their hair long like Women) he took hold with the Cane on his hair, wreathing it therein, and withal, haling him unto him, until he brought him within the compass of his snout, he then presently killed him. Many other strange things are done by Elephants.  
He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which are very swift, to come with great speed, to give assault to any City, as this King's Father did: 
Dromedaries swiftness. From Agra to Amadavar in nine days.  so that the enemies thought he had been in Agra, when he was at Amadavar: and he came from Agra thither in nine days, upon these Dromedaries, with twelve thousand choice men, Chan-channa being then his General. The day being appointed for the battle, on a sudden news came of the King's arrival, which struck such a present fear into the Guzerats, that at that time they were overthrown and conquered. This King hath diminished his chief Captains, which were Rasbootes, or Gentiles, and natural Indians, and hath preferred the Mahometans (weak spirited men, voided of resolution) in such sort, that what this man's Father, called Ecber Padasha, got of the Decans, this King Selimsha, beginneth to lose. He hath a few good Captains yet remaining, 
Selim's rebellion.  whom his father highly esteemed, although they be out of favour with him, because that upon his rebellion against his father, they would not assist him, considering his intent was naught: for he meant to have shortened his Father's days, and before his time to have come to the Crown. And to that purpose, being in Attabase, the regal seat of a kingdom called Porub, he arose with eighty thousand horse, intending to take Agra, and to have possession of the Treasury, his Father being then at the wars of Decan: who understanding of his Son's pretence, left his conquering there, and made haste to come home to save his own. Before the King's departure to the wars, he gave order to his Son to go with his Forces upon Aranna, that great Rebel in Malua, 
* Or Rabanne.  who coming to parley with this Rebel, he told the Prince, that there was nothing to be gotten by him but blows: and it were better for him, now his Father was at Decan, to go upon Agra, and possess himself of his Father's treasure, and make himself King, for there was no man able to resist him. The Prince followed his counsel, and would have prosecuted it, but his Father's haste before, upon notice given, prevented his purpose: at whose arrival at Agra, he presently sent unto his Son, that he make choice either to come and fall at his feet, and be at his mercy to do with him as he pleased, or to fit himself for the battle and fight it out. He well considering the valour of his Father, thought it meetest to submit himself, and stand to his Father's mercy: who after affronts showed him and imprisonment, was soon released and pardoned, by reason of many friends, his Mother, Sisters, and others.  
This Selim Padasha being in his rebellion, his father dispossessed him, and proclaimed heir apparent, his eldest Son Cossero being eldest Son to Selimsha: 
Sultan Cossero proclaimed.  for his own Sons younger Brothers to Selim, were all dead in Decan and Guzerat: yet shortly after his Father died, who in his deathbed had mercy on Selim, possessing him again. But Cossero, who was proclaimed heir apparent, stomached his father, and rose with great troops, yet was not able to endure after the loss of many thousand men on both sides: but was taken, and remaineth still in prison in the King's Palace, yet blind, as all men report: and was so commanded to be blinded by his father. So since that time, being now eight years after, 
He was not blinded, and is since (as you shall see in Sir Tho. Roes relations) delivered out of prison.  he had commanded to put all his son's confederates to death, with sundry kinds of death; some to be hanged, some spitted, some to have their heads chopped off, and some to be torn by Elephants. Since which time he hath reigned in quiet, but ill beloved of the greater part of his Subjects, who stand greatly in fear of him. His custom is every year to be out two months on hunting, as is before specified. When he meaneth to begin his journey, if coming forth of his Palace, he get up on a Horse, it is a sign that he goeth for the wars: but if he get up upon an Elephant or Palankine, it will be but an hunting voyage.  
Myself in the time that I was one of his Courtiers, have seen many cruel deeds done by him. Five times a week, he commandeth his brave Elephants to fight before him: 
Cruel Executions.  and in the time of their fight, either coming or going out, many times men are killed, or dangerously hurt by these Elephants. But if any be grievously hurt (which might very well escape) yet neverlesse that man is cast into the River, himself commanding it, saying: dispatch him, for as long as he liveth, he will do nothing else but curse me, and therefore it is better that he die presently. I have seen many in this kind. Again, he delighteth to see men executed himself, and torn in pieces with Elephants. He put to death in my time his Secretary, only upon suspicion, that Chan-channa should writ unto the Decan King, who being sent for and examined about this matter, denied it: whereupon the King not having patience, arose from his seat, and with his Sword gave him his deadly wound, and afterwards delivered him to be torn by Elephants.  

Severity.  Likewise, it happened to one who was a great friend of mine (a chief man, having under his charge the King's Wardrobe, and all Woollen Cloth, and all sorts of mercery, and his China dishes) that a fair China dish (which cost ninety Rupias, or forty five Rials of eight) was broken, in this my friends time, by a mischance (when the King was in his progress) being packed amongst other things, on a Camel, which fell and broke all the whole parcel. This Nobleman knowing how dearly the King loved this dish above the rest, presently sent one of his trusty servants to China-machina, 
China-machina.  over land to seek for another, hoping that before he should remember that dish, he would return with another like unto it: but his evil luck was contrary. For the King two years after remembered this dish, and his man was not yet come. Now, when the King heard that the dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding him to be brought before him, and to be beaten by two men, with two great whips made of cords: and after that he had received one hundred and twenty of these lashes, he commanded his Porters, who be appointed for that purpose, to beat him with their small Cudgels, till a great many of them were broken: at the lest twenty men were beating of him, till the poor man was thought to be dead, and then he was haled out by the heels, and commanded to prison. The next day the King demanded whether he was living, answer was made, that he was: whereupon, he commanded him to be carried unto perpetual prison. But the King's Son being his friend, freed him of that, and obtained of his Father, that he might be sent home to his own house, and th●re be cured. So after two months, he was reasonably well recovered, and came before the King, who presently commanded him to departed the Court, and never come again before him, until he had found such a like dish, 
China-machina.  and that he travel for China-machina to seek it: the King allowed him five thousand Rupias towards his charges; and beside, returning one fourth part of his living that he had before, to maintain him in his travel. He being departed, and fourteen months on his travel, was not yet come home: but news came of him, that the King of Persia had the like dish, and for pities sake hath sent it him, who at my departure was on his way homeward.  
Likewise, in my time it happened, that a Pattan, a man of good stature, came to one of the King's Sons, named Sultan Peruis, to entreat him to bestow somewhat on him, by petition delivered to one of the Princes chief men, 
Sultan Peruis.  at the delivery whereof, the Prince caused him to come near: and demanding of him whether he would serve him; he answered, Not, for he thought that the Prince would not grant him so much as he would ask. The Prince seeing him to be a pretty fellow, and meanly apparelled, smiled, demanding what would content him: he told him plainly, that he would neither serve his Father nor him, under a thousand Rupias a day, which is 100 pound sterling. 
Proud demand  The Prince asked him what was in him that he demanded so much; he replied, make trial of me with all sorts of weapons, either on horseback, or on foot, and for my sufficient command in the wars, if I do not perform as much as I speak, let me dye for it. The hour being come for the Prince to go to his Father, he gave over his talk, commanding the man to be forth coming. At night the King's custom being to drink, the Prince perceiving his Father to be merry, told him of this man: so the King commanded him to be brought before him. Now while he was sent for, a wild Lion was brought in, a very great one, strongly chained, and led by a dozen men and keepers: and while the King was viewing this Lion, the Pattan came in, at whose sight the Prince presently remembered his Father. The King demanding of this Pattan, whence he was, and of what parentage, and what valour was in him, that he should demand so much wages: his answer was, that the King should make trial of him. That I will, saith the King, go wrestle and buffet with this Lyon. The Pattans answer was, 
Cruel command.  that this was a wild beast, and to go barely upon him without weapon, would be no trial of his manhood. The King not regarding his speech, commanded him to buckle with the Lion, who did so, wrestling and buffeting with the Lion a pretty while: and then the Lion being lose from his keepers, but not from his chains, got the poor man within his claws, and tore his body in many parts: and with his paws tore the one half of his face, so that this valiant man was killed by this wild beast. The King not yet contented, but desirous to see more sport, sent for ten men that were of his horsemen in pay, being that night on the watch: for it is the custom of all those that receive pay, or living from the King, to watch once a week, none excepted, 
Bloody experiments.  if they be well, and in the City. These men one after another, were to buffet with the Lion, who were all grievously wounded, and it cost three of them their lives. The King continued three months in this vain, when he was in his humours, for whose pleasure sake, many men lost their lives, and many were grievously wounded. So that ever after, until my coming away, some fifteen young Lions were made tame, and played one with another before the King, frisking between men's legs, and no man hurt in a long time.  
Likewise, he cannot abide, that any man should have any precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it not at that present time, 
jewels and Gems.  and that he hath the refusal thereof. His jeweller, a Bannian, named Herranand, had bought a Diamond of three Mettegals, which cost one hundred thousand Rupias: which was not so closely done, but news came to the King: Herranand likewise was befriended, being presently acquainted therewith, who before the King sent for him, came unto him, and challenged the King that he had often promised him that he would come to his house: the King answered that it was true. Herranand therefore replied, that now was the time, 
Costly entertainment▪  for that he had a fair Present to bestow upon his Majesty: for that he had bought a stone of such a weight. The King smiled, and said. Thy luck was good to prevent me. So preparation was made, and to the Bannians house he went. By this means, the King hath engrossed all fair stones, that no man can buy from five Carats upwards, without his leave: for he hath the refusal of all, and giveth not by a third part so much as their value. There was a Diamant cutter of my acquaintance, that was sent for to cut a Diamant of three Mettegals and a half, who demanded a small foul Diamant to make powder, wherewith to cut the other Diamant. 
An inestimable rich coffer of Diamonds.  They brought him a Chest, as he said, of three spans long, and a span and half broad, and a span and half deep, full of Diamonds of all sizes and sorts: yet could he found never any one for his purpose, but one of five Rotties, which was not very foul neither.  
He is exceeding rich in Diamonds, and all other precious stones, and usually weareth every day a fair Diamant of great price, and that which he weareth this day, till his time be come about to wear it again, he weareth not the same: that is to say, all his fair jewels are divided into a certain quantity or proportion, to wear every day. He also weareth a chain of Pearl, very fair and great, and another chain of Emeralds, and ballast Rubies. He hath another jewel, that cometh round about his Turban, full of fair Diamonds and Rubies. It is not much to be wondered, that he is so rich in jewels, and in Gold and Silver, 
'Cause of so great wealth.  when he hath heaped together the Treasure and jewels of so many Kings, as his forefathers have conquered, who likewise were a long time in gathering them together: and all came to his hands. Again, all the money and jewels which his Nobles heap together, when they die come all unto him, who giveth what he listeth to the Nobleman's wives and children: and this is done to all them that receive pay, or living from the King. India is rich in silver, for all Nations bring Coin, and carry away commodities for the same; and this Coin is buried in India, and goeth not out: so it is thought, that once in twenty years it cometh into the King's power. All the lands in his Monarchy are at his disposing, who giveth and taketh at his pleasure. If I have lands at Lahor, 
Those lands which are let pay to the king two thirds of the profit: and of those which he giveth in fee, one third remaineth to the King. In all the world is not more fertile land, then in some great parts of his Dominions. Punishment of Cowards. A chief City called Pattana. He calleth rebels (as the Moguls did) those that refused subjection, though perhaps some of them were free Kings as this Ra●ane, or Ranna, supposed the true successor of P●●us whom Alexander▪ conquered. He is now brought, or bought rather (as they say) peaceably to acknowledge tribute to the mogul.  being sent unto the wars at Decan, another hath the lands, and I am to receive mine in Decan, or thereabouts, near the place where I am, whether it be in the wars, or that I be sent about any other business, for any other country. And men are to look well unto their doings: for if they be found tardy in never so little a matter, they are in danger of losing their lands: and if complaints of Injustice which they do, be made unto the King, it is well if they escape with loss of their lands.  
He is very severe in such causes, and with all severity punisheth those Captains, who suffer outlaws to give assault unto their City, without resisting. In my time there were some eight Captains, who had their living upon ●he borders of Bengala, in a chief City called Pattana, which was suffered to be taken by outlaws, and they all fled: but that City was again restored by a great Captain, who was Commander of a Country near thereabouts; who took all those Captains that fled, and sent them to the King, to use punishment upon them at his pleasure. So they were brought before the King in chains, and were presently commanded to be shaved, both head and beard, and to wear women's apparel, riding upon asses, with their faces backwards, and so carried about the City. This being done, they were brought before the King again, and there whipped, and sent to perpetual prison: and this punishment was inflicted upon them in my sight. He is severe enough, but all helpeth not, for his poor Riats or Clowns complain of Injustice done them, and cry for justice at the King's hands. They come to a certain place, where a long rope is fastened unto two pillars, near unto the place where the King sitteth in justice.. This rope is hanged full of Bells, plated with gold, so that the rope being shaken, the Bells are heard by the King: who sendeth to know the cause, and doth his justice accordingly. At his first coming to the Crown, he was more severe than now he is, which is the cause that the Country is so full of outlaws, and thiefs, that almost a man cannot stir out of doors, throughout all his Dominions, without great forces: for they are all become Rebels.  
There is one great Ragane betwixt Agra and Amadanar, who commandeth as much land as a good Kingdom: and all the forces the mogul hath, cannot bring him in, for his forces are upon the Mountains. He is twenty thousand strong in Horse, and fifty thousand strong in Foot, and many of these Rebels are in all his Dominions: but this is one of the greatest. There are many risen at Candahar, Cabul, Moldun, and Sinde, and in the Kingdom of Boloch: Bengala likewise, Decan, and Guzerat are full, so that a man can travel no way for outlaws. Their Government is in such a barbarous kind, and cruel exacting upon the Clowns, which causeth them to be so headstrong. The fault is in the Chief, for a man cannot continued half a year in his living, but it is taken from him and given unto another: or else the King taketh it for himself (if it be rich ground, and likely to yield much) making exchange for a worse place: or as he is befriended of the Vizir. By this means he racketh the poor, to get from them what he can, who still thinketh every hour to be put out of his place. But there are many, who continued a long time in one place, and if they remain but six years, their wealth which they gain is infinite, if it be a thing of any sort. The custom is, they are allowed so much living to maintain that Port which the King hath given them, that is to say; they are allowed twenty Rupias of every horse by the Month, and two Rupias by the Month for every horse Fame, for the maintenance of their Table. As thus: A Captain that hath five thousand horse to maintain in the wars, hath likewise of Fame other five thousand, which he is not to maintain in the wars, but only for his Table, allowed upon every horse by the Month two Rupias, and the other five thousand, twenty Rupias by the Month: and this is the pay which the greater part of them are allowed.  
Now here I mean to speak a little of his manners, and customs in the Court. First, in the morning about the break of day, 

The great mogul his devotions.  
Some suppose him author of a new sect.   he is at his Beads, with his face turned to the Westward. The manner of his praying when he is in Agra, is in a private fair room, upon a goodly jet stone, having only a Persian Lambskin under him: having also some eight chains of Beads, every one of them containing four hundred. The Beads are of rich Pearl, ballast Rubies, Diamonds, Rubies, Emeralds, Lignum Aloes, Eshem, and Coral. At the upper end of this jet stone, the Pictures of our Lady and Christ are placed, graved in stone: so he turneth over his Beads, and saith, three thousand two hundred words, according to the number of his Beads, and then his Prayer is ended. After he hath done, he showeth himself to the people, receiving their Salames, or good morrows, unto whom multitudes resort every morning for this purpose. This done, he sleepeth two hours more, 
The great Mogul's spending his time.  and then dineth, and passeth his time with his Women, and at noon he showeth himself to the people again, sitting till three of the clock, viewing and seeing his Pastimes, and sports made by men, and fight of many sorts of beasts, every day sundry kinds of Pastimes. Than at three of the clock, all the Nobles in general (that be in Agra, and are well) resort unto the Court, the King coming forth in open audience, sitting in his seat-royal, and every man standing in his degree before him, 
The read rail.  his chiefest sort of the Nobles standing within a read Rail, and the rest without. They are all placed by his Lieutenant General. This read Rail, is three steps higher than the place where the rest stand: and within this read Rail I was placed, amongst the chiefest of all. The rest are placed by Officers, and they likewise be within an other very spacious place railed: and without that Rail, stand all sorts of horsemen and soldiers, that belong unto his Captains, and all other comers. At these Rails, there are many doors kept by many Porters, who have white rods to keep men in order. In the midst of the place, right before the King, standeth one of his Sheriffs, together with his Master Hangman, who is accompanied with forty hangmen, wearing on their heads a certain quilted cap, different from all others, with an Hatchet on their shoulders: and others with all sorts of Whips, being there, ready to do what the King commandeth. The King heareth all causes in this place, and stayeth some two hours every day (these Kings of India sit daily in justice every day, and on the Tuesdays do their executions.) Than he departeth towards his p●●uate place of Prayer: his Prayer being ended, four or five sorts of very well dressed and roasted meats are brought him, of which as he pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his stomach, drinking once of his strong drink. Than he cometh forth into a private room, where none can come, but such as himself nominateth, (for two years together I was one of his attendants here. 
Captain Hawkins, two years together near about the great mogul. ) In this place he drinketh other five cup-fuls, which is the portion that the Physicians allot him. This done, he eateth Opium, and then he ariseth, and being in the height of his drink, he layeth him down to sleep, every man departing to his own home. And after he hath slept two hours, they awake him, and bring his Supper to him, at which time he is not able to feed himself; but it is thrust into his mouth by others, and this is about one of the clock: and then he sleepeth the rest of the night.  
Now in the space of these six cups, he doth many idle things; and whatsoever he doth, either without or within, drunken or sober, he hath writers, who by turns set down every thing in writing which he doth: so that there is nothing passeth in his life time, which is not noted; not, not so much as his going to the necessary; and how often he lieth with his women, and with whom▪ and all this is done unto this end, that when he dieth, these writings of all his actions and speeches, 
The mogul makes his brother's children Christians. This Christianity is since disclaimed, & was then but a trick, rather of sensuality, than of devotion or state.  which are worthy to be set down, might be recorded in the Chronicles. At my being with him, he made his brother's children Christians; the doing whereof was not for any zeal he had to Christianity, as the Fathers, and all Christians thought; but upon the prophecy of certain learned Gentiles, who told him, that the sons of his body should be disinherited, and the children of his brother should reign. And therefore he did it, to make these children hateful to all Moors, as Christians are odious in their sight: and that they being once Christians, when any such matter should happen, they should found no subjects: but God is omnipotent, and can turn the making of these Christians unto a good end, if it be his pleasure.  
This King amongst his children, hath one called Sultan Shariar, of seven years of age, and his Father on a day, being to go some whether to solace himself, demanded of him whether he would go with him: the child answered, That if it pleased his Highness, he would either go or stay, as the pleasure of his Father was. But because his answer was not, that withal his heart he would wait upon his Majesty, he was very well buffeted by the King, and that in such sort, that no child in the world but would have cried; which this child did not. Wherhfore his Father demanded why he cried not; he answered, That his Nurses told him, that it was the greatest shame in the world, for Princes to cry when they were beaten: and ever since they nurtured me in this kind, saith he, I never cried, and nothing shall make me cry to the death. Upon which speech, his Father being more vexed, struck him again, and caused a bodkin to be brought him, which he thrust through his cheek; but all this would not make him cry, although he bled very much, which was admired of all, that the Father should do this unto his child, and that he was so stou●, that he would not cry. There is great hope of this child to exceed all the rest.  
This Emperor keepeth many feasts in the year●, but two feasts especially may be nominated▪ 
Two feasts.  the one called the No●●ous, which is in honour of the New-year's day. This feast continueth eighteen days, and the wealth and riches are wonderful, that are to be seen in the decking and setting forth of every man's room, or place where he lodgeth, when it is his turn to watch: for every Nobleman hath his place appointed him in the Palace. In the midst of that spacious place I speak of, there is a rich Yent pitched, but so rich, 
An exceeding rich Tent.  that I think the like cannot be found in the world. This Tent is curiously wrought, and hath many Seminans joining round about it, of most curious wrought Velvet, embroidered with Gold, and many of them are of Cloth of Gold and Silver. These Seminans be shadows to keep the Sun from the compass of this Tent. I may say, it is at the lest two Acres of ground, but so richly spread with Silk and Gold Carpets, and Hang in the principal places, rich, as rich Velvet embroidered with Gold, Pearl, and precious stones can make it. Within it five Chairs of Estate are placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure the King sitteth. There are likewise private rooms made for his Queens, most rich where they sit, and see all, but are not seen. So round about this Tent, the compass of all may be some five Acres of ground. Every principal Nobleman maketh his room, and decketh it, likewise every man according to his ability, striveth who may adorn his room richest. The King where he doth affect, cometh to his Nobleman's rooms, and is most sumptuously feasted there: and at his departure, is presented with the rarest jewels and toys that they can found. But because he will not receive any thing at that time as a present, he commandeth his Treasurer to pay what his praisers value them to be worth, which are valued at half the price. Every one, and all of his Nobles provide toys, and rare things to give him at this feast: so commonly at this feast every man his estate is augmented. Two days of this feast, the better sort of the Women come to take the pleasure thereof: and this feast beginneth at the beginning of the Moon of March. The other feast is some four months after, which is called the feast of his Birthday: 
The feast of his Birthday.  This day every man striveth who may be the richest in apparel and jewels. After many sports and pastimes performed in his Palace, he goeth to his mother's house, with all the better sort of his Nobles, where every man presenteth a jewel unto his Mother, according to his estate. After the banquet is ended, the King goeth into a very fair room, where a balance of beaten Gold is hanged, with one scale empty for him to sit in; the other scale being filled with diverse things, that is to say, Silver, Gold, diverse sorts of Grain a little, and so of every kind of Mettle a little, and with all sorts of precious stones some: In fine, he weigheth himself with these things, which the next day are given to the poor, and all may be valued to be worth 
* See hereof Sir Thom. Roe.  ten thousand pounds. This day, before he goeth unto his mother's house, every man bringeth him his Present, which is thought to be ten times more worth, then that which he giveth to the poor. This done, every man departeth unto his home.  
His custom is, that when you petition him for any thing, you must not come empty handed, but give him some toy or other, whether you writ or no: by the gift you give him, he knoweth that you would demand some thing of him: so after enquiry is made, if he seethe it convenient, he granteth it.  
The custom of the Indians, is to burn their dead, as you have read in other Authors, and at their burning, many of their Wives will burn with them: 
Voluntary burning of women with their dead husbands.  because they will be registered in their books, for famous and most modest and loving Wives, who leaving all worldly affairs, content themselves to live no longer than their Husbands. I have seen many proper Women brought before the King, whom (by his commandment) none may burn without his leave and sight of them, I mean those of Agra. When any of these cometh, he doth persuade them with many promises of gifts and living if they will live: but in my time no persuasion could prevail, but burn they would. The King seeing that all would not serve, giveth his leave for her to be carried to the fire, where she burneth herself alive with her dead husband.  
Likewise his custom is, when any great Nobleman hath been absent from him two or three years, if they come in favour, and have performed well, he receiveth them in manner and form following.  
First, the Nobleman stayeth at the gate of the Palace, till the Vizir and Lieutenant General, and Knight Martial come to accompany him unto the King: 
Favourable entertainment of the Grandes  then he is brought to the gate of the outermost rails, whereof I have spoken before, where he standeth in the view of the King, in the midst between these two Nobles; then he toucheth the ground with his hand, and also with his head, very gravely, and doth thus three times. This done, he kneeleth down touching the ground with his forehead, which being once done, he is carried forward towards the King, and in the midway he is made to do this reverence again: then he cometh to the door of the read rails, doing the like reverence the third time: and having thus done, he cometh within the read rails, and doth it once more upon the Carpets. Than the King commandeth him to come up the stairs or ladder of seven steps, that he may embrace him; where the King most lovingly embraceth him before all the people, whereby they shall take notice, that he is in the King's favour. The King having done this, he than cometh down, and is placed by the Lieutenant General according to his degree. Now if he come in disgrace, through exclamations made against him, he hath none of these honours from the King, but is placed in his place till he come to his trial. This King is very much adored of the Heathen Commonalty, insomuch, that they will spread their bodies all upon the ground, rubbing the earth with their faces on both sides. They use many other fopperies and superstitions, which I omit, leaving them for other Travellers, which shall come from thence hereafter.  
After I had written this, there came into my memory another Feast, solemnised at his Father's Funeral, 
Funeral feast or Obits for his Father?  which is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himself, with all his posterity, mean to be buried. Upon this day there is great store of victuals dressed, and much money given to the poor, This Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest Monuments of the world. It hath been this fourteen years a building, and it is thought it will not be finished these seven years more, in ending gates and walls, and other needful things, for the beautifying and setting of it forth. The lest that work there daily, are three thousand people: but thus much I will say, 
Sumptuous Sepulchre.  that one of our Workmen will dispatch more than three of them. The Sepulchre is some ¾. of a mile about made square: it hath seven heights built, every height narrower than the other, till you come to the top where his Hearse is. At the outermost gate, before you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately Palace building: the compass of the wall joining to this gate of the Sepulchre and guarding, being within, may be at the lest three miles. This Sepulchre is some four miles distant from the City of Agra.     

CHAP. VIII. The Voyage of Mr DAVID MIDDLETON in the Consent, a Ship of one hundred and fifteen Tuns, which fell forth from Tilburie Hope, on the twelfth of March, 1606.  

The 16. of july 1607.  WE anchored in the Road of Saldania all our men in good health: only Peter Lambert the day before fell off the top-most head, whereof he died.  
The one and twentieth, the Captain and Master went to Pengwin Island, three leagues distant from the Road, where we saw such abundance of Seals and Pengwins, that it was admirable, for you may drive five hundred Pengwins together in a flock, and thousands of Seals together upon the shore. The Island is not above some three miles long, and some two miles broad: but in mine opinion, there is not an Island in the world more frequented with Fowl and Seales then this Island. It hath Pengwins, Wild-geese, Duck, Drake, and Pelicans, and diverse other Fowl, and after some pleasure taken there, we returned again unto our ship.  
Having bought some Cattles, and ended all our business, and our men well refreshed, we weighed Anchor the nine and twentieth day, about four of the clock in the morning, with very little wind, and came out of the Road of Saldania, our men in very good health, and loathe to departed without the company of our Admiral and Vice-admiral: but we were not certain of their arrival there, which made us make so little stay, so directing our course for S. Laurence, we left Saldania.  
The thirtieth day calm all day, till three of the clock in the afternoon, and then we had a fresh gale at South-west, and we steered away half a watch South and by West, and two watches and an half Southeast, and at ten of the clock at night the Cape De Bona Esperansa, bore North of us, and all that night blew very much wind, and the Sea much grown: and the ship came betwixt twelve of the clock at night, and twelve of the clock next day, being the one and thirtieth of july, nine and twenty leagues, all this day a very pleasant gale, sometimes rain, we came four leagues from the Cape.  

August 1. 1607 Cape Agullis North fifty five fathom.  The first of August we had very fair weather, sometimes a gale, and sometimes calm, continuing so all day, and we steered away two watches Southeast and by East, and three watches at East and by South, the wind variable, sometimes at South, and sometimes at South by East dark weather, and she ran some one and twenty leagues, than we were in five and thirty degrees, and twenty two minutes of height.  
The seven and twentieth of August, the wind at Northwest, and we steered away East, and by South; and at two of the clock, we saw the land of S. Laurence, or Madagascar, by estimation some six leagues off; and then we steered away North, and by West, and at noon we observed, and made the ship to be in twenty four degrees, and forty minutes, the variation at night sixteen degrees, and twenty three minutes.  
The thirtieth, at five of the clock in the afternoon, we anchored in the Bay of S. Augustine, in six fathom and an half, great gravel; and we were enforced to go to lee-ward, 
Bay of S. Augustine.  being to the roome-wards of the Road before we could get in, by reason of a great breach that lies off the bay, and then came in close upon a tack, and had in coming in seven, six and an half, and five fathoms all the way, and came very fair by the breach, and rid in the Road, with two Lands in the wind of us, and the breach both.  
The one and thirtieth day, our Captain with M. Davis' went in our long boat to view the Lands, and I myself as we went, sounded close aboard the Breach, and had six fathoms. One of the Lands is very small, as it were a bank of sand, and nothing on it: the other is about a mile in length, and half a mile in breadth, and nothing upon it, but some small store of Wood  
The first of September, 1607. we weighed anchor from our first place, and came within two miles of the mouth of the River, and rid in five fathom and an half, very fast ground, for where we rid before it was very foul ground, so that we broke one of our Cables in the weighing. I judge it to be some three leagues from our first place, where we had urey foul ground.  
The seventh day, having ended all our business, being provided of wood and water, and all things else, we weighed anchor in the morning about five of the clock, 
A mark on shore most like a barn or a long house.  with the wind at East and by North a pleasant gale, and we steered away, coming out West, and West and by North, till we were clear of the Breaches, and we brought to sea with us four Goats, three Sheep, and a young Heifer: here we found great plenty of victuals, both Sheep and Beefs for little value. This day we observed some three miles from the Island, before the Bay of S. Augustine, and we made it to be in twenty three degrees and forty eight minutes of latitude, and after we were clear of the Breach, which lies to the Northward of the Island, we steered away South Southwest, and South and by West, sometimes with very fair weather, the wind at Southeast, and by East a pleasant gale.  
The eleventh, a fresh gale at Southeast, and Southeast and by East, and we stood into the shore till midnight, and then we saw a great breach, right a head hard by us, but we heard the rut before we saw it (God be praised) and so we tackd, and stood off again presently. And at noon observed, and made the Ship to be in twenty five degrees, and twenty two minutes of latitude.  
The twelfth of November in the morning, we saw an Island, and stood to make it, and found it to be Ingana, and came to the North-side of it: the Island is in length five leagues or thereabot: it lies East and by South, and West and by North: the Easter end is the highest land, and the Wester end is full of trees. It lies in latitude in five degrees and an half, and the variation is four degrees and thirteen minutes. So after we had made it, having the wind at West Northwest, we steered away for the main of Sumatra East and by South, and East Southeast a pleasant gale, but very much rain: so the thirteenth day in the morning, 
Novemb. 13. 1607.  we saw the main land of Sumatra some four leagues from us.  
The foureteenth, we anchored in Bantam Roade, about four of the clock in the afternoon, being Saturday, where we found the Merchants in very good health, and all things in good order. The next day our Captain went on shore, and spoke with M. Towerson concerning the ships business, and agreed to have our Iron and Led a shore which we brought with us: which being effected, with some roomaging, and having fitted our ship in good order, and taken in Merchandise, and our Merchants for the Moluccos, with leave taken of the Merchants, we set sail from Bantam Road the sixth of December, 1607. with little wind, and came out of the Road, 
Decemb. 6. 1607.  and anchored that night in sight of the high land of Bantam. The next day, weighed in the morning, and sailed with a prosperous wind still continuing fair, passing many Lands, and sunken ground. Some nights we sailed, and othersome lay a hull: rain, thunder, and lightning was no strange thing to us in those parts▪ but one comfort we had, that God gave us a fair wind, wherewith we sailed merrily on our intended Voyage.  
In the beginning of januarie, they arrived at the Moluccos. The rest of this Month was spent in entertainments and compliments betwixt Ours and the Spaniards, as likewise with the Moluccan Princes. So was the whole Month of February also. The reason was, The Spaniards durst not admit us trade till the Camp Master had given leave. And he in those broils 'twixt him and the Hollanders, except Ours would do or seem to do some piece of service, at lest accompanying their ships for greater show (which our Captain absolutely refused, being against his Commission) excused himself. Mean while they had privy trade with the people by night, and were jovial and frolic by day with the Spaniards, which both gave and received kind welcomes. In the beginning of March, they were permitted open trade. But this within few days was countermanded, and we commanded to be gone. And thus they spent the time till March the fourteen when they weighed anchor, and set sail. Some trade they had also in the way. This part of the journal is long, and I have omitted it, as elsewhere in those things which I thought might be tedious.  
The three and twentieth, 1608. we entered the Straitss of Bangaya. Whereunto having entered, 
March, 23. 1608. Straitss of Bangaya.  our Captain determined to sand off his long boat to seek for water, for here he purposed to store himself therewith. While he was thus determining, there came a Praw off from the Island, with all the speed he could make, who came unto us, and spoke with us, of whom we demanded, whether there were any fresh water in that Island: who made answer, that if our Captain pleased, he would bring us to very good water: whereupon we stood over for the East shore, and anchored about one of the clock in the afternoon, in sixty fathoms of water, where there runs a most cruel Current. Than after we came to anchor, fitting our long Boat with cask, we went with the Indian to fetch water: where while they were fitting the Boat, he sold some fresh fish for China dishes, very cheap. So at night our men came aboard, and brought very good water, but had a wearisome rowth of it, being five miles distant from the place where we anchored.  
The four and twentieth in the morning, we went again for an other Boats lading of water: and this morning by day break, there came of the country people above one hundred Prawes, men and women, and brought us fish, both dry fish, and fresh fish very good, of both kinds great plenty, and very cheap. They brought us also Hogs, great and small, which they sold us for course white cloth, and Hens and Cocks in abundance at the like price: some for China dishes, and some for cloth. They brought us also fruits, as Plantans, Cassathoe roots, and diverse other fruits, and stayed aboard us all day, that sometimes we were not able to stir up and down the ship for them. In the afternoon, the King sent our Captain some Plantans, and Irea pote to drink, which is a kind of water called by that name; our Captain gave the Messenger great thanks in his King's behalf, and to requited his kindness, sent him a rich Pintado. Than he departed, and all the rest: and about ten of the clock at night we weighed anchor, and in the weighing, we broke both our Starboard anchors flooks. Than sailing away with very little wind, at length manned our long Boat, and towed our ship all night: for if we had not towed her in this calm, we had been driven to lee-ward more than we should have gotten again in three days, without a fresh gale of wind, the Current runs so strong there.  
The nineteenth of April, the King of Buttone sent one of his brothers again, to know whether our Captain were willing he should come aboard; 
King of Buttone.  for he was very desirous to see both him and our ship; because he had heard much of Englishmen, but never saw any. Our Captain sent him word, that he should think himself much graced if he came. Presently the King came off in his Caricoll, rowed at lest with an hundred oars, having in her beside about four hundred men with arm●s, well appointed to fight, and six brass pieces, and in her company five Caricols more, which had at the lest a thousand men in them: so our Captain sent according to his demand, a pledge for him, one Francis Kelly which was our Surgeon. Than he came aboard our Captain, who kindly entertained him, and entreated him to take part of a banquet of sweet meats, which he kindly accepted; and after the banquet ended, our Captain demanded what he had to cell: who replied, he had Pearl, and Turtell shells, and some cloth, which they make themselves, which as we thought was made of Cotton stripped. Than our Captain entreated to see some of his Pearl; who said, he had none there, for he came but upon pleasure, not thinking to have met with any ship: but if it pleased him to go with his ship to Buttone (which was some night and a days sailing thence) he should see great store of Pearl, and any thing that he had to sell. And because (said he) the place is unknown to you, I will sand you a Pilot, which shall bring you thither: our Captain and Factor considering of his speeches, thought best to accept of his kind offer, in regard it was nothing out of the way to Bantam: and bestowed upon him a Musket, a Sword, and a Pintado, thanking him for his kindness, that he would vouchsafe to come aboard his ship: to whom the King made answer, that he had not any now worth the giving to bestow upon our Captain, but promised to requited his kindness before his departure: and in the mean time entreated our Captain, to accept of two pieces of their cloth, who received them with many thanks. About three of the clock in the afternoon he took his leave of our Captain, promising presently to sand us a Pilot, to carry us to the Town of Buttone. Than we brought the Cable to the Capstoll, and weighed, and the Pilot came aboard. And at night the King sent a Caricoll unto us, to see if we wanted any thing. and to bear us company to Buttone, by whom he sent our Captain a Goat. Than we stood away for Buttone with a small gale, but at night it was calm, and the tide against us, and we came to an anchor in two and twenty fathoms of water, because we would not drive to lee-ward, and in the morning weighed again, and stood for the Town of Buttone.  
The one and twentieth, about ten of the clock, our Purser (who had been sent ashore the day before) came aboard again, 
The King of Cohina.  and brought with him Hens and Cocos, and told us that the Indians had carried him unto a King, who when he came unto him, was very glad to see him, because he was the first Englishman that ever he had seen. At his first coming to his house, he found him drinking and carousing with his Nobles, and round about where he sat, all hanged about with diverse men's heads, which he before had conquered: so after some little sta●, he took his leave, and came to the Caracoll again, and lay all night aboard her. This night we anchored in twenty fathoms of water, the place not half a mile broad.  
The two and twentieth in the morning, it was very little wind, yet we weighed, and our long Boat towed us through the Straitss, seeing the tide was with us, and she went a head amain: so about eleven of the clock, we came in sight of the Town of Buttone, and came to anchor in five and twenty fathoms of water, some mile and an half from the Town, where we stayed the Kings coming, but he came not that might. Here we sent our Boat ashore, and bought fresh fish for our Company.  
The three and twentieth, about one of the clock in the afternoon, the King came up under our stern, and with him some forty Caracols, and rowed round about us, very gallantly set forth with his colours and pendants: and after this, they rowed toward the town, and our Captain entertained him with a volley of small shot, and all his Ordnance; and after, caused his long Boat to be manned, then accompanied with M. Siddall and his followers, went a shore to the Town of Buttone. The King likewise entertained our Captain with his small shot, 
They go on shore to Buttone.  and his Ordnance, affirming that his heart was now at rest, seeing he had seen the English Nation: promising to do our Captain all the kindness that in him lay: whereat our Captain gave him humble thanks, and for that time took his leave, and came aboard, and in the morning weighed, and stood further into the Road, and anchored in seven and twenty fathoms of water, some half a mile from the shore.  
The four and twentieth in the morning, there came aboard our ship a java Nokeyday, which had a juncke in the Road laden with Cloves, which came from Amboyna, with whom our Factor M. Siddall talked: this javan promised our Captain (if so he pleased) he should have all his Cloves. The King entreated our Captain to take part of his dinner, and to bear with the homely fashion of their Country: for coming into the Room where they sat, their meat was served in, in great Chargers made of a kind of wood, close covered with clotheses; thus their meat being set before them, the King, our Captain, and M. Siddall dined together, where we had great cheer, and our drink was jera pote, very pleasant and sweet in taste, and the King was very merry. And after dinner he had some talk concerning the Cloves which we should have, and promised the next day to come aboard himself, or sand some one of his attendants, to see a muster of all his Cloth: then our Captain give him great thanks, and took his leave, and came aboard.  
The five and twentieth, the King's Uncle came aboard of us to see our ship, where our Captain kindly entertained him; and after him came the King's brother, and stayed dinner with our Captain, and after took his leave, we still expecting the Kings coming, but he came not himself, but sent his Son and the Pilot, and they had a view of the cloth, and liked it very well.  
The six and twentieth, the King and his Son came aboard, and dined with our Captain, and had great cheer, and the King was very merry, and much desired dancing, whereupon some of our men danced before him, who was well pleased, both at their dancing and music: at night the King's Uncle sent our Captain four fat Hogs.  
The seven and twentieth, there was another King of an Island thereby, which came in his Caracoll, and his wife with him, who viewed our ship, but we could not entreat him to come aboard. Our ship being laden to the full with Cloves, bought in this place of the javans, 
The ship full laden with Cloves.  our Captain bought some slaves of the King, and as we were busy this night, one of them stole out of our Captain's cabin door, and leapt into the sea, and swum ashore, and was never heard of. Than our Captain the next morning sent Augustine Spalding our jurabassa, to certify the King of his escape, and in what manner, who presently made restitution for it, and gave him another; and then taking leave of the King, came aboard. May the second, we proceeded for our intended and wished port of Bantam, and gave the Town of Buttone three pieces of Ordnance for a farewell. The third we had sight of the straits of Celebes, and stood into it with all the sail we could make; but could not get so near before night approaching.  
May the two and twentieth, we anchored in the road of Bantam. We found not one Christian ship there, but four China junckes which came from China, as their use is with Taffetas, Dammaskes, Satins, and diverse other Merchandises.  
july the fifteenth, 1608. the Captain and Merchants having ended all their business, took their leaves. After whose departure, we presently set sail out of the Road of Bantam, now bound homewards to our Native Country England, after our long and tedious Voyage. And to avoid the Readers like long and tedious voyage, the rest of this Voyage homewards is omitted, and in steed thereof, we have set down a Table of the journal of this ship from the Lizard to Bantam, as it was set forth by john Davis'.   

CHAP. IX. A brief Narration of the fourth Voyage to the East-indieses, with the two good Ships, the Ascension being Admiral, and the Union Vice-admiral, under the command of ALEXANDER SHARPEY General, and RICHARD ROWLES' Lieutenant General, with the discovery of the Redde-Sea in the Ascension.  

§. I. Relations of the said Voyage, written by THOMAS JONES.  
IN an unfortunate hour, the foureteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord 1607. with the two tall Ships, the Ascension and the Union, we weighed anchor at Woolwich.  
The sixth of May 1608. having spent some days in refreshing our men at Maio, we directed our course for the passing of the Equinoctial, and so for the Cape of Bona Speranza Southeast, and by South, and South Southeast. The Equinoctial we passed very speedily, and then you have the general wind, that bloweth continually, between the Southeast and Southeast and by East: so that the further you sail to the southward, you shall find the wind to Easter the more, as between the Equinoctial and the Tropic of Capricorn. 
Nova Palma a Carack.  The eleventh day of june, in the Latitude of six and twenty degrees, being under the Tropic, we met with a Carrack that was bound for India, her name was the Nave Palma. This Carrack was cast away afterward upon the Coast of Soffala, within twelve leagues of Mosambike: 
The Capt. hereof came home in a Carack.  the Captain of which said ship came Passenger home in the same Carrack that I came out of India in; being Admiral of the Fleet of four sail. So according to the custom of the Sea, having spent some compliments in friendly manner, we departed from him, to follow our Voyage.  
The thirteenth of july, we came to an Anchor in the Bay of Saldania, and staying there unto the five and twentieth of September, 
The Bay of Saldania.  in building of a Pinnace (at which time the Westerly Monsons' have done blowing, and then the wind bloweth more between the South and the Southeast.) The five and twentieth of September, we came out of the Bay, and the six and twentieth of the same month, we were encountered with a mighty storm, at the South Southeast, which blew so vehemently, that we split our fore-corse that night, and lost the company of our consort the Union, and our Pinnace called the Good Hope, which we had built at the foresaid Cape, and never heard of them afterward, only the Pinnace excepted, which came to us to Aden in the Red-Sea. Thus with contrary winds, having before neglected our season of time, we beat up and down the Sea in following our Voyage, unto the eighteenth day of November, before we could get the great Island of S. Laurence. But there we beat two days to get about Cape De S. Roman, but could no●. This altered their minds, that they bore up for the Island of Comora, 
Comora.  which standeth betwixt the Island of S. Laurence and the Main, in the Southerly Latitude of eleven degrees. The six and twentieth day of October, we came to an Anchor on the Westerside of the Island, in six and thirty fathoms water. Hear we were used of the King and people, with all the kindness that might be: but could get no fresh water; yet had marvelous good refreshing of Limbs, & some Hens, and Coco Nuts, which was a great comfort unto us. The last day of the said month we weighed Anchor, and departed from the Island of Comora, and directed our course for the Island of Zanzibar, minding there to relieve our wants of water. But through the default of our Master, we over-shot the Island of Zanzibar, and fell with the Island of Pemba, having almost run ashore in the night before we did see it, the winds being by the East North-east, 
Pemba.  we cast about, and stood off till day, thinking it to be the Island Zanzibar. When it was day, we found a place on the Southside of the Island, having a Ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of us, here we road in seven or eight fathom water, being the seventh day of December. The Latitude of the place is six degrees to the southward, being the South-west end of the Island. The eight of the said month, I went ashore to seek for water, of which we could not fill above six Tuns a day. We plied our business with great recourse of the people, and familiarity with us, but all was in treachery. Having almost done our business, and only lacking some four or five Tons of water to fill, being the eighteenth day, I went ashore to fill those empty Casks with water, where against my coming they had laid an Ambush of some two hundred men, which broke out upon us, yet, praised be God, 
Treacherous people.  we did escape their hands, only my Servant john Harington excepted, whom they took and murdered most cruelly, I not being able to rescue him. Also, they wounded a Servant of john Elmors, being one of our Master's Mates: but the youth recovered of his wounds, being eleven in number. Also a little before they did put their treachery in practice, one of the chief of them came unto me, desiring me to sand one of our men with him to fetch a present for our General, which I granted, but the fellow never came again. The youngman that went was borne in Greenwich, his name being Edward Churchman, who afterward died in Mombasa of a Bloudy-fluxe, as I was credibly informed of the Portugals. Also, while we made our abode at Pemba, the Portugals were about to man a Flemish Hulk, (which had wintered in Mombasa) to come to take our Ship: but hearing of the force of our ship, they altered their minds. The people of this Island o● Pemba be very cowardly people, and dare do nothing of themselves without the inciting of the Portugals. We departed from thence the nineteenth day of the said month, determining to beat up between Pemba and the Main of Melinda, 
Melinda.  in hope to find the Current the stronger. But that night (to our great dismaying) we came aground upon the Coast of Melinda, but at that very instant the wind did lander, so that with the backing of our Sails a stern, our ship went off to our no little comfort: so that night we stood to the Eastward till day, our ship (praised be God) having received no harm at all. When it was day, we saw certain showlds, that lay off the Easter end of Pemba, that we could not weather. Than we cast about and stood to the Northward: but in the end we had sight of three Barks of Moors, which in their language they call Pangays, which we gave chase unto with our Ship and Boats, 
Three Pangays taken.  and in the end fetched them up: they struck sail without any resistance, and with our Boats we fetched them all aboard our ship, who were in number fifty men, or thereabouts. These Moors had thought to have betrayed our ship, as afterwards did appear. For the chief of them being in the cabin with our Master, and our chief Merchant William Revet, and myself, 
W Revet stabbed.  he with his long Knife which he had hid privily about him, did stab our Master Philip Grove so sore, that we had thought he would not have lived: but contrary to the Moors expectation, I ended his days in the place. The rest of the Moors likewise that were within the ship, did at that very instant put their Tragedy in practice, in stabbing of our Preacher, and one of our Merchants, but (praised be God) in a small time we vanquished them all, 
Revenge.  so that there did not escape above five or six at the most, to carry news of their fellows, being a just revenge for our former wrongs. For when they did put this wickedness in practice, we had not aboard our ship above fifteen or sixteen men at the most, all the rest being employed in our Boates. Afterwards, I was credibly informed by the Portugals, of the great lamentation which was made for these Moors, because they were of the chief Gentlemen of all the Coast of Melinda, and of the blood Royal. Now after the spoil of these Barks, we determined to stay no longer on the North side of Pemba: so we put out of the West-end of the Island again, determining to beat up for the Island of Socotora: but the winds hanging between the East, and East Southeast, and finding small help of the Current, did altogether frustrate our determination. Than we determined to stand off to the southward, some two hundred or three hundred leagues, thinking to find the winds at East Southeast. But here likewise we were frustrate of our hopes. For in the Offing we found the wind to hung at the East North-east, and at the North-East, and by East, that we lay beating in the Sea, from the twentieth day of December, unto the six and twentieth day of january, and then it was our good hap to meet with certain Lands, which we named the Desolate Lands, 
The desolate Lands, not desolate of Coco Nuts & other provision.  because there are not any Inhabitants upon them. These Lands are (at the lest) some twelve or thirteen in number, and aught very diligently to be sought of them, that shall travail hereafter, because of the good refreshing that is upon them. Water is there in great abundance, also great store of Coco Nuts, great store of fresh Fish, and likewise store of Turtle-doves, which are so tame, that one man may take with his hand twenty dozen in a day: also great store of Palmeto-trees, so that these Lands seemed to us an earthly Paradise.  
Having refreshed ourselves at the aforesaid Lands, we determined to follow our Voyage, but still were crossed with contrary winds, until the thirtieth day of March, and then begin the Westerly Monsons', than we got the Island of Socotora. But having espied a Sail which was bound for the Read Sea, we gave chase, and in the end fetched them up, being bound for Aden, being glad of his company we consorted with him, and determined to go both in company together. This ship did belong to Diu: but he told us that he did belong to Surat, telling us certain news of Captain Hawkins and of his being at Surat, whereof we were very glad. Thus we held on our determined course until the eight of April, at which time we came to an Anchor in the Road of Aden, against the City. 
Aden.  This City of Aden is under the Dominion of the Great Turk, and is the Key of all Arabia foelix. The same day we came thither, the Captain of the Castle came aboard of us with twelve Soldiers to guard our General ashore: where when he came, he was received with all the honour that might be, not suffering him once scantly to tread on the ground, but mounted him upon a fair Arabian Horse, and so in triumph he was carried to the Governor of the Town: where after kind entertainment, the Governor understanding that he had Letters from the King's Majesty of England to the Bashaw of Zenan, 

Our King's Letters to the Basna of Zenan or Sinan.  
Their Pinnace came also to Aden.  
john Luffken murdered.   whose abode is fifteen days journey up into the Country from Aden, whither they were sent.  
We remained in the Road of Aden until the tenth day of May, and then our Pinnace the Good Hope, which we had lost before at the Cape of Bona Esperanza, came to us, having endured great misery, and they had murdered most shamefully their Master john Luffken, because (they said) he would not put in with the shore to relieve them, being then at the Eastern end of Saint Laurence (but the chief cause was for his provision) and the next day they put in with the shore, and came to an Anchor where they got both water and other provision. But here they left my Servant Edward Hills behind them, 
Edward Hills left on land in S. Laurence.  who (as they said) going to cut wood, could not be heard off. The parties that did the Murder, so soon as they came to us had their reward, according to their deserts, being both executed aboard the Pinnace where they did the Murder, whose names were Thomas Clerk who was his Mate, and Francis Driver Gunner of the said Pinnace. Thus we remained at Aden until the fifteenth of the said month, and then our General and Master determined to go for the City of Moka, which standeth up higher in the Read Sea some forty leagues or thereabouts.  
But at our departure from Aden, the Governor did detain two of our Merchants, whose names were john jordan and Philip Glassecocke, and certain Cloth, and so sent them up altogether to the Bassa, 
john jordan and Philip Glascocke go up to Zenan.  where when they came, they were used most kindly; the Bassa demanding of them, whether they had brought the Great Turk his Letter with them, they answered him no: whereupon he told them, he could not give them any leave to settle a factory: but for the cloth which you have here, I will take this for a present, because your ship is the first of the English Nation, that ever came into these parts. And seeing you are come, I give you leave to cell your goods, and buy what you will, and so to departed at your pleasure Custom free, because of the cloth which I detain in my hands. Thus with much trouble, because the Westerly Monson began to come in, 
They pass the Streights of the Read Sea.  and then the Current runneth out of the Read Sea) in the end we passed the straits being not above one mile and an half broad at the most.  
The eleventh of june we came to anchor in the Road of Moka, where we were most kindly entertained, and the same day our General went ashore, where he was most lovingly received. This City of Moka is the chief Staple for all Indian Trade. 
They arrive at Moka, or Moha.  For all the goods that are brought to Cairo and to Alexandria come from thence. We stayed in this Road of Moka in trimming of our Pinnace until the six and twentieth day of july, and then our General and Master determined to follow their Voyage for Cambaya, sore against the minds of the Company, being the chief Officers of the ship. That night through the head-strongnesse of our Master, we lost two Anchors.  
The seventh day of August we came to the Island of Socotora, where we had so much wind at South, and South Southeast, that we were hardly able with our ship to keep the shore, which our Pinnace not being able to do, was blown off, having not above two or three days victuals in her at the most. Whilst we lay at this Island of Sacotora to get in a Boats lading of water, and two or three Boats of stones for ballast, we had such forcible gales of wind, that we broke two more of our best Anchors, having lost (as is aforesaid) two before in the Read Sea: so vehemently do those South-west winds blow at that Island. In that time of the year, we now having but two left to supply our uses withal. We stayed at the Island of Socotora until the twentieth day of August, and then we weighed and directed our course for Cambaya.  

Septemb. 1609 Diu.  The second day of September we fell with the Coast of Diu, some eight leagues to the Eastward of Diu, we steered alongst the shore some seven leagues more to the Eastward, and then came to an Anchor a head-land. The third day we sent our Skiffe ashore, where the people resorted unto us, having certain conference with them, as also buying of them sheep and other things. They understanding that we were bound for Surat, one of them came aboard desiring of our General passage to Surat, as also certifying our General, that the way was very dangerous, offering him for seven pieces of eight, to fetch a Pilot which should conduct the ship safely to the Port. But (being ruled in most things by our Master) he not regarding the words of the aforesaid Moor or Bannian. The fourth day we weighed Anchor about three of the Clock in the afternoon, at the last quarter Ebbing; (if we had taken the first quarter flood, we should surely have had water over all those shouldst) so that night we run on the shouldst and strooke our Rudder off, 
They run upon the shouldst of Cambaya.  and the next day being the fift day of September, we lost our ship also, that night we forsook our ship, and betook us to our two Boats, being a thing most miraculous, that so many men should be saved in two such small Boats, we being at the lest eighteen leagues from the shore. Thus was this tall ship lost to the great hindrance of the worshipful Company, and to the utter undoing of all us the poor Mariners, being altogether overthrown with all the treasure and goods, both of the Merchants and the poor Companies, being so fare from our Native Country. 
Ascention lost.  We remained upon the Sea in our Boats, until the sixth day about four of the clock in the afternoon, and then we discovered Land which we made unto, with all the means we could possibly, endeavouring the best we could to fall with the River of Surat. But note how the Lord did preserve us, having as I said before, delivered us from the danger of the Sea, he would not now suffer us to fall into the hands of our Enemies, I mean the portugals, who lay at that time at the Bar of Surat, 
God's merciful deliverance.  with five sail of Frigates to take our Boats at our coming ashore, for they had intelligence of our ships coming before. For contrary to our minds we fell with the River of Gandevee some five leagues to the Southward of the Bar of Surat, 
Gandeuce.  where we were kindly entertained of the Governor of the Town. Hear we heard likewise of the coming of our Pinnace into the same River, and of her fetching away by the portugals: but all the men had forsaken her, and were gone to Surat by Land.  
The Governor of this Town of Gandeuce is a Bannyan, and one of those kind of people, 
The Town of Gandeuce.  that observe the Law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sin to eat of any thing that hath life or breath, but live of that which the Earth naturally affordeth of itself. They likewise honour the Cow and have her in great estimation among them, and also observe the ancient custom of burning of their dead. It hath likewise in old time been a great custom amongst them, for the women so soon as their Husbands were dead, to burn themselves alive with him: but now of late years, they have learned more wit, and do not use it so commonly. Yet those women that do it not, have their hair cut, and ever after are held for no honest women, for that they will not accompany their Husbands into the other World, as they say.  
The seventh day we departed out of this Town to travel for Surat, which might be some forty miles or thereabout, and the ninth day came thither where William Finch keeping the Factory, met us: but Captain Hawkins was gone up to the King to Agra. 
Agra.  This City of Agra is from Surat some thirty days journey: there the King is resident and keepeth his Court. Hear at Surat our General with our Company stayed till the latter end of September, and then himself with the rest of our Company went from Surat, and took their journey up for the City of Agra, so to travel by the way of Persia for England. But I holding no fit course for me, determined with myself to take some other course for the getting into my Country. Whilst I was in many determinations, it pleased God of his goodness to sand a Father of the Order of Saint Paul being a Portugal, who was come from Cambaya to Surat by Land, with whom I came acquainted, he promising me, that if I would commit myself into his hands, he would sand me home into my Country, or at the leastwise into Portugal, which promise' he did accomplish most faithfully. In company of this Father, myself and three more of our Company, (Richard Mellis who died in the Carrack in the way homeward bound, john Elmor and one Robert Fox) departed from Surat the seventh day of October, and came into the strong Town and Fortress of Daman, 
Daman. Chaul.  where once again I saw our Pinnace the Good Hope, that we had built at the Cape of Bona Esperanza: from Daman we came to Chaul from thence to Goa, the eighteenth day of November. 
Goa. Our Lady of pity.  The ninth day of january we were embarked in a Carrack called Our Lady of Pity, being the Admiral of the Fleet of four sail, and so departed the Coast of India. The eight and twentieth day of january we passed the Equinoctial upon the Coast of India, and the one and twentieth of March we fell with the land in thirty three degrees and an half, some five leagues Eastward of Cape de Agulas, 
Cape de Agulas.  where we lay with contrary winds, until the second of April, and then we were encountered with a mighty storm at the West South-west, which blew so vehemently that we were forced to bear up six hours before the Sea, and then it pleased God to sand us fair weather. The fourth day of April we fell with land again in thirty four degrees and forty minutes. Than we lay driving to and again in the Sea, with contrary winds, and in sight of the shore, so that we were twice within three or four leagues of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, yet could not possibly get about. Thus we lay driving to and again in the Sea, and in sight of the shore, until the nineteenth day of April, 
They doubled the Cape of Bona Esperanza.  and then it pleased God that we doubled the foresaid Cape of Bona Esperanza, to our no little comfort, being in great despair before, and fearing our wintering at Mosambique, which is a common thing amongst the portugals. The seven and twentieth of April we pailed the Tropic of Capricorn, and the ninth day of May we came to an Anchor at the Island of Saint Helena, which standeth in fifteen degrees of Southerly latitude; where we stayed until the fifteenth of the said month in watering: and then we weighed and directed our course for the passing of the Equinoctial: and the second of june we passed the same.  
The six and twentieth of the said month we passed the Tropic of Cancer with the wind at North-east, which the portugals call the general wind, and the sixteenth of july we passed by the Westerly Lands by judgement of the Pilot in the Carrack, being in the latitude of forty degrees and odd minutes to the North-wards, we not seeing any land since our departure from Saint Helena. So (praised be God) the third day of August, we made the Land of Portugal, 
The third of August they arrived at Lisbon, 1610.  being not above two leagues of the Rock, to our no little comfort. And the same day we came to an Anchor in the Road of Caskalles. I the same day embarked myself in a Boat, and went ashore, and so escaped the hands of the portugals. I remained in Lisbon secretly until the thirteenth day of the said month, and then I embarked myself in a ship of London, with Master Steed, which was thither bound. And the same day we weighed Anchor in the Bay of Wayers there was a Boat full of portugals to have taken the ship, and so to have carried us ashore, having had intelligence of our departure. But we setting sail, put forth to Sea, and escaped the danger, and praised be God arrived at our long desired home.  
The seventeenth day of September, Anno 1610. It being two years and six months since our departure out of England.   

§. II. The report of WILLIAM NICOLS a Mariner in the Ascension which traveled from Bramport by Land to Masulipatan, written from his mouth at Bantam by HENRY MORIS, Sept. 12. 1612. The former and greater part is the same in substance with that of T. JONES, and therefore omitted.  
THe Company departed from our General, not able to provide for them, and left the rest to stay by him being very sick. Some went to one place, and some to another, and some back again for Surat. 
The Company divide themselves.  And I myself being one of them that were willing to take the best course for myself that I could, I told them I would travel (God-willing) to Masulipatan, for I knew there was an Holland factory there, as I had heard at Surat before we came from thence. I could not find any Christian to travel over Land with me; and enquiring at Bramport; if there were any that would travel to Masulipatan, I met with company which were travelling that way: but it was such company that few Englishmen would travel with them. For they were three jews: but necessity hath no law. After I had agreed to travel with them, I thought, if I traveled with any money the Dogs would cut my throat. 
W. Nichols traveleth to Masulipatan.  So I made away with all my money, and attired myself in the Habit of a Turk, and took my journey with those Dogs, without any penny of money in my Purse: and travelling with them, four months, had nothing to eat but only such food as the jews gave me, and many times, when I was hungry they would give me no meat, so that I was enforced to eat such meat as they gave their Camels, and no better, and glad I could get it, nay, sometimes I was infored to be in fee with the Camel Keeper to give me a little. In this miserable case I traveled with these Dogs four months: sometimes they would say, come let us cut this Dog's throat, and afterwards open his belly, for he hath eaten his Gold: too would have cut my throat, but the third was an honest Dog, for he would not consent unto it. So with many a weary journey and hungry belly, 
He arriveth at Masulipatan, & is kindly entreated at the Hollanders House.  after a long and dangerous travel we came safe unto Masulipatan, where I presently discharged myself from these cruel Dogs, and came unto the Dutch house where the Captain used me very kindly, and gave me clotheses, and meat and drink five months before any shipping came there. At length there came three ships to Masulipatan, the one called the Hay, the other the Sun, and the third was a Frigate, which they had taken in the Streights of Malacca, and the Sun and the Frigate being bound for Bantam. I entreated the Master to grant me passage, and I would labour for my passage, who told me very kindly, that he would not only give me passage, but would also give me wages: for the which I gave him great thanks, and so came aboard. Not long after, we set sail from thence, and came to Bantam the sixth day of September, 
He arriveth at Bantam the 6. of Sept. 1610.  1610. being Thursday, and came presently to the English House with joyful heart. 1610.  
In my travel (with the three jews) overland, these fair Towns I passed, which I bore in mind, for I could neither writ nor read.  
First, after I came from Bramport, I came to jevaport, from thence to Huidare, from thence to Golacaude, and so to Masulipatania.   

§. III. The unhappy Voyage of the Vice-admiral, the Union outward bound, till she arrived at Priaman, reporeed by a Letter which Master SAMVE● BRADSHAW sent from Priaman, by HUMPHREY BIDULPHE, the eleventh day of March, 1609. written by the said HENRY MORIS at Bantam, Sept. the fourteenth, 1610.  
YOu have already heard of the passage of the two ships (the Ascension and the Union) from England, to the Cape De Bona Esperanza, but after their departure out of the Road of Saldania, and of their losing one another in doubling of the Cape, as yet you have not heard. Therefore I thought good to make some relation thereof, as well as of the other, and that truly, as from other men report I have heard; and thus it was. After they had lost one another by stormy weather, in doubling of the Cape, the Union in that storm sprang her Mainmast, and in the midst of the storm they were enforced to fish it again: by reason whereof, they lost the company of their Admiral, and at last, being without hope either to meet with Ship or Pinnace thereabouts, considering that the storm continued; they shaped their course for the Bay of S. Augustine, being upon Madagascar. 
They arrived at the B●y of S. Augustine in Madagascar.  Where being arrived, they went ashore, and had good refreshing, and stayed there twenty days, being in good hope to have met our Admiral and the Pinnace there, but all their hopes were frustrate. Than being out of all hope to have their company, they set sail from thence, and directed their course for Zanzibar, in hope to meet their General there: where being arrived, they went on shore, and at first were kindly entertained: but at their next going ashore, they lay in Ambush, 
The treachery of the people of Zanzibar.  and as soon as they landed, sallied out upon them, and killed the Purser presently, and one Mariner, and took one of their Merchant's Prisoner; yet by great chance, they got off their Boat and came aboard. The names of them that were slain, were Richard Kenn, Purser, the Mariner's name I have forgotten, but the Merchant's name that was taken Prisoner, was Richard Wicham: they put to Sea about the month of February 1608. with the winds at North-east and Northerly, just against them as they should go for Socotora.  
Now after they had spent much time at Sea, and little or nothing in the way, (and the most part of the men very much troubled with the Scurvy) the Captain purposed, and accordingly bore up the Helm for the North part of S. Laurance, 
They bore back again for S. Laurence.  determining to go for the Bay of Antongil: but they fell on the West side of the Island, intending to recover their almost-lost men there, and spend the unprofitable Monson. Upon which end of S. Laurance, they fell into an exceeding great Bay, 
The great Bay of Canquomorra, or B●am●r●.  which afterwards they understood to be called by the Country people Canquomorra, a Country very fruitful and pleasant to behold. The very first view thereof, gave great content to all their men in general: who no sooner arrived in the Bay, but within short time had conference with the Country people, and at first they proffered them great kindness, but after it proved to the contrary. Whereupon Master Rolls the Captain, and Master Richard Reue, chief Merchant, and jeffrey Carlel, with three others, which were attendant upon the Captain, adventured to go ashore unto the King: and that made them the more venturous, because diverse times before, all the Merchants had been ashore at the King's Palace (in their Skiffe and long Boat) and spoke with the King, who proffered them great kindness, and came aboard again, as safe as if they had been in their own Native Country of England. 
Samuel Bradshaw. The Captain and six others betrayed.  Samuel Bradshaw had been often employed about business unto the King: yet (it pleased God) at this time, the Captain had some other occasion of business for him, and so stayed him aboard (a happy turn for him:) for they no sooner came ashore, but they were betrayed by the Country people: but by the great Providence of the Almighty the Boats escaped, and presently came aboard, and informed them of all that happened: Where they no sooner had made known unto them this doleful news, but presently they saw such abundance of Prawes, and great Boats, 
Abundance of Prawes & great Boates.  coming out of the River unto them, that it was admirable to behold. The Master spoke unto the Gunner to make the Ordnance ready, which was soon effected. This Fleet of Infidels came rowing up unto their Ship, as though presently they would have boarded them: but by the diligence of the Gunner and his Mates, he made them retire, 
Six Boats of the enemies destroyed.  by sinking of some half dozen of their Boats, and they retired back again as fast, as if they had been Sheep chased by the Wolf. But before we made such massacre amongst them, they came up in the face of our Ordnance, and we thought verily they would have taken us all: for the fight continued (at lest) two hours very dangerous, till we plagued them so with our Ordnance: and then, 
A fight for two house's.  he accounted himself happiest that first could clear himself, and we continually sent after them, as fare as the Ordnance would reach. After they were gone from us in this first attempt, we stayed in the Bay some fourteen days, being in good hope to recover our lost men again, 
They stayed 14 days longer in this Bay.  in which time we lost seven men more through a sudden disease, which daunted us more than the malice of those Infidels. The men which died, were they that wrought so lustily about the Ordnance in the fight, that within two days they were all thrown overboard. These crosses coming together, and no hope to recover our lost men, they thought it folly to make any longer stay there, and therefore presently made haste away. And being not throughly watered, they thought good to spend a little time in another place thereby: but before they could dispatch, they attempted against them the second time, with a great multitude of Boats, and many of them great vessels, 
A second attempt m●de by the enemies.  and so thick pestered with men, that it was wonderful: but they liked their first entertainment so well, that they cared not for coming too near them the second time, but went all on shore, and placed themselves to look upon the Ship. Than presently perceiving what their intended purpose was, and fearing some mischief in the night, they weighed and stood in for the shore (where all the Infidels sat) and gave them a whole broad side for a farewell: which fell among the thickest of them, and in their sight made such lanes among them, that they soon forsook their places, and got out of their sight with as much speed as might be: 
They departed from S. Laurence.  From thence they tacked and stood off at Sea, leaving behind them fourteen men, seven betrayed, and seven that di●d w●th sickness. Than being clear from those Infidels, they directed their course for Socotora, but by some negligence, for want of hulling in betimes, the winds took them short, that they could not fetch it, 
They fell upon the Coast of Arabia.  but they fell more to the Eastward upon the Coast of Arabia, which was about the fourth of june, and the Winter Monson being come, they could not, nor durst go for Camba●a: Moreover, upon that Coast, they could not find any good place to harbour themselves in, until the Winter were passed. Wherhfore, keeping within sight of the Coast four days, sometimes being in danger of the shore, they thought it but folly to neglect the time any longer; and therefore resolved upon some course to be taken, for the best performance of the Voyage. So the Master calling the best, and most principal men in the ship, and such as were best experienced in those affairs, they presently concluded altogether to go for Achen: and being in hope there, to meet with some Guzurats, to barter their English Commodities with them, 

They arrive at Achen in Sumatra.  
The Hollanders opposition.   directing their course for that place, they arrived there the seven and twentieth of july. And within seven days after their arrival, they had admittance to the King, with a Present that was given, (which they were enforced to do somewhat largely) because the Hollanders sought to cross them, a●d debar them from Trade. Their aspiring minds could not have any to Trade into India, but themselves; therefore after Master Bradshaw had been with the King, and spent some time with them at Achen, he fell to Trade with the Guzurats for some of their Commodities, for our English Cloth and Led, in truck for Baftas, black and white, which is Guzurat Cloth, which they cell in those parts. After they had stayed there some small time, and trucked with the Guzurats for some Commodities, they took their leave, and set sail from thence, and came unto Priaman, 
Priaman.  and had Trade there in short space, to their hearts content. And although Fortune had crossed them all the Voyage, yet God at length brought them unto a pleasant Port to make some Trade and benefit of their Voyage. Hear they stayed and took in Pepper, and at length laded their ship, and might l●ng before, if there had not been a mutiny among the Company, for the Sailors would do as pleased themselves. But Master Bradshaw used them with such fair words, that (at length) they got that they came for. Hear Griffin Mauris (the Master) died: 

Griffin Mauris the Master died. Tec●o.  
They in the Union return from Suma●ra for England.   all business being ended, Master Bradshaw sent Humphrey Biddulph unto Bantam, and Silvester Smith to bear him company, with some remainder of goods, which they could not cell at Priaman, nor at Tecco: not long after that he had taken his leave of them, they shaping their course for Bantam, in a China junke, he presently set sail for England, in the month of February 1609.  
The lamentable success of the said ship and Voyage, appeareth by the Letters following.  
Laus Deo in Morlaix, the first of March 1611.  
BRother Hide, this day is come to our hands a Letter from Odwen, written by one William Bagget an Irishman, dwelling in the same Town, advising us of most lamentable news of a ship of London, called the Union, which is upon this Coast, about two leagues from the said Odwen: which the men of the Town perceiving, sent out two Boats unto her; and when they came there, they found that it was a ship come from the East-India, richly laden with Pepper and other goods, having in her but only faure men alive, of which four men, one is an Indian, and other three dead in the ship: which the four living men through feebleness, were not able to cast overboard, nor were scarce able to speak: so the men of the two Boats have brought the ship into the Road of Odwen. And as this Irishman writeth, they of the Town have unladen the most part of the goods, and having directed his Letter to some English Merchants in this place, to repair thither with all expedition, to see the ordering of the ship and goods, as belonging to the East-Indian Company. This Letter, is confirmed by one other Letter written in French by the Bailiff of Kimper, and directed to one of this Town, which I have seen: And therefore we thought it good to sand three Cop●es of this Irishmans' Letter, by three several Barks, to the end that the Merchants may be advertised, and give order that their goods and ship may be in safety, for it is to be doubted that the rude people will make a wrack of her. I think it not amiss therefore, that they sand to the Court of France, to procure the King's Authority, for I fear there will be much trouble about the matter. In the mean time, myself, with George Robbins will ride down to see in what state all things are, and do the best we can in the Merchant's behalf, t●ll they sand some one with procuration, good and ample for the following of this business, as in their discretion shall see me fitting. The ship is reported to be of three or four hundred Tons, and hath three Decks, I doubt we shall find her shrewdly riffled when we shall come there. The importunate writing both of the Irishman and the Bailiff of Kimper, hath caused us to take this journey: And we do it the rather in consideration of the Company, presuming that they will consider our charge, because we have both emplored friends, and procured Money in the place, to satisfy such as have taken pains in saving of the ship and goods if need be. Notwithstanding, I would wish that they sand some with expedition by way of Roven, with other provision of Money: f●r that this is no place of Exchange as you know, where Money may be had at all times. I had rather give fifty pound, then take this journey at this time, because I have much goods upon my hands as I partly wrote to you in my last. The Master's name of the ship is Edmund White, the Master's Mate, Thomas Duckmanton, and the other Samuel Smith, and the Indian. They are in very pitiful taking, and in great want of Money, neither can they be masters of their goods: therefore let them sand men of good experience about this business. And thus being in some hast ready to take Horse, I commit you to the Lords protection, resting your assured friend always to command,  
BERNARD COUPER▪  
Neglect no time in making this known to the Company.  
Directed to Master Thomas Hid, Merchant in London.  
February 1610. touching the Union at Andierne.  
THE eighth day of February, I came over the Pole-head of Bourdeaux, and the eleventh of the same I lost my foremast, my Botsprit, and my Ruther: the same night I put into Olderyearne, the thirteenth day the Frenchmen brought the Union of London upon the Rocks: the foureteeneth day I went aboard the Union with my Boat, and the Frenchmen had been aboard four days; the same time I brought Samuel Smith on shore, Thomas Duttoncon, and the Master Edmond White. The fifteenth day I got William Bagget my Merchant, to writ me a Letter to Morles; the eighteenth day the Letter was sent, and I paid two Crowns for the carriage: the twentieth, the Indian died, and the same day I buried him: the one and twentieth day, the Master died, and I buried him: the two and twentieth came Master Roberts, and Master Couper: the six and twentieth, Master Couper and Master Roberts went to Morles. Again, the fourth day of March, William Coarey, the Host of Master Couper and Master Roberts: the fifth, I went aboard with my Boats, and William Coarey, at low water, I went into the ships hold at low water, and I brought an Example of the worst Pepper: the sixth day, I came from Olde-yearne; the eighth, I came to Morles: the seventeenth, came Master Hid to Morles: the one and twentieth, I came from Morles; the two and twentieth at night, I came into the I'll of Wight: the four and twentieth, I came to Hampton: the eight and twentieth day, I came to London.  
Your loving Friend, WILLIAM WOTTON.  
THey saved after the spoil of the Britons almost two hundred Tons of Pepper, some Benjamin, and some China Silks, which they bought at Techou in Sumatra, out of a ship of China. They touched outward bound at Saldania, where they stayed long in setting up a Shallop or Pinnace, they lost Master Rolls in S. Laurence: they lost more men at Zanzibar: they laded Pepper at Achen, Priaman, Passeman, and Tecou: there they bought Silk of a ship of China. In their return, they met with Sir Henry Middleton, having thirty six men in reasonable good state aboard then: they delivered unto him certain Chests of Silver: They miss the I'll of S. Helena, most of their men died, on this side Cape Verde: ten English, and four Guzarats▪ were taken out of her by a Bark of B●stol and a Scot There landing in the Road of Anderne, and other matters are before set down: The ship after the Pepper goods were taken out and dried was found by Master Simonson, a skilful Shipwright, sent thither of purpose, to save it if it might be, utterly unserviceable: The Ordnance, Anchors, and other furnitures were saved.  
Thomas Duckmanton the Master's Mate, Robert Wilson of Detford, Bullock the Surgeon, jacob Peterson, and five Englishmen more remain alive, of seventy five that went out of England: three or four Guzarats also came home alive.   

§ FOUR The Voyage of M. joseph Salbancke through India, Persia, part of Turkey, the Persian-Gulfe, and Arabia, 1609. Written unto Sir Thomas Smith.  
Gandeve was the first Town, where after the wrack and descension of the Ascension, we 
* Robert Covert was his companion to Bagdat and hath written a Treatise of this whole Voyage, which b●eing printed I hau● omitted. Sabay.  arrived, having a very fair haven, and great store of shipping, whereof some are of five hundred tons burden. From thence we journeyed to Sobay, a Village that consisteth altogether of Spinners and Weavers, and there is much Calico cotton cloth made.  
From thence we came to Surat, which hath been a City of great trade, and hath great store of shipping. 
Surat.  Those of the greatest burden are laded not at the Town, but are carried over the Bar with their ballast only, and there are laden. At an high water, they have sixteen foot over the Bar.  
From Surat we traveled toward Agra, the principal City of the Grand mogul, and came first to Nabon, 
Nabon. Daytaot a City. Great store of Drugs Pin●adoes, and Calicoes. Netherberi.  where Sugar groweth in great abundance, and cotton-wool, and all manner of Graine. Here all kind of victuals are very cheap. Than to a City called Daytaot, where are sold great store of Drugs, Pintadoes, and Calico-lawnes. Afterward we came to Netherberi, where is a Market of all Brazen wares, shirts of mail, Swords and bucklers, Lances, Armours for Horses: also Cotton-wools, Cotton yarn, Pintadoes, Sashes, and all manner of drugs. In this place cloth would be very vendible, because course cloth is there exceeding dear.  
From thence we proceeded to a Village called Saylot, where is store of Sugar, and fruits of all sorts. 

Saylot a Village Sandise a garrison Town. The river Tynd. Bramport a great City in 28. degrees. A good vent for cloth. Caddor and Sawbon.  
A great City called Cannow. Good sale of English clotheses. They pass the great River Ganges.  
15. days travel. Agra.   We departed thence to Sadise, a Garrison Town. Here the River Tind runneth down to Surat. From Sadise we came to the great City Bramport, governed by Can Canow. This City standeth in eight and twenty degrees, where Muskets, Snaphanses, Pistols, Petronels, and Swords are very saleable. Woollen cloth in this place will prove a great commodity, as also cloth of Gold and Silver, Velvets, Broad clothes, and Bays, because there are there so many Gallants. From thence we came to Caddor, and so to Sawbon. Than we travailed to a great City, named Cannow, where is much trading for Cloth, Swords, Sashes, Pieces, and Armour, besides colours for Dyer's of all sorts. Here our clotheses would cell well: for it beareth somewhat to the Northward, and is very cold in january, February, and March.  
About a day's journey from this place, we passed over the great River Ganges, which runneth into the Gulf of Bengala, issuing out of the Northwest, and running directly East into the said Gulf. From hence we set forward toward Agra, & spent eleven days travelling through a pleasant Country, and abounding with several kinds of Indian commodities, and so arrived at Agra.  
Agra is a very great City, and populous, built with stone, having fair and large streets, with a fair River running by it, which falleth into the Gulf of Bengala. It hath a fair Castle, and a strong, entrenched round about with a ditch. Hither is great refort of Merchants from Persia, and out of India, and very much Merchandise of Silks, and clothes, and of precious stones, both Rubies, Diamonds, and Pearls. The Diamonds are found in divers places, as in Bisnagar, in Deli, and here at Agra. But Rubies, Saphires, and Spinels are found in Pegu. In this City, without all question, our richer Silks and Velvets, but especially our clotheses of light colours will cell very well, 
Fatipore, a city as great as London.  being a place of great trading, being not above twelve miles from Fatipore, a City as great as London, and very populous; besides Lahor, and many other important Cities in this Kingdom.  
At Agra we abode thirteen days, and then set forward toward Hispaon in Persia, by the way of Biani, 

They departed from Agra for Persia.  
Biamy 2. days journey from Agra.  
What Indigo is, and the making thereof.   being but two Month's journey, leaving the way by Lahor, which is four Month's journey. From Agra to Biamy, we spent two days travel. Biamy is the chiefest place for Indigo in all the East India, where are twelve Indigo mills. It groweth on small bushes, and beareth a seed like a Cabbage seed. Being cut down, it lieth on heaps for half a year to rot, and then by Oxen it is trodden out from the stalks, and afterward is ground very fine, and then boiled in fornaces, and so sorted out into several sorts. The best Indigo is there worth eight pence a pound.  
From Biamy, we spent eight days journey to Merta, passing by many Towns and Villages. In some of them there was store of course Indigo, 
Merta, or Menta.  in others Calicoes, and store of Cotton-wools. Also we passed over the fair River Paddar, which runneth to Guzerat, and falleth into the Sea to the Eastward of the Persian Gulf. 
The river Paddar runneth unto Guzerat.  In Merta there are three Basars' or Markets every week, where is sold great store of Indigo, Cotton-wool, yarn, and Cotton clothes. From Merta or Menta we traveled five and twenty days, through these three chief Towns, Reuree, Buckar, and Suker. Reuree is a Town consisting of husbandmen, and painful people, who deal also in Merchandise, 
Reuree.  as Cotton cloth, Indigo, and other commodities, and are a peaceable people to deal withal.  
Buckar stands toward Lahor, where we received kind entertainment of the Governor. Sword-blades are very good chaffer in this Town: 
Buckar a city.  myself having experience, who might have had ten pounds sterling for my Sword, the blade being but worth a Noble in England. Close by this City of Buckar runneth the River Damiadee, 
The River Damiadee falleth into the river of Sinde.  which within eight days journey runneth into the River of Sinned, which falleth into the Ocean Sea, between the Countries of Gnadel and Guzerate. On this River pass Barks of forty or fifty Tons, by means whereof, there is traffic unto divers parts of India.  
Suckar is situated on an Island in the middle of the River, and consisteth most of Weavers and Dyer's, 
Suckar.  which serve the Country round about. At Suckar we stayed four and twenty days for a safe convoy to Candahar, 
Candahar.  and passed to Candahar in twenty days, through many deserts and woods, and with no small difficulty. Candahar is a City of importance, which is frequented with Merchants out of Turkey, Persia, and the parts of India, and is governed by a Viceroy. Here we abode twelve days, and from hence set forward toward Hispahan in Persia, and traveled five days till we came to Grease, i first Town in the Country of Persia, 

Grease the first Town of Persia.  
The river Sab●a divideth the Mogoes and Persians' Dominions.  
Vea a Village▪ The City of Parra.  
jesd a City. Pahanaunis. Godana Gora a fair Town. Hispahan the chief city of Persia.  
Commodities to be bought at Hispahan.   passing over the River Sabaa, which divideth the mogul and the Persian. Here we paid a custom for our Camels.  
Grease is a frontier Town, where the Persian hath a Garrison of a thousand soldiers. From Grease, we spent eight days to the City Parra, passing through a vast country, sometimes passing by Villages: one of most note was called Vea▪ for the store of Felts and Carpets made there, and for the plenty of Dates, and all sorts of fruits. Parra is a City of great traffic, but especially for raw silk. Here we rested two and twenty days only for a Caravan.  
From Parra we spent eighteen days to jesd, a City of Persia, passing through a very desolate country. Not fare from this Town is Pahanaunis, where is made great store of raw Silk: as also at Godana four days journey off. From jesd we spent seventeen days to Hispahan, passing by Gora, a fair Town, where is store of raw Silks, Quilts, Silke-carpets, and Turkeshes. And so we arrived at Hispahan. Haspahan is one of the greatest Cities in Persia, where the King sometimes keepeth his residency. The people are industrious and curious in all Sciences, but especially in weaving Girdles and Sashes, in making of Velvets, Satins, Dammasks, very good Ormuzines, and Persian Carpets of a wonderful fineness. Here you may buy all manner of Drugs, and Spices, and Turkeses, with store of Pearls, Diamonds, and Rubies, as also all sorts of Silks, as well wrought, as raw. Here might be planted a profitable trade, if our ships with safety might lad in the Persian Gulf: where fifty in the hundred may be gained from Ormus to Hispaan, and that in eighty days travel: whereof I was throughly informed by divers Prisoners, and Merchants of the great Town of julpha. 
Commodities for Persia.  These commodities are to be carried from England into Persia; Tin, Copper, Brasil: as also Carsies for the Common people: Broad clothes for the Merchants and better sort of people, black clotheses for women's garments, good Chamlets and Velvets died in grain, with purple colours, and fine reds: cloth of Gold and Tissue, Velvets embroidered with Gold: fine Holland cloth for the King and Sultan's; Dags, and Pistols, complete harness, targets of steel, shirts of mail, stone bows, brass and iron Ordnance. The colours of Cloth must be Scarlets, Violets in grain, fine Reds, Blacks, brown Blues, London Russets, Tawnies, Lion colours, fair lively Green's; all which will be vented at Haspahan, Cashan, Casbin, and Tauris, and other Cities in Persia. I am persuaded, that Hispahan will vent a thousand clotheses yearly. At Hispahan I abode thirteen days, and spent a month's journey to Bagdat; which is a City about two English miles in compass, seated on Tigris: 
Bagdat.  nevertheless it is very populous, and of great traffic of strangers, being the way to Persia, Turkey, and Arabia. Here I embarked myself for Balsara; and was twenty eight days in passing down the River; but it is to be done in eighteen or less, if the water be high. Many Lands are in this River, which I omit to speak of.  
Balsara is a City near unto the Persian Gulf, a mile and an half in circuit. All the buildings, Castles, and Walls are made of brick dried in the Sun. 
Balsara.  The Turk hath here five hundred janissaries, besides other soldiers continually in garrison. But his chief strength is of his Galies, which are twenty five or thirty in number, very fair and furnished with goodly Ordnance. To this port of Balsara come Monthly divers ships of forty or fifty tons from Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indian Merchandizes. Also there is great store of Wheat, Rice, and Dates, 

Catiffa in Arabia ●aelix. The I'll of ●aharem, where the best pearls are.  
C●lara or Catura. Shiriff Din. john White an English Merchant poisoned.  
Lima a Port Town in ●he mouth of ●he Per●●an Gul●e. Snar or Soar a ●oast town in the entrance o●●he Persian Gulf●  
〈…〉 Mas●●te or Mus●a● F●●her 〈◊〉 an English 〈…〉 Mascate in Arabia.   growing thereabout, with which they serve Bagdat, and all the Country, Ormus, and many Parts of India.  
From Balsara, I passed by Sea to Catiffa, on the Coast of Arabia Faelix, governed by a Turk, but a rebel against the Grand Signior; where is great plenty of sundry sort of fruits, as Dates, and others. And from thence we sailed by many Lands, but among the rest, to that famous Island Baharem, six days sailing from Balsara, and in the midway to Ormus; where they fish for Pearls four months in the year; to wit, in june, july, August, September. And here are the best Pearls, which are round and Orient.  
From the I'll of Baharem, we sailed to Calara on the coast of Arabia Faelix, and so passed by land with Camels, to Shiriff Din, (with a purpose to have gone to Aman) where one john White an Englishman, which refused my company, was poisoned) to have given some intelligence to Sir Henry Middleton, of our hard usage before in those parts. But hearing that he was traterously taken in Moha, in the mouth of the Read Sea, and carried in chains up to the basha of Sin●●, into the main land of Arabia, I returned to Lima another Town on the Persian Gulf, and there embarked myself to have passed to Socotora, an Island near the mouth of the Read Sea: B●t I was taken by Pirates, and so was driven to land at Snar or Soar, a coast Town not fare ●●om Lima.  
At Snar, certain Portugals, whose Barks were there cast away, informed the Governor that I was a Spy, and prayed him to deliver me up into their hands; who having obtained their request, carried me to Azibo, and so to Mascate or Muscat, an Island, where they have a small Garrison of some forty men, besides their galleys, as also one Church, and two Friars. And here I had abiden for ever, if one Father Drury, an English jesuite, which I found there, had not procured my liberty.  
From thence, I was conveied in chains to Ormus, crossing the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Ormus is an Island in circuit about thirty miles: and is the driest Island in all the world: for there is nothing growing in it but salt: 
Ormus.  for their Water, Wood, Victuals, and other necessaries come out of Persia, which is about twelve miles from thence. The Portugals have a strong Castle here, which standeth near unto the Sea, where there is a Captain set by the King of Spain, having under him a convenient number of soldiers, whereof some part remain in the Castle, and some in the Town. In this Town are Merchants of many Nations, and many Moors and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sorts of Spices, Drugs, Silks, cloth of Silk, fine Tapestries of Persia, great store of Pearls, as also Horses of Persia, which serve for all India. And all ships which pass from hence to Goa, wherein are horses, pay no custom in Goa: but if they bring no horses, than they pay eight in the hundred for their goods.  
From Ormus they sent me prisoner to Goa. And we sailed first to Sinde, which lieth between the Countries of Guadel and Guzerate, 

He was at Sinde, which is an excellent place for our Trade.  
The best Indigo.  
The safety of Sinde from the Portugals.  
A good vent of all sorts of Cloth.   having a great River called Damiade falling into it, which River cometh from Lahor, and so to Bucher, and Suchar. In these places is the best Indigo sold. You may transport all the goods which the Country doth afford, by water to Sinde: where your ships may ride as safely as in the River of Thames. The Portugals have no fort in this River.  
The place, (by report of the Governor, who gave me a Pass at my first being there to be a pledge, that whensoever I should return with these and these goods, I should be well entertained) doth vent cloth of all sorts in reasonable quantity both fine and course, being all light colours; Tin, Led, Iron, and Elephants teeth, and Spices of all sorts, especially Pepper and Cloves. The commodities that the Country doth afford in great plenty, and cheap price, are fine Calicoes of many sorts, Pintadoes, Q●ilts, Carpets, and other Silk in great plenty. Many of these stuffs are very good for the trade at Banta●, and the Moluccos. Besides, there is great store of Opium, which is a very good commodity in Bantam, and those parts. And many other drugs fit for our Country. The people are of a good disposition, and desirous of trade: victuals are very good cheap: as ten hens for ten pence, a good sheep a shilling. On the shore the Portugals are subject to the Country people: and if they do not behave themselves well, they are severely punished.  
Passing this coast of Sinde, we arrived at Din in the Kingdom of Cambaya. And it is the strongest Town that the Portugals have in these parts. 
Din.  It is but little, but well stored with Merchandise: for here they lad many great ships with divers commodities, for Ormus and for the Strait of Mecca, and other places: and these be ships of Moors and Christians. The Moors pass by Passport from the portugals.  
From Diu we sailed for Goa: which is the principal City which the Portugals have in those parts, 
Goa.  and it is governed by a Viceroy. It standeth in an Island, which may be thirty miles about, replenished with Orchards and Gardens, Palm trees, and some Villages. Here be Merchants of many Nations.    

CHAP. X. The Voyage of M. DAVID MIDLETON to java, and Banda, extracted out of a Letter written by himself to the Company, this being the fifth Voyage set forth by them.  

§. I. Their affairs at Bantam, Botun, Bengaia.  
WE set sail in the Downs the four and twentieth of April, 1609. in the Expedition of London, 
April 24. 1609. They arrived at Saldania. They arrived at Bantam.  and got sight of Forteventure, and the Lansarot, the nineteenth of May, and with such winds as blow (some fair, some fowl) we arrived at Saldania the tenth of August, and watered, and made haste, and set sail the eighteenth of the same. We proceeded for Bantam, and arrived there the seventh of December, missing Captain Keeling very narrowly that we had not sight of him: for he passed us in the night, 
By the alteration of State, their debts were almost desperate, nor would this Governor suffer them (as before) themselves to imprison debtors, and distrain. He also exacted unreasonable sums for rent, whereas the ground had been given, and the houses built at the Companies charge.  else we should have surely seen him. As for our business, I made all the dispatch that might be (both by day and night) to get the Iron a shore, and would not stay, to set up my Pinnace, and left M. Hensworth in the house, and was driven to give a great many of gifts more than was requisite, if the State of the Country had been as in former time: and left Edward Neetles, and three more of my Company with Master Hemsworth (as his desire was) being in a strange place, and knew none in the House. So I took such Commodities as I thought most vendible in those places whereunto I was to go; and what hope was of making a Voyage, I trust Captain Keeling hath long since made manifest, yet for all this, I must try their courtesy.  
The eighteeths of December I took my leave of Master Hemsworth, who was very loathe to stay behind me, but I persuaded him to be of good courage, and doubt nothing, seeing I was to take Master Spalding with me for his Language, and had no body to leave in the House but himself: and told him that if the Governor sent for him, 

M. Augustine Spalding goeth with him to the Maluccas. He departeth for the Maluccas.  
The straight of Desolam.  
The I'll of Botun.   he must tell him plainly that I had left express order in any hand, not to yield to any of his former demands, yet he might take what he would, for he must deliver him nothing. Than I set sail that evening for the Maluccas (as I supposed) and the winds favouring us, the seven and twentieth of the same, we passed the Streights of Desolam, and being through them, lay becalmed ten days, which was no small grief to me, in much heat under the Line, being doubtful of the Westerly Monson, which (if it should fail me) would be the overthrow of my Voyage.  
The eighth of january, we came before the Town of Botun, and sent to know some news, and there the King was gone to the Wars, and very few people in the Town. So I anchored not, but we through the Streights the same day. The next day we saw a great company of Caeracolles, which we imagined to be the King of Botunes' Army, which proved so indeed. The King sent a small Prow (when we drew near unto him) to see what we were. I sent him word who I was, and it proved little wind, and wanting water I demanded whether there were any near hand, so the people shown me where there was great store of good water. Than I stood with the place, and the King and all his Caricolles came under sail after me, and came to an Anchor fair by us, and sent one aboard in his own name to bid me welcome, and desired me to sand Master Spalding with the Messenger to come, and speak with him to hear some news. The King's desire was that I would ride all night, and in the morning he would come, and see the ship and me, It proved calm, so we ride still, and the next day the King came aboard, and I made him, and all his Nobles a Banquet, and gave the King a gift worthy such a person: 

A Banquet made to the King of Botun, and all his Nobles.  
Commodities provided by the King of Botun.   and a gale came fitted to be under sail: then the King wept, and said I might think him but a Dissembler, seeing he had no Merchandise for me, for four months before my coming, he had his House burned to the ground, where he had provided of every thing somewhat, both Nuts and Mace, and Cloves, and great store of Saunder wood an whole house full, and a great Warehouse full of the cloth of his Country, which is very vendible in most part of the Lands thereabout: and all the loss which formerly he received, grieved him not half so much, as when I told him that I came, and had caused the ship to be fitted of purpose to come and buy his Commodities, that he should provide for me.  
He further said, that I had kept my promise, and swore by the head of Mahomet, so would he have done, if God had not laid that cross of fire upon him, having sundry of his Wives and Women burned. But now he was abroad at Wars with his forces, he could not tell the issue of it, and as the case stood with him, he could not spare any of his people, to make any provision for me: and said, that if I had not come by the night afore, he had been in the field against another King his Enemy, whose Town he shown me, and requested to shoot at it, as I went by. I said I was a Stranger, and knew him not, and to procure myself Enemies, I had no reason: but if the other King should come and offer him, or any of his Subjects wrong, while I was there, I would do my best to sand them away: which speeches of mine gave the King great content, so the King took his leave, and we set sail presently.  
The four and twentieth of january, we arrived at the Island of Bangaia, 

The I'll of Bangaia. The Hollanders fortifying hateful to the people.  
The manners of an Hollander.   where the King and most of his people were fled for fear of some Enemy▪ and certainly I could not learn the truth. There was a Hollander there that told me that the King was fled for fear of the King of Makasar, who (as he thought) would force the King to turn Moor, for he is a Gentle: but I rather think they fled for fear of the Hollanders, who would have built a For● there, but when they perceived the people were fled▪ they left it uneffected. This one Hollander bore such a sway, that never a man left upon the Island durst displease him. He hath as many Women as he pleaseth, two Houses full of the choice of the Country's Daughters▪ and many Men and Women Slaves, and is a pleasant Companion, and will dance and sing all day long, near-hand naked, as their manner is: and winneth the hearts of the people, and will be drunk two days together, amongst the people of the Island: and is of himself, and hath lived long in the Country, and will not be commanded by any Hollander, and dwelleth over against Amboina. If the Governor of Amboina would speak with him, he must sand two of his Merchants to be kept in pawn till his return: He taketh up the King's Duties of Tarnata, in all the Lands thereabouts, and serveth his own turn, and sends the King what he may spare. Hear we had good refreshing for my people, being (I praise God) in better estate then when I set sail from England, 
The goo● health of h●r people.  and have not had a man sick to that present. There I sheathed my Long Boat, which we towed for fear of the Worms that would have spoilt her, and after set sail the nine and twentieth of january. Coming to Sea, we found the winds right as we should go, so striving (all we might) to get to wind-wards, but could not, the stream carrying us directly South, and ran so swift, that we lost fifteen leagues in two days. Than I was fain to altar my detetmination, for going for the Moluccos, and bore up the Helm to go for Banda, and might go with a down sheate.   

§. II. Occurrents at Banna; Contesting with the Dutch: Trade at Puloway, and many perils.  
THe fifth of February, we got sight of the Lands of Banda, and made all the sail we could, 
Banda.  to get near before night: and drawing near, I sent my Skiffe to hear some news, of some of the Country people, who sent me word that the Hollanders would not suffer any Sail to come into the Road, but they would take all he brought, (if it were such things as they stood in need of) and make payment at their own pleasures: But if any juncke came and brought Commodities very vendible for the Country people, 
Injury of Hollanders.  they were not permitted to have any speech with any of the Country: but the Hollander would bring them to the backside of the Castle within Musket shot of their Ordnance, that one must not set his foot ashore, but they would sand a Bullet at him: They had fifteen great junckes, which they kept in that manner. What hope is there to make a Voyage there, seeing they dealt so with all, 
Fifteen great junckes detained by the Hollanders.  that came into the Road, and banished Captain Keeling, not permitting him to stay to gather in his debts, but gave him Bills to receive his money at Bantam, as (I hope) from his own mouth, your Worships have heard at large. Yet for all this, I stood into the Road with Flag and Ensign, and at each Yard Arm a Pendant, in as comely a manner as we could device. There came a small Pinnace of thirty Tons sent from the Governor of the Castle, thinking it had been one of their Country ships: but coming near us stood into the Road before me, after they had haled us, I could have no other speech with them.  
As soon as I came thwart of Lautor, I saluted the Town with Ordnance, and came to an Anchor within shot of their ships: then presently a Dutch Boat came aboard us from the Governor, to have me come into the Road, and come ashore to him, and show him my Commission: I made answer, I was but new come, and to show my Commission to the Governor, or to make any man acquainted with those businesses, which belonged to the making of my Voyage, I would not. They further asked, whether I was a Merchant, or a Man of War? I answered I would pay for what I take: then they threaned me: who told them I was there, and would ride there, do as they should please, I hoped I should defend myself: so they returned to the Castle in a great rage. The Hollanders no sooner gone, but great store of the men of Lautor came aboard me, 
Kindness of the Bandanese to the English.  and bade me welcome. Than I understood the whole Estate of the Country, and the Country would be willing to deal with me, if I could procure leave of the Hollanders, for they are now friends, but Pulaway and Polatronu are at Warns with them.  
Now knowing well, that in troubled waters it is good fishing, there being one of Pulaway amongst them, I had private conference with him, and gave him money in his Purse, to certify them of the Island, that I would give them money or Commodities for all their Spice, and that the Hollanders and I were like to be Enemies, and let them not doubt, but that I would get their Spice aboard, one way or other. In the mean season, there came another Boat from the Vice-admiral, and the same Boat from the Castle, with express Commandment from the Governor to me to come in. Being dinner time, I caused them to stay dinner, and after dinner told them that I would ride there, and stand to the danger of the Road: For I knew full well, that our Nations were friends in Europe, & for us to be Enemies amongst the Heathen people, it were not good, being Christians. Whereupon they told me plainly I must not ride there, and if I did, they would fetch me in perforce: I said I would ride there, till I found the inconvenience of the Road (as by their speeches it was foul ground) then would I come into the best of the Harbour: for neither of our Princes giveth any such authority to any of their Subjects, but that every man may ride, and go at their own perils. They said that the Country was theirs, then may I the more boldly (say I) ride here, for we are friends: so they departed in displeasure.  
This Evening, I was about to land Ordnance upon the side of an Hill, where we rid and began to fit the ship to fight with them that should molest me: and sent out some to see what ground there was round about the ship, and it was all Rocks, so by no means the ship could ride there: so we left our pretence of landing Ordnance. In the morning I sent my Skiffe with Master Spalding, and the principal of the ship with a Letter to the Governor, and bade them say nothing more than I had written, and make no long stay, but bring an answer presently, for we ride very bad: the Copy of which Letter hereafter followeth.  
MAy it please you Worship with patience to consider, That whereas you have diverse enemies (and few friends in this place) I being a Christian, if your Worship stand in need of any thing that I have, I pray you make bold to demand it, and I will be as ready to perform it to my power. For whereas there is amity between our Princes at home, I should be unwilling that we their Subjects should be at enmity here. Further, forasmuch as you command me to come under the command of the Castle, I hope I have that Privilege that both Princes allow their Subjects, to come and go at their own pleasures, and stand to the danger of the Road, at their own perils. And whereas you demanded to see my Commission, I am a Gentleman, and willing to show it upon equal terms, for if you would meet me securely, as I would do you, appoint our meeting on the water, in our Boats equally manned, or in any other convenient place, where I may be as near my force as you are to yours. And whereas it is reportted, that a contract is to be made with the Inhabitants of Lantor, and your Worship; my desire is, that you would use me as an Indian for my money: then should I think myself much beholding to your Worship, and am more willing to deal with you then with them. Furthermore, forasmuch as you be at enmity with the Lands of Puloway, and Polaron; my desire is to be resolved, whether I may have their Spice without your hindrance. Thus desiring your answer to these particulars, and the same to be returned by these Bearers, I bid you farewell, from aboard my ship, this seventh of February, 1609.  
Yours in friendship, DAVID MIDDLETON.  
All my Companies coming to the Castle were brought to the Governor, where they sat in Council, so they delivered my Letter: which being openly read they would sand me no answer but by word of mouth, yet detained my Letter. They had determined by Counsel (having three great ships of one thousand tons a piece, and three Pinnasses of thirty tons a piece) that one of the ships (being unserviceable) called the great Sun, should clap me aboard, 
Uncharitable purposes of the Dutch.  and there set herself a fire: and had for the same purpose sworn sundry persons to come and make her fast with chains, and had put into her thirty Barrels of Powder for the same intent: which being manned out of the Castle with all the ships, and boats, to take up the men when she should fire, the Great Horn should come and ride within Musket-shot, and batter upon us, and the Frigates round about us, to keep us doing on all sides. My folk seeing their speed they made to warp out the Great Sun, made small stay but came away, and told me what preparation was made to have us. I thought it fit to go and speak with the Governor myself, and before we would try it by Battle, to see what he would say to myself. And so taking my Commission with me, I came to the Castle, and was met at my landing by the Governor, and all the principal men, that were in the Castle and ships and was brought through a Guard of small shot of three hundred Soldiers, who gave me three Volleys of shot, and the Castle seven Pieces of Ordnance for my welcome: so we came to the Governors' Chamber, where for us two, there were Chairs set, the rest had forms, and after many Salutations, and Compliments of welcome to the Castle, I began, and said,  
I understand by my Company, which was with them before my coming, that they would not be persuaded but that I was a Pirate, and had no Commission: and that it should appear to the contrary, I came myself, and brought my Commission with me, to manifest that I was no such person, but had the King's Majesty's broad Seal to my Commission, and called to my man for it, and shown it them, reading the first line unto them, and lapped it up again. Than they said, that they would see it all. I said, they should not while I lived, The Commission was mine, 
Commission shown.  you all apparently see, and the great Seal at my Commission, and myself nominated therein; and if they would see more, it is not my Commission they should expect it. We would have been gone aboard, but were willed to stay awhile. So there passed words between us, some sharp and some sweet: but at the length they began to be more mild, & called for a Cup of Wine, than the Company rose all up, drank a cup of Wine, and went to walk, and view the Castle, the Offices whereof were very neat and very well furnished with Armour and great store of Munition.  
Taking my time, I put in practice to see what money would do (which often maketh Wisemen blind) that so I might attain unto my lading by large proffers. I offered one thousand pound to be sure to have my lading, 
The might of money.  and to give my chain from about my neck to one to procure it, offering to pay more than they paid for their Spice. Having set this matter abroach, (knowing the ship to ride in danger) I told the Governor, now they apparently saw, I was no man of War, I would bring in my ship: he replied with the residue, that all the friendship they could do me, I should found them willing to pleasure me therein. It drawing late I took my leave to go aboard, at what time, the Governor caused all the Ordnance in the Castle to be shot off, and as I passed by the ships, they and the Frigates shot off, till I came aboard. The next day being the eight of February, I brought my ship into the Road, and rid between their ships and the Castle, and gave them all my Ordnance, and was answered from the Castle, and ships, and Frigates with great store.  
As soon as we came to an Anchor, the Governor with all the chief of the Castle and Ships came aboard of me: so I entreated them to dinner, to such as we could provide, which they very kindly accepted: and after dinner the main point (which was my lading) I could not by gifts, nor any means I might device, have any grant to buy one pound of Spice. And having proved sundry means to induce them to hear reason, the Governor told me plainly, he durst not give me leave to deal for any Spice, under pain of loss of his head. I seeing no good to be done in riding at an Anchor amongst them, determined to take in water, and take my Fortune: but they would not suffer my Boat to go ashore for water, but they would sand a man with us, to see that we had no conference with any of the Country people. After I had water aboard, I sent Master Spalding to show the Governor that I would be gone and that I had sent him to acquaint him therewith: for myself would not come out of the ship.  

Dutch scrupulosity.  The Governor marvelled whither I would go, the winds being Westerly: Master Spalding said, he knew not. So I warped till I could get Sea-room to set sail. The Governor sent three Pinnasses to go out with me, and one came in a Boat aboard us, sent from the Governor to command me, that I should not come near any of those Lands: I sent him word I would not be at his commanding, for I was bound to Puloway, as soon as possibly I can, and bade him sand his ships to sand me away, for I would quickly sand the Frigates further from me. He went aboard one of the Frigates, and I caused our men to get up their small shot, and fit themselves to fight with their ships which were fitted, and their sails brought to the yard of purpose. I called all my Company to know their minds, and told them plainly that if they would stand by me, I meant to set up my rest, 
His purpose for Puloway.  to make my Voyage at those Lands, let the Hollander do what he could▪ and promised them, if any man were maimed, he should have maintenance during his life, which (if it pleased God) I would have performed: and further promised, that if they would fight it out, to give frankly amongst them, those things that were mine own, which were in the ship. So with one consent, we were all willing to try what force the Hollander would sand out to drive us away. The Pinnasses seeing my folk to bring up their small shot, thought it would be small to their ease to guard me any longer, and therefore bore up for the Harbour. While we were a warping out, the Admiral had been twice aboard the Pinnasses, and the Vice-admiral, and the Lieutenant Governor of the Castle also, what they did there I know not.  

English resolution.  It fell calm, and the winds Westerly, and a great stream set to the East North-East, and we driven a great pace. So I manned my Boat, and sent Master Spalding away with Money, and my Pursers' Mate, and five more, to go and certify them of the land of Pulaway, that we had parted enemies with the Hollanders, and that I had sent him to know their minds, whether they would cell me their Spice, and I would give them Money for it: and would have come myself, but would fain see the ship in some place where she might ride, and then I would come either in the ship, or in a Pinnace that I had within board to set up. While my Boat was absent, there came two Prawes from Lantor, to know why I went away; I told them, the stream set the ship away: I would fain have gone to Pulaway, if the stream had not hindered me, and had sent a Factor thither to buy Spice; they said, they were glad that I went not away for altogether: then I prayed them to tell them of Lantor, that I would give them Money or Commodities for all their Spice which they had, if they would cell it me before the Hollander, that came to take their Country from them. One of them said, that he would go to the Island and see my people, and then he would show them of Lantor.  
At Master Spaldings coming ashore, the Country flocked about him, and bade him welcome, but would make no price with him till I came myself: 
M. Spaldings welcome.  but would deliver Spice upon an account, till God should sand me thither, to go through with them myself. I bid Master Spalding hire me a Pilot (if he could) to harbour my ship near hand; who spoke to the Country for one, and they hired him a co●ple, to whom the Country gave twenty Rials, and I must give them as much. So Master Spalding sent them aboard, and writ to me to sand him more Money and Cloth, 
The I'll of Ceran. Gelagula.  which I did the same night, and bore up the Helm for Ceran, and came to a place called Gelagula, being thirty leagues from Banda, a reasonable good Road: and as soon as possibly we could, we took an house, and brought our Pinnace ashore to set up, having had her within board thus long, and could never have time to set her up, because the time of the year did so fast slip away, and the Monson was at an end. Labouring all that night to get her dispatched, being fitted, I named her the Hope-well. The seven and twentieth of March, we made all things ready to set sail to the Island of Pulaway, 
The Hope-well.  and arrived there the one and thitieth of the same in the night, and could not lad any Spice, till I had agreed with the Country people.  
The Country asked many duties, and great gifts; but in fine, I agreed to pay as Captain Keeling paid: after the chief had what they looked for, (for every one must have somewhat, that all must not know) and a man must ever be giving, for they never cease begging: and it is not for a man's ease to deny them any reasonable matter, especially, as the case stood with me. After we had agreed, we laded the Hope-well with Mace, and sent her away, she being but nine Tun, could carry but little of such Commodities, which fills presently: wherefore I was driven to look out for more help to get over the Spice; so I hired a great Praw, and was to build her, 
They lad Spice.  which we laded with Nuts, and sent to the ship, and there builded her higher, and made her one of five and twenty Tun. But she made but one Voyage, and then we heard no news of her in three months, still expecting her coming to Pulaway a long time. The Hope-well making two Voyages, could bring me no news of her, so that I verily thought she had been sunk: for I came in company with her in the Hope-well myself, and having a great storm, was perfectly persuaded, that the Sea had eaten her up, and gave her for lost, having twelve of the lustiest men in the ship in her. It was no small grief to me, to see the time of the year to wear away, and could not get my lading over to the ship, nor durst bring the ship over (for there was no riding for her, and she passed the Island often) all hope was passed for six months. I made enquitie for other Vessels, and heard of a junck that belonged to Lantor, but she was old, and lay near the Hollanders ships: I went and bought her, and got such help as I could to trim her.  
The want of my twelve men put me to much trouble, if I had had them with me all the while, it had been a great shortening to our Voyage: for most of our men were down upon sore Legs, and as soon as one was any thing well, he must into the Hope-well, and another poor lame man take his room, having some three times well and down again. Thus I was driven to my wit's end, not knowing which way to turn me, being every hour in danger of the Hollander to come and take the Island, who (as by intelligence from time to time we heard) sought sundry means to make me away, by offering large Money for Rogues to effect it, either by poison, or otherwise. But (I praise God) I had some friends upon the Island, who gave me secret warnings of such men, or to be ware of such men-slaves, for they would do me some mischief, and came for the purpose. Whereupon I was fain to get all the Lands to draw to an head, 
Sore legs.  and fit their Caracols, and keep the Hollanders Pinnasses from coming aboard: so the Pinnasses durst not stir, and the Islanders landed secretly upon Nero, and cut off sundry of the Hollanders, that they durst not stir out of the Castle, except they were many, and well fitted.  
These Islanders built a Fort upon the side of an hill, from whence they shot into the Castle, 
Treacherous offers.  which troubled the Hollander much. So we were sure that the Pinnasses could not come out as in former time, to cut us off as oftentimes they had attempted, making nine Voyages in her myself, and never could spare above seven men to go in her, and but five at Puloway: the rest in a manner lame and sick, in a most villainous Country, where all things were so dear, that one should eat, and not to be had but at some times, which was a great grief unto us all: with such foul weather of reinss continually, which was like to have made an end of us all. The junke which I had bought at Lantor, I was fain to get away untrimmed, for the Hollanders sent me one of their ships, seeing men at work upon her, (when they had fitted her) to batter her to pieces. So that night she weighed, I got the help of two Towns to launch her, and was to carry her a great way upon Rulers. This we did by night, and got her out of sight by day, and brought her to Puloway, and were fain to buy Sails for her, and all things else, for she had nothing belonging unto her but the bore Hull. I set the Country Carpenters a-work, which did her little good, as proved afterwards: and had sent to the ship by the Hope-well, that they should bring over some rigging for the junke, and that Master Davis' should come and carry her over, fitting her (as well as I could) with those silly Carpenters which the place affordeth.  
The Hope-well stayed three weeks, and we never heard any word what was become of her, being doubtful whether any mischance had befallen her: and we might stay long before they aboard could hire any to come over, the Hollanders have so seized them, that they have taken carrying of victuals to the Bandanesses. Being reasonable fair weather, having the Ships Skiffe at Puloway, I determined to go over myself, and make some shift, 
M. john Davis'.  and not to let the time pass doing nothing. For I could not hire men to carry over the juncke, if I would have laded her with Silver. So I put it in practice, seeing the Hope-well came not, and not having a sound man with me that could stand on his legs, I hired three Blacks and put to Sea: being out of sight of Land, there arose a grievous storm, that I was fain to spoon afore the Sea, to save our lives▪ yet (God be praised) we got sight of the Land of Ceran, and kept her right afore the Sea, clean from our ship, and coming near the shore (the Sea aloft) did break, 
The I'll of Ceran. Sea-perill.  and took away all hope of coming safe ashore. Night being at hand, we striven all we might to keep her upon the Sea till day, the storm increaseth, that no remedy but we must hazard all to put into the Breach, over a ledge of Rocks. Which we did, and no man durst forsake the Boat, for being beaten to pieces against the Rocks. So the next day we set her ashore, being brimful, and had all things that we had washed overboard: we laid hands on the Boat, and got her out of the Suff of the Sea, and gave God thanks for preserving us from so apparent danger. Being extreme foul weather, with much rain, we could not tell what to do.  
The Blacks came and told us, that we must go to Sea presently, 
The Country of the Cannibals, or Man-eaters.  if we meant to save our lives. I asked one of them the reason; who said, it was the Cannibals Country, and if they got sight of us, they would kill us and eat us, and nothing would ransom a man if they take him: and all Christians that they get, they roast them alive, for wrongs that the Portugals have done them: and therefore if we would not go to Sea, they would go hide themselves: for the Canbals would be at the water side as soon as they can look about to descry if they can discover any Fishermen or Passengers, that by stealth pass by in the night. We hearing this (and the Moon began to show the wind to Duller, and a Tide of flood with us) we got a head a good reasonable pace, and by day we were clear of their Watches, & keeping the shore close aboard, we espied a Hul of a Bark, came & rowed near it, & knew it to be the Diligence, So we came & hailed her, 
The Diligence.  & there were a couple of Englishmen in her, who told me that the same night (that we had the storm in the Skiffe) she chopped to an Anchor there, and the Cable burst, & she drove ashore, & that M. Herniman was gone to the Town to get men to have her up, & save her. I landed myself to go to the Governor of the Town, to come and bring some help to save her. The Sand was full of people which came of purpose to have pillaged her, & I willed them to make a shot now & then, which stayed them from coming near them: & coming to the Town, M. Herniman was gone by land to the ship. I offered the Governor money to have help to save her, who said, he would gather the Country together within two or three days, but I told him that if it blew, she would be lost within an hour. 
Inhumanity of the Islanders.  One of Puloway being there, who knew the Bark, and was earnest with the Governor to save her, plainly told me, that he gaped only to have her bulged, that he might have the Plank to build him a Praw.  
Than perceiving there was no help, but must come from the ship, I hired Guides to follow Master Herniman, and took one of mine own men to keep me company, and so proceeded by land, being twelve miles from the ship. Being half way, we came to a great water, which we must swim over: my man could not swim, so I sent my clotheses back, all but a Scarlet Mandilian, which these Blacks must carry over for me, who told me, the River was full of Aligatds, and if I saw any, I must fight with him, else he would kill me: and for that purpose did carry a great Knife in his mouth. 
Danger of Crododiles.  I being weary, not having slept in two nights, took the water before the Indians, knowing they would be over before me. The River being broad, and a swift current, which the great rain (that had fallen) had made, the Indians would have had me turned back, but being the better half way, I was very unwilling: being in the water, one of the Indians that carried my Mandilion, had got a great Cane (which I knew not of) and strooke me on the side, 
Perilous mistaking.  who feeling the stroke, suspecting it had been an Aligata, dived under water, where the current got such hold on me, that before I could come up, I was in the Sea, and there the Sea threw me against the Beech, and bruised my back and shoulder, till the time that he came, and gave me the end of the Cane, whereof I got hold, and he pulled me out, near hand drowned: being tossed with the Sea, that every Suff washed me into the Sea again. I praise God, I escaped this danger and got aboard, after I had rested myself a reasonable space, to the amazement of all my Company. So that night, I sent all that were able to crawl, to save the Bark: which (God be praised) they did with much toil of so small help. The Country would not let any man lay his hand to save her, expecting we would forsake her, that they might enjoy her.  
The next day after my coming aboard, the Hopewell arrived with her lading of Spice, who told me, 
The arrival of the Hopewell.  they had been driven to the East-wards of Banda thirty leagues, in a most cruel storm, which continued long, and caused them to have a long passage to get to the wind-wards, but arrived the next day after. I went from Puloway in the Boat, and laded presently, and M. Davis' was taking in of his lading, making all dispatch that might be, with a poor lame Crew (the whole being absent as your Worships have heard, about the Diligence) we presently unladed her, and that night set sail in her myself, to see if I could come before M. Davis' came from thence: for they told me, the juncke was very leaky, and I desired to have the Hope-well come in her company, whatsoever should befall: for she had never a nail in her, but such as we ourselves put into her: and having none there of our own, we caused the simple Smith that the country a forded, to make some Iron pins, for nails they can make none; and in most needful places we bestowed them. As for myself in the Hopewell, striving to attain to Puloway, I was put by it by the stream, in a mighty storm; the more the wind, the stronger the Current: being put to Lee-wards, we were long before we could fetch the ship, and were fain to seek to the Ceran shore, or else had been quite blown away. Having made many Voyages, and still fallen to Lee-ward of the ship, I caused M. Davis' to search the land for some Harbour, that when those provisions (that we could make to get over the goods) should come over, they might come from Puloway to the ship directly, and not to boult it up to windwards when she was deep laden, which being empty, having discharged her burden, might better ply it to wind-wards: for being light, she would feel her oars, which was effected.  

Fear of the Hollanders, cause of cruel handling.  In my long stay from Puloway, and the Lands of Banda, they had intelligence, that the ship had weighed anchor, and were persuaded, that I was gone in the ship for fear of the Hollanders, who were determined to come and look me out, and surprise me. Whereupon, the country people would not deal with my people any more, nor cell them victuals, and began to abuse them, and rail upon them: and said, that I was gone in the ship, and left them in the Country as the hollanders did, and would come with a Fleet, as they have done, and take their Country from them. Than they were determined to seize upon the house, and take the people, and keep them prisoners upon an high Rock, and sent for the Sabandar, that by whole consent they might come, and take possession of all the goods. When the Sabandar was come, M. Spalding went unto him, to show him of the hard usage of the Islanders, who began to take things out of the house by force. He said, They would be sure we should not do as the hollanders had done, and were determined to lay them fast▪ for the ship was gone, and our meaning was not good. All that Master Spalding could do, would not persuade them, but they were left of purpose.  
The next day, being in counsel in the Church: they resolved to sand the men up prisoners to the Rock. Than there came one and told them, that I was in sight in the Hopewell; whereupon they broke up their devilish determmation. At my coming a shore, M. Spalding told me of their hard usage of them, and what fear they were in. The Chief of all the Lands sat before our door to stay my coming: I went unto them, and asked the reason, Why they dealt so with my people in my absence? They told me plainly, that if I had not come myself, they would have taken the goods, and kept the men safe. So I told them the reason of the removing of the ship, and said further, No marvel that the Holanders built a Castle to defend themselves, when I being in friendship with them, and leaving men amongst them, with Commodities that the country stood in need of, and made the Holanders mine Enemies, which were their enemies, and sought all the means that in me lay to do all the Lands good, (as they all very well knew) should receive such hard measure at their hands. They said plainly, I must not blame them to be jealous of Christians: for many years, 
Portugals and Hollanders distasteful.  the Portugals and Holanders have done as I have done; but in the end they saw apparently, they would have their Country from them: yet now I was come myself, they hoped I would not think the worse of them. So we became good friends, and bought Spice apace: and had bought my whole ships lading. Having an ouer-plus of Stock left I thought I could not do your Worship's better service, then in laying out your money, and therefore made shift to sand the ships lading away: and laded thirty Tons more in a juncke, and bought another juncke of forty Tons (and Spice to lad her) which was not then launched, but men at work upon her: and left M. Spalding to come in her, and M. Chapman, for Master (a very honest and sufficient man) with twelve persons in the whole.   

§ III. His departure for Bantam, escape from the Hollanders, and return home.  
AFter this, I came and took my leave of all the Country, in most loving manner, and gave them diverse gifts for a farewell, entreating them to help Master Spalding, if he should stand in need of them: for I being gone, he must rely upon them. So with many promises of all kindness, I took my leave both of Master Spalding, and of his company, and all the Island. Leaving Master Chapman for Master in the new juncke. I was fain to carry over the Hopewell myself, and set sail the seventh of September from Puloway, with the juncke Middleton in my Company (having stayed longer in the Country, than ever any Englishman did) arrived at the ship the tenth. And there I heard that the ship was not fully laden: for there were seven Tons of the Nuts spoilt, 
He departeth from Puloway the seventh of September.  that came last from Puloway, and lost. There I laded the ship out of the Hopewel, and the juncke, and turned off the Hopewel, which had done us very good service, and brought an hundred Tons of goods aboard; being so wormeaten, that we pumped always in her, being but half inch plank, and never could stay or have any time to sheathe her. After the ship was wholly laden, we set sail from Keeling Bay the same day, having never a topsail over head: For I had caused Master Davis' to remove the ship from whence I left her, to another Bay, seven leagues to the Westward, where I said I would come with the Hopewell; and the juncke where I found them: 
Keeling bay.  now the ship, in removing had her topsails blown from the yard, having been at the yard ever since we came into the Country for fear of Treason, and the Hollanders who would seek our overthrow. The juncke going better than we, having no topsails, I sent for the Master of her aboard, and wrote a Letter to Bantam by them: and requested them to make all the speed they could thither, and I hoped I should come after them, and overtake them, when I could make my topsails, which we plied night and day: and made Master Musgrave his Mate: we in the ship having our topsails finished, did overtake the juncke the sixteenth of the same, and coming up to them, they could not keep us company, except we should take in our topsails: and to press the juncke with a sail they durst not. I called unto them, and bade them bear such sail, that they do not wrong her (for fear a leak should break upon them) and come to Bantam: for me to keep by them, could do them small pleasure, for we had long business at our coming to Bantam, to trim the ship for England. So we took leave of them, and bore ahead, and the ninth of October arrived in Bantam Roade, 
They arrive at Bantam the ninth of October.  where Master Hemsworth and Edward Neetles were both dead, within a short space after my going away from Bantam: so that all the goods I left at Bantam, were yet there, and not a yard of cloth sold to the Chinese. At our coming to Bantam, being very weak (for most part of the company had sore legs) I was driven, that all men that had any sores, or were sickly, should remain aboard by the Surgeon, and manured the junckes with all my choice men, being all in perfect health. There came a small ship, that had heene at China, and at japan, Tarnata, Makian, Coramandell, Patane, and jor, and came to Amboyna, and so to Banda to seek for lading, but could get none, so was fain to go for Bantam to lad Pepper. This ship when she came to Banda, came near the Island of Puloway. and let fly all her Ordnance, and a shot came through another man's house, through two Suckles of Mace in our house, and strooke the Pursers' Mate upon the shin, yet broke not his leg, but went into a Chest of fine Pintadoes, and spoilt many: the poor man lay long upon it (six months at the lest) not able to stand.  
The Hollanders seeing us to pass by them at Banda, day by day with Spice (who after my coming bought not one pound, I wrought such means to procure my lading first) were stark mad, having two great ships half laden before I came into the Country: wherefore they determined to come with their ships and Pinnasses, 
Hollanders envy and injury frustrated.  and take the Island, and all the Spice that I had there, knowing I had store bought, and fitted such a time, as that they might easily have done it. The Bandaneses being fleshed with the slaughter of some of the straggling Hollanders, which they had murdered, took all the able men to give assault to the Hollanders Castles: and determined to fire their ships, at an Anchor, and burn the old Sun close to the Castle gates. All able men being gone to the Wars, and not passing forty men left, beside women and children, the two great ships and three Pinnasses came out under sail, with three Boats a piece at their sternes, and the Frigates, two Prowess a piece to land men: They chose such a time, that they might have come ashore, and taken every man one, in their arms, and carried them quite away, for there were no Weapons left in the Island, but what we had. But it pleased God to deal better with us, for being come out of the Harbour, they could not get in again, it proved calm, and the Tide of Ebb (being Springing Tide) did set the ships to the Southwards of the Island, and the Pinnasses must follow the ships, for fear the Caricols would have had them. Two days they did what they could to come back, so they were forced to proceed for Bantam to lad Pepper: Being long becalmed by the way to Bantam, they descried a ship right to Leewards of them, which they thought could not be any Sail, but we: wherefore it was agreed by counsel that they should come and fight with me, and take me, and all the Spice from me: and what their determination was to have done with the ship and Company, I could not learn. It proved to be the Provincia of Holland, a great ship that was bound to Banda, to look for lading, and had been at the Moluccoes, but could not get one pound of Spice. So those two ships told him, that they came from thence, with half their lading, so all three came to Bantam to lad Pepper: thus the Lord kept me out of their hands.  

Fight Holland ships.  There came eight ships to Bantam for Pepper, and must stay a year for it: so the ships that must stay a year for their lading, took in planks and provision of building, and were sent with them to Banda and Tarna●a, (for their Castles, and to make Flankers to make themselves strong) and were sent away after I came to Bantam. My lame Company being very wea●e fell sick, and my Gunner, and one of my Quarter Masters died, and three more presently after them. The Carpenters fitting the ship, and the Westerly Monson come, there was no hope of the junckes coming till May: Master Davis' being sick, and very hardly escaping with life, Master Clayborne weak and sick, 
Master Thomas Clayborne.  and myself not well with grief, to see in what poor estate we were, made all speed that we might to be gone from that contagious Country, hoping, that if we were out at Sea, my people would mend. Now seeing the juncke came not, which if but one of them had come, 
Succadania.  I would have remained in the Country, and fitted her to go for Succadania, (a place where the Hollanders have made great Voyages) but seeing they came not, I thought I should do your Worships as good service to come home in the ship, (if it should please God to take Master Davis', and Master Clayborne away) to bring home the ship: and therefore set up my rest to come home. 
Four Sail of Hollanders. Women to inhabit.  Three days before we set sail from Bantam, four Sail of a new Fleet of Hollanders came in (which brought in great store of women, to inhabit those places which they had conquered) and were nine in the whole, and five remained behind. Those that came into the Road, were very weak, so that the other ships company that were in the Road, were fain to fetch them in one by one.  
That same day came a Slupe from Tarnata (sent with Letters to Amboyno, and so to Bantam) with news, 

Dutch Admiral slain.  
Three ships of the Hollanders taken, and one burnt at Manilia.  
Paulus Vancarles taken.   that the Hollanders had lost their Admiral, which went to Manilia: for his head was shot off, and the ship taken and two more, and another (that would not yield) set himself a fire: so they lost three ships by fight, and one burned, being all great ships of one thousand Tons a piece. Fo●re days before these news came from Manilia, a General of the Hollanders, which came into the Indieses four years passed, called Paulus Vancarles, who had been taken by the Spaniards at Tarnata, by Spanish Galleys (within four months after I came from thence the last Voyage) remained a Prisoner in the Master of the Camps House at Tarnata and all his company were chained in the Galleys. These Prisoners the Hollanders would have ransomed with money, offering a very great ransom: which the Spaniard would not accept, but would have them deliver up the Forts, and be gone; so they would set their General, and the rest at liberty, or otherwise not. The Hollanders would by no means withdraw their forces, so the General remained Prisoner a year and a quarter, and then was released by the new Governor that came from Manilia, 
Paulus taken the second time and sent to Manilia.  to take the Government of the Moluccoes, who was intercepted, and taken by two ships of the Hollanders, which released their General with exchange of man for man. This General was the second time taken by the Spanish Galleys (after a long fight) and presently sent Prisoner to the Manilia.  
Having left Richard Wooddies for Chief in the house, and order for Master Spalding (when God shall sand him to Bantam) to determine a Voyage to Succadaniae in Borneo for Diamonds, I took my leave of them of Bantam, 
He departeth from Bantam. Sa●danha.  and set sail the the sixteenth of November▪ and had a very good passage to the Road of Saldanha; where I came to an Anchor the one and twentiteh of january, and took in water, and made all dispatch that I could for England: and found that my Brother Sir Henry Middleton had been there, and came in the four and twentieth of july, and departed the tenth of August, and there I found the Copy of a Letter, which my Brother had written to your Worships, and sent home by a Hollander the next day that he came into the Road: which if you have not received, you may apparently see, that they will detain all your Worship's Letters, and you shall have the Copy. Thus have I at large certified your Worships of all matters in ample manner, which I thought no less than my duty to do, having made relation of all those places from whence I came. And (I praise God) I have aboard one hundred thirty nine Tons, six Cathayes, one quartern two pound of Nutmegs, and six hundred two and twenty Suckettes of Mace, which maketh thirty six Tons, fifteen Cathayes, one quartern, one and twenty pound, and have left in the juncke with Master Her●●man, four and twenty Tons, seven Cathayes, two quarternes and eight pound, which co●● with the charge 25071. ¼. Rials, of which sum I have disbursed five hundred of mine own, for Spice which lieth most upon the Orlope: and being in bond unto your Worships, shall remain until I know your pleasures, whether I shall enjoy it.    

CHAP. XI. The sixth Voyage, set forth by the East-Indian Company in three Ships; the Trades Increase, of one thousand Tons, and in her the General Sir HENRY MIDDLETON, Admiral; the Peppercorn of two hundred and fifty, Vice-admiral, the Captain NICHOLAS DOUNTON: and the Darling of ninety. The Bark Samuel followed as a Victualler of burden one hundred and eighty: written by Sir H. MIDDLETON.  

§. I. The proceeding of his Voyage till he came to Moha in the Red Sea.  
THe first of May 1610. we came to an Anchor in the Road of Cape Verde, 
Cape Verde.  under an Island: where we found a Frenchman of Deep, that was setting up a small Pinnace upon the Island.  
The second, the Carpenters of all the ships went in hand with my main Mast pulling off the fishes, we found the Mast exceeding bad, and above the upper Deck some three foot wr●ng more then half asunder: had we met with any foul weather, it must needs have gone by the board. I sent one of my Carpenters aland to the main to search for Trees, who returned that night, and brought me word that he had seen some which would serve our turn.  
The third, we began to unlade the Samuel, and sent Carpenters aland to cut down Trees, having leave of the Alcayda, who came aboard and dined with me, 
The Samuel.  I gave him a piece of Rouen cloth, which I bought of the Frenchman, and other Trifles.  
The fifteenth, we made an end of watering, all our Cask being full: we stowed all our Boats this night and fitted to be gone the next morning. 

The commendation of Cape Verde.  
They arrive in the Road of Saldanha.   This place of Cape Verde is the best place I know for our outward bound ships: for that the Road is excellent good, fit for dispatch of any business, and fresh fish to be had in great plenty: beside it is not any thing out of the way. I called a Counsel of Captain Dounton and the Masters what course was best to hold till we came to the Line, so it was concluded South South-west for sixty leagues: and then South Southeast till we grew near the Line, and then to hale over Easterly. We dismissed the Samuel.  
The four and twentieth of july, we came into the Road of Saldanha, and saluted the Dutch Admiral with five Pieces of Ordnance, and he returned the like, there were also other two Holland ships which came to make train Oil of Seals: they had made three hundred Pipes. 
* M. Femell in a Letter which I have, written from thence, mentions two French ships in like employment whi●h he suspected to lie in wait ●or distressed ships from the 〈◊〉.  This day I went aland and found out the names of Captain Keeling, and others bound home in january, 1609. And also my Brother David's name bound out in August the ninth, 1609. And also a Letter buried under ground according to agreement made between him and me in England: it was so consumed with the damp of the air, that I could not read any part thereof. The six and twentieth, we set up a Tent for my sick men, and then we had them all a land to air our ships. From this day, till the day of our departure, not any thing happened worth the writing.  
The sixth of September, latitude twenty three degrees thirty minutes, the wind all Southerly a good gale: 
The bay of S. Augustine in S. Laurence.  this day after dinner we saw land, and before night we came to an anchor in S. Augustine's Bay, where we found the Union distressed for lack of victuals. The seventh day, I went in my Pinnace aland to see if I could get any fresh victuals: but we could not get any: we got wood and water aboard, and so returned to our Ships.  
The tenth, we steered alongst the land with a good gale of wind at Southeast, making account we should have gone at lest twenty six leagues, but we went but twenty two leagues, by reason the Current setteth to the Southward: her course North two and twenty leagues. The eleventh, we steered from noon till night North North-east along the land, which was North 1/●. a point Easterly way, and till midnight North Northwest. From midnight till day North by West, and so till noon North, all her true way North Northwest 1/●. a point, North twenty seven leagues. We have a great Current against us: for I made account we should have gone five and thirty leagues: I observed, and the latitude was one and twenty degrees five minutes, wind East Southeast. The twelfth, we steered between the North North-east, and North by East, her true way North Westerly ½. of a point latitude nineteen degrees, forty eight minutes, she ran twenty seven leagues. The Current we found this last four and twenty hours, setteth to the Northward, the wind variable.  
The thirteenth, we steered with little wind and calms for the most part North by East, her true way North ⅓. part West, the wind as the day before: she went fifteen leagues more than I would have given her; so that I found the Current setteth to the Northward, by my observation, latitude nineteen degrees ten minutes. The twentieth at noon, her latitude eleven degrees ten minutes, the wind vering Easterly, with calms, variation twelve degrees forty minutes. This afternoon we saw land, being the Isles of Queriba, which are dangerous low Lands, environed with rocks and shoals. 
The Isles de Qu●riba in 11. degrees ten minutes, near the coast of Africa.   
The first of October, 1610. we steered North-east, her way North-east by North ¼. North twenty seven leagues, the wind for the most part Southeast. The second, we steered North-east, her way North-east by North ¼. North fifty seven leagues. Note the Current hath carried us these eight and forty hours to the Northward, more than by reckoning we could give her by twenty eight leagues, which we found true by our latitude, which was three degrees thirty minutes South latitude: variation twelve degrees twenty four minutes, wind South and Southeast. The third, we steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ¼. North forty one leagues, which is twelve leagues, carried by the Current to the North-wards: for I should have given her but nine and twenty leagues, latitude two degrees South, the winds variable between the South and Southeast.  
The fourth, we steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ⅓. point Northerly forty five leagues; whereof fourteen leagues carried with the Current, South latitude fourteen minutes, variation thirteen degrees, wind variable, between the Southeast and South, we crossed the line this afternoon. 
We crossed the Equinoctial.  The fifth, we steered twelve hours' North-east by East, and twelve hours' East North-east, her true way North-east, little Northerly forty seven leagues: she hath been carried to the North by the Current at the lest twenty leagues, latitude North one degree thirty minutes, the wind for the most part South Southeast, with sometimes almost calm. The sixth, we steered East by North, and East North-east: her true way North-east by East little Easterly thirty eight leagues, helped by the Current to the Northward eighteen leagues: latitude two degrees thirty minutes, the wind South Southeast, variation fourteen degrees two minutes.  
The seventh, we steered East by North, her true way East North-east 1/●. point Northerly, eight and twenty leagues: latitude three degrees five minutes, wind all Southerly: variation fifteen degrees, by the Current ten leagues. The eighth, we steered East North-east, her true way North-east by East 1/●. point, Northerly forty leagues: latitude four degrees twenty seven minutes, the wind South-west, variation sixteen degrees four minutes. The ninth, we steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ¼. a point Northerly twenty seven leagues, latitude five degrees, three and twenty minutes, wind South-west, variation sixteen degrees four minutes.  

They lose the North Current.  The tenth calm: Latitude in five degrees, one and twenty minutes. Here we lost the Current that set to the Northward, and were carried to the southward two miles, variation seventeen degrees ten minutes. The eleventh, calm, latitude five degrees twenty minutes, lost one mile. The twelfth, calm, latitude five degrees, lost by being carried to the southward twenty miles. The thirteenth, we steered two watches North-east, and four watches North North-east: her true way as I guest North North-east, by reason the Current countervails the variation, she ran seventeen leagues: latitude five degrees, fifty five minutes, the wind West by North, variation nineteen degrees ten minutes.  
The foureteenth, we steered North, her way allowing her variation, which is nineteen degrees forty minutes, should be one point ¼. to the Westward; but the variation daily rising, sheweth we are carried to the Eastward by the Current, more than the variation cometh unto, 
A Current.  she went this day forty leagues, the wind West South-west, latitude seven degrees fifteen minutes: her true way North-east, carried to the East ten leagues. The fifteenth, we steered North, our latitude eight degrees fifty five minutes, her true way North-east forty five leagues, her way should have been North by West, Westerly by the variation, but the Current hath carried her to the Eastward of her course seventeen leagues: the variation nineteen degrees five minutes, the wind West South-west.  
The sixteenth, we steered away North, her way by the Current, North by East thirty six leagues, carried contrary to the variation five leagues to the Eastward, as I imagine: the wind South South-west, variation nineteen degrees eight minutes. The seventeenth, we steered North, and ran nineteen leagues: in the morning early we did see the Duas Irmanas six leagues off, bearing North by West of us: the wind at South-west, 
Duas Irmanas.  variation eighteen degrees fifty five minutes. The eighteenth at night, we came to an anchor in a sandy Bay, 
The I'll of Caco●ora.  in the I'll of Zacotora, whose latitude was twelve degrees twenty five minutes: in the evening we went on land with our Sayne, and got great store of fish: wind East.  
The one and twentieth, we weighed for to ply for the road of Tamerin, 
Tamerin.  the chief town of the Island, but we found the wind at the East, and East by South, which was right as we should go, so that we could not get the place till the five and twentieth day. The latitude of Tamarin is twelve degrees thirty minutes, the variation is nineteen degrees eighteen minutes. The Town standeth at the foot of high ragged hills: 
The casting away of the Ascension.  the road is all open between the East by North, and West Northwest. We anchored in ten fathoms water, good ground. The five and twentieth in the afternoon, I sent M. Femel well accompanied ashore, with a present to the King, which was a vest of cloth, a piece of Plate, and a Sword blade; he promised all kindnesses.  
The six and twentieth, I went on shore with the chief Merchants with me, and a good guard of armed men: I was conducted to the King's house, 
The King entertaine●h Sir Henry Middleton.  where at his chamber door he came and entertained me: he brought me into his Chamber, where being set in a chair by him, there passed many compliments, which I omit. I enquired concerning the trade of the Read Sea; and he commended it highly, saying, the people of Aden and Moha were good people, and would be glad of trade with us; and that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at good rates, and came so lightly to this place, that they took in good store of Ballast. This news gave me good content: I demanded leave to set up my Pinnace upon his Island, but he would not grant it in this road; but if I would return, and do it at the place where we first anchored, he was content: he feared if we stayed in this road of Tamerin to set her up, we would fear all men for coming thither. He had sent all his Aloes to Fartaque to his Father, King of that part of Arabia Foelix: 
Fartaque in Arabia. Chushem or Caixem.  his chief City is called Chushem, where he is resiednt. I asked him leave to wood and water: for the one, which was water, he gave me free leave; but for wood I must pay very dear, if I would have any; saying withal, That all other Nations which came thither, paid for their water; but of me he would not demand any thing. He confirmed the loss of the Ascension, and her Pinnace, which was no little grief to me to hear. I demanded if they had left any writing behind them; he answered me, he had one, but his servant had lost it; I was very earnest to have seen it; but it could not be found. He animated me to go for the Read Sea, but dissuaded me from seeking trade in the Country of Fartaque: for that he doubts his Father would not permit us. I and all my people dined with the King, which being done, I took my leave, and went aboard.  
The seventh of November, we steered West by South, and West South-west alongst the Land: we saw about ten of the clock an high land, which we imagined to be the high land of Aden, it riseth like Abbadelcuria, and may be seen a great way off. 
Aden.  In the evening about six of the clock, we came to an anchor before the Town in twenty fathom water, sandy ground. The Town standeth at the foot of a Mountain in a Vale, and maketh a fair show: it is environed with a stone wall, and Forts and Bulwarks in many places, but how they be appoointed we know not. This night there came a small Boat from the Town to view us, but came not aboard: the wind East Southeast we stood in, standing over we were carried to the Eastward with the Current at lest twenty leagues, contrary to our expectation, who rather thought the Current would have set to the Westwards.  
The eighth, came a small Boat of the Town aboard, with three Arabians in her: they said they were sent by the Lieutenant of the Town, to know what Nation we were, and wherefore we came thither, sending us word by them, if we were Englishmen, we were hearty welcome, and that the year before, Captain Sharpeigh had been there, and from thence went to M●ha, where he made sale of all his goods: I demanded of one of them the name of the Bassa, 
Captain Sharpeigh had been at Aden and Mo●a, in the year 1609.  and whether he were a good man: he answered, his name was jeffer Bassa, and that the Bassa that last was, was very ●ad, this a little better; but all the Turks in general stark naught. I asked, if Moha were a good place of trade? they answered, that there was one man in Moha, that would buy all our goods: I sent my Pinnace a land, and john Williams one of my Factors in her, who spoke the Arabic language, at their coming a shore they were kindly entertained.  
The ninth in the morning, I sent my Pinnace ashore for a Pilot for Moha: in the mean while the Boat was ashore, we brought ourselves lose, and under sail: they returned without a Pilot, and would not let us have any, without three of our chief Merchants to be left for pledges: they entreated me not to departed with all our ships, but to leave one for that Port; and that they would buy all the goods in her; we being desirous of trade upon good consideration, thought fit to leave the Peppercorn there, and the other two to go for Moha, whereupon we did what we could to get the Road again, but could not, being carried to Lee-ward with the Current: we anchored to the southward of the Town: I sent M. Fowler and john Williams aland, to tell them I minded to leave one of the ships there to trade, so that they would let me have a Pilot. They seemed very glad that one of the ships should tarry, and promised me a Pilot the next day.  

The Trade and the Darling set sail for Moha.  The twelfth, I seeing no hope of any Pilot to be had (which had been often promised, but not performed) dispatched my business with the Peppercorn: and about noon, I and the Darling set sail for Moha: the wind East Southeast, we steered alongst the land sometimes West South-west, and West by North, in twenty eight and thirty fathom, we saw a small sail going before us, 
This coast is high land.  which we followed till we had lost sight of her by night. This coast is highland, with many headlands.  
The thirteenth, we haled on our course alongst the land, all this night steering between the West by North, 

The Headland on the coast of Arabia going into the Read Sea.  
The North strait of the Read Sea. Babelmandel, or the Bab.   and most by South, her true way West. The next day betimes we saw the headland going into the Read Sea, rising like an Island; about eleven of the clock we were thwart of the entrance, being but three miles broad: on the North side is a ragged land like an Island, and on the other side is a flat low Island, called Babelmandel: upon the South of the Island there seemeth to be a broad channel or entrance. After we had passed this strait of Babelmandel, upon the North shore in a sandy Bay is a Village, to which place I sent my Pinnace for a Pilot: they stayed not long, but returned with a couple of Arabs, who took upon them to be very skilful. Our depth in the straits was between eight and eleven fathom water (between the strait and Aden is thirty leagues) we steered alongst the land North by West, and North Northwest, between eighteen and twenty fathoms deep: about four of the clock we descried the Town of Moha: 
Moha. The ship brought on ground.  and about five a clock in luffing in being much wind, we split our main top sail, and putting abroad our mizzen, it split likewise: our Pilots brought our ship a ground upon a bank of sand, the wind blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat high, which made us all doubt her coming off. This night came a Boat aboard of us from the Town, with a Turk in her, a proper man, sent by the Governor of the Town, to know what we were, and wherefore we came thither. I told him we were English Merchants, that came to seek trade: he answered, if we were Englishmen we were heartily welcome, and should not fail of that we look for: for Alexander Sharpeigh had sold all his goods there, 
Alexander Sharpeigh.  and we might do the like. And for the grounding of the ship, he made nothing of it, saying, It was ordinary for great ships of India to come a ground, and yet never heard that any of them sustained any harm thereby: he made haste to go ashore, to certify the Aga what we were, with promise in the morning to return with Boats to lighten our ship. This man, as I afterward understood, is called Lord of the Sea, for that his office is to go aboard all ships that come thither, 
The Lord of the Sea there.  and to see Lighters sent aboard to discharge the ships, and to search that they steal no custom: for which Office, he hath divers duties, which is his only maintenance.  
The fourteenth in the morning early, he returned with three or four Turks more in his company, whereof two of them spoke Italian, they brought me a small Present from the Aga, which commendations and offer of any thing the Country could afford me, with hearty welcome to his Port, saying, we should have as good and free Trade as we had in Stambola, Aleppo, or any part of the Turks Dominions, 
Stambola is Constantinople. The extreme dissimulation of the Turks.  with many other Compliments: there came with them four or five Lighters, in which we put any thing that came first to hand, to lighten the ship. Master Femell went aland in one of them before I was ware thereof, carrying all he had in the ship with him. We sent all our Money, Elephants teeth, and all our shot aboard the Darling: we laid out our Anchors to pass, and in the Evening proved if we could heave her off, but could not make her stir, which was no small grief to me.  
The fifteenth, we did what we could to lighten our ship, sending some goods aland and some aboard the Darling, I had a Letter from Master Femell, wherein he certified me of kind entertainment by the Aga, and that he had agreed for Custom to pay five pound the hundred for all we should cell, and that we could not cell to be returned aboard custom free. Likewise the Aga sent me a Letter under his hand and Seal, proffering himself and any thing the Country afforded to be at my disposing, with many other Compliments; about five a clock we began to heave at our Cap-staynes, and by God's great mercy she went off to all our comforts.  
The nineteenth, came two Boats from the shore sent by Master Femell for Iron, which I caused them to fetch from the Darling. I writ to Master Femell not to sand for any more goods aland, for that I would see sale of those he had already before I would departed with any more. I received a Letter from Master Femell, if that I minded to have Trade, I must come aland according to the custom of the place, otherwise they would not be persuaded but that we were men of War. Likewise, the Aga sent our Interpreter to me to entreat me to come aland, if I were a Merchant and friend to the great Turk, and hoped for Trade: Alleging that Captain Sharpeigh and all the Indian Captains did the like.  
The twentieth, I went aland, I was received at the water side by diverse chief men, and with Music brought to the Agas House; where were assembled all the chief men of the Town: my entertainment by the Aga and the rest, was with extraordinary great kindness, I was seated close to the Aga, all men else standing, where he held me with Compliments, many times bidding me welcome, offering himself and the Country to be at my service: I delivered his Majesty's Letter with a Present to the Basba, which I desired might be sent him up with all speed. Likewise I gave the Aga a Present, which he took very kindly, telling me, I and my people should have as good and peaceable Trade, as any of our Nation had in any parts of the Turks Dominions, and that if any man in the Town offered me or any of my people wrong, he would see them severely punished; he caused me to stand up, & one of his chief men put upon my back a Vest of Crimson silk and silver, saying, I needed not to doubt of any evil; for that was the Gran Seniors protection. After some few Compliments I took my leave, I was mounted upon a Gallane Horse with rich Furniture, a great man leading my Horse; and so in my new Coat with the Music of the Town converged to the English House: where I stayed Dinner, 
The English House in Moha.  and presently after went aboard. Much he entreated my stay on shore, which I yielded to for building my Pinnace, the days following being also forced by foul weather.   

§. II. Turkish treachery at Moha and Aden with the English.  
ONe day passed not, but I had some small present or other sent me by the Aga, 
The Turks Fasting.  with commendations from him, to know if I lacked any thing. On the eight and twentieth day twice he sent me commendations, willing me to be merry, and when their time of Fasting was done (which was almost expired) he would have me ride abroad with him to his Gardens, and other places of pleasure to make merry. This afternoon came Master Pemberton aland for Coco Nuts. I caused him to stay Supper with me, which being done, he took his leave to go aboard but the Turks would not permit him, saying, it was too late, but in the morning he should go as timely as he would. I sent to entreat that he might go, but it would not be granted. All this time we suspected no harm, but thought it was overmuch curiosity in the Officer, who we thought had done it without order, of which the next day I thought to have complained to the Aga.  
The Sun being set (according to my wont order) I caused stools to be set at the door, where myself, Master Femell, and Master Pemberton sat to take the fresh air, suspecting nothing of the present ensuing harm that did befall us. About eight of the clock, came a janisary from the Aga to deliver some message to me, but we could not understand him for lack of an Interpreter; I sent my man to look for one of my company that spoke the Turkish Tongue, my Interpreter presently came, by whom I understood the effect of the janissaries message, which was, that the Aga had sent me commendations, willing me to be merry, for that he had received good news from the Bassa. And as he was about to say somewhat else, my man returns in great fear, telling us we were all betrayed: for that the Turks and my people were by the ears at the back of the House. The Turk that sat by, 

The treason of the Turks, Novemb. 28. 1610.  
Sir H. Middleton strooke down dead.   was desirous to know what was the matter, which we told him, he presently rose up, and willed my man to show him where they were, diverse of my Company running after them, to see what was the matter. And I myself ran after them, calling upon them as loud as I could, to return back and make good our House: but whiles I was thus speaking, I was strooke upon the head down to the ground by one which came behind me; I remained as dead till such time as they had bound my hands behind me, and so straight that the extreme pain thereof brought me to my memory. Assoon as they saw me stir they lifted me upon my feet, and led me between two of them to the Agas: where I found diverse of my Company in like taking as I was myself. By the way the Soldiers pillaged me, and took from me such money as I had about me, and three gold Rings, whereof one was my Seal, the other had seven Diamonds which were of good worth, and the third a Gimmall Ring. When all of us that escaped with life in this bloody Massacre, were brought together, then began they to put us in Irons: 
Sir H. Middleton, and seven more chained by the necks.  myself with seven more were chained by the necks all together: other some their feet, other their hands; this being done, they left two Soldiers to guard us, the rest departed, these Soldiers had compassion of us, and eased us of our bands, for the most of us had our hands so straight bound behind us, that the blood was ready to burst out at our finger's ends, with pain unsufferable, but we were bound to endure it. After I had received this ease of my hands and arms (though still overcharged with grief of heart) not only for my own necessity (and these with me) but also for the safety of the ships, which I greatly doubted, knowing the covetous Turks would leave no Villainy nor Treason unattempted; for the surprising of them, we began to reason amongst ourselves, what should be the reason or cause of this their villainous usage of us; and withal, I demanded how it began, and if any of our Company were slain. I was certified by those of my Company that did see it, and hardly escaped themselves, 
Eight of our men were slain.  that Francis Slanny, john Lanslot, and six more were slain, and that fourteen of our Company there present were grievously wounded, and that our House was round begirt with armed Soldiers, who, at the instant I was strooke down, sallied out upon us using their merciless cruelty towards us, that had not wherewithal to defend ourselves, much less to offend them. Now having gone through their first pretence of mischief, not being satisfied with Christian blood, they aimed at our ships and goods. For about ten of the clock, they armed three great Boats with one hundred and fifty Soldiers in them to take the Darling, who road somewhat near the shore. 
The Darling boarded by the Turks.  The Boats put from the shore altogether, the Turks took off their white Tucks, because they would be thought to be Christians, and all jointly boarded her, and entered most of their men: it was so sudden, that three of the Darlings men were slain, before they could get down: the rest be take them to their close fight. Now it pleased God in mercy to look upon us, and not to suffer any more Christian blood to be shed. For the Captain of them, which is called Emier-bahare or Lord of the Sea, called to his Soldiers to cut the Tables in the House, the Soldier's misunderstanding him, many of them leapt into the Boats, and cut the Boat Ropes, and so driven away: by this time our men had gotten them to their Weapons, and to their close fights, the Turks standing very thick in the waste, hollowing and clanging their Swords upon the Deck, one of the Company threw a big Barrel of Powuer amongst them, and after it a Firebrand; which took so good effect, that it burned diverse of them: the rest for their better safety (as they thought) retired to the half Deck and the Poop, where they were set off with Musket shot, and entertained with another train of Powder, which put them in such fear, that they leapt into the Sea, hanging by the ships side, desiring mercy, which was not there to be found, for that our men killed all they could find, and the rest were drowned, only one man was saved, 
The Turks all burned, killed, or drowned, save one.  who hide himself till the fury was past, who yielded and was received to mercy. Thus God of his goodness and mercy delivered our ship and men out of the hands of our Enemies, for which his holy Name be blessed and praised evermore, Amen.  
Now let us look back to us imprisoned at Moha, The Boats returning brought news the ship was taken, for which there was great rejoicing. The Governor sent off the Boats again with order to bring the ship: when they came so fare off as where the ship did ride, they found her gone from thence under sail standing off, so that they returned and told the Aga the ship had escaped and was gone, and that they thought Emeir Bahars and his Soldiers were taken Prisoners: which news was nothing pleasing unto him. Before day he sent our Interpreter to tell me the small ship was taken: which I did verily believe to be true; when it was day I was sent for to come to the Aga, so I and seven more which were chained by the necks with me came before him. He with a frowning (and not his wont dissembling) countenance, asked me how I durst be so bold as to come into this their Port of Moha, 
Sir H. Middleton convented before the Aga.  so near their holy City of Mecca; I answered, it was not unknown unto him wherefore I came thither, having long before certified him thereof, and that I came not aland but at his earnest entreaty with many promises of kind and good usage; he answered it was not lawful for any Christian to come so near their holy City of Medina, this being the Port or Door thereof, and that the Bassa had express order from the great Turk, 

Treason at Aden.  
Besides these three were with like treachery twenty men more betrayed at Aden, having leave given them to come on shore for business, and shackles made the while, etc.   to captivated all Christians that should come into those Seas, although they had his own pass. I told him the fault was his, that he had not told me so much at the first, but deluded us with fair promises: he gave me a Letter to read of Captain Dounton that came from Aden, dated long before, the effect whereof was, that two of his Merchants and Purser were detained ashore, and that they would not be released without landing of Merchandise, or paying of fifteen hundred Venetianos' for Anchorage, and withal to be advised by me what he had best to do, after I had read it, he bade me tell him the effect thereof: which I did, he told me since the writing of this Letter, the ship was coming from this place, and that she was cast away upon a Rock, and that all the goods and men were lost (this was cold comfort to me to hear) he willed me to writ a Letter aboard, to know how many Turks were in the small ship. I told him that should not need, for that they had taken the ship, he answered that she was once taken and possessed by them▪ but she was rescued by the great ship and taken from them again, and therefore willed me to writ to them aboard the great ship, to come all of them aland, and yield the ship into his hands, and he would let us have the small ship to carry us home. I said it was a folly to writ any such thing: for they that were aboard and had their liberty were no such Fools, as upon my Lettter to forsake the ship and goods, and come aland and be slaves. He said, he knew if I did writ a Letter to that effect, they durst not disobey me. I told him I would writ no such Letter, he enquired what store of money was in our ships. I answered, little, and that was not for Merchandise but to buy Victuals. He asked what store of Victuals and Water? I told him enough for two years, which he would not believe. He urged me again to writ, to will them to come all ashore and yield the ship, or he would cut off my head. I bade him do so: for therein he should do me a great pleasure, for I was weary of my life, but writ to that effect I never would.  
I was taken out of my Chain and Choler, and a great pair of Fetters clapped upon my legs, and Manacles upon my hands, and so separated from the rest of my company: they stowed me all that day in a dirty Dogs Kennel under a pair of stairs: at night, at the entreaty of Sherm●ll Counsel of the Bannians, I was taken out and placed in a better room, one more of my Company which spoke Turkish being with me. My lodging was upon the hard ground, and my pillow a stone, my companions to keep me waking were grief of heart and multitude of Rats: which if I chanced to sleep, would awake me with running over me. About midnight came the Lieutenant of the Aga, and our Trugman entreating me very fairly to writ my Letter aboard, to know how many Turks were aboard Prisoners, and what were their names, but in any case willed me not to writ any thing of the loss of our men, nor of my own and my people's hard usage, but to say we were detained in the Agas House (where we lacked not any thing) till further order came from the Bassa. This Letter I did willingly writ, and to the same effect they willed me, but withal willing them to look well to their ships and Boat, and to have a care to their men, that not any of them came aland for fear of Treason. This Letter they had with them, and examined two or three of my men whether I had so written.  
This Letter was not sent; for that they could not get any man to go aboard with it, but now they had found a man who was there present would undertake to carry it aboard, so that I would writ they should use him well and do him no harm; this man was borne in Tunes in Barbary, and spoke good Italian. I writ the Letter as they desired; which was perused as was the former, and the next day was sent aboard, and answer returned, 
Decemb. 1610.  the effect was that all the Turks were slain and drowned save one, whose name was Russwan, a common Soldier, and that they were glad to hear I was alive: for the Prisoner Turk told them, he thought we were all slain. We continued in this misery till the fifteenth of December, not hearing any thing from the ships, nor they from us. The Aga came diverse times to me, sometimes with threats, sometimes with fair means, to have me writ that all our people should come ashore and yield up the ships: I still answered him as I did at the first. He was desirous to know what money was in the ship, and what store of water. I answered him, Money had we little, but victual had we enough for two years. He was in hope for lack of water and victuals to have the ships yield unto him, knowing that we could not have a wind to carry us out of the strait till May: he said, he marvelled how so great a charge could be borne with so small a stock. 
Decemb. 15.  I answered, we had Factories in diverse places in India, who had stock enough in their hands to load us if we had brought never a penny worth of Commodities with us, and that stock we had was sufficient to lad our ships with Pepper, which in India was good cheap.  
They in the ships were very evil to pass riding in an open and wide Road, the wind blowing continually hard at South Southeast, enclosed round with shoals, their water beginning to fail them, for that we had staved fifty Tons to lighten our ship at our coming a ground: and hearing nothing from us aland made them at their wits ends, not knowing well what to do: they being in this perplexity, 
The hardy part of john Chambers.  an honest fellow in the ship called john Chambers offered them to go ashore to see what was become of us, and to put his life and liberty in venture rather than see men live in this discontent, which he effected; & also this day being the fifteenth of December, with a Flag of Truce was set upon a small Island, a little to windward of the Town, he had one of out Indians with him for his Interpreter: they were brought before the Aga, who asked him how he durst be so bold to come ashore without leave; he answered he came with a Flag of Truce, & was but a Messenger, which was permitted amongst enemies. He asked what message he had to deliver. He said, a Letter to me, and likewise if he would give him leave to see how we did. They examined him and the Indian very strictly what store of victual and water was in the ships, they both answered as I formerly had done, that there was enough of all sorts of victuals for two years.  
This being done they brought him to my dark Cell; who coming out of the light was a great while before he could see me, He delivered me the Letter with watery eyes to see me so fettered hands and feet in Irons. I demanded how he came ashore? He told me after what manner, and how he was examined by the Aga. I told him I thought they would not permit him to return aboard, for that not few days before one of the Peppercorn men was come from Aden with a Letter to me, and they kept him Prisoner, and would not permit him to return, nor give him leave to go aboard our sh●ps. He answered he came with that resolution from aboard, to take such part as I did, if they would be so villainously minded to stay him being but a Messenger.  
The sixteenth, I returned answer of my Letter sent me, and delivered it to Chambers, and contrary to my expectation, they let him and the Indian return to the Boat, with leave to come again the next day if they had occasion: the next day Chambers returns alone, for the Indian was so frighted that he durst not come: my man sent me diverse things by him, but the Aga was my Receiver and kept them to his own use, thinking them too good for me; he returns aboard, and leaves us to our wont misery, attending daily what should become of us; looking every hour for the sentence from the Bassa, of Death, or perpetual imprisonment or captivity. Yet God dealt more mercifully with us, who never faileth them that put their trust in him.  
For upon the twentieth of December, came down from Zenan an Aga, Captain or Chief of the Chawsses, with order to bring us up all. At his first lighting he was desirous to see me & my poor Company; there were three Chairs brought into my Room, wherein Regib Aga, Ishmael (which was the Messenger from the Bassa) and jasfer Aga seated themselves. Regib Aga began to ask me how I durst be so bold as to come into that Country so near their holy City, without a Pass from the Gran Senior? I answered, the King my Master was in league and amity with the Gran Senior, and that in the Articles of peace, it was allowed us free Trade in all his Dominions, and this being part of his Dominions there needed no pass. He answered, this was the door of their holy City, and therefore not lawful for any Christian to come hither; Likewise, he asked me, If I did not know the Gran Seniors Sword was long; I answered we were not taken by the Sword, but by Treason, and if I and my people were aboard, I cared not for the length of his or all their Swords; he said it was proudly spoken of me. Also he willed, as formerly he had done many times, to writ a Letter aboard to command all the men out of the ships, and yield themselves to the Bassa; and received like answer.  
Ishmael Aga broke off this idle speech, by telling me he was come from the Bassa, with express order from him to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and therefore willed me to sand aboard for warm clotheses, for that we should found it very cold in the Mountain Country. I prayed him if it were possible that my poor men might be sent aboard, and that I and some few more might be sent up. He said it was not in him to remedy it, for it was the Bassa's order we should all go up: Regib Aga said I should have my desire, that I and five more should go up with me, and the rest must abide where they are, till further order from the Bassa. This was the eighteenth day of December.  

Capt. Dounton cometh into the road of Mo●a.  This twentieth day, Captain Dounton in the Peppercorn, came into the Road from Aden: I writ to him my mind, what I thought fittest to be done.   

§. III. Sir Henry Midleton, and four and thirty others, sent to the Bassa at Zenan. Description of the Country, and Occurrents till their return.  

Decemb. 22. 1611.  THe two and twentieth of December, our Irons were knocked off all our legs, save the Carpenters and Smiths, and some sick men that were not able to travel: the Carpenters and Smiths were kept there to build up the Pinnace; and myself, and four and thirty persons more of us, 

Sir Henry Midleton and 34. Englishmen were sent to Zenan.  
The escape of M. Pemberton.   were appointed to go up for Zenan, the chief City of the Kingdom, where the Bassa is resident. About four of the clock we set out of Moha, all my Company being mounted upon Asses, and myself and M. Femel upon Horseback. About ten of the clock in the night, being ten or twelve miles from Moha, Master Pemberton slipped away from us; we miss him ourselves presently, but said not any thing, the best help we were able to do him, he had; which was in beseeching God to sand him safe aboard, for the attempt was very desperate. About one of the clock after midnight, we came to our Inn at a Town called Mowssi: 
Mowssi.  they told us all at our coming thither: yet miss not him that was wanting. We continued in this lodging till four of the clock in the afternoon the next day. At our setting out of door they told us, and found one missing: the Aga inquired of me how many we were that set out of Moha. I told him I could not well tell, but as I thought we were four and thirty of us: he said, we were five and thirty, and that one was missing: I said, it was more than I did know. The chiefest cause that moved M. Pemberton to take this desperate action in hand, was to see so many of us carried up together manacled, with a Captain, and a guard of Soldiers to conduct us, which he could imagine to no other end, than death or captivity, which was the opinion of us all. I found a great friend of one Hamet Aga, who sent me diverse Presents, and willed me to be of good comfort, 

Hamet Aga a great friend to us  
The Consul of the Bannians, and Tookehar, their great friendship to us   for my cause was good: he sent me and my people provision of Bread for our journey, and withal his letters to the Kaha.  
Likewise, the Consul of the Bannians, who came every day to visit me, and never came empty handed, and Tookehar was our great friend all the time we were there prisoners, and every day failed not to sand to each man, being one and fifty in number, two cakes of white bread, and a quantity of Dates, or Plantans: he departed from Moha two days before us for Zenan, promising me at his departure to do all he could with the Bassa for our good: which promise, I think, he well performed: 
Ties a city four days journey from Moha.  for at Zenan I was told by diverse, he laboure● hard in ●ur business, both with the Bassa and his Cayha, which is a very discreet man, and governs the Kingdom.  
We arrived at the City of Ties (which is four days journey from Moha) upon Christmas day: where we were marshaled into the City two and two in a rank, as they do at 
* Constantinople.  Stambola with captives taken in the wars, our Aga riding in triumph as a great Conqueror, being met a mile out of the Town with the chief men of the City on Horseback, 
Great cold in the mountains. Furred gowns needful. Zenan is in sixteen degrees fifteen minutes.  multitudes of people standing all the way gazing and wondering at us: thus were we used in all Cities and Towns we passed through. A youth of M. Pembertons fell sick in this Town, and was left with the Governor thereof, for that he was not able to travel. I kept no journal from this time forward; but this I remember, we found it very cold all the way from Ties to Zenan, our lodging being the cold ground; I bought most of our men, which were slenderly clothed, furred gowns to keep them from the cold; otherwise, I think, they would have starved. I would not believe at Moha, when I was told of the cold we should have upwards, and that made me go but thinly clothed myself; but experience taught me otherways, wishing when it was too late, I had come better provided. Zenan is from Moha an hundred and eighty miles, or thereabouts, as I judge, North Northwest. It is in the latitude of sixteen degrees fifteen minutes, which I observed by an instrument I made there.  
Every morning the ground was covered with hoary frost: and in Zenan we had Ice a finger thick in one night, which I could hardly have believed, had I not seen it. 
Ice a finger thick in one night in Zenan. They were fifteen days in going from Moha to Zenan.  We were fifteen days between Moha and Zenan. The fifth of january two hours before day, we came within two miles of the City, where we lay upon the ground till it was fair day, being much pinched by the cold, not being able scarce to stand we were so benumbed. About a mile from the Town we were met by the Subbassie or Sheriff, with at lest two hundred Shot, Drums, and Trumpets: we were caused to go one by one in order, a pretty distance one from the other, to make the better show; our men had their gowns taken from them, and were caused to march a foot in their thin and ragged suits: the soldiers lead the way, after came our men one by one; our Trumpeters were placed next before me, and commanded by the Aga to sound; but I forbade them: after the Trumpets came M. Femel and myself on Horseback; and lastly came our Aga riding in Triumph, with a spare horse richly furnished led before him. In this order we were led through the heart of the City till we came to the Castle, 
The Castle.  all the way being so full of people, we could hardly pass for them. At the first gate, there was a good guard of armed soldiers: the second gate had two great pieces of Ordnance, ready mounted at the entry thereof: after we had passed this gate, we came to a spacious yard, twice the length of the Exchange in London; the soldiers at the entry of the Gate discharged their shot, and placed themselves amongst many others that were there before them, some on the one side, and some on the other, and a lane left in the midst. At my first coming in I alighted, and was placed on the one side with my men; where I had not stayed long, but I and M. Femel were brought before the Bassa: 
Their coming before the Bassa.  it was their Dinano or Counsel day: at the upper end of the yard, we mounted up a pair of stairs some twelve steps high: at the head thereof, two great men came and took me by the wrists, and held me very hard, and so led me to the Bassa. The place where he was seated, was a long spacious gallery; at the upper end thereof he was seated alone, many great men standing on each side of him, and others stood on either side, from the lower part of the Gallery to the upper end, which made a good show: the floor was covered all over with Turkey Carpets. When I came within two yards of him, we were stayed; He, with a frowning and angry countenance, demanded of what Country I was, and what I made in those parts? I answered, I was an Englishman, and a Merchant, and friend to the Grand Senior, and came to seek trade. He said, It was not lawful for any Christian to come into that Country, and that he had given warning to Captain Sharpeigh, that no more of our Nation should come thither. I told him, Captain Sharpeigh was cast away upon the Coast of India, and came not to England to tell us so much, which had we known, we would never have put ourselves into that trouble we were in: I told him Regib Aga was the man that had abused me, in telling me we were welcome into the Country, and that we should have as free trade as our Nation had in any part of Turkey, with many other fair promises, and that contrary to his word he assaulted us with armed soldiers, and murdered diverse of my men, and took me and the rest prisoners: he said, Regib Aga was but his slave, and had no such power as to pass his word to me without his leave, and what was befallen to me and my people, was by his order to Regib Aga; and that he himself likewise had such order from the Gran Senior, so to chastise all Christians that should come into those parts. I told him we had received great harm, and if it pleased him to let us return to our ships, it would be sufficient warning to our Nation, for ever coming in those parts again. He said, Not, he could not so let us departed, but that I should sit there and writ my letters to the Ambassador at 
* Stambol, or Stambola, or Stamboli, is a correption and corruption of the Greek words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Greeks used to speak of their going thither, that is, to the City, so calling it of special eminence above other Cities: as Athens is at this day contracted into Satins from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Postel. Comp. Cos. & Fr. Port. Cret.  Stambola, and he would likewise writ to the Gran Senior, to know his pleasure what should become of us, or whether he would permit us trade, or no: he dismissed me for that present, and bade me go to my lodging which was appointed for me, and take with me four or five more, such as I thought good: I and those I made choice of, were conveyed to the Keeper of the prison's house, and the rest carried to the common prison, where for their welcome they were clapped in weighty Irons; one of our youths at such time as I was brought before the Bassa, thinking I was sole to have my head struck off, fell in a sound with very fear, thinking his turn would not be long after; he fell sick upon it, and shortly after died.  
The sixth of january, I was sent for to the Bassa Caya, or Lieutenant general of the Kingdom, to break fast with him: after breakfast I told him every particular, how treacherously and vilely I was used by Regib Aga; he bade me be of good cheer, and not think of things past, which could not be remedied; and he doubted not but all would be well in the end, and his best endeavours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall the Bennian of Moha, had made this man our friend; then I departed with my Keepers to prison, where I was of better comfort than before.  
The seventh day, I was sent for to the Cayhas' garden, where he feasted me and M. Femel, telling me, that shortly I and my people should have liberty, and be sent to Moha, where I should have redress of all my wrongs, promising me to be my friend, and before many great Personages, Turks and Arabs said, what kindness he did me was only for God's sake; but I well knew it was in hope of some great reward from me. Hamet Aga his letter did us no small good. This day came to town a Moor of Cairo, 
A Moor of Cayro our great friend.  an old atquaintance of the Bashaes', and one that had lent him great sums of money at his coming from Stambola, when he was but poor: this man was our next neighbour at Moha before, and when we were betrayed, and had a ship in Moha road, bound for India, which he greatly doubted our ships would have taken, in regard of the wrongs offered us, but they let her quietly departed, contrary to his expectation, so that he became our great friend: he writ his letter in our behalf to the Bassa, and therein did much blame him in using us so hardly, saying, he went about to destroy the Country and trade, in taking such courses with us: at his coming before the Bassa, he iterated what he had written, and much more; willing him to have a care, the Trade of the Read Sea were not destroyed by his means, and therefore counselled him to return me all my goods, and to sand me and my people away contented. His letter prevailed much with the Bassa: for when he sent for us up, it was his purpose to have put us to death, and to have made slaves of all the rest: none in the Country durst speak so boldly as he. Of this which I have written concerning the Moor of Cayro, was I informed by Shermall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present at reading the letter, and likewise heard the conference between the Bassa and him. This Hamet Waddy is an Arabian Merchant, very rich dwelling at Zenan, and is called the Bassa's Merchant: he stood my friend very much, in persuading the Bassa that we might be kindly dealt withal, and suffered to departed.  
The eighth, I made petition to the Bassa, requesting, That whereas at my coming from Moha, I had willed the Commanders of my ships to forbear hostility for five and twenty days, and after to use their discretions, if in that time they heard not from me; the time being almost expired, that the Bassa would vouchsafe speedily to censure my cause, or give me some comfortable news to writ them, to stay them from doing harm, to which they might easily incline, being without Head or Governor.  
The eleventh day, I was sent for to the Cayha, who told me that now all things were ended, and that my stay there was for the rest of my company which were coming from Aden, and that presently after their coming up, we should all be sent to Moha.  
The seventeenth, M. Fowler and eighteen more of their Company arrived at Zenan; they were presently brought before the Bassa, 
M. Fowler, and eighteen more arrived at Zenan.  and such like questions demanded of them as he did of me. Afterward, M. Fowler, john Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, and all the rest to the Common prison to the rest of my men, where they were all put in irons, and their allowance from the Bassa, brown bread and water, they would have all died with hunger and cold, had not I releiued them better than the Bassa.  
The twenty fifth, I was sent for to the Cahays garden, where we spent some hours in conference: he told me I should presently go with him to the Bashaes' garden, where the Bassa would have conference with me: he counselled me to soothe him up with fair words, and not cross him in any thing; I asked him what he thought, whether he would surrender me all my goods: he said, he could not tell: I asked him whether I should have my Pinnace again: he said likewise he could not tell: but in any case he willed me not to speak of it to the Bassa, but at my coming to Moha to writ my letters to him, and he would solicit the Bassa in my behalf, and doubted not but to obtain it for me: I told him, I thought it fit to demand it now, then hereafter; for that I was desirous to know what to trust unto: he bade me use my discretion. The chiefest cause that made this man our friend, was for a sum of money which I had promised to give him: he would not be seen to meddle therein himself, but appointed Shermall, Consul of the Bannians, to treat with me concerning the same: he demanded much, and I was willing to part with nothing. We spent three or four days consulting this business, in the end I was constrained to give them content, in promising after my delivery to pay him fifteen hundred Venetianoes': which being done, the Cayha took Horse and rid to the Bashaes' garden, and bad our Truchman bring me and M. Femel thither. When we came to the garden door, we stayed an hour before we were admitted to the Bashaes' presence: we found him seated in a Summer-house, in a chair, his Cayha standing at his right hand, and half a dozen others at the back of the Chair. I was lead by two men, which held me by the cloak till I came within two paces of him; and there they stayed me, M. Femel coming behind me at liberty, without his leaders: he demanded of me how I did, and bade me be of good cheer, for that shortly I and all my people should have their liberty, and be sent to Moha, where I with twenty nine more should remain, till all the ships of India were come into Moha, and the rest to be sent aboard; and when all the said ships were come in, and the winds settled Westerly, I and the rest of my company should be permitted to go aboard, and proceed on our Voyage to India. I besought him he would not detain so many of us: he answered, thirty have I spoken, and thirty shall stay: then I demanded, if our goods should be surrended; he answered, no: for they were all put to the Gran Seniors account. I demanded my Pinnace, he said likewise she was put to the same account. I told him, diverse provisions belonging to the ships were aland at Moha, and desired I might have them surrendered: he said I should: then I spoke to M. Femel, willing him to speak again that our goods might be surrendered; which he did, and was answered as I was: then I prayed him to assure me of one thing, and that was, whether all my people should be permitted to departed aboard the ships, the time of our abode being expired, he promised me upon his word, not any one should be stayed, but be all sent aboard, and all things, had I a Turk to my slave, he would not detain him: for which his kindness I gave him thanks: then he began to excuse himself, praising his own mild nature, in that it was our haps to fall into his hands, he had dealt merciftlly and favourably with us, which had it been in the time of any of his Predecessors, we had all suffered death for our presumption, in coming into that Country so near their holy City: and that which now was befallen us, was by order from the Gran Senior, 
The complaint of the Bassa's of Cairo and Snachen against the English.  he being urged thereto by the complaint of the Bashaes' of Cairo and Snachen, and the Sheriff of Mecca, who had certified the Gran Senior at the being here of the Ascension and her Pinnace, that they had bought all the choice ware of India, whereby his customs were much diminished, and would be the overthrow of the Trade of these Seas, if it were permitted; and therefore wished it might be carefully looked unto: whereupon the Gran Senior dispatched his letters with a commandment to him, That if any more Englishmen, or any other Christians did come into those parts, to confiscate their ships and goods, or to kill or captivated all the men they could get into their power: but he minded not to deal so with me, but more favourably, in permitting us without further harm to return to our ships, hoping it would be a warning, that neither we nor any other of our Nation, would repair thither any more.  
The first of February, I and M. Femel were sent for to the Cayha, 
February 1▪ 1610. The Bassa made a Vizir.  who gave me counsel to go to the Bassa, to bid God give him joy of his late received Dignity: which was, the Gran Senior had made him a Vizir, and sent him letters of great favour, with a Sword, and rich Robes belonging to a Vizir, which Robes and Sword are a confirmation of him in so high a place and calling. These Presents from the Gran Senior, were received two days before with great solemnity: and the party that brought them, was met by the Bassa, and all the chief of the City, with all the soldiers, horse and foot, six miles without the Town. Where a Tent was set up, where the Bassa disrobed himself, and vested him in those which were sent him by his Master; and so in great pomp came riding through the City to his own house: I and others of my company, by the appointment of the Cayha, had a place appointed us, where we did see his coming into the City: our Trudgman, by the appointment of the Cayha, conducted us to the Viziers house, where we stayed not long, but were admitted to his presence: I told him, my coming was only to see him, and to congratulate his new received honour, and to pray God give him joy: he gave me thanks, and bade me be merry: for what he had promised me, he would perform, and be better to me then his promise: he was very pleasant, and took this our coming kindly: and so, as a great favour, Master Femel and I were permitted to kiss his hand, and dismissed, returning to our lodging.  
Many of our people in the mean while fell sick and weak through grief, cold, naughty air, bad diet, evil lodging, and weighty Irons; I never ceased soliciting the Cayha, 
Our men set at liberty.  till he had procured their liberty out of that loathsome prison, so that the eleventh day they were all free of prison and Irons, and had a house in the Town, and liberty to walk abroad, and take the fresh air: also the next day the Cayha sent me half a dozen of Beefs, to bestow among my men; so that in few days all of them, I thank God, recovered their former health and strength. The Cayha informed me, that Regib Aga had writ earnestly to the Bassa, that we might all be sent down to Aden, and there taken into our ships: by which means his Town of Moha, and such ships of India as should pass the Bab, should be secure from danger or any harm our ships might do them. This wicked counsel had prevailed with the Bassa, had not God raised the Cayha for our good to persuade the contrary.  
The seventeenth in the morning early, the Cayha sent for me, M. Femel, and others, and told me, the next morning I and my people should departed for Moha. After we had broke fast, he brought us to the Bassa to take our leaves: he began again to extol his own clemency, and the power of the Gran Senior, saying, he had a long Sword, straightly charging me I came no more into those Seas: adding, that neither Christian nor Lutheran might come thither, not, though they had the Gran Seniors Pass: for so had he commanded him: then I requested, if any of our Nation came thither, before I could give advice to England, that they might not be betrayed, as I was, but plainly denied Trade, that they might know what to trust to, and to be permitted quietly to departed; which my request he would in no wise grant: then I entreated him to writ to Regib Aga, to effect what he had promised me, otherwise he being my mortal enemy, would wrong me and my people: he answered with great pride, Is not my only word sufficient to turn a whole City upside down? if Regib Aga wrong you, I will pull his skin over his ears, and give you his head: is he not my slave? and therewithal appointed the Cayha to writ my dispatch. I demanded answer of his Majesty's letter, but he would give me none. This done, I departed. I told the Cayha I had never a weapon, and therefore I desired leave I might buy a Sword, and ride down as I came up like a prisoner: he acquainted the Bassa therewith, and he sent me one of his cast Swords. The Cayha also this morning gave me an hundred pieces of gold of forty Madines' the piece: and fifty pieces had he given me not many days before: so that I received from him in all an hundred and fifty pieces of gold, and from the Bassa nothing but his rusty Sword: the Cayha is of a liberal disposition, and the Bassa exceeding covetous: if any man be known to be rich, he had need to carry himself uprightly: otherways the lest occasion will cost him his head, that the Bassa may enjoy his goods, as lately befell a rich Aga, whom he caused privately to be cruelly murdered, and presently after seized upon all he had.  
The eighteenth, I paid all duties of the Prison, and went to the Cayhas' Garden, where we broke our fast, received my dispatch, and a Letter to the Governor of Aden for re-deliverie of the Pepper-Cornes Boat; 
They departed from Zenan.  I requested his Letter to the Governor of Tayes for delivery of a Youth of Master Pembertons, which was l●ft sick there, (I was informed he was enforced to turn Turk, he writ his Letter and sealed it: the effect I know not) which being done I took my leave and departed: myself, Master Femell, and Master Fowler were mounted on Horses, and all the rest upon Asses and Camels, we had two Chauses to conduct us, and a Horseman, the other afoot.  

The description of Zenan.  This City is somewhat bigger than Bristol, of good building of stone and lime, with Churches or Meskits: it is environed with a mud wall full of Battlements and Turrets. On the Westside there is a great deal of spare ground enclosed within the walls, there they have their Gardens, Orchards, and Houses of pleasure, it standeth in a barren and stony Valley, with high Hills enclosing it, not being fare off, whereof one which is to the Northward over-looketh the Town, whereon is built a small Castle, to keep it from the mountain people, who accustomed from thence to offend the City. It hath no water but Wel-water, which they dig deep for; Wood is very scarce, and fetched from fare, and very dear; In the Easter-most part is the Castle enclosed with mud Walls full of Turrets, in which Turrets every night they place their Watch, which keep such a hollowing one to another all night long, that a man that is not acquainted which it can hardly sleep; th● Bassa and some other principal men devil within this Castle Wall, the Keeper's House wherein I was imprisoned, joineth to the wall, and at the foot of the Wall is a spacious yard, wherein a great number of people, for the most part Women and Children, are kept Prisoners or Pledges, to keep their Parents, Husbands, and Allies from Rebellion. The Boys while they be little go lose in the yard, but after they be come to bigness they are clapped in Irons and carried to a strong Tower, where there be many more kept in like case, there they remain during the Bassa's pleasure, those Women and Children which remain in the yard live in little Cottages, which they have made of purpose, the Children go for the most part naked, without it be very cold, and then have they Sheep-skinne Coats to keep them warm, they be as wild and r●de as if they were brought up in the Mountains. This night we arrived at Siam distant from Zenan sixteen miles: 
Siam a small Town and Castle.  which is a small Town with a Castle upon the side of a Hill, the place and Country about it is very barren, and yields small relief to Travellers.  
About midnight we departed from Zenan, and the next day being the nineteenth, we came to Surage, about ten a clock in the forenoon: it is likewise a small Village distant from Siam about eighteen miles, 
Surage.  the Country barren and the people poor, and go almost naked, save a cloth about their wastes reaching down to their knees. We departed from hence at midnight.  

Damare a good City.  We came to Damare the twentieth, about eight of the clock in the morning; it is a City built of lime and stone, but separated in five parts one a pretty distance from the other, so that it seemeth to be so many Villages. It is seated in a spacious Valley or Plaine, having plenty of water and all kind of grain, with all other provision for sustenance both for themselves and their poor Neighbours, who live in great penury and want. It is distant from Surage twenty miles. We tarried here two days by order of Abdela Chillarby, the Bassa's Cayha, who is Governor of this Province.  
The two and twentieth, we departed from Damare about two a clock after midnight, and came to Ermine betimes, 
Ermine.  it being a small Village and distant from Damare some fifteen miles.  
The three and twentieth, we arrived at Naqual Samare, being a common Inn for all Travellers. 
Naqual samare ●n Inn.  The Turks call them Censors; which are built at the cost of the Gran Signior, for the relief of Travellers. There be many of these Censors between Moha and Zenan, this Censor is seated in the middle of a very steep hill called Nackhilsamar, and some few scattering poor houses about it, upon the top of this hill is a great Castle, wherein the Governor of the Province which is an Arabian dwelleth. These craggy Mountain Countries, are for the most part governed by the Arabians, for the people of these Mountains cannot ●rooke the proud and insolent Government of the Turks: no Turk may pass this way, neither upward nor downward without a Passport of the Governor of the Province from whence they come, this Censor is distant from Ermine, some fourteen miles.  
The four and twentieth we arrived at Mohader, 
Mohader a little Village.  which is a little Village at the foot of the great hill, being distant from Nackelsamar, some thirteen miles. Our Chauses had warrant from the Bassa, to take up Asses for our men to ride upon, which accordingly they performed overnight; but the next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in the way, and in despite of our Chauses took their Asses away, neither of our Guardians daring to give them a foul word.  
The five and twentieth, 
Rabattamaine an Inn.  being arrived at Rabattamaine a Cens●r with some Cottages and shops adjoining thereunto: it is seated on the side of a hill and is distant from Mohader sixteen miles, groweth Poppy, whereof they make their Oppium: but it is not good.  
The six and twentieth, we arrived at a Cough house in the middle of a Plain: 
Merfadin.  it is called Merfadine, and distant from Rabattamaine sixteen miles.  
The seven and twentieth, we arrived at Tayes, being a City of half the bigness of Zenan, and walled round with a mud wall: here we stayed all this day and the next, 
Tayes a City.  in which time of my abode there, I used the best means I could for recovery of a Youth of Master Pembertons, whom the Governor Hamet Aga had forced to turn Turk, and would by no means departed with him. But Walter Talbot having the Turkish Tongue was permitted to speak with him in a Chamber amongst other Boys and Youths, who weeping, said unto him he was no Turk, but was deluded by them, they telling him that I and all my people were put to death at Zenan, and if he would turn he should save his life, but he would not yield unto them. But afterward some of the Agaes' servants carrying him to a Hothouse, when they had him naked circumcised him perforce. When I saw I could not get him, I delivered Abdela Chillarby the Cayh●s Letters, which was, if that he was not turned he should deliver him me. When the Aga had read this Letter, he told me the effect saying, that Letter was warrant sufficient for keeping of him. I suspected the Le●ter was to that effect when it was given me, and that made me not deliver it at first. This City standeth in a Valley under very high hills; and upon the top of one of the highest hills is a fair and strong Castle: all kind of victual is very cheap here, in the Country thereabouts is made some Indigo, but what quantity or of what goodness I could not learn. 
Indigo made  This City is very populous, and so is all the Country and Cities we traveled through.  
The first of March, we departed and came to Eufras about noon, 
March, 1. 1610. Eufras.  being sixteen miles from Tayes; the Country we travailed Mountainous and stoney. The Town little, situate on the side of a hill. About the fift of january great multitude of people resorteth hither from fare, where they do some foolish Ceremonies to one of their Saints and holy men, which lieth buried there: which being done they go all in company to Mecca on Pilgrimage. The Governor of this Town is a Turk, and used me and my people very kindly at our going up, and hearing of my coming down, he sent one six miles to a place, where two ways meet, to bring us to his Town, where we were most kindly used by him.  
The second, we departed thence and lodged at a Censor called Assambine, some eleven miles from Eufras Here is no Town but a few poor Cottages. 
Assambine.   
The third, we went from thence and came to another Censor some thirteen miles off: it is called Accomoth standing in a barren common with a few Cottages by it.  
The fourth in the morning, we departed thence and came to Mousa, 
Accomoth. Mousa a town.  seventeen miles from Accomoth: the Country we travailed plain and barren, and small store of Inhabitants. The Town of M●●sa is not great, and unwall, but very populous. It is situate in a plain indifferent fruitful; hereabouts likewise is made some Indigo. We departed thence about midnight.  
The fift in the morning about eight of the clock we came to Moha. 
Moha.  We rested two or three hours by the way at a Church or Coughe house called Dabully built by a Dabull Merchant. If we had not stayed here, we had come to Moha before day. A mile without the Town, we were met by our Carpenters, Smiths, and such others as were detained there, the day before their Irons were taken off, and they had liberty to walk abroad. The first question I demanded was to know what became of Master Pemberton. They told me he lighted upon a Cannoa and got aboard, whereof I was not a little glad; for I was very doubtful never to have seen him more. At the Town's ends, and all the way to the Agas house, the people stood very thick, and as we passed by bad us welcome back, for it was nothing pleasing to the people of the Country to hear how treacherously the Turks had used us: we rid till we came to the Agas house where we alig●te●, myself, Master Femell, Master Fowler, were brought before him, where I delivered my Let●ers from Zenan, He received me after his wont dissembled show of love and kindness, bidding me and the rest welcome, saying, he was glad of our return safe, and sorry and ashamed of what was past, and prayed me to pardon him, and that hereafter he bade me assure myself he would be my friend, and that the harm that had be fallen us was not long of him, for he did nothing but what his Master commanded him. I soothed him up, but believed nothing he said, he read the command of the Bassa, and said all things should be performed accordingly. Whereupon he called in for Breakfast, and caused us to sit down with him, bidding me eat and be merry f: or now he had eat Bread and Salt with me, I need not doubt of any harm. After breakfast, he went to seek for a House for me, we had a fair large house appointed us near the Seaside, where we continued two days, but afterward we were removed from thence to a great strong House, standing all alone in a spacious Churchyard in the middle of the Town: and for our Guard a Captain and his Company were appointed to that charge, who warded all the day, & by night our house was enclosed round with his armed Soldiers. The cause why we were removed from our first house, was because it was too near the water side, they doubting from thence we might attempt an escape.  

The description of Moha.  This Town of Moha is one third part less than Tayes, unwall, very populous, and seated close by the Seaside in a salt, sandy, barren soil. The Governors' house is close by the water's side, and here by the same is the Key or Bridge which shooteth a pretty distance into the Sea: to which Key all Boats belonging to any shipping, are enjoined to land for fear of stealing of Custom. And close adjoining to the Key is a platform, whereon are planted some dozen of Brass Pieces, at the Western end of the Town there is a Fort wherein is the like quantity of Ordinance: this Fort was ruinated at our first coming thither, but since pulled down to the ground and new builded. 

The Darling came into the Road.  
The Captain of a ship of Dabull.   This afternoon came the Darling into the Road, who brought us news of the welfare of the rest, which was no small comfort to me after so many troubles.  
The sixth, Nohuda Melech Ambor, Captain of a great ship of Dabull, which came into the Road two days before my arrival at Moha, came ashore with a great many of Merchants with him, he with the rest were carried about the Town in pomp, and afterwards feasted by the Aga. I likewise was sent for to this Feast and entertained with all love and friendship. The Aga in presence of them all called for the Alcoran, kissed it, and voluntarily swore and protested, that he aught me no evil will but wished me all good, and would endeavour himself to pleasure me the best he could, his heart being clear of malice or hatred, and was much grieved for what was passed: I returned him thanks, seeming greatly satisfied therewith, although I gave no credit thereto, but was forced to endure with patience what I could not remedy, till it pleased God to provide better.  
The seventh day, the Aga made a great Feast at his Garden-house for the Dabullians, to which I and Master Femell were likewise invited. The Dabullians were all mounted upon gallant Horses with rich Furniture, and we upon a couple of tired lame jades, which we brought from Zenan.  
The eight, we were all sent for to come before the Aga, myself with all the Merchants, Carpenters, Smiths, and others, whom he (to the number of thirty) thought good, were appointed to stay aland; and the rest which were thirty six, were sent aboard the Darling.  
The ninth, had I made an escape, had I not been more careful for others, which I should have left behind me, 
An excellent Road on the Coast of Habashe, called Assab Roade.  then for myself. This day the Darling having taken in thirty six men as aforesaid, and provided of some necessaries they lacked, departed towards the other ships on the Coast of Habashe: where they had found out in the time of my absence an excellent Road, for all winds that blow in these Seas, it is called Assab Road, where they had wood and water enough costing nothing but the fetching, the water is a little brackish, but seemed fresh enough to them that had lived in want thereof, the people of the Country be as black as the Negroes of Guinea, they be all Mahometans alongst the Sea-coast: but up in the Land they be Christians and Subjects to Prester john, they go almost naked save a cloth about their wastes, which reacheth to their knees. They were at first coming of our people very fearful, but after they were acquainted, and a peace confirmed by oath on both sides, they daily repaired with refreshing, as Beefs, Sheep and Goats, and sold them for money at reasonable rates. And afterward they desiring course calico rather than money, I furnished them therewith from Moha: In truck whereof they sold their Cattles fare better cheap than before for money, dealing faithfully and kindly with our people, notwithstanding the Turks sought to work them to the contrary, by means of small Barks which pass to and fro. The King of this Country hath his abiding at a Town lying upon the Sea-coast called Rahaita, 
Rahaita.  some forty miles to the Southwards near the Bab, he sent some of his chief men to the Commanders of the ships with presents, they returned them the like: who entertained those which were sent very courteously, with promise of any thing his Country yielded. Their vulgar speech is not understood by the Arabians, the better sort of them speak and writ the Arabian Language, in which Tongue their Law of Mahomet is written.   

§. FOUR Indian shipping at Moha; Sir Henry Middleton's escape from the Turks, and enforcing satisfaction.  
APrill the first, 1611. the Darling debarred for Assab, with leave every ten days to return, to see how I did: 
April 1▪ 1611.  this his unlooked for kindness I hoped in God would be a means to work my freedom. The second, 
Another ship of Dabul.  came into the road another ship of Dabul, full of people. The Nohuda rid about the Town in a painted coat, as the manner is. These robes are but lent them for the present, and afterward returned to the keeper of the Wardrobe, to whom belongs a duty for lone of them. The third, came a jebba from Aden, which brought the Pepper-cornes Boat.  
The fourth day, came an other ship of Dabul, which laded at Achin with Pepper: 
The third ship of Dabul.  these three great ships belong all to the Governor of Dabul, who is a Persian, and a great Merchant, and hath many slaves, whereof Melick Amber is one, and is in great credit with him: he had the managing of the goods belonging to these three ships; he is a Negro, borne in Habosse, and might cost his Master fifteen or twenty royals of eight, and now never goeth out of his doors, but with great troops of followers, like some great Lord.  
The sixth, I sent to the Cayha Abdela Chillarby a fair piece, and a small barrel of powder, which I promised to sand him at my coming from Zenan. The seventh, 
Another small Indian ship.  came from India a small ship laden with cotton. The eleventh, came from India two small barks malabars▪ of one of the Isles of Maldivia: the chief of them came often to visit me, till he was forbidden by the Aga our enemy. The twelfth, there came two Barks from India: for then the wind was Westerly; which continued so for five days, and afterwards came to the South Southeast again. The fourteenth, came in a small Bark laden with Cotten, for the Bannians. The fifteenth, came another from Bassanor: the Nohuda came to visit me at my house, which the Aga repined at. The seventeenth, came into the Town a great many Camels, and diverse Merchants, which came from Damascus, Sues, and Mecca, to trade with the Merchants of India. The nineteenth, 
Merchants of Damascus, Sues, and Mecca.  came in a ship and a bark of Cananor, the Captain of the great ship came to visit me with great troops following of him: which the Aga stomaching, sent for him whiles he was talking with me, and forbade such resort unto me. The twentieth, came in a ship of Calicut and the Darling. The three and twentieth, came in a small bark of the Kings of Zacotora, which came from Goa.  
The second of May, 1611. I dispatched Letters for England of all our proceed in those parts: one Copy to the English Consul at Aleppo, and another to the French Consul at Cayro: 
May 2▪ 1611.  which letters I delivered to a Guzerat. The tenth, came in a small bark from the coast of Swahell or Magadoxo, with Slaves, Elephants teeth, Amber: there had wont to come every year hither from thence four barks with like lading, but this year would come no more, for that their Country are in wars, and the Portugals had burned their shipping. These men buy their Negroes and Amber at Cancamarra, in S. Laurence, where Captain Rowles was taken and betrayed; 
Cancamarra in S. Laurence, where Captain Rolls Capt. of the Union was betrayed.  we enquired of them if they could inform us of any thing touching him. Also this day about noon came in the Darling, and according to her wont order shot off a piece for a Boat; the shot grazed upon the water to the Towne-wards, whereat the Aga was displeased; but gave leave I might sand aboard. I writ my letter, and sent one of my servants aboard with it, commanding him to tarry aboard, and come no more ashore, and withal to tell M. Pemberton, he should not sand his Boat a land till he heard further from me.  
The eleventh in the morning, at the dawning of the day, the Aga with all the chief men of the Town, were rid abroad in great state to his Garden to be merry: which I seeing, did not a little glad my heart, and gave God thanks, which offered me so fair means to put that in practice, which long before I had determined: For Hamet Aga, and others had told me the Bassa would not perform his word, but for fear. I writ my letter to M. Pemberton, wherein I certified him, I minded as this day to make an escape aboard, and that I would convey myself into an empty But, and so be carried down to the Boat as an empty Cask: 
The Indian ships were come in▪ and the Turks promises were not performed, but many apparent evidences that they never should caused S. Hen. Middleton to shifted for his best escape.  and therefore willed him the Boat should be sent with all speed, manned with choice men; and withal to sand me a bottle of Aquavitae, and an orher of wine, to make drunk my Keepers; which he accordingly performed: before I made M. Femel acquainted with my determination, I made him swear unto me to be secret, and to use no persuasions with me, to withdraw my mind from that I had resolved upon: whereupon I shown him what I had written to M. Pemberton; and withal, shown him how that himself and others should walk out of the Town to the water side, to such a place as he well knew, and I appointed, where I would not fail, God sending me into the Boat, to take him and the rest in. Also I acquainted him, that the Carpenters and others I had appointed to embark themselves to the southward of the Town, where lay a Boat hard by the shore, with mast and sail ready fitted for their purpose; but withal, I had given the Carpenter's warning not to embark themselves, till such time as they saw the ships Boat put off from the Bridge. All things sorting out well to our purpose, the Subasha (which was our guardian, and left in Town only to look to me) fell to drinking hard at a Racky-house: and I being doubtful of any good performance from my enemies the Turks, had long bethought me of all the means I could device from time to time to make an escape, but could not light upon any project, that had not apparent danger, both to myself, and those that should attempt to escape away with me. Only this devise it pleased God to put into my head, whereby I might be secretly conveied into the boat without being discovered: for my Keepers and Soldiers eyes were only upon me, wheresoever I went: all the rest of my company might walk abroad any where by day time without suspicion, or any great regard: I never went out of doors, but two or three soldiers attended upon me wheresoever I went. The Boat being come, and Keepers all drunk, and all things fitted, about twelve a clock at noon the Subasha returns from the Aracke-house, and being in one end of our house, but a wall between us, where his abiding was, the better to guard us, I began to put my business in execution: and appointed the Carpenters to take others with them, and to go by two and two in the best manner they could to avoid suspicion, and shifted for themselves in the Boat aforesaid; but in any case not to meddle, before they saw the ships Boat under sail. To M. Femel, and those that I appointed to take into Lee-ward of the Town, I gave order likewise, to go two or three in company alongst the Sea side, to the place I had appointed them to take them in, and there to tarry my coming. After I had given these directions, I was conveied into my Tub, 
Sir H. Midleton escapeth aboard.  and safely set aboard the Boat: which being done, I forced out the head of the Cask, and came aboard, causing them to bear up with the leeward point, where I took in john Fowler, Benjamin Greene, Rowland Webbe, Ro. Mico, Ro. Conwey, William Bownes, john Wright, Arthur Atkinson, Thomas Euans, john Wood, and Henry Fortune. M. Femel and other being too slack in coming out of the Town, were taken before they could come to the boat. The Town being raised, partly by the undiscreet running of some of our people, and partly by seeing the Boat bear up to Leeward, contrary to their wont course, M. Femel and those with him, had likewise escaped, had he come by land to the point, and not taken water, so soon as others which were both sick and weak did, which were behind him when he took the water. I came to an anchor, and brought the Boat a ground in tarrying for them, to the no little danger of us all: I caused men to leap overboard to rescue him, but before they could get a Pikes length from the Boat, he and those with him were all apprehended: M. Femel discharged a Pistol in the face of one of them that hardly pursued him, and mortally wounded him before he was taken; it booted me not to stay longer, having all the Town in pursuit of me, and a very narrow and should channel to pass between a small sandy Island, and the main: it pleased God we lighted upon the right channel, which quickly brought us into deep water, and out of danger of our enemies, for which his great mercy towards us, his holy name be blessed and praised for evermore.  
They in the Darling kept good watch in the tops, which so soon as they saw the Boat under sail, let slip and set sail, bearing up to Lee-ward, to have relieved us if need had been: being come aboard, we espied the Boat wherein the Carpenters were coming towards us: I sent the ship Boat to bring them and their Boat aboard of us. In this Boat escaped George Collinson, Robert Pinis, Nathaniel Symonds, and john Tailor; but Walter Talbot, who was appointed to come with them, tarried so long before he came, that the Boat was put off, he thought to swim aboard, and was drowned. About two hours after our coming aboard, came two poor Arabs in a Canoa, but so fearful, they durst not come nigh the ship till they were won by fair words, and so with much ado, 
A letter from M. Femel.  one of them entered, and delivered me a letter from M. Femel, showing that they were in great danger of being slain or spoilt by those that apprehended them, but some of the soldiers, through former acquaintance, bearing them good will, saved them, and brought them to the Agaes, where they tarried his coming. At the first sight of them, he looked as pale as ashes, telling them they should all lose their heads, ask them how they durst attempt such a thing? They answered, they came out of England under my command, and did nothing but what I had commanded, which in no wise they durst disobey. He again threatened them with loss of their heads, and presently caused them all to be chained by the necks, from which chain they were quickly released, at the entreaty of Nohuda Melicke Amber, & Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor, and others, and permitted to remain in our former house, but with a stronger guard than before. This their kindness proceeded not of love, but for fear of their ships in the road, which were then under my command. I returned answer of the letter, and sent the Aga word, that if he did not sand me all my people, 
A stout message to the Aga.  with those provisions of the ships which he detained contrary to the Bashaes' order (for I minded not to be put off with Farriga) I would fire the ships in the road, and do my best to batter the Town about his ears: likewise I sent word to the Nohudas, that they should not sand any Boat aboard the ships, without first coming aboard of me, and to acquaint me with their business, nor to carry any thing out of them aland, without my leave and order.  
After my departure, there was no small disturbance in the Town: the Aga not knowing how to answer the Bassa, feared it would cost him his head, the Subbasha which was my keeper at his wit's end, and knew not whether he might stay or flee for his life. The Emeryor bahar (or Lord of the Sea as they term him) in little better taking, being accused of consenting to my escape; one of our Porters took Sanctuary in one of their Churches, and would not be gotten out from thence till he had his pardon, and the Nohudas and Merchants in great fear of loss of their ship and goods, most of them sending Presents of victuals, and refreshing to Master Femell and the rest, which before took scorn to speak to them. At night I sent the Boat well manned to carry the news to our ships, with order for their coming over with all speed. I plied to windward in the Darling, when the Tide served, and rid a little without the great ship, so that I had her and all the rest under the command of our Ordnance.  
The twelfth, came aboard Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor with Letters, telling me the Aga was sorry I was so departed (which I knew to be true) for that he was determined within few days to have set me at liberty, and all my people, to my own content: and for the provisions belonging to our ships which were ashore, he would deliver them, but for my people he could not deliver them without order from the Bassa, entreating fifteen day's respite: in which time if I had not all my men in safety sent aboard, they desired no favour. I told him likewise, I must have my Pinnace surrendered me, for that I would not departed the Road without her; he said he would acquaint the Aga with my demand of the Pinnace, and doubted not but that I should have her at the time limited. I yielded to his request, upon his promise that I should have both men and Pinnace within the time prefixed, I durst not as yet demand restitution or satisfaction for my goods, till such time as I had all our men from the shore. At his coming ashore he acquainted the Aga, that he had concluded a peace for fifteen days, upon his promise that I should have my men and Pinnace restored within the same time. The Aga was very angry that I demanded the Pinnace, and sent for Master Femell and john Williams, and asked what I minded in demanding the Pinnace, which was the Bassa's by agreement with me, saying, I might as well demand the goods as the Pinnace, both which were put to the account of the Gran Signior: they said I could not well proceed on my Voyage without the Pinnace, but for the goods they assured him I would never demand them; In the mean time, the Darlings Cables, Anchors, Pitch, Tar, and other things being ashore, were brought aboard: And few days escaped that I had not one present or other of refreshing from the Aga, Dabbullian, and other, which would scarce take knowledge of me whilst I was ashore, but now glad to flater me. This morning early came a Boat from shore aboard the innermost ship: I caused the Gunner to make two shot at her, which caused them to come aboard me. I threatened them if they did so any more to hung them, and burn their ships; so that afterward they durst not attempt the like.  
The thirteenth, the Increase and Peppercorn toward night came to anchor in the sight of the Road: for they could not fetch in that night, the Lee-ward tied being come against them.  
The fourteenth, they got into the Road and I went aboard the Increase, where I was received with great joy of all my Company.  
The eighteenth, there came into the Road, a ship of Diu, belonging to Shermall the Shabander, laden with India Commodities, which I did embark both people and goods, 
A ship of Diu.  and caused her to ride hard by me. The next day being the nineteenth, at the entreaty of Shermall, I licenced all the people (save some few to look to the ship) to go ashore. This day being the twentieth day, I heard nothing from the shore. The one and twentieth, Master Femell writ to me they had been all chained by the necks.  
The five and twentieth, came aboard Nohuda Mahomet and certified me, that the Bassa had given order for release of my people and Pinnace, and promised to bring them aboard on the morrow. I shot off three Pieces at his departure. This day all our people ashore were chained by the necks, and the next day released. The cause they were so used they could not learn.  
The six and twentieth, Nohuda Mahomet returned, saying, the Pinnace was launched, but the Aga would neither deliver her nor the men, till I had given him a writing firmed by myself, and four or five more of the principal in our ships with oaths to perform the same, to contain in effect a perfect peace with the Turks his Subjects and Indians, and not to meddle in this Sea or elsewhere in revenge of any thing that had passed, nor to demand restitution or satisfaction for any goods taken from me: I told him, I marvelled he came every day with new matters, he had the day before promised, as this day to bring me all my men and Pinnace aboard, which I looked to have had performed, and for better security he and those with him should remain Hostages aboard till I had them, and therefore willed him to advice the Aga: he alleged that he being employed of his own voluntary motion in this business, should reap much discredit and be laughed at for his forwardness, if he should writ to that purpose, and therefore he told me plain he would not writ whatsoever betide him, but promised, if I would give him such a Writing as he demanded and sand him ashore, he would bring me all my people aboard before night: I seeing I could get him by constraint to yield to nothing, thought best to give him some content, though it were somewhat that might but carry the name of what he desired. I thereupon caused a Writing to be made in English, firmed by myself and five more, containing a brief Relation of the treacherous usage of us in this Country and nothing else, we setting to our hands as Witnesses of truth of the same Writing: withal I sent advice to Master Femell, how he should interpret it unto them. I delivered him the Writing he desired, but swear I would not, saying, my word should be cruer than a Turks oath at all times. Ashore he went, leaving some of the better sort of his Company for Pledges, whom he bade hung if he brought me not all my Company aboard that night: coming ashore he handled the matter so, that a little before night he returned with Master Femell, 
The rest of our men set at liberty.  john Williams, Christopher Cuningham, Water Woodward, john Clarke, Henry Bauldin, Edmund Glover, Toby Birch, Alexander james, and Merciline Longfield. Three of them were vested, to wit, Master Femell, john Williams, and Cuningham, with paltry Vests of little worth. Another was sent to me, which they said came from the Bassa, the Nohuda would have put it upon my back, desiring me to wear it as a favour Tent me from the Bassa: I refused it, telling him, I scorned to wear any thing that should come from so unconscionable a Dog and my Enemy, by whose order I had received so much wrong; he seeing I would not take it, left it with my man and so departed, carrying with him the Turk taken in the Darling, which had remained aboard the Increase, till that present: he promised to return in the morning with our Pinnace.  

The Pinnace restored.  The seven and twentieth, according to promise' the Nohuda came aboard and brought my Pinnace, and demanded of me if all he had promised were performed. I told him no, for that I had not all my company, they keeping from me the Boy at Tayes, which they had forced to turn Turk, and him would I have before I would release the ships: he told me he would tell the Aga, and return me his answer, and so departed. This morning early I called a Council, wherein I propounded whether I should release the ships according to promise, or detain them till restitution were made me. It was concluded that I should release all the ships which were of India, and our friends; and set our hopes upon the ship that was to come from Sues. Likewise I demanded what course were best to take for recovery of the youth at Tayes; by some it was thought bootless to demand him, but to hope of taking some Prisoners of worth, which might procure his liberty. I was of a contrary opinion, and thought it fittest to demand him, now when we should have many to solicit for him, rather than depend upon hopes of taking of Prisoners, which we might fail of, and so it was concluded to demand the Boy presently, and no speech at all to be made of our goods restoring.  
The eight and twentieth, there was a Writing sent me from the Aga, wherein he, Nohuda Mahomet, and Shermall Shebander bound themselves ships and goods, that I should have within twelve days the Boy from Tayes, so that I would release the ships; I gave them leave to unlade the ship of Diu, 
M. Femell died.  and go and come to the other ships at their pleasure. This night Master Femell died of a Callentura, or rather poisoned by the Turks, as the opinions of our Surgeons are.  
The first of june, were discharged out of the ship, three Boats lading of Cotton. This evening we had a gust with much wind, 
june 1. 1611.  which came from the shore, which broke our Land Cable. The wind was so hot we could hardly endure it. I was fain to fly to my cabin, not being able for heat to stay aloft. I writ a Letter to the Bassa in Italian for restitution of my goods, and satisfaction for damages; I was answered afterwards, the Letter was not understood for lack of an Interpreter. 
Exceeding heat in the Read Sea.  I again embarked the ship of Diu, and would not permit them to unlade any more goods out of her, till the Bassa had satisfied me to the value of seventy thousand Rials of eight, which I had lost and was damnified by him: I considered with myself, that this was the surest way to attain to somewhat in lieu of our loss, and not solely to rely upon the taking of the ship of Sues, which the Turks might easily prevent me of, by giving advice by land.  
The second, came Ally Haskins, my Interpreter at Zenan, aboard, and brought me commendations from the Bassa, saying, he was sorry I was gone after that sort away, for he was minded to sand me away better content, and that he had prepared a rich Vest to be sent me and a Horse: and likewise the Cayha had him commended hearty, and desired me not to take any violent courses here, but seek for justice at Stambola, for if I did any thing which might be displeasing to the Bassa, it would cost him his head, that was the chief cause of my sending back to Moha; and told me he had brought the English youth with him from Tayes, by order from the Bassa, which the next day he said should be sent aboard, conditionally I would permit the ship of Diu, and the rest to discharge. I answered him I would in no wise release the ships, till I had restitution or satisfaction for my goods and damages to the value abovesaid.  
The third, the Aga desired peace for twelve days till the Bassa had knowledge of my demands. The next day Ally Haskins, Tocoursie a Bannian, and others came aboard, and withal desires I would draw out the particulars of my losses, that they might consider thereof ashore. I fulfilled their desire, and by writing set down my loss and hindrances to be seventy thousand Rials of eight, and withal sending the Aga word, whereas at first I was received by him, and came aland at his entreaty, and upon his word a●● promise of kind entertainment and free and peaceable Trade, he like a treacherous Dog, without any cause or offence given, had cruelly slain diverse of my people, and villainously imprisoned myself and others, and rob and spoiled all he could seize upon to the value of seventy thousand Pessos, beside great charges and loss of time, if therefore he did not presently make me restitution or satisfaction for the same, 
About my demands and the Agas allegations and answers, messages, and Letters passed between us day by day, and at his entreaty I granted Truce for twelve days: in which time he certified his Master of my demands.  I would do my best to batter the Town about his cares, take all the goods out of the Diu ship into mine own, and burn all the ships in the Road, and not departed thence till I were sufficiently revenged, all which I could do without breach of promise, the time of Truce being out, and they not having performed Covenants with me.  
This day being the sixth, the Aga sent me a peremptory answer, demanding who gave me leave to come into those Seas, saying, sith I came without leave I was justly dealt withal; and touching the goods, and whatsoever else, he had done nothing but what he had order from the Bassa, who himself told me so much: and if I were not pleased with what was past, the best way were to refer it to the hearing of our Betters at Stambola. And if I shot at the Town, he would shoot again at my ships; and for the ships and goods in the Road they were none of his, but if I did either hurt the Town or ships in the Road, it would not be pleasing to the Sultan, who would be sure to be recompensed for any harm I should do them. To which I answered, to come into this Sea, I needed no lea●e but Gods and my Kings, but for my coming ashore, the Aga had not only given me leave, but much entreated me. And for my goods I knew nothing I aught the Bassa, neither was I his Factor, neither had I at any time received any thing of his or any the lest courtesy, neither had I done him or his any wrong, and therefore no way his Debtor whereby he might challenge any of those goods which by his order I was rob of; wherefore I must and would be paid for them, not at Stambola (where neither the Bassa and Aga durst show their faces to answer such shameful wrongs, which they had falsely charged the Sultan to have commanded them to do) but even there where I had been wronged, would I be righted: and if they found themselves aggrieved, they might go to the Court of England to seek their remedy: for to Stambola I minded not to go.  
The eight, I sent Master Pemberton to Assab to buy fresh victuals, we having very many men sick in our ships: I was afraid to have my provision from Moha, doubting poisoning, 
Fear of poisoning by the Turks.  which by friends I was warned to take heed of.  
The nineteenth, came aboard Shermall Sabander, Ally Tocorsie, and many others of the chief of the Bannians, to make agreement with me, and brought with them Master Pembertons youth decently apparelled in new clotheses after the Christian fashion, which the Sabander bestowed upon him. After some kind gratulations passed on either side, the Sabander began to tell me, that he had always loved and favoured me and my people, and was always ready to do me what kindness he was able, and for the injuries done me by the Turks, it did as much grieve him as if it had been done to his own people, for which his love and pitying of me in my miseries, he was like to pay at too dear a rate, without I would now show myself favourable unto him, For that the Bassa had enjoined him to give me satisfaction, or had sent order to cut his throat, and seize upon his goods: and this he protested was not feigned, but the very truth. I answered, it was the Turks that had rob me, and done me many injuries, and from them would I look for satisfaction, and not from any other: he willed me to leave those talks, and come to my demands. I told him he knew what I demanded, for that I had sent it ashore in the Arabic Tongue in writing; he said, if my demands were answerable to that Writing, it were but labour lost to have further conference there abouts. We spent most part of the day in beating the prizes of our lost Commodities: and in conclusion, with much ado, we came to agreement that all the Lead and Iron should be surrendered, and eighteen thousand Rials of eight in money, within fifteen days for satisfaction of all our goods and losses sustained, and thereupon a peace concluded between us and them for two years, from the Port of Moha to Cannanor, upon the Coast of India, conditionally, that the Bassa give me a Writing under his hand and Seal, for confirmation of this peace between our Nation and theirs, for the time before specified. In this month, and about this time began a general and most grievous sickness in our ships, few or none escaping, it began with a great pain in the head and stomach, 
Great sickness.  bereaving them of sleep: the best remedy for it was vomiting and bleeding, but some were taken with Fevers withal, who were long before they recovered their healths: the rest that escaped the Fever quickly recovered, and God be praised, few died thereof.  
And the second of july, we received the last payment, the Sabander being there himself, 
july 2. 16●1.  I cleared all reckonings with him, as well for money borrowed of him whiles I was Prisoner, as for money disbursed afterwards by him. He demanded of me the money I promised the Bassa's Cayha, which was a thousand Vonetianos': which I would in no wise pay, although he much urged me with my word and promise, and that he should be forced to pay, for that he had passed his word for the same. I told him the Cayha had not performed what he promised me, in setting me and my people at liberty. How the Cayha and he will agreed, I know not, but I doubt the Cayha will constrain him to pay it. Drawing towards night, the Sabander and the rest took their have of me to go aland: and for his farewell, I caused three Pieces of Ordnance to be discharged.  
The third, came again Tacaroy and Ally, and bought some Vermilion of me, for which I gave them credit: they promising to come over to the other side within fourteen days, and make me payment, also to bring me some provisions of Grain, as I had given them order to buy me at Moha, and a Writing from the Bassa for confirmation of peace concluded. In the afternoon we warped out of the Road, 
Assab.  and that night set sail toward Assab, but could not get thither till the fift day in the morning.  

The Turks practice to poison the Wells of Assab. A Letter from the K. of Assab.  The sixth, I went aland and caused all the Wells to be emptied and cleansed for fear of poisoning, for it was often told me at Moha, the Turks practised with the people of Assab, to poison the Wels. From this day till the thirteenth day we spent in watering and buying refreshing, not any thing in that time happening worth writing.  
The thirteenth, the King of this Country hearing of my escape at Moha, and my arrival in his Country, sent three of his chief Servants, being attended with thirty Soldiers, with a Letter, and a Present of refreshing to me. The effect of his Letter was to bid me welcome into his Country, with offer of any thing I stood in need of, and that his Country did afford: as also not a little rejoicing of my escape from my Enemies, with many other Compliments. I feasted and rewarded the Messengers, and returned them with a Present to the King their Master: which was a Vest of broadcloth, and a fair looking Glass.  
The seventeenth, came Afelba from Moha, wherein was Tocorcie the Sabanders' man, and another Bannia●. They brought with them diverse provisions, which I left order with them to provide me; as also the money they aught me, but the Writing from the Bassa, for confirmation of peace on his behalf they could not get, but made excuse the Bassa was so busy in the Wars, he could not intent it, so that it was manifest he intended to keep no quarter with our Nation.  
The four & twentieth, we all set sail out of Assab Road, to put that in practice which long before I had determined, which was to ply to windward as high as Camaran, & there to abide the coming of a great ship, which yearly cometh about this time richly laden from Sues to Moha: hoping to be sufficiently revenged for all my losses and disgraces offered me by the Turks: and the rather did I desire to meet with her, for that I understood the Traitor jeffor Bassa, and his Disciple Regib-Aga, had great adventures in her. From this day till the last of this month, we plied it to windward, the wind still opposite to us, we sailed by day, and commonly anchored by night: we passed many and sundry dangers for lack of a Pilot, and many times were like to have come aground, to the hazard and loss of all, had not God preserved us. And yet she escaped us in the night, as we found in our return.   

§ V Their departure from Surat, and what happened there with the Cambayans and Portugals.  
THe ninth of August, 1611. in the morning we set sail, and in the evening about eight of the clock we anchored three leagues short of the Babmandell. 

August, 9 1611. They return for India.  
The Western channel of Babmandell, three leagues broad. The false reports of the Turks and Indians.   The tenth, the Darling and Release appointed to go out at the Wester channel, which they found to be three leagues over, from the Main of Habeshe to the Island Babmandell; one third of way over from the Island they had no ground at forty fathoms, the channel clear without dangers, & not as all the Turks & Indians reported, to be full of shoals and Rocks, and not navigable for shipping. This their false report was to make us believe there was no other passage in and out into that Sea, but at the Easter channel, which may be so fortified that no shipping can pass that way, but shall be in danger of their Ordnance, for it is not passing one mile & half over between the Arabian shore, and the I'll, and upon the Main lieth shoals a good distance off; we in the Increase and Peppercorn passed out at the narrow channel where we came in. About four aclock in the afternoon we all met without the straits, and were in nineteen fathom, being some four miles from the Arabian shore, we steered all this night our course alongst the Land.  
From the twelfth day, till the seven and twentieth, much wind with calms and contrary winds with a great current, 
A greater current setting South-west Westerly.  setting South-west about four miles an hour: for look in all this time what we got when we had a favourable gale, we lost that and more when it fell calm, being carried back by the current.  
The seven and twentieh, we had a gale of wind to carry us off. We had sight of Mount Foelix a head-land to the Westward of Cape Guardafui, 
Monte de Foelix.  at six a clock this night, This hill bore South half West: about ten at night it fell calm with a great Sea, out of the Southeast. At midnight came up a gale at South Southeast, and South, finding still as we sailed▪ this great Sea which was a manifest sign we brought ourselves open of Cape Guardafai: for so long as the land was in the wind of us we felt none of this Sea.  
The thirtieth, we plied into the Road of Delisha, and about noon came to an Anchor in the Road, 
The Road of Delisha in Saco●ora.  we found there riding a great ship of Diu, and two small ships, one of Naggina, the other the Kings, both ships of India, both bound for the Read Sea, taken short with the Monson. The Captain of the ship of Diu came aboard me with diverse others, who certified me our people at Surat were well, and very well entreated, and were daily expecting shipping from England: and that Captain Hawkins was at Court with the King, where he was made a great Lord, and had great allowance from the King by the year. And for Captain Sharpeigh, the King had given him money to build a ship, which then was almost ready at Surat to be launched, this and many other things he told me, which I doubted were too good to be true.  
The Monson was fare spent, and therefore I desired the Nohuda of Diu, to help me with his Boats and people to ballast and water, which he with the others most willingly granted, proffering me all the water in their ship; so willing were they to have me gone from them. I had all the water out of his ship, and employed his people to fetch some from the shore.  
I was often in hand with the King to cell me his Aloes: I could not of long time bring him to ask reason for it. In the end, with much ado, I bargained with him for all, paying dearer for it, than Captain Keeling did for his. I think the Indians were in hand with him for it, and that was the cause he held it so dear. I left Letters with the King, which he promised to deliver to the first English ship that should come there.  
The third of September, having finished my business, I made haste to be gone. 
Sept. 3. 1611.  I had with much ado a simple fellow out of the ship of Diu, to pilot me upon the Coast of India, who took upon him to be a good Coaster, in the afternoon about two a clock we weighed Anchor and plied out of the Road.  
The six and twentieth, between nine and ten of clock we weighed, having a gale of wind, 
Twenty ●●●tugall 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 Surat.  which brought us into the Road of Surat, we rid by the three Indian ships in seven fathom. A mile from us, rid seven sail of Portugal Frigates or men of War: there were thirteen more of them which were within the River of Surat; the portugals long before our coming thither, had intelligence that we were in the Read Sea, and bound for this place, so that these Frigates were purposely sent to keep us from Trade at Surat, or elsewhere, upon that Coast. The Captain Maior of them is called Don Francisco de Soto Mayor, is entitled Captain Maior of the North, he reapeth great benefit to himself by giving Cartasses or Passports to all ships and Frigates, which trade upon that Coast. Any ship or Frigate which hath not the same Pass, are confiscate or lost. This night I discharged my Pilots, paying them well for their pains: I sent by them Letters to such of our people as they should found at Surat, for I could not learn how many (or who they were) that were there resident.  
The nine and twentieth, 
Answer from the portugals.  there came a small Portugal Frigate from the Admiral of the Armada, (as they term them) wherein was one Portugal and his Boy, who brought me answer of my Letter sent the day before from the Captain Maior, wherein he used some compliments, certifying me that he was glad to hear I belonged to a King a Friend, and that he and his would be ready to do me service in any thing he might, provided I brought a Letter or Order from the King of Spain, or the Viceroy, for my trading in these parts, which if I could show him, he would willingly obey: if otherwise, he must guard the Port he had in charge, where the King his Master had his factory. I returned answer by word of mouth by the same Portugal, that I had neither Letter from the King of Spain or Viceroy, neither had I need thereof, for that I was sent by the King's Majesty of England, with Letters and rich Presents to the Great Mogoll, and to establish the Trade begun in those parts: and for the factory they had there, I I came not to harm the same, but that they might continued in the same estate they were: and for our factory or Trade, I see no reason why the Portugals should oppose themselves against us, for that it was a free Country for all Nations, and the Great Mogoll nor his people any way in Vassalage to the Portugals. And therefore willed him to tell his Captain, he should in friendly manner permit those English which were at Surat to come aboard, and confer with me concerning our Affairs, and that he would not urge me to use force, for by the one means or the other, I must and would have them: many other speeches past which were here too tedious to writ, I bestowed a Vest of broadcloth upon the Messenger, and so dispatched him away, he promising the next day to return.  
We seeing it was not possible without Pilot to go over the Bar, set sail from the Bar foot (where I had been to discover in the Darling) and in the evening came to an anchor in the Road. I went aboard the Increase, where I found Letters from the shore: they came from Surat from Nicholas Bangham, formerly a joiner in the Hector, 
Nicholas Pang●ans Letters from the shore.  wherein I was certified that we had no factory there, and that he was sent from Captain Hawkins from Agra, to recover some Debts that were owing there, and likewise he had Letters from Captain Hawkins, but durst not sand them aboard, jest they should be intercepted by the Portugals. What was become of the Factors and goods he mentioned not: I wrote to him, to sand me those Letters and other particulars concerning our business.  
The third of October, Hoia Nassan the Governor of Surat, 
Hoia Nassan Governor of Surat.  and the Governors' brother of Cambaya, sent a Mogoll unto me with a present of refreshing, and in their names offered to do me all the kindness they could, but the Portugals, he said, were the cause they could not do what they would, but for their part they desired to trade with us, which they see no way possible to effect, so long as we should ride there, and the Portugal Armado by us, and therefore they would counsel me to go for Goga, a better place, where we should ride nearer the shore with our ships, where the Armado could not hinder our landing; and likewise it was nearer Cambaya, where there were more Merchants, and greater and better store of merchandise for our turns: having to this effect delivered his message, he was desirous to know what I determined to do, whether I would stay here, or go thither: I answered, as yet I had received no answer from the shore, save a letter of small import, and till I knew what was become of our countrymen and goods formerly left in the Country, I could not resolve him; and therefore I desired him to be a means, that some one of our people might come aboard to confer with me, and Pilots to conduct us thither, and then would I quickly resolve them what I would do: in the mean while I could say nothing, I gave him and his Interpreter a small reward, and dispee●●d them.  
The fift, a Bramyney, or Priest of the Bannians, which came with the Mogoll for an Interpreter, 
A 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Hawkins from Agra.  came in a Boat of the Town with a letter from Nicholas Bangham, and Captain Hawkins letter from Agra, dated in April last, relating the manner of his favouring and disfavouring by the Great Mogoll, his fickleness in granting us Trade, and afterward disallowing the same, giving the Portugals Firmaes against us, contradicting thereby what formerly he had granted to us and our Nation. 
A letter of William Finch from Lahor.  By the same Messenger came two letters of a latter date from William Finch, from Lahor, the one to the Commanders of any English shipping arriving at Surat, the other to the Company in England, relating his proceed, and intent to go home over Land, the unconstancy of the King and people of the Country, the practice of the Portugals, and many other circumstances, advising me in any wise not to landlord any goods, nor hope for Trade in those parts: for that the people were all fickle and unconstant like the King, and durst not offend the Portugals. I having perused these letters, grew hopeless of any Trade in that place, yet resolved to try the uttermost what might be done before I would departed: I understood by Nicholas Banghams' letters, that Captain Sharpeigh, john jordan and others, were coming from Cambaya to Surat, to go along with me; and although I could have no Trade, yet would I endeavour myself in all I might to get them all aboard, and not leave them behind me. The Indian ships which rid by me had given over their Voyage to the Southward; for that the Monson for the Southward was passed. The Braminey desired my leave that they might carry their ships into the River, which in no wise I would grant, willing him to tell the Governor and the rest of the Owners, that their ships should not departed thence, till I had all the Englishmen at Cambaya and Surat aboard of me; if I had permitted them to have gone, I should have frustrated myself of either sending too, or hearing from our people ashore: The Portugal's intercepting both letters and men as much as they could.  
The two and twentith, the Portugals had laid them in ambush to cut off some of my men sent on shore: which when they saw their best time of advantage broke out, and came in great heaps, confusedly running toward our men and boats; they discharged their shot at us, and we answered them again with ours, both from those my men a shore, and also from my Frigate, which rid close to the Land, all my men retired in safety to my boa●s and Frigate, and the Portugals after some hurt received, returned behind the hills out of shot, and so in worse case than they came, went back to their Frigates. There were of them seven Ensigns, and might be in number about three hundred men; at this instant when they came upon us by Land, five of their greatest Frigates which rid a little way off to the Northward, came running upon us, and shot at us, being nothing near within shot. We went with our Frigate and boats aboard our ships to dinner, little hoping of any news, as at that day, from our people ashore: the Portugal Frigates rowed to the Northward, and anchored where they rid before: I advised with Captain Dounton, Master jourdayne and others, what course were best to take, and it was thought fit to abide no longer there, but to return to the road of Surat, where rid the Increase, and there to determine what we had best to do.  
The eight of November, Nicholas Bangham came from Surat, and brought with him some refreshing, 
Novemb. 8. 1611. An hundred sails of Portugal Frigates.  which with himself were very welcome: the news held of the coming of Mockrib Can. The Viceroys son came into the River with an hundred sail of Frigates, the greatest part of them being Merchants bound for Cambaya: I caused this night our ships which rid within to come off and anchor by me, jest the enemies, whose strength I knew not, might attempt aught against them.  
The ninth, The ships riding without the Sand, Hoia Nassan came down to the Seaside: I went to him with my Frigate and boats, and had conference with him; he promised me (not to fail) two days or three at the furthest, he would return and bring goods with him to Trade with me; I told him I had been here a great while, and co●ld get no refreshing of victuals for my money, and therefore desired him to give order the country people might bring me some, which he promised to do, and upon the same took his leave and departed.  
The eighteenth, I received a letter from Nicholas Bangham, wherein he wrote that there was little or no hope of trade to be expected.  
This last letter of Nicholas Bangham, together with the breach of promise of Hoia Nassan, brought me out of hope of Trade, thinking all their f●rmer promises to be nothing but inventions to delude and weary me, and in the end to turn me going without Trade, which they durst not let me have for fear of offending the Portugals, and yet loathe to offend me with absolute denial. These things considered, I determined to be gone, and therefore had often writ to Nicholas Bangham to come away, but Hoia Nassan would not permit him: he seeing he could not get leave to come, he stole secretly out of Town, and as this day arrived here. Anon after Hoia Nassan missing him (as it seemeth) and doubting at his coming that being hopeless of Trade I would be gone, sent jaddaw the Broker presently after him with a letter from himself, and another from Mockrib Can, promising speedily to come both unto me. To which, in regard of his former promise breach, I could hardly give credit, yet I resolved to spend some few days more to see the event thereof. The Portugals lying all in the River, not daring to come nigh us by Sea, thought to entrap us by Land, and therefore a great number of them ambushed themselves behind a row of sand hills, not fare from our landing place, where they kept close, but God be thanked they failed of their expectation, all our people without hurt recovering the boat. In the mean season they in the ships were not idle, but let fly apace at them, both with great shot and small: the Portugals thinking to found us unprepared to bid them thus welcome, presently betook them to their heels, and fled behind the hills, where they lay lurking a while, not daring to show their heads: they left one lying upon the Strand being mortally wounded in the head, which our people brought aboard.  
The four and twentith being Sunday, jaddaw the Broker came aboard, and brought me word Mockrib Can was coming, and would be with me before night. After dinner I went to the shore side with my Frigate, where I found Hoia Nassan, who sent me word Mockrib Can was coming, and would be presently there. I returned aboard and made choice of a good Present to give him; which being effected, being well accompanied, I went directly aland, where I found Mockrib Can, Hoia Nassan, with great troops of men abiding my coming, 
The interview of Mockrib Can, Governor of Cambaya, and Sir Henry Middleton.  at our meeting we embraced each other; our ships at the same time discharging some Ordnance to bid him welcome, which he seemed to take kindly. After I had delivered him a good Present, we sat down upon Carpets spread upon the ground, where passed some conference between us: being near Sunset, I entreated him he would be pleased to go aboard my ship, and there take his lodging for that night, which he presently granted, carrying with him his own son, Hoia Nassans' son, and diverse others his chief Followers, but Hoia Nassan would not go: it pleased me well to see him so confident, and made me conceive better hopes than before, he having all this part of the Country under his command. I gave him the best entertainment I could, setting before him such Cates as upon such a sudden I could provide, which he, and those with him fell roundly to. After they had done eating, I delivered him our King's Majesty's Letter directed to him, and told him the effect thereof. He seemed to be very much pleased that his Majesty would vouchsafe to writ unto him, and promised me to do us all the good he could, not only for our present Trade, but also to give us any place or harbour I would appoint or name, where we might fortify ourselves, if we so pleased. In fine, I not demanded any thing, but I found him as ready to grant, as I was to ask: growing late, I left him to his rest and departed.  
The five and twenttieth in the morning, Mockrib Can busied himself in buying of Knives, Glasses, or any other toys he found amongst my Company: I went with him and shown him the ship aloft and below: any thing he liked belonging to the ship, he carried with him away gratis, besides many toys of my Companies, which he liked, I bought and gave him, endeavouring in all things I might to give him content: after he had been fore and after, he returned to my cabin, where he would needs see all my Chests, Trunks, and Lockers opened and searched. Whatsoever he saw there of mine that he took liking to, I gave him for nothing. By this time victuals being ready, he went to dinner, which being done, he was desirous to be gone to see the other ships, and there behaved himself in like sort.  
The thirtieth and one and thirtieth, I sent Master Fowler, john jordan, and other our Merchants to see the goods: they returned and brought Mustrels and the prices: we set down what we would give for each sort, desiring them to do the like by ours, that so we might come to agreement for both: they held me off with delays, posting me off from day to day, but concluding nothing, they would neither offer for our commodities, nor abate in theirs. 
The delusions of the Guzarats.  And whereas I had sold Mockrib Can all our Sword-blades the cheaper, because he should take the one with the other, they had chosen out the best of them, and returned me back the worst, being the better half, and no speech when we should be paid for them: which done, they removed their goods to be gone for Surat. And upon the same made Proclamation upon great penalties, that no victual or other thing should be brought us; leaving me without cause thus abused.  
The eighth of December in the morning, 
Decemb. 8. 1611.  came Mockrib Can with all his crew upon the strand, and about some forty packs of their goods; I came a land with a good guard of shot and halberds: I went to him to his tent, where after friendly salutation and compliments past, we fell to treat of business: and agreed for prices of all our Lead, Quicksilver, and Vermilion, and for their goods likewise in lieu thereof. It is to be noted, that all these goods did not belong to these two great men, but also to the Shabander, and diverse other Merchants; yet for the most part, the business were carried solely by Hoia Nassan, no man daring either to buy or cell with us, without his prevention and leave, by that means advancing the prices of their goods, and abasing ours, to their great advantage, and our great hindrance and loss.  
The ninth in the morning, we began to landlord our Lead, and to receive some of their goods: as also to be in good forwardness to make price for the rest, when a Letter came to Mockrib Can from his King, 
Moguls letter.  which dashed all his mirth and our proceed for that present. He was very pleasant before he received and perused it; but afterwards became very sad: he sat a good pretty while musing, and upon a sudden riseth up, & so goeth his way, without once looking towards, or speaking to me, I being seated hard by him. Before he took horse, he better bethought himself, and sent for me: when I came to him, he embraced me, telling me he was my Brother, praying me to excuse this his sudden departure, for that he had earnest business, and must be gone; but he would leave Hoia Nassan with me, to receive and deliver those goods already bargained for, and to bargain with me for more: shortly after, we heard he was put out of his government of Cambaya, Hoia Nassan being lately put out of his government of Surat (and others put in their places) this afterward we judged to be the effect of the King's letter, and the cause of his discontent. Mockrib Can being of late Governor of Cambaya, and all the Sea-coast thereabouts, hath now nothing left him in this Country, but the place of the Customer of Surat.  
The tenth, the new Governor of Surat, and Assan Ally came aboard the Peppercorn to me to see the ships. After they had been there a while, we went to the Trades-increase, the Factors being ashore to see the weight of the Lead, which with no little trouble was near-hand all landed, and embarked ready to be sent a shore: they entreated Hoia Nassan that he would be pleased to go in hand therewith, for that it would ask a great time in doing: the Factors would have weighed with our English weights, which he would in no wise agreed unto: the Weigher of Surat was there with the weights of the Town, and with that weight would he have it weighed. In the end, seeing no other remedy, they gave him way, and began to weigh with the country beam. After some few drafts, they desired they might understand the beam before they proceeded any further, to know whether the Weigher told them the truth what it weighed: for he knowing it, and they not, he might give them what weight he list: likewise they made trial of those they had weighed by his Beam, by ours, and found very great difference, in five Pigs ten or eleven Mands, each maund being three and thirty pound English weight. He seeing he might not have the Lead at what weight he listed, began to cavil, saying, he would have half money, half goods for his commodities, otherwise we should not have them, railing and raving like a madman, calling for the Carmen to draw away the goods, saying, he would none of our Lead, nor other goods, but instantly be gone: I being aboard the Increase with the Governor and Sabandar, the Factors which were a shore sent one aboard a purpose, to advice me of their proceed, and how that Hoia Nassan was causing the Carmen to yoke their Oxen, to draw away all the goods they had brought, and if I did not take some speedy course for preventing the same, he would go from his bargain, and return all our goods upon our hands again: I thought he was apt enough to do so, by that little experience I had of him, as also a custom they have in this Country (and by report in most parts of India) that what bargain soever is made between Merchant and Merchant may be rovoked, 
Rude custom in buying.  so it be done within the compass of twenty four hours, yea although he have given earnest, and carried away the goods bought, yet he may return them, and have back his earnest. I understood this bad custom before I landed any of my Lead, and doubting to have such a trick put upon me, I did purposely sand unto Hoia Nassan, john Fowler and others, to know whether he would stand to his bargain, before I landed any Lead, which would put us to much trouble to landlord it, and therefore I would be at a certainty with him: he before many witnesses, promised them to take it all, and be as good as his word, and that with all speed they should landlord it. And now coming to the point of performance, he flies from all he had formerly promised: I advised with such as were about me what we had best do, and it was thought the surest way, to keep those men which were aboard me for pledges, till they had performed with us, and if we could get Hoia Nassan into our possession, to keep him, and free those: whereupon I detained the Governor and Sabandar, telling them how Hoia Nassan had dealt with me, going about to delude me as formerly, and therefore there was no other remedy, but to keep them for pledges for performance of the bargain. The Governor counselled me to go a shore, 
Hoia Nassan & the Sabandar kept aboard as Pledges.  and fetch the man himself, which I did, giving the Governor a good Present, I let him departed, keeping Hoia Nassan and the Sabandar for pledges aboard the Peppercorn.  
The nineteenth, Hoia Assan Ally the Sabandar came from Surat: he shown me a couple of Letters, which were sent from the Viceroy from Goa, one of them directed to himself, the other to the Captain Maior of Diu: I opened and perused them both. The effect of the letter to the Captain Maior was, that he had received his letter, whereby he understood the especial good service done against the English, in putting the English Captain and his people to swim to his Boats for their safety, otherwise he had taken them prisoners or slain them: for the which he highly commended him, having done the part of a valiant Captain, and worthy soldier; which good service done to his King and Country, would redound to his great honour: for the which he gave him as many thanks, as if he had taken the English Captain prisoner: and partly to gratify him, he bestowed those Frigates, which he lately before had taken from the Mallabers upon him, certifying him he had sent his son in the Army, which was young, praying him to assist him with his counsel, whereby he might gain a great name. Thus was the Viceroy and myself abused, by the false reports of a lying Braggart. The other letter to the Sabandar, was to thank him that he would not permit the English Nation to trade at Surat, willing him to continued in that mind, and he should do the King of Portugal great service, for the which he should not lose his reward. This day came diverse Carts laden with provisions for the ships from Surat, bought by Nicholas Bauggam.  
The four and twentieth, the accounts on both sides were cleared, and business finished, the pledges on either part released, they promised us to deal with us for the rest of our Commodities: they tarried till the six and twentieth day, but did nothing worth noting. The seven and twentieth, came a jew aboard me, which brought me a letter from Massulipatan, dated the eighth of September, from one Peter Floris a Dantiscan, employed by the Company, showing his setting out in February, his speedy and safe passage and arriving there in the beginning of September. 
A letter of Peter ●l●ris. januar. 2. 1611   
The second of january, 1611. I wrote to Captain Hawkins, from whom I had received a letter the eight and twentieth of December: and sent Captain Sharpeigh, Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Greet, to set the mind of Captain Hawkins in some better course, than he seemed to aim at in his last letter to me. As also to buy some Indicoes, and other commodities, if they might be had at reasonable rates.  
The six and twentieth, Captain Hawkins and Captain Sharpeigh came to the water side: 
Capt. Hawkins cometh aboard our ships.  they had left their carriage behind them five miles off: I landed with two hundred armed men, and went to meet them, to safeguard them and their goods from the Portugals, which I doubted would do their best to intercept them: we met them about some three miles off, and brought all in safety aboard our ships, not seeing any Portugals.  
The seven and twentieth, I sent john Williams and one of our Factors to Surat upon business. This day Mockrib Can came to Town; he had been to meet a great Commander, which was coming from the wars of Decan, and was to pass by Surat. Before his going out of the Town, he sent for M. jourdaine, and willed him to commend him to me, and to certify me that he was to go out of the Town, but would not tarry out above three days, and at his return he would be as good as his word, for what he had promised concerning our Factory. Now at his return, he sends for him again, and with a frowning countenance, contrary to his expectation, demands of him what he did there, and why were we not all gone: he answered, that he stayed upon his word and promise that we should leave a Factory, otherwise he had not been there: he said again, we should have no Factory there, and that the long staying of our ships there, had hindered him in his Customs ten hundred thousand manuveys, and therefore in the King's name charged them to be gone with speed out of the Town: for neither trade nor factory was there to be had for us. john Williams returned this morning, and two carts with provisions came from Surat. The nine and twentieth, I sent for the Factors at Surat to do as Mockrib Can commanded, to haste and come away, for that I would be gone.   

§. VI His going to Dabul● ●nd thence to the Read Sea, and enforced trade with the Guzerates.  
THe ninth of February in the morning, being calm, 
February 9  we warped over the sand with the Increase: had we not got over this tide, we had lost the whole Spring. This road of Swally standeth in the latitude of twenty degrees fifty seven minutes: variation sixteen degrees thirty minutes. The eleventh in the morning, we set sail for the road of Surat, and anchored there in the afternoon, by a new ship of Surat lately launched, 
The road of Swally is in twenty degr. fifty seven min. Variation sixteen degrees thirty minutes.  and came out of the River, she was bound for the Read Sea. The latitude of this road is twenty degrees forty two minutes.  
The twelfth, we weighed and driven to the southward, & anchored two leagues from the road by a ship of Calicut bound for Surat, out of which ship I took a Pilot for Dabul. The thirteenth, we weighed & driven down; at noon came a gale Northerly: at the coming of the wind we had seventeen fathom: we halled off West by South, in twelve and fourteen fathom: after steered South West by West till four a clock; between which time we had from fourteen to twenty fathom: upon a sudden we came to eight fathom, and then to six, being then in my opinion from the ship that rid in the road of Surat ten leagues: then we haled in East, and East by South three quarters of a mile, and found from six fathom to twenty again: then we steered South-west by South, till one a clock after midnight, being for the most part against the tide. At that time the water shoaled in two casts from twenty to fifteen fathom, having run in nine hours some seven leagues and a half: then we haled off three hours (being little wind) till we came to twenty fathom: then we steered South South-west, at which time we see the land, with two hammocks thereon, bearing East Southeast some eight leagues off: which we judged to be Damon. 
Damon.  At six in the evening, we haled in South Southeast, the wind Northerly: it suddenly fell calm, and so continued till past midnight. This morning our latitude nineteen degrees fifteen minutes, having steered all night South by West, and our depths between twelve and fourteen fathom, five leagues of the shore, in the morning little wind, at noon came a gale; we steered South, the wind West Northwest. In the evening being between four and five leagues from the shore, we had thirteen fathom; at Sunset we judged ourselves thwart of Chaul. 
Chaul.  We steered South all night with a fair gale of wind.  
The sixteenth, we steered alongst the coast South and by East, till six a clock in the evening, keeping for the most part in ten fathom or there about, at which time we arrived in the Road of Dabull, 
He arriveth at Dabull, and there hath Trade.  which standeth in the latitude of seventeen degrees, two and forty minutes, variation sixteen degrees and thirty minutes.  
The seventeenth, the Pilot which I had out of the Mallabar, I sent ashore in a Fisher-boate with a letter which I had at my being at Moha, from Mollich Abor, Captain or Nohuda of a great ship of this place. The letter was to the Governor, to entreat him to use me kindly, and to Trade with me. In the afternoon, the Governor and Mellick Amber, each of them sent me a small present of refreshing, and many compliments, offering me any thing the Country did afford; and if I pleased to sand ashore, he would deal with me for our commodities: I sent a couple of Merchants ashore with a good Present, who were bid kindly welcome, and well entertained whiles they were there.  
The eighteenth, nineteenth and twentith (Boats passing each day between the ships and shore) were spent about the sale of some goods, the particulars with each day's business, I refer to the account of the Merchants, holding it not fit here to be expressed. By the three and twentith, we had delivered all our goods we had bargained for, and no hope of further sales in this place; I determined with all speed to be gone from hence.  
The four and twentith, I called a Council to advice what we had best to do: I propounded whether it were better to go from hence directly for Priaman, Bantam, etc. or to return to the Red-sea, there to meet with such Indian ships as should be bound thither, and for that they would not deal with us at their own doors, we having come so fare with commodities fitting their Country, no where else in India vendable: I thought we should do ourselves some right, and them no wrong, to 'cause them barter with us, we to take their Indicoes and other goods of theirs, as they were worth, and they to take ours in lieu thereof. All men's opinions were for the Red-sea, for diverse reasons. As first, the putting off our English goods, and having others in place thereof fitting our Country. Secondly, to take some revenge of the great and unsufferable wrongs and injuries done me by the Turks there. And the third and last, but not the lest, to save that ship, men and goods (which by way of Massulipatan) we heard was bound for those parts; which we held impossible to escape betraying. These things considered, we concluded to go back for the Red-sea: from this day to the seven and twentith, we spent in getting fresh water aboard: they had bought all my Red-lead, and it was carried ashore and delivered, but afterwards disliking it, they returned it back. In the evening we saw a ship in the Offing, two or three malabars which rid by us, told us she was a Portugal ship of Cochin bound for Chaul: I sent the Peppercorn, Darling and Frigate to fetch her in to me.  
The eight and twentith, my men in the Frigate had pilla●●● them, which I took from them and returned to their owners: 
A Portugal ship taken.  her lading was Coco-nuts, having little else in her. This day we spent in rummaging the Portugals ship, I could found no bills of lading in her; some small matter I took from her, in regard of former injuries offered me by the Captain Maior Don Francisco de Soto maior at the bar of Surat, as namely, taking my goods, and hindering my Trade. In that I sustained no further harm by them, it was not for lack of good will, but lack of means, as manifestly appeared by letters of the Viceroy and others, which came to my hands by chance; what I had from them, I have under the hands of the chief men in her.  

March 24. Zacotora.  The four and twentith of March we had sight of the Island Zacotora, and at four in the afternoon, the point of Dellashaw bore South South-west six leagues off, variation nineteen degrees. 
Anno 1612.  From the four and twentith at noon till this day at noon, we steered Northwest and by West, and West Northwest, and West all night, thinking by daylight to have been near the Westermost part of the Island; but contrary to our expectation, we found we had gone little a head, having had a fair gale, which shows we have had a great currant against us. From noon till four in the next morning, 
Currents.  we steered alongst the land with little wind, and then it fell calm, the currant carrying us directly upon a rock, which lieth four or five leagues from the wester part of Loccatra: we were forced to anchor till we had a gale to carry us from it; about two hours' afrer came the wind Easterly, we weighed and stood to the Westward, and at noon we were four leagues from the Rock, here we found a currant setting to the Northward.  
The seven and twentieth, we steered West South-west, we met with a great currant setting to the Northward; in the morning we were thwart of Abba del Curia, 
A●ba del Curia.  and before night had sight of Cape Guada fui, being some seven leagues off: from yesterday noon till this day night, our course West South-west, we might go in that time eight and twenty leagues our true way West little Southerly: we stood in till midnight, and then haled close of a wind to the Southward, and so spent the night till day.  
The eight and twentith, by eight of the clock we were fair by the shore, midway between the two Capes of Guardafui & Felux. 
Cape de Guarda fui.   
The second of April, Master Pemberton came aboard of me, and told me that he had been at Soccatora, 
April 2. 1612. Captain john Saris.  and the King shown him a writing left there by Captain john Saris (who was General of three ships) wherein he related what time he came out of England, his places of refreshing by the way, and his arrival there; as also his proceeding to the Red-sea to seek Trade; specifying likewise that he had perused a writing left there by me, wherein were alleged many reasons to dissuade him from going thither; yet having the Gran Signiors Pass, he hoped of better entertainment than I had. Hearing this unexpected news, I called a Council to advice what we had best do; whereabout we spent but small time, for that we were quickly resolved to proceed as formerly we had determined, having now no other way l●ft: for back we could not return till the Westerly wind were come, which could not be before mid May. Whereupon I presently dispeeded Captain Nicholas Dounton, and left him in the Peppercorn to tarry there abouts till the fifth of this month, for the keeping of the Port of Aden. And I with the Trades-Increase and Darling to keep the twofold entrance of Babbelmandell. We steered from thence with the head of Aden, being about seven leagues off: 
Aden in twelve degrees, seven and forty minutes.  about four in the evening we were thwart of Aden: this evening variation thirteen degrees and forty minutes latitude of Aden, twelve degrees and forty seven minutes.  
The third, from four a clock the second day, till this day morning little wind, we steered alongst the Channel West by North, and West Northwest, towards the heat of the day it began to blow, we continued our course as before. About Sunset we anchored in twenty fathom four leagues short of the Bab, where we rid till the next morning.  
The fourth, in the morning about eight a clock we weighed and set sail, and about ten in the forenoon we anchored within Babmandell in eight fathom water. 
Babmandell.  Fair by the Channel which we came in at, ●is half a league over between the main of Arabia and the Island. Presently at our coming to an anchor, there came a Boat from the shore aboard of me, wherein was a Turk and three or four Arrabian soldiers. This Turk was chief of the place, sent by the Aga of Moha to guard it. He promised that if I would have a letter sent, he would presently dispatch a foot-poste away, who should return within three days with answer, whereupon I writ a letter to Captain Saris at Moha, wherein I certified him the cause of my coming, and what I determined to do.  
The sixth, came in a jalba of Zela, a place without the Bab, upon the Habashe shore, bound for Moha: her loding was Mats. I bought of her twelve sheep, and so permitted them to departed. This day much rain.  
The seventh, came in a ship of Basanor, in the morning early before day, which I caused to come to anchor by me, one of Captain Saris Merchants called Richard Wickam, 

A ship of Basanor.  
Letters from Captain Saris.   came this morning with Letters from his Captain, the effect thereof I omit to writ here. I returned him answer thereof, by a Turk which came in his company, but Wickam I stayed with me, for that I doubted they of Moha would have kept him Prisoner, for that I embarked the India ships.  
The eight, in the afternoon came in a ship of Diu, 
A ship of Diu.  (bound for Moha) I sent off my Frigate to fetch her in, who brought her to an Anchor by me. This was the same ship I detained the last year in Moha Roade. This day we romaged these two foresaid ships, and took out of them such goods as were for our purpose, which were brought aboard me.  
The ninth, came in a small Frigate of Shaher, laden with course Ollibanum, 

A Frigate of Shaher.  
A Bark of Sinde. Note.   we bought some part thereof, and paid them Rials for it to their content: we continued rummaging the India ships for more goods. The eleventh, I stayed a small Bark of Sinde.  
Note that ever since our coming into the Bab till this twelfth day, the wind kept still upon the Southeast quarter; but now at Northwest, and likely to blow hard: the last year the same day the wind came up at Northwest, and continued so for three days. This course the wind holds every year: the rest of the day, and the next we spent in moring of our ship, as also the Indian ships which were ready to drive ashore, had not we laid out moring for them, the wind blowing hard at Northwest.  
The fourteenth, came Captain Saris into the Road about eight in the morning, 
Captain Saris and his Fleet of three ships.  and anchored by me with his three ships. They saluted me with their Ordnance, and I them; Captain Saris, Captain Towerson, and Master Cox (their chief Merchant) came aboard of me, where we spent all that day in friendly communication: I acquainted him with my great lack of Cables, which he promised to supply. At night they departed to their ships, Captain Saris inviting me and others the next day to dinner with him.  
The fifteenth, I went aboard the Clove, where I and those which came with me were kindly entertained, 

The Gran Signiors Pass. This Pass I have of Captain Saris his gift.  
A ship of Calicut.  
A ship of Carapatan.  
A ship of Cananor.  
The Hassain of Surat.  
Another ship of Surat.  
A ship of Diu. A ship of Dabul. A small ship of Calicut.  
A Frigate of Shehor.  
A great ship of Diu.  
The Rhemy a great ship of Surat.   he shown me the Gran Signiors Pass, and read it to me. Many words passed betwixt us, he promising to himself much good Trade at Moha if I had not come, which my experience found to the contrary. At last we agreed and sealed it in Writings interchangeable, that he should have one third part of what should be taken, paying for the same as I did, for the service of his three ships in the Action: leaving the disposing of the ships afterward to me, who had sustained the wrongs.  
The sixteenth, came in two ships, I sent my Frigate and brought them to anchor by me, the one was of Calicut, laden with Rice, bound for Moha▪ the other was of Carapatan, laden with Pepper, which ship came from Achen; and was bound for Aden, but by Captain Dounton being chased to Lee-ward of the place, they determined to go for Moha. This Carapatan is a place near Dabull, they being subjects to the same King.  
The eighteenth, came in a ship of Cananor bound for Moha, she came from Achen, her lading for the most part Pepper.  
The nineteenth, came in two ships of Surat, the one called the Hassany, belonging to Abdelasan, bound for Zidda, the other a small ship of my old friend Hoia Nassan, bound for Moha. I caused them to anchor by me, taking their Sails from their yards, and kept some of the chief men aboard of me; by them we understood the Great Mogul's Mothers ship, called the Rhemie, was shortly to come.  
The twentieth, came in a ship of Diu, laden with India Commodities, bound for Moha, and presently after came in a ship of Dabull: she passed by us, I sent my Pinnace after her, which caused them to come to an Anchor.  
The one and twentieth, I sent away Passengers out of the Surat ships: about noon came in a small ship of Calicut, bound for Moha, which ship we stayed.  
The two and twentieth, came in a Frigate of Shehor, which came from Goa, bound for Zidda, laden with gross Ollibanum: and presently after came in sight a great ship which passed the great Channel, and was chased by the Darling, who caused her to anchor by the Hector, she was of Diu, bound for Swaken, laden with India Commodities.  
The three and twentieth, came in the Rhemy of Surat, the Queen Mother's ship laden with India Commodities bound for Zidda; she was stayed with the rest. In this ship were fifteen 
* 
Plenty of Pilgrim Merchants, which it seems the jesuites have learned in these parts of the Saracens, which in all the Indieses advance the Affairs of State and Merchandise to their Country, & wealth to their Companies, under colour of preaching the Gospel; as this Book yields many Witnesses.  
The Road of Assab.   hundred persons. In the afternoon, I made sign to the Darling to come to me, which presently she perceived and came; I delivered each ship their Sails, and willed them in the morning betimes to be ready to sail with me, for that I would go to Lee-ward to the Road of Assab.  
The four and twentieth, we weighed and set sail from the Bab, and all the India ships with us: leaving the Thomas and Darling, to ply up to the Bab, and went for the Road of Assab: we arrived at Crab Island about five aclocke, and came to an Anchor with all the Fleet, in twelve fathom water; where we rid all night, the wind at South South-west.  
The five and twentieth, in the morning we weighed and all the Fleet, and stood in for the Road of Assab, and about one of the clock we came to an Anchor in seven and a half of fathoms.  
The seven and twentieth, we fetched good store of Indicos out of the ships of Surat and Diu, the Clove being in the offing in sight, plying to and fro, and not seeing us, I caused the Gunner to shoot off a Piece of Ordnance: which they hearing, answered me with another, and presently bore up for the Road.    

CHAP. XII. NICHOLAS DOUNTON Captain of the Peppercorn, a Ship of two hundred and fifty Tons, and Lieutenant in the sixth Voyage to the East-indieses, set forth by the said Company, his journal, or certain Extracts thereof.  

§. I. Their coming to Saldania and thence to Socatora.  

july, 22. 1611.  THe two and twentieth of july, at four in the afternoon, we had sight of the Table and point of Saldania, bearing East, distant twelve leagues, but by reason of calms and uncertain winds, it was the four and twentieth day before we were mored in the Road, where we found three Hollanders, one whereof was bound for Bantam, and in her Peter But General of thirteen Sail outwards bound, who having spent his main Mast, and lost company of his Fleet, put into the Road for to refresh his sick men. The other two having made train of Seals at Pengwin Island bound home.  
Saldania is a Bay some fourteen leagues North North-east, from the Cape Bona Speranza, 
Bay of Saldania  and North by West ten leagues from Cape Falso, which is Eastward of the former, and may both be seen in the said Bay: these two Capes are also divided by another great Bay, the distance between these two Bays, is some three leagues being low marshy ground, extending South and North, which on either side is environed with Mountains. In this Bay of Saldania, when you have brought the Norther point thereof, West Northwest, Northwest and by West, for a small ship Northwest, thwart of the ledge of rocks (or watering place) near the shore, which will be laid (as it were) in the swampe between the high Mountains; called the Table and the Sugarloaf, in six, five, or four fathom according to the draught of your ship, in clean ground, and good anchorhold you may safely ride. Pengwin Island with his ledge distant three leagues off, bearing North Northwest half West, and stretching to the North and by West of you in the road. The main land also, though it be thirteen leagues distant, trendeth a way to the West and by West, so that there is little above three points open to let in the Northwest Sea, which is the greatest storms. Saldania having in former time been comfortable to all our Nation travelling this way, both outwards and home-wards, 
Provision more scarce at Saldania then in times past, and why.  yielding them abundance of flesh, as Sheep and Beefs brought down by the Salvage Inhabitants, and sold for trifles, as a Beife for a piece of an Iron hoop of fourteen inches long, and a Sheep for a lesser piece, whereby weak sick men in former Voyages have been easily recovered and made strong: now contrariwise, whether our Trade here were spoilt by the Dutchmen we here found, who use to spoil all places where they come (only respecting their own present occasions) by their overmuch liberality; or whether the Cattles in former times so abundantly brought down, were preys taken by wars from one another, or other differences which might make them greedy of iron, to make heads for their Lances or Darts, which now by peace or reconciliation they have little need of; the true cause, for want of understanding in their language, I know not. But well I found, that all the devices we could use by bribes or otherwise to them, which daily came down to our tents in fair weather, would procure nothing from them for our sick men's relief, but four Cows, and those four Cows which we did buy, were so old and lean, that there was but little goodness in the flesh; for which they would take no iron, but thin pieces of Copper of six inches square, and some seven sheep at piece three inches square of copper, cut out of a Kettle, whereof they make rings by six or eight together, which they wear on their arms, which being bright and smooth, unto them seemeth very brave.  
These people are the filthiest for the usage of their bodies, that ever I have seen or heard of: 
Filthy people and loathsome.  for besides the natural uncleanness (as by sweat or otherwise) whereto all people are subject, which the most by washing clear themselves of, contrariwise this people do augment, by anointing their bodies with a filthy substance, which I suppose to be the juice of herbs which on their body showeth like Cowdung, and on their wool of their heads is so baked, like a scurf of green herbs. For apparel, they wear before their privities the tail of a Cat, or some other small beast, and a cloak made of a sheeps-skin, reaching down to the middle of their thighs; and according to the weather, they turn some time the hairy side, and sometimes the dressed side to their bodies.  
Their Sheep have no wool, but hair, and are particoloured like Calves; 
Saldania sheep.  their legs are longer, and their bodies larger than our sheep in England, but not so fat. The Principal of these people wear about the bite of their arms, a thin flat ring of Ivory, being very smooth, 
jewels and Ornaments.  and wrought compass near sixteen inches wide, and on their wrists some six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of Copper, bright and smooth, all either fastened together, or wrought in one. Other toys also, as Bracelets of blue glass, and pearl shells, which are either presented them, or by idle people given them for Ostrich egshels, for quills of Porcupines, which without restraint the Dutchmen did ordinarily buy, also an other most strange and filthy wearing, to what purpose I know not, as the guts of Cattles about their necks, which makes them smell like a Butcher's slaughter-house. In their hands they carry a small Lance or Dart, that hath a small iron head, and a few Ostriches feathers as a fan to keep away the flies: they have also Bows and arrows, but when they came down to us, they would leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are strait made people, and nimble of foot, it seemeth that their habitation is movable, to places of best pasture for their Cattles, as in the Valley between the Mountains, whose tops (fare up into the Country) were covered with snow at this time, but those near the Seaside are clear thereof, notwithstanding they are very high.  
Wild beasts there are of diverse sorts, but these we have seen, Fallow-deer, Antilopes, Porcupines, land Tortoises, Baboons, (also the Dutchmen told us of Lions, 
Wild Beasts.  but we saw none) Snakes, and Adders.  
Fowls also abundance, to wit, Wild-geese, Ducks, Pelican's, Passea, Flemincos, and Crows, 
Fowls.  which have in their necks, as it were, a white band, and small birds green coloured, and diverse other sorts unknown. Also Sea-fowles, to wit Penguins, Gulls, Pentadoes, which are spotted black and white; also a grey fowl, the Pinions whereof are black, which the Portugals call Alcatrasses, and Shags or Cormorants at the Island in great abundance, and an other kind of fowl like Moore-hennes.  

Great numbers of small Whales  Fishes there are of diverse sorts, but these following have I seen, to wit, in fair weather there are a small sort of Whales in great numbers; at the Island Seals in great abundance. With the Saine, we took fish like Millets, being as large as a Trought, Smelts, Thomebackes, and Dogs: and on the Rocks, Limpets, and Mesels abundance. In the fresh water the Unions men caught with a Saine, abundance of Millets, as when we met with them they told us. It is a very wholesome air, and aboundeth with good fresh water, both for filling in the road, and for travellers in the land, which in small streams descendeth from the Mountains.  
One morning by my instigation, my General and I, accompanied with thirteen men more, whereof four were small shot, went to see if we could found place where we might cut wood, and being gone some three miles, and finding none but small green wood, whereof we in the Peppercorn, by reason of our great want, were forced to cut: my General desirous to get refreshing for our weak sick men, 
The Table.  determined to walk about the Table, to see if we could see any Cattles, that we might by any means buy for our relief, not thinking it would have been so long a journey, where we pa●t through a most uneasy, unequal, stony, unbeaten (and as it were) overgrown wilderness, wherein often we were to descend and ascend, through many deep and hollow watercourses, over grown with trees from side to side, which were made with the raines swift descent from the hill called the Table and after a while found a beaten path (wherein we passed, seeing many pens wherein Cattles had been kept) which for that it lead from-wards our ship, we were forced to leave, and again had a most vile tiresome travel for a while, till we hit into another path, which led along the Mountains towards the road, and having past a while between the Mountains, as n●ere as they would give us leave, still following the beaten path which was our best guide, at length we passed over in the Swamp, between the Souther-most Sugarloaf, and the Table, at which time we had sight of the Sea ●ide, alongst which we went over the sides of the Cliffs, which at length we forsook, going by judgement East towards the Swamp, between the Norther-most Sugarloaf and Table, where in the morning (after we had rested ourselves a little by a fire) we made haste, and past over the aforesaid Swampe; and before break of day we came to our Tents, where we found all our men that could be spared, disturbedly in arms, divided into two Companies, the one half under M. Thornton, the other under M. Pemberton, determining at day light to separate themselves, and again to meet on the other side of the Table, to go and seek us, which intent our approach did prevent, refreshing ourselves with what our friends had prepared for their intended journey. All the day we kept the Table on our right hand, and the Marsh on our l●ft hand, which near the Mountains is much pestered with rocks, which have fallen from the top of the Mountain. It is moist ground, and seemeth to be good pasture for Cattles. In diverse places scatteringly we saw some trees of small stature, somewhat broad topped, bearing a fruit in bigness and proportion like a Pineaple; but the husk not so hard, and spongy, the seed whereof were devoured by the birds, and the husks remaining on the trees, the leaves whereof were in form of our Houseleek in England, but not so thick.  
At this time was their Spring, both Trees and Herbs blowing over the earth. It much repenteth me that I came unprovided of all sorts of Garden-seeds, 
Garden-seeds to be set at Saldania.  which might be helpful or necessary for relief of any Christians, which hereafter might come hither, which though the Saluages should somewhat spoil, yet every Christian Captain would seek to augment, and re-edify the same. Also Acorns, which in time may do good to posterity, for trees are not here so long in growing, as in our cold Countries. I will not contradict all such as will esteem it more idleness in me, to wish to sow where it is many to one I shall never reap; yet for myself I esteem it more idleness in me, tbat I had not been so provident as to have sought means in England to have performed the same. And I would to God I could or had means, to leave a profitable remembrance for Christian Travellers unto the end of the world, in any place where I shall come.  
Now having to our utmost endeavours here finished all our necessary businesses, to wit, watering, and somewhat relieved our weak sick men with what refreshing we could get, which was principally Mussels, 
They departed from Saldania.  we prepared our ships to set sail the ninth of August, which by contrary winds was crossed, until the thirteenth day following.  
The thirteenth of August at foore in the morning, we set sail from the road of Saldania, having the wind fair at South Southeast: and at six a clock in the afternoon, the Cape Bona Speranza bore Southeast, distant sixteen leagues.  
The sixteenth in the morning, Cape Bona Speranza bore Northwest and by West, distant twelve leagues, and by four a clock in the afternoon, we had brought the Cape Aguilhas North-east sixteen leagues distant, 
Cape des Aguilhas.  our course being Southeast. The eighteenth day, little wind, but an high Sea flowering on the top like a breach in should water. The nineteenth, we had a very strong gale of wind.  
The sixth of September, at three of the clock, we descried the Island of Madagascar, 
Madagas●a● or S. Laurence, in the latitude of 23. degr. 38. minutes.  or S. Laurence, in the latitude of twenty three degrees, thirty eight minutes, and at six a clock we anchored in twelve fathom water in the bay of S. Augustine, where we found the Union of London, the Vice-admiral of the fourth Voyage (whose people was distressed, wanting victuals to carry them home) who related unto my General, their infortunate losing company with their Admiral and Pinnace between Saldania, and the Cape Bona Speranza, and never since heard of them, how they put into this bay, outward bound to seek them, followed also after them, and put into Zanzibar, (an Island bordering on the Abaxin coast) where the Portugals made shows of favour and trade, enticing them to land with their boat, 
Three of the Unions men betrayed by the Portugals at Zanzibar.  where they betrayed and took three of their men; the rest seeing the danger, fled with the boat unto the ship, who proceeded on their journey, till with contrary winds, before they could recover any fit Port, for want of water they were forced to return towards the bay of Antongil on the East Southeast side of Madagascar, but the wind or the course not suiting with their determination, they put into a good Harbour or Bay of jungomar, on the Northwest corner of Madagascar, 
Or Vingan●ra. The Captain of the Union with the Cape Merchant and others betrayed at jungomar in Madagascar.  where they were a while fed with good words, and fair promises, and kind entertainment by the King; that in short time the Cape Merchant, in hope of trade for Ambergris and other things, grew so conceited of this heathen Kings plain meaning, that at the King's request went not alone to him, but persuaded his Captain and other Merchants to accompany him, who being brought to the King's presence, he sent also for the Chirurgeon, Trumpet, and Drum, who refusing to go to him presently, there sallied out of the woods a great number of people, which attempted to force the boat and men in her, with Darts, Arrows and Lances, who perceiving themselves prevented by the good care and endeavours of them in the Boat, they pursued the Boat with armed Canoas' out of the river, until by many shot from the ship she was rescued. And few days after while they lingered in hope of some good news from their Captain and Merchants, they attempted the ship with a demi army of some hundred Canoas', which came in order and form of an half Moon, 
They attempt the taking of the Union, with an army of 100 armed Canoas'.  which to prevent brought themselves under sail, and shaken them off, and departed on their journey. It seemed that they could not fetch Socatra, or the Master unwilling to go to the Read Sea, or Surat, but went to Achin, and there dealt for some fit commodities with the Guzerates, & from thence to Priaman to lad Pepper: where the Merchant made bargain to receive it at Teccoa, an Island three leagues distant from Priaman, at fifteen, fourteen, and thirteen Rials and an half of eight by the Bahar of Pepper, every Bahar is three hundred and twelve there. This ship the General plentifully supplied with victuals, for whose relief he made the longer stay; he also united them in love one unto another, who at our coming in were divided, to wit, Samuel Bradshaw for his sober, discreet, and provident carriage in the Companies business much envied by their factious Master, and his adherents; whom we left in the said Bay, 
The Union left in the Bay of S. Augustine, Septemb. 9 1610. bound for England.  as seeming lovers and friends.  
In this Bay we continued seventy hours; it is for the most part all deep water, and uncertain, no ground in diverse places (by diverse reports) in two hundred fathom; by us further examining of deeps had been in vain, but we found all the South shore in a manner, from the Wester point to the high cliffe-land, all flat rocky, whose ledges are to be seen dry at the low water. At the Easter end of the rocks near the cliff, we anchored in twelve fathom, and might have rid nearer the shore in seven fathom: we came in out of the Sea with a strong gale at South South-west, but coming near unto the land, the wind grew duller, yet blew reasonable fresh in the day, but in the night ordinarily calm the time we were there; but that being the new Moon, which makes the foulest weather in the Countries, I cannot say of other times. On the land it seems always to be very hot, especially when the Sun is to the Southwards of the Equinoctial.  
In this place are two trees of diverse kinds, some so full of fat sap, that fire being put to it as it standeth green, of itself it will run up, blazing in the lea●es and branches: 
Strange trees.  the Timber is soft, and the leaves and boughs yields a yellow sap. An other sort also of trees, whose timber is near as hard as Lignum vitae, and of colour white, with a small brown heart, whether any kind of white Saunders I know not: that wood which we cut off for fire-word in the Peppercorn, which was the most plentiful of any sort there, did all hung trased with cod of green fruit (as big as a Bean-cod in England) called Tamerim: it hath a very sour taste, and by the Apothecaries is held good against the Scurvy; our Admiral's men who had more leisure gathered some as it was green, for their particular uses. Here is also plenty of an herb (which for his form is scarce to be discerned from a Semperuive) whereof the Aloes, 
Semperviwm.  called Aloes Socatrina is made of all sorts, but I know not whether these salvage people have either the knowledge or the use thereof.  
The people, by what occasion I know not, forbore to come to us, so that we got no kind of Cattles for refreshing, neither beife nor mutton▪ whereof others heretofore have been offered for a Ryall of eight an Ox; but now it is said, that for want of government in the Union, when any was brought down, what the Factor did providently forbear to keep down the price, disordered fellows for their own particular, gave what the saluages demanded, so that now they can scarce get any for ten shillings a piece. 
Disordered battering hurtful. Note.  It seems, that in all places of this Island, men must stand upon their guard, for the people are treacherous. Yet by report, stout and valiant, and not ignorant in ordering of their people in battle array, as it seemed by their order at Gungomar, when they assaulted the Union. Their weapons are Bows and arrows, Lances, and small Darts which they carry in bundles.  
Now having performed all our necessary businesses, as wooding and watering, and relieved our Countrymen to the utmost of our powers, we set sail out of the said Bay.  
The ninth day of September, at four a clock afternoon, we set sail out of the Bay of S. Augustine, 
September.  leaving the Union there as aforesaid.  
The one and twentieth, the wind being at East Southeast, and the Current by my judgement setting South-west, 
Note.  we were entangled with a Lee-shore, which we called the Carribas, which are diverse small Lands, of which also lieth diverse ledges of Rocks that are by the breach of the Sea only discerned; and spent six days before we could quit ourselves of them, being between ten and eleven degrees South latitude.  
This Coast lieth nearest North-easterly, and South-westerly, and the wind all these six days between the East North-east, and East Southeast; so that against our wills we were still forced to Lee-ward, though by towing with our Boats, and otherwise, we endeavoured to get off. 
Mozambique.  This place by my judgement may be to the Northward of Mozambique, somewhat more than seventy leagues: by night for the most part we were nearest those dangers, which were always between us and the shore, that we could never discover near the main, nor give any good judgement of the distances between Island and Island, neither set them down their true form.  
The greatest danger is in the strength of the Current setting on, and no place to anchor in, being deep water close aboard the Rocks; and though somewhat near these Rocks you have ground, yet it is so deep and foul ground, that there is no anchoring; and on the Norther part hereof, though by my estimation we were little more than two leagues from the shore, yet we had no ground in an hundred and fifty fathom. These are sandy Lands, and (for the most part) were full of Trees. After it grew dark every night, we might see the fires on shore made by the Countrypeople, but we had no list to spend so much time as to go on shore to speak with them. After it pleased God that we had once got clear of these dangers, we to our great admiration, found the Current to carry us to the North-wards, as much more as by our judgement the ship went: as when by our judgement we might go some fifteen leagues, 
Current. October.  we went thirty leagues. The second of October we had much rain.  
The ninth, we found the Current to cease, except it set to the East-wards, which we could not discern. The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, we found ourselves to lose every day, more and more by the Current.  
The seventeenth at Sunrising, we descried two Lands, which for their likelihood are called the Duas Irmanas (or the two sisters) which he one from the other West by South, and East by North, 
Duas Irmanas.  and are distant from the West point of Zacotora some seven leagues and an half; we steering North North-east with the West point of Zocotora, had these depths, twenty three, twenty foore, and twenty six fathom, distant from the said point some three leagues and an half. After we had got about the Wester point, we found the wind to shorten, so that it would not permit us to lead it alongst the coast, but by the help of a Current we were put off, the Admiral and the Darling anchored in twelve fathom, while I in the Peppercorn, through calms, and a gale of the land, could not get into should water to anchor in, till the ninth day at noon, what time we anchored in twelve fathom, near to a Town called Gallanzee, and toward the cool of the evening▪ I went with the Pinnace and Saine, unto a low sandy point, thwart the Admiral and Darling, a league to the Eastward of our Ship, to try to get Fish for refreshing of our people; 
Abundance of fish.  hoping in the cool of the Evening there to meet with my General, which fell out accordingly to my desire, God blessing us with abundance of Fish, which served all the whole Fleet two meals, and much longer if it would have kept. Hear my General informed me, how that the people with whom in the Morning he had spoken, had confirmed that which he greatly doubted: which to our grief would prolong our Voyage: which was, that the Easterly Monson was already come, and all our hopes of getting to Cambaya were frustrate for this nine Months, of which we expected to be better informed by the King at Tamerin, the place of his residence.  

Tamarin.  The twentieth day being Saturday, we anchored at a point near six leagues short of Tamarin, and five leagues from the point of Galanzee, which we did by the help of a Sea-turne, which continued long that night, but not contented by gaining and holding that place, till we could by day be better advised, by reason of an edy tide by the shore on the Westside; by the shore where we road, on the Westside thereof, which forced our sternes to windward, and a little flattering gale of the land, we weighed, and were forced off into the Currant: So that the one and twentieth day we were carried back thwart of the Town of Galanza, and fare off in great depth.  
The two and twentieth, we in the Peppercorn were like to have been put clean off the Island, but the Admiral and Darling got into should water, and there anchored, and about two a clock I also anchored in the Bay Westward of Gallanza in six fathom, 
Gallanza.  & presently went on shore with my Pinnace, carrying Barricos to seek fresh water; going with a flag of truce, to see if any of the Inhabitants would come to me, for I earnestly desired to speak with some of them, in hope to have procured some Goats, or other refreshing for our people, but none, as it seemeth, durst come to us, for fear of the King's displeasure, who will have nothing sold to any stranger, but from himselve; it seemeth he would have none of his people have to do with any strangers, but that all intelligences, allowances, for fresh victuals and prizes, must come from himself, as afterwards I found, though now I wondered to see the people stand afar off in troops, and came not near us, which made me think they had spies attending on them by the King's order to be the ca●se. So at night having filled thirteen Barricos of water, I returned aboard: this night being a high water at nine of the clock, at a full Moon, I esteemed it flowed upright, between ten and eleven foot; all the time of flowing the stream sets to the Northward, I mean close by the shore: and with the ebb and a small gale of the shore, we set sail, and stretched it alongst the shore some four or five mile, thwart of the sandy Bay of our fishing, and near our Admiral, and finding the Currant there to set off to the Westward, 
Currant.  we anchored till the next help of the tide or wind.  
The five and twentieth being Thursday, as the wind served we set sail, and about eleven of the clock we anchored in eight fathom, a mile from the land, 
Tamarin.  right against the Town of Tamarin, where the King's house is North from the Castle▪ on the top of the hill above the Town; at our anchoring the General shot off five pieces of Ordnance, I three, and the Darling one. The General sent Master Femell on land, handsomely attended with the Pinnace, fitted with a read Crimson tilt, presenting the King with a Present, which was from the General, a fair gilt Cup of ten ounces, a Sword-blade, and three yards of Stammel broadcloath. The King to receive them, had by the waterside in readiness fitted, an Orrange-tawny coloured Tent, where he sat attended on by the principal of his Countrymen, the Arabs and a guard of small shot; they continued conference more than an hour: he thankfully received the General's Present, bade him welcome, showing desire to see him on land, promising him water free, and what else the Island did afford, at reason, according to the drought of the Island, which continued two years without rain; for Aloes not a pound to be had, his own Frigate being gone to cell it in the Red-sea. For the Ascension, he saith, came first hither in the month of February, and finding a Guzerat ship here, within eight days she departed in her company towards the Red-sea, and eight days after came in her Pinnace, who made no stay, but followed her Admiral, and in july, both the Ascension and Pinnace returned out of the Red-sea to Zacotora, where they hastened to take in water: and soon after departed towards Cambaya. Further he saith, 
The Ascension and Pinnace cast away upon the Coast of India.  that his Frigate being at the Port of Bazain, near Damon in India, they were informed by the Portugals, that the said ship and Pinnace arriving on the Coast too soon, before the Winter and foul weather was past, were both cast away, but the men saved. The King sent the General a Present of twelve Goats.  
The six and twentieth being Friday, my General went well attended on, and with a guard to visit the King; our ships gave him, as before, five, three and one pieces of Ordnance, 
The King visited.  and he was received on land by the King's order, with ten great shot, & otherwise he was received by the King, in orderly and civil sort, and had both for him and his followers so good cheer provided, as the place could presently afford: but the King shown no willingness that we should here make any longer abode, for he wo●ld not yield that we should set up our Pinnace here; his excuse was this: that neither his own ship, nor any other, as the Guzerat, which he hath great profit by, dare not come into this place while we are here: and further, I suppose the time we stay here is very chargeable to him in this respect; for to show the strength of his Town, he hath drawn down the Arabs and others from all parts of the Land, and while they stay here, they live on his charge, which I think is the only occasion he would have our absence: this day we filled a great part of our water. Saturday, we almost made an end of watering out of a pond, fed by springs descending from the hills. Sunday our people went on land to recreate themselves, and did no other business.  
This King of Zacotora is called Mulli Amore Bensaide, 
King of Fartac, or Canacaym.  and now is here but Viceroy under his father, who is King of Fartac in Arabia not far from Aden, and comes into the sea at Camricam. He saith, that his father holds war against the Turks of Aden, in his own defence, for he denied us a letter to the Governor of Aden, saying, he would not do us so much wrong. The people that he useth for his Honour and strength in Zoccatra, are the Arabs, the rest that live in most servile slavery, are the old Inhabitants of the Island, which have been banished people.  
There is for Merchandise growing upon Zoccatra, Aloes Soccatrina, which they make about August, 
How Aloes is made.  of an herb like unto Semperviva, which we have in Spain, but no great quantity, not passing a Tun in a year; there is a small quantity of Sanguis Draconis, or Dragon's blood, a little whereof our Factors bought at twelve pence a pound. And Dates which serve them for bread, 
Sanguis Draconis.  which the King sells at five Rials of eight by the hundred. Cattles for man's sustenance these, Bulls and Cows at twelve Rials of eight a piece, Goats at one rial a piece, Sheep at half a Rial a piece, and Hens at half a Rial a piece; all exceeding small, according to the dry rocky barrenness of the Island: wood at twelve pence a man's burden; ever particular is a very dear pennyworth: and what else this Island may yield, I am yet to be informed of, but of rocks and stones, dry and bore, it seems the whole Island is composed.   

§. II. Of Abba del Curia, Arabia Foelix, Aden and Moha, and the treacherous dealing of both places.  
THis day all our important business being done, we set sail, directing our course to Aden-wards in the Red-sea, 
They departed from Zacotora for Aden.  taking leave of the King with three shot out of the Admiral, one out of the Peppercorn, and one out of the little Darling. Our course, after we gate of the land, alongst by Abba deal Curia, to Cape Guardafui, which is the Eastermost point of Abax, was nearest West, distant four and thirty leagues, to wit, from the Wester point of Zacotora, to the East end of Abba del Curia, is fourteen leagues. And Abba del Curia a long narrow ragged Island, 
The length of Abba del Curia.  may be in length East and West, some five leagues; from the West end of Abba del Curia, to Cape Guardafui, is fifteen leagues; on this Island, Abba del Curia, the King of Zoccatra hath some people and Goats, North from the middle thereof, 
Two great white Rocks.  near three leagues, are two great white rocks, near adjoining one to the other, and are some half a mile in length; these rocks are not white of themselves, but made white with the filing of Birds.  
The one and thirtieth, being Wednesday, at eleven a clock we were thwart of the Wester point of Zacotora, 
Saboyna.  and at two a clock, the white rock, called Saboyna, we left North on our Starboard side, which beareth Northwest and by West, four leagues of the most Wester point of Zacotora; and at three a clock afternoon, we descried the two highest Mountains of Abba del Curia, bearing West South-west distant ten leagues.  
The first of November, being Thursday, at Sunrising we were thwart of the middle of Abba del Curia, 
Novemb. 1.  leaving it on our Larboard side, two leagues and a half off, and the two Rocks on our Starboard side distant half a league; at noon we were in North latitude twelve degrees and seventeen minutes, the variation seventeen degrees and five and thirty minutes: this afternoon we met with a currant, 
Cape de Guardafui.  which set us to the southward. At one in the afternoon, we descried the Cape Guardafui, but it was night before we came near it; so that we passed it by night, without any true discovery thereof.  
The second, being Friday, in the morning we were thwart of an high Mountain, nine leagues Westward from the Cape Guardafui, and between that point, and another high point, five leagues distant West southerly by the Compass, there is a low sandy point, lying one league and a quarter off, into the Sea; and some three leagues more Westerly, we anchored, and went on land with all our Boats for to cut wood; whereof we in the Peppercorn had great need: here we met with some of the Inhabitants, who informed us that the last Mount we passed, is called Feluck, or by the Portugals, Foelix: but so soon as they knew we were Christians, they fled from us.  
The third day, being Saturday, we landed again, and cut more wood; and afternoon we set sail, standing on our way Westward towards the Red-sea, continuing our course till the fifth day ten a clock, at which time we descried the Coast of Arabia Foelix, bearing North Northwest, and North by East, being distant from the nearest land, some twelve leagues; at noon I found myself in thirteen degrees eight and twenty minutes North latitude: at Sunset we were distant from the land some twelve leagues; 
Novemb. 5.  the Mountains within the Land all high, very rough, without show of grass, wood, or any other fruitfulness: we now directing our course West and by South, as the Coast lieth, soon expecting to see the City of Aden, for that with my first fall with the land, I esteemed myself not above four and twenty leagues short to the Eastward thereof: but whereas I esteemed the ships made their way Northwest by North, over the Gulf, by reason of the Currant, we find they have made a little better than North; and that at our fall with the land, we were little less than threescore leagues short of Aden, we continued our course alongst the Coast with a good sail all day, and a short sail all night▪ to the end not to overshoote Aden all the way, for the most part in five and twenty, twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten and eight fathoms.  
Wednesday at Sunsetting, below the Mountain, being very near it, on the sudden we descried Aden, which is situate under the foot of an unfruitful mountain, 
A description of the situation of the City of Aden in Arabia Foelix.  a place where I should scarce have looked for a Town, but it is set there for strength, where it is very defensible, and not by any enemy easily to be won, if the defendants within be men of resolution, and so that it be formerly victualled, and provided of munition; and to Seaward, though it be in a manner dry at low-water, there stands an high Rock somewhat larger than the Tower of London, which is not by enemies to be in haste ascended, by reason it is so steep, and that but one way by narrow steps to get up, where four men may keep down a multitude: this Rock is so walled, flankered, and furnished with Ordnance, as it seemeth to me, it may command both the Town and Roade: yet who will avoid it, may ride in nine fathom water without their command, or within their command, from nine fathom downward. Also a little distance to the Northwards of the foresaid Rock, is another rock, being low, almost even with the water, which is of small compass, whereon is a Fort built and well furnished with Ordnance, the soldiers usually continuing in this Garrison of Aden I could never understand, but according as occasions are, they are drawn down from other Inland Towns. The low country adjoining within it, doth supply it with provision, and partly with their Darks, which pass in Trade from Aden to Barbora, a Town right over on the Abexin side, from whence they bring Cattles, and much fruit, and provision, with Myrrh and Incense, and what else I must conceal till f●rther information gotten. 
A secret. The latitude of Aden 2. degr. 35. min the v●●iation Westerly 12. degr. 40. min.  This Town standeth in the Latitude of twelve degrees, and five and thirty minut●s, the variation Westerly, is twelve degrees and forty minutes; it floweth, by estimation, upright between six and seven foot water on the change day: a Southeast by East, or Northwest by W●st Moon, maketh a full Sea: this mountain, at whose foot the Town standeth, is a Peninsula pointing out into the Sea, and toward the maine is first a narrow neck of sandy ground, and within of the l●ke, a larger marsh-like ground stretching up to the Mountains, which may be from the Town sixteen or twenty mile. At o●r first anchoring, the Governor in the dark of the evening sent an Arab in a Canoa to view our ships, who refused to come aboard, though he were called.  
Thursday morning, the same Arab came aboard the Admiral from the Mirabel or Governor, to understand what we were: if friends, we should be welcome to land: this while was a Present making ready to sand the Governor, which was a gra●ed Turkie-fashioned Piece, 
They sand a Present to the Governor of Aden.  and a principal sword blade, sent to land by john Williams, and one M. Walter, Linguists, with other Factors to accompany them. The Turks not permitting them to come into the Town, entertained them without the Gate▪ near the waters side, yet with great show of joy, pretending much kindness to our Nation, with whom they say they have had much familiarity in Stambola, Aleppo, and other places, but used not one word of any trading with us, but framed their speech to make us understand, that they every day expected the coming of thirty thousand soldiers: which to us seemed very strange, that so barren a Country as that seemed to be, could yield provision for so many people. But understanding their speeches proceeded of fear, it was signified, that our General's request unto the Governor was, that for his money he would give him a Pilot, to carry his ships to Moha: then he told them that he was but Deputy to the Mirabel or Governor, which was out of the Town, and the next morning would be returned; and then the General should be thereof informed. He sent the General a Present, which was two Barbora sheep, with broad rumps and small tails, some Plantans, and other fruits, wherewith our people returned.  
Friday, the General sent again betimes in the morning, to require a Pilot for Moha; then they were brought into the Mirs house, and still continued with fair words; but the Mirabel was not yet returned: but when the Deputie-governour heard our ships were under sail bound away, he sent no Pilot, 
Turkish trick●.  but a request that if the General would not stay and trade with all his ships, yet that he would stay one there for their supply, demanding the prizes of diverse of our Commodities, which gave present show of content, if performance might follow accordingly, with glozing shows of Indigo, Ollibanum, Myrrh, and diverse others things there f●t for us, but before the Messenger came to give knowledge to the General, our ships were so fare about the point, that by reason of the Current, we could not again get about the Easter side of the point in sight of the Town, but anchored thwart of a Bay on the South side of the Town: The General seeing diverse people fishing in the Bay, and great store of people of fashion on the hill, went to the shore side in his Pinnace, to inquire of them when the Current might change, and that we might get about. The Deputy governor shown himself angry, pretending our coming was to discover their strength, and with no good intent, in so much that john Williams was in doubt they would have stayed him: but the Mirabel now present being lately come to Town, seemed not so rigorous, but dissembled the matter, giving good words, granting a Pilot for Moha; 
Mirabel is Lord.  yet desired that one of our ships might stay for their supply, saying, that that Town by former Governors ill usage of strangers was grown out of Trade, which he did endeavour to set on foot again, hoping by us to make a beginning: and further, that as he was a Governor, so had he a Bassa was superior over him, from whom if all our ships departed without trading at his Town, he should have blame, in that it would be imputed to his ill usage of us, to drive us away. 
The cunning treachery of the Turks.  And for that we understood by others, that the former part of his speech was true, our General and we thought the latter part to be true also (which was merely to delude us) which the General by the Messenger did in a manner grant, so we could found safe riding for our ships, the dangerous Easterly Monson on this shore, which he made slight or little regard of, wishing our ruin, and no safety.  
Monday morning early, john Williams was again sent to the Governor for his Pilot, according to the last night's promise, and had now answer from the Governor, that the Pilots wife would not permit he should go, unless we left four of the principallest men in the ships in pawn till his safe return; which bred in us a general dislike of their inconstancy, yet the General, for performance of his former promise, determined to leave me behind in the Peppercorn, but altered his determination in my direction; for whereas before I was directed not to carry above a quarter part of our goods on land at one time; now we were to carry none at all: for since they will not trust us with one of their rascal people, but on such disgraceful terms, therefore he thought fit not to trust them with any of our goods; but if they had need of any of our commodities, as they pretended to have, they should buy and pay for it aboard the ship; and in case they mistrust any evil dealing, we should exchange pledges; so that for so many as for doing their business they should need to have aboard, we should deliver on land so many of the nearest like in quality: if not liking of this, that we may follow our Admiral to Moha. The same day about noon, 
The Darling was a smallship of 90. tons.  all things being determined of, the General with his own ship and Darling, departed towards Moha, and as they prepared to set sail, they descried a sail in the Offing, which they supposed to be a Guzerat bound to Moha, out of which the General had hope to procure a Pilot, stood off with her a little while, till perceiving it to be a smaller sail then before they expected, gave over their chase, and stood on their course towards Babelmandel.  
Tuesday, we laboured with long warps to get up, both against wind and Current, whereby we got well up (as men striving to hasten their own harms) being thwart of the fishing Bay. The Mirabel of Aden sent a Boat and a Messenger aboard, to desire to speak with the Merchants, to know whether they purposed to trade with them or no: whereupon M. Fowler, john Williams, and the Purser (for other business) went on land, the Merchants declaring to the Mirabel in what manner we had direction to trade with them. 
Mir, or Amir, or Emir, signifieth Lord.  The Mirabel not liking of that way, in no wise accepted of such trading: this seemed a contradict to his purpose and policy; therefore lest after their return aboard, I should departed for Moha, as they said, he thought best to detain those three men, thereby to procure him some thing, 
Three of our men stayed on shore.  though he pretended that he stayed them for anchorage, and other duties, amounting to fifteen hundred Venetianoes' of gold, every one at one Ryall and an half of eight.  
Before this Town of Aden, I made my unprofitable abode until the sixteenth of December, living in continual danger, if any storm had happened, which is there ever very doubtful on this Monson, or time of the year: by rummaging I omitted no means for bringing our goods in readiness, if so it should happen that in the end we found sale or trade with them: for notwithstanding by the variety of tricks, whereby from day to day they falsely deluded our people in their hand, as to sand Messenger after Messenger to my General to Moha, to obtain licence to bring our goods into their Town, and then the Merchants would resort out of all places in the Country near-hand, to buy the same, which might be said, lest we had discovered the unlikelihood of any Merchants in that Town, likely to do the same; yet could I never conceit hope of trade or honest dealing amongst them.  
All the time I lay there for the most part, I sent my Pinnace every two or three days to land, to know how my Factors did, with some one or two men besides the Cock's gings, which whatsoever they had to do, they were courteously dealt withal, the soldiers frequenting their company, 
Cunning treachery.  giving them drink; and if any man jew or Bannian had over reckoned them in the price of any thing, they would ever be ready to do them right: all which I make account was done by the Governors' direction, the better to abuse us, by drawing our people to conceit well of them, and trust their flattery and lies, wherein they excel: and on the resort of any extraordinary people into the Town, they would tell our men, that they were Merchants, come to see if we had landed any of our goods for them to buy, when they were soldiers called in out of some other near adjoining Inland Towns, upon some plot in their head newly devised. And likewise our Factors in person were most times kindly used, and were resorted unto by such as the Governor appointed, and that should tell his tale: whereas he had so provided, that not any, not so much as an Arab fisherman nor other, were permitted to come near unto me, lest they should tell me the truth, to his disadvantage. By my people in the Pinnace I sent of purpose to discover, by whom I am informed, this City in times past hath been great and populous, but at this time, the houses both great and small are greatly ruinated and sunk in every part of the Town, 
Aden decayed: the present state thereof.  shops of merchandise there are none of any account, Merchants none to be discerned worthy of that calling▪ for money seemeth to be very scant amongst them, which appeared when our men offered to change a piece of eight for Asper's, they use to take it from hand to hand, gazing as at a strange thing; an ill sign in a place where a ships lading of merchandise is brought to sell.  
This present Governor time growing near out that he must be gone, and therefore before his departure, would have been glad to have seen us so foolish as to landlord some of our goods by any devise, would often commend Captain Sharpeighs confidence in them, who was here in the Ascension sixteen months before us, and how at first he brought goods on land without mistrust, and sold it, and his men came boldly on land like Merchant men, of which since we did not the like; he made doubt whether we were so or not, and that he took delight to hear his Trumpets sound on his walls; all which I took to be no other than hooking devices, and untrue delusions, for I cannot think, but that if at the first, like harmless men they trusted much, they repent it before they went away. 
Capt. Sharpeigh the first of our Nation at Aden  Captain Sharpeigh was the first of our Nation that came here, and perchance might pass away in some reasonable sort: but since then they have had time to advice themselves how to do more villainy,) which they have, nothing else to pled. My conceit is, that at our first coming they made accounted to buy our goods without money, and that their plot in desiring first one ship to stay, was twofold. First, it wa● more likely for them to work their wills on one ship, then on three. Secondly, in procuring the stay of this here, the other two were the better to be dealt withal at Moha, since what villainy could be wrought on them at both places, was for the seruice-and benefit of our Bassa: And they knowing that we were ignorant, that this winter time now ensuing was so tempestuous, and unfit for any such business of Commerce, and that no ship could long stay there without their favour and friendship, as in the case of fresh water to drink only, if there were no wind or Sea to be dreaded, which are both often most vehement, and at Aden is low shore, nothing to hinder the main Suff and violence of the mounting billows, whereby they might with good judgement think, that in little time we might be forced from our Road at nine fathom, into five fathom near to the Town, in some shelter of the Island, and under command of their Ordnance. From whence without their leave, we could not have carried her out again, or if this fail, he might think by coloured kindness, or some other device for our own pleasures, or by want of water, sometime to draw some store of our people, and that of the better sort on land to them, which already he hath: whereby to force them to procure the rest to bring in the ship, but indeed he had ill counsel. For his haste spoilt his Market at the first, by staying our three men doubting our ship would be gone: which made me very suspicious and wary in sending but few men on land at once.  
Saturday, I sent my first Letters to the General to Moha, by a Soldier of Aden, fitted for the Governors' turn, whose return was so ordered, that he never came near any of us with an answer: he pretended that the Governor of Moha promised delivery of the same, but presently sent him back with a Letter to Aden.  
Thursday, the Governor rid out of Town, who remained absent till the first of December, in the mean time our people in Prison were more hardly used, 
Capt. Dounton▪ Letters to Sir H. Middleton suppressed.  paying in a manner as much to the Messenger for fetching their victuals, as it cost beside, having little countenance or favour any way shown them: and it was told them that the Mirabel was gone, and a new was to come in his stead, but it proved not so for that time.  
Saturday, about midday, the same Mir returned again into the Town, and came to our men in Prison, speaking kindly unto them, and causing good provision to be made for them, at his own cost, whereby he gulled us by pretended friendship, promising nothing but kindness and good dealing, so soon as we should begin to trade, and then they shall have their full liberty without payment of the aforesaid fifteen hundred Venetianos' formerly demanded; the custom five in the hundred, all other charges reasonably, and ready Gold for what we sold, and therefore wishing that as before we had sent a Fool of our Message, that now we should sand a man of our own, with a guide of his, whom we might be sure would bring true answer from our General. This day I made show to be preparing to be gone with the ship: aboard came a Letter from john Fowler to impart to me this joyful news, urging me again to writ to the General, to know his pleasure herein for landing of our goods, wherein I was not so straight tied, but I might have done it myself, if I had seen any sign or likelihood of good dealing: which seeing no cause of encouragement I kept to myself, to the end not to be urged by the importunity of others to do any thing unadvisedly, which might either prejudice my friends or wrong myself; now seeing the time was before me till May, to go to Moha (for so long the Easterly Monson lasteth) at such time as rigorous weather, or being wholly frustrate of trade, should drive me hence, and being once gone. I cannot come hither again till the fift of May or june, whatsoever thereby were to be gotten, wherefore, for diverse respects, I desired to hear from the General.  
Monday, I dispatched away the Messenger with a Letter to my General (which proved an after-griefe to me) and eight days after we had nothing, but shows of kindness and good quarter, thinking long till our Messenger returned, that we might begin our good Markets.  
Saturday, my Boatswain informed me of his great wants of small Cordage, for diverse purposes, wishing that he and some others might go ashore, to lay some on the strand by the Town wall, now while we had leisure, before our greater business came in hand, for which I sent to land to entreat the Governor that our people might do such a business in safety under his wall: which was promised with great favour, in the best and convenientest place they could found, with a house at night to put up their things till the next day. In the meantime the Governor set Smiths to making of shackles for our people, and some of them were by signs told of it, which suspecting nothing, took it as a merry jest, which afterwards they found in earnest.  

Twenty more of our men betrayed.  Wednesday, afternoon, my men were all betrayed that went on shore, bound, shackled, and pinioned, and some put in the Stocks: all tortured and grievously abused, stripped of their money and all else they had: my Pinnace lost, the gings gone amongst the Rope layers. So there was two Merchants, a Purser, and one to attend on them, a gadding Apothecary, my Chirurgeon, and Master Caulker (who carried my Letter to Moha as aforesaid) my Boatswain, and one of his mates, two quarter Masters, the Co●per, Carpenter and Gunners mate, and my Cock-swaine, and five more of the Cock's ging, which in all are twenty persons, some few for their pleasures, the rest to work, saw the ging who were most of them appointed to keep the Pinnace, but being out of my sight, they did what they list, and the Boatswain seemed to want their help about his Ropes.  
Monday, I set sail out of the Southermost Road of Aden, directing my course towards Moha (through the straight of Babel-mandell, in the entrance of the Red Sea, being distant from Aden (West by Sou●h) thirty two leagues. The Arabs both here and in all other places of Arabia, of all degrees, are in great servitude to the Turks.  

An Eclipse of the Moon.  Thursday, at four in the morning, the Moon was eclipsed, and at one in the afternoon, I past th● B●b, or straight being half a league over, having in the midst ten fathom water, and towards both sides eight, six or four fathom depth, as one list to borrow to, and may be some two miles through which sets a good strong tide, both ebb and flood. I left on my starboard side, a Mountain and Rocky Peninsula, extending from the Main, being all near low-land, with a low narrow neck of sand, and on the larboard side, I left a low Island of some five miles long East and West, being also Rocky; between the West end thereof, and the Abaxin Coast, for aught I can discern is a clear channel of three or near four leagues broad, but I think not much used by the ships, for that the water is deep, and not for anchoring, besides the other is the nearer way. We being past the Bab, were ignorant what dangers lay in our way, or how fare within the straight the Town of Moha stood, whether in a River or Bay, or how else we knew not, but discovering we kept by our lead between nine and seven fathoms, all alongst the Arab Coast, and as the day light ended we anchored in eight fathom, nine leagues within the Bab, against a little Mount standing alone by the Seaside.  
Friday, at six aclocke in the morning we set sail, standing alongst North, and North by West, as our depths directed us, first between nine and seven fathoms, and lastly, between six and four fathoms, when we came to have the shoals without us; but as we came near to Moha, 
Moha eighteen leagues within the Bab.  which is situated eighteen leagues within the Bab: on the verge of a low sandy barren ground. Our Admiral we saw rid alone (and no Darling) some four mile into the Sea, in six fathom, and riding with two shot ahead, by reason of the vehemency of the weather, which erst I suspected not: My present ca●es were somewhat in this unknown passage, for the safety of the ship, which without great vigilancy and regard to our depths, might have been set fast to our further famine: but the nearer I came, the more my grief gnawing at my heart, as one while reviving my grief for the loss of so many of my men, and then casting doubts, what might befall my friends here; their Pinnace manned, I see lie along by the ships side wherein was Master Thornton the Master, but durst not put off till we were thwart of them, for fear they should not recover their own ship again, being once put off by reason of the wind and currant. I being somewhat near, as a signal of heavy news, they pulled down their Flag, whereby I understood some misfortue was befallen my General, I being anchored, he with the Pinnace came aboard; where after the blasts of passion and grief (by the defects and frailty of the flesh) somewhat blown over, he began by degrees to inform me of all things that had happened since we parted at Aden: as first of their quick passage from Aden to the Bab, where they took in a Pilot to bring them to Moha, 
The Trade's Increase arriveth before Moha, in the Read Sea, Nove. 14. 1610.  where the fourteenth of November they arrived, that was from Aden in thirty hours, yet their misfortune was such, that against the Town and very near the Road, whether by misunderstanding, or the Pilots neglect to the depths, or being not acquainted with the working of our ships, it is not material to examine, but on the sands the ship came aground, and so stuck fast that her bilged stood on the shoaldest of the banks; so as notwithstanding the great Sea by force of the wind, the head and stern being in deeper water, did heave and set without any painful striking, but to get her off without lightning they could not, wherefore they could not be precise in trusting themselves without pledges in the hands of the Turks, who omitted nothing to prevent our doubt of being welcome, with great variety of friendly promises in every thing we demanded, and request once made, they were plied with Barks to lighten the ship, wherein they used great expedition, we landing as well our Wheat-meale, Vinegar, Sea-coals, Pitch and Tar, with our unbuilt Pinnace, and other provisions which came next hand, or in the way, as well Tin, Led, Iron, and other merchandise to be sold, and staved near all our water. And of all others, Master Laurence Femell seemed most fearful, for that in a private Boat he speedily carried all his things on land, leaving nothing that he regarded aboard of the ship of his own.  
The ship now having lain a ground hours, 
The Trades-Increase set afloat.  with great travail to lighten and shifted the ship, they got her afloat.  
It is also to be understood, that this part of Arabia, from Eastward of Aden, and up the Red-sea to Cameran, which is threescore and ten leagues within Babmandell, and I know not how fare within the Land, is called the Land of Yeoman, 
or Ayaman.  and now governed by one jeffor Bassa, whose residence is in the City of Zenan, which they accounted to be by moderate travail fifteen days journey; by post, I think they go and come in that time. And the Governors of Aden and Moha, which is the better place, in that it is of more resort of ships; and these Governors are yearly placed by him; as at this present in Moha is one Regib Aga by his place or office, who was his servile slave attending on him, and he was preferred to Aden, where he commanded the other year, when Captain Sharpeigh was there, and for that he was a beneficial Knave to his Master, he was preferred to Moha, a better place.  
Now at our first arrival, he sent to give knowledge unto his Master, with what informations best pleased him, and was to stay for directions from his Master how to deal with us; we trusted them as men of humane feeling, being ignorant of what was against us. Now while the messenger went to know the Bassa's pleasure how to dispose of us: The Aga was laying the ground of his Treason, and drawing every thing toward readiness, for the effecting of his desired harvest, omitting nothing which might further his villainous purpose, Also by drawing into the Town from the nearest neighbour Island Towns and Country adjoining, such and so many soldiers as might fit his turn, whose rigour and malice against us he neglected not to provoke, by scandalous reproaches, as might best se●ue for his purpose, as that we were Pirates and Christians, (which they accounted as bad enemies to their holy Prophet Mahomet and his Laws) and that our coming was to discover how to ruinated and destroy the holy houses of their god, as Mecca and Medina, and what service they should do to God and their Country in destroying of us; as also informed them that we had so much money and goods, as if they would behave themselves valiantly when time served, will make them and their Country happy, with so many other deluding devices, as seemed fit for such an action; mean while our innocent distrustlesse men hired and fitted their house, and preparing against the return of the Bassa his answer, for present sale of their commodities, by the abundant shows and promises of favour to them. The Aga ever urging, by wondering at our small quantity of goods in the ship of so great burden, and ever were Boats sent for goods, after the ship was afloat, and that there was no more, till further occasion to be landed; his greediness seemed to be such, as the poor Arab Barque-men shown fear to return without lading; but when he perceived there was no more at present to be had, he went another way to work; which was, he informed our Merchants, that all ships that came to this Town in Trade, their Captain, for their better assurance, as a pledge of good dealing, received the Gran Segniors Vest for their better security, which being once invested in the view of the people, no man after durst offer them any wrong; as all the principal officers of every ship had signs of courtesies, the which unless our Captain do come on land and accept of, he should never think him the great Turk's friend, nor believe his meaning was good, as he pretended, and therefore should doubt to give him Trade, jest he being a Man of war should turn them to further mischief; which unless he receive such right, according to the welcome and custom of the place, he could not but think his end not for their good.  
The ship now mored in a place, from whence within seven or eight months was no returning, the vehemency of the storms so great, the unknown dangers in these Seas such, no place of more comfort known, and no man permitted to come near us, that either could or would better inform us of the contagious weather ensuing, the dangers there to be expected, or more comfort elsewhere to be found, but as it were, must stand at the Turks mercy, whether they will give us life, or restrain water or other relief to maintain the same; our house hired, our Factors and goods on land in readiness and present sales after answer brought excepted: And now this unexpected doubt cast, whether we be true men or thiefs: And no way left to approve the former, or to shun the latter; but the coming on land of our General, on whose safety depended the carriage and estate of the whole voyage, which could not but cross their minds and conceit, since they knew his determination was otherwise. Master Femell gave the General knowledge of the Aga his words, and further gave him to understand, that the Companies business, without his presence on land, could take no effect, but must rest without doing any thing. Which once known, Sir Henry Middleton, notwithstanding the little trust he had in the faith and honesty of the Turks in these foreign places, and the infinite regard and care he had to follow and pursue the plot and benefit of this his journey, as well here, as in India, and places of more hope, now being urged that his absence was likely to prove prejudicial to the Company; answered, that all his endeavours during the Voyage, were wholly intended for the benefit, and not prejudice of the company, and were it not for the safety of the ships, and good of the Voyage, he could take delight to recreate himself on land, as well as others: wherefore, now since his company there might further the business, and not be imputed unto him for his pleasure, he would not be niggardly of his presence amongst them. Therefore he prepared himself to land, to put them out of doubt, and to receive that Vest of the great Turk, as the badge or assurance of safety to such, as with like solemnity had it put on their backs. And before his going came Master Femell aboard to inform the General of what he thought fit to prepare him in, against his landing: But at the instant, when Sir Henry Middleton was to enter the Boat, whether by any suspicious whispering amongst the Turks, or whether he felt any guilt of conscience for being the occasion to hasten the General's landing, to stand before him in any danger that might happen, or some sudden apprehension of fear (as in faint-hearted people never wants) of any violent course by the Turks to be attempted, 
Master Femels' fear  the first day of the General's landing, or what else I know not, but at the General's going to land, he being Cape-Merchant, and swaying the buying and selling, would have stayed aboard, but could not in such a case be spared, being so great an actor in the business.  

Sir Henry Middleton goeth on land.  The General being come to land, was met by the Governor and principal of the Town, was carried to the Governors' house, where he had a rich Vest of Cloth of Gold put on his back, a horse very richly furnished for him to mount upon, the Governor holding the horse while the General got up, all which was reason Sir Henry Middleton should accept of, being, as they pretended, the Badge of their friendship.  
The communication, after the solemnity was ended, was such, and so solemnly, and with such protestation and shows of kindness and friendship, as might deceive any honest man, or which is not a deceiver himself. Sir Henry Middleton in short time after seeing the varieties of kind shows by the Governor toward him, and in regard of the long time he had to stay there, desired leave of the Governor, that he might there set up his Pinnace, which he brought ready framed out of England; the Governors' answer was, That the Country was before him to do whatsoever pleased him, as if he were in his own Country; seeming glad that he would command him any thing which might content him: for which, forthwith Sir Henry Middleton caused presently all things to be brought to land, which need to be used in the said work, with all his Carpenters, Smiths, or other that might further that work in hand, and to that end all hast possible might be used for dispatch of the same. Sir Henry Middleton, with his attendance and furniture, kept house on land, by his continual presence to further the said work, which also caused many more to resort on land, for their several ends, than otherwise would have done. The eight and twentieth of November, Regib Aga his plot growing to ripeness, and receiving strength by the directions of his Master jeffor Bassa, sent the General word in the afternoon, that he had received so good news from the Bassa concerning our business, that he could not altogether conceal the same, but tho●ght good, for his content, to sand him a taste thereof, till his better leisure served him to reveal the particulars; this seemed to be done, to make Sir Henry Middleton more secure, whose upright thoughts gave him no cause to suspect any such mischief, as at present was prepared for him and his. But in the evening, instead of good news from the Bassa, 
The bloody treason of the Turks.  he effected his predeterminate treachery with iron maces, knocking down the General, Master Pemberton, and the Merchants, with all the rest that at that time were on shore, where they also murdered eight of our men, who by reason of their former favours and shows of kindness, not deeming any such treason to be intended towards them, were naked without weapons to resist such unexpected murderers. Thus they without mercy, not only in chains kept prisoners, both by the neck, hands and feet, the General with eight and forty of his company, and Master Pemberton with nine of his company, but also with three great Boats full of soldiers attempted to surprise the Darling, who rided nearer the Town than the Trades-Increase by 〈◊〉 mile, who (not knowing of the betraying of their Master's Boat and men) seeing a Boat coming aboard, esteemed it to be their own boat, but presently descrying two Boats more, and all full of people, began to mistrust false measure. But the Turks coming aboard, and seeing no man stirring, thought themselves surely possessed of her, murdering the Trumpeter, whom they found aloft asleep; but in the end our merciful God turned their pretended mischief toward us, upon their own pates, and made them fall into the pit that they had made for us, for in repelling these unexpected enemies, though to the less of two more of their own men, 
Seven and twenty Turks slain.  who were slain in the conflict) were slain and crowned of the Turks in flight, seven and twenty, whereof the Admiral of the Town, who was their Leader, was also one: thus having cleared themselves of them quite, they cut their Cable, and set sail, and stood off and anchored by the Trade, who as yet knew not of the betraying of the Governor, neither of their attempting the Darling, till they of the Darling had informed them thereof, by which means they prevented another mischief, for that the Trade's Boat, with a third more of her men, some to fill water, and others for pleasure were going on shore: also this morning in the Darling, on her gallery, they found one of the Turks soldiers, who had escaped with life, but their Boats gone was left behind: him they carried prisoner aboard the Trades-Increase. From this eight and twentieth of November, till the fourteenth of December, by reason of the continual storms, they heard no news from the General. But the fifteenth day, john Chambers one of the Trades quarter Masters, with a Flag of Truce went on shore, where he found the General, and the rest in Chains as aforesaid, in most inhuman manner so that one could not go aside to ease himself, but the rest in a row must go with him, to their great annoyance; yet at his return brought hopeful news of the enlargement of all save the General and Master Femell, who were to go up to Zenan, the place of the Bassa's residence, there to answer to such matters as should be objected against them. Also the seventeenth day, the same Messenger went again on shore (in manner aforesaid) carrying with him certain provisions and other necessaries for the General's relief, and the rest there with him, who returned with variety of news, but none good. Thus much Master Thorneton at his coming aboard me, as aforesaid informed me of.  
The one and twentieth day in the afternoon, 
Decemb. 21.  by the same Messenger I sent a Letter to the General, to give him knowledge of my misfortunes at Aden, who returning brought me a letter from my General, in brief informing me of the business before repeated, as willing me if by any means I could get out of this Sea, and to stay at Aden, till I had heard what would become of them: also he had sent the Darling to ply out towards Aden, to give me information of his betraying, and to prevent my coming to Moha; also that he and six more of his compapanie were the next day to take their journey towards Zenan, the Bassa's Court, as aforesaid.  
The two and twentieth, the General with all his company, except the Carpenters, who wrought still in Chains upon our Pinnace for the Bassa, and unable hurt men, who remained still in Chains at Moha, set forth in their journey, attended on by a strong Guard of Soldiers, jest any of them should escape: yet the same evening, notwithstanding their narrow looking to our men, M. Pemberton slipped aside among the bushes with so much haste, 
M. Pembertons escape.  as his weak sick body was able, made to the waters side, where, although tired with running, it pleased God that he found a Canoa having in her a paddle wherewith to row in her, he put off to Sea, committing himself to the danger thereof, rather than to stand to the Turks mercy, and through rowing, his faint weariness increased so, that in the morning his inability forced him to give over rowing, having nothing to refresh himself but his own water, it so pleased God that the same morning aboard the Trades Increase, was descried a Canoa in the offing, which seemed to drive, unto which being reasonable fair weather, the Trade sent off her Pinnace, who brought both Master Pemberton and his Canoa aboard their own ship, being scarce able to speak through faintness.  
From this day to the seven and twentieth day, the weather continued for the most part boisterous and stormy. Also this seven and twentieth day, the Darling through foul weather, having lost Anchor and Cable, and not able to perform what the General (as aforesaid) had sent them about, returned unto Moha Roade: where I, whom they were sent unto, in the Peppercorn did ride.  
The second of january with all three ships we set sail out of Moha Road, 
january 2.  intending to ply up towards Babmandell, for three respects. First, for ease of our ground tackle, being through long boisterous weather much decayed: and secondly, to seek place to fill water for our people to drink, by want whereof we were very much distressed; and thirdly, and lastly, there to stop the passage of all the Indian ships entering this Sea, whereby to draw the Turks to release our General, people and goods, our great necessity constrained this our present attempt in this fair seeming weather; at our first setting sail, we stood over to the Abaxin Coast, 
They passover to the Abaxin Coast.  where we left the Darling to look her Anchor and Cable formerly lost, we with the Trades and Peppercorn plying up to windward, but having scarce any aboard, the better in the evening anchored on the Arab side in eight fathom, some three leagues to the wind-wards of Moha, and some four mile from the shore.  
The third, in the morning, the tide of ebb in hand, we set sail working to windward, as before in the afternoon, the wind so increasing that I in the Peppercorn spent my two top-sails and constrained to bring other two new ones to the yard, before which was effected, the the night approached, and we more than half Seas over towards the Abaxin Coast, where in regard of the foul weather we formerly had at Moha for two respects. I must desire to stop; first, the next morning if the weather were fair, to have the Darling Company to proceed on our former purpose; secondly, the weather unfit, by the place and sight of the Darling to find easier Road to anchor in this day between eight and nine at night, so soon as we could get into sixteen fathom water by our sounding lead in fast seeming ground we anchored, the Trade somewhat to the Northward, or Lee-wards of the Peppercorn, and as towards morning the wind increased with a churlish Sea, with cloudy dark weather, in which we lost sight of the Trades Increase, but by reason of the dark weather doubted nothing, at which time she had broke an Anchor and droue, and let fall another Anchor, which afterward driving from sixteen to six fathom, they were forced to cut a way to flat the ships head to the offwards to prevent further danger.  
The fourth of januarie, day light approaching, we preparing to weigh our Anchor suddenly, the ship driven from sixteen to eighteen fathom, and before we could flat our ship's head to the offwards, we had less than six fathom: which soon after increased to eight, ten, etc. We then seeing the Trade: (to my disturbance) standing over towards Moha, and seeing William Pemberton in the Darling, riding in an easy Road, to whom I would gladly have gone, both for quiet to my mind, and ease to my ground takle, but that I knew not what need the Trades Increase might have of my Carpenters, in case of any casualties whatsoever I know not of, in my hastening after her the weather rigorous, we split both our new top-sails, the night before brought to the yard. They being sowed with rotten twine, as all our sails for the most p●rt hath been, through which means it became night, by what time I got into the Road, where presently to my grief I understood of the Trades: misfortune to loose two Anchors and Cables as aforesaid, wherefore I sent my Carpenters aboard to stock some other Anchors, from this to the eighteenth day with little ease, we continued a wearisome Road, to the spoiling of our Cables, as aforesaid.  
From the sixth day, to the eleventh day, every day came Canoas' from the Town, bringing Letter from the Carpenters with vanetie of forged news, informed them by the Aga, who permitted their sending the rather for that most commonly it was to get wine or beer, wherewith they pleasured the Turks, and sometimes sent some little fresh victuals, according as they had wherewithal to buy or were permitted to sand aboard.  
The twelfth, the Darling returned into Moha Road to us, saluting me with three Pieces of Ordnance, as a sign of good news, and by Master Pembertons instant coming aboard of me, to my great comfort confirmed; for that he had found a good watering place, and a very easy Road for our ships, 
A good watering place found.  and his Anchor and Cable that he went to seek, which as aforesaid: they in his absence were forced to let slip.  
The eighteenth, in the morning there came certain from Moha to us, bringing two Bullocks, two Goats, certain Hens Eggs, and some fruits, but no news from our General; This day at one in the afternoon we set sail, standing over towards the Abaxin Coast (where Master Pemberton found the safe Road and wattring place, and at night we anchored three leagues short of it, under an Island (which for the abundance of great Crabs, thereon we called Crab Island. 
Crab Island. )  
The nineteenth, we weighed again, and stood nearer into the Bay, and anchored under another lesser Island.  
The twentieth, we weighed again, and stood further into the Bay, and anchored right against the watering place, some half a mile from the shore, in eight fathom water. I sent George jeff before in the Pinnace to seek out the River, and to see if he could speak with any of the Country people, who no sooner landed, but by and by there did present themselves unto our men's sight, at lest an hundred of the Country people armed with Lances, whereof one came to our people being of a bolder spirit than the rest, who not only spoke with them, but also desired to go aboard with them, who at his coming aboard informed me by an Interpreter, how that the Turks had sent word unto them, how they had betrayed and murdered diverse of our men, 
Turkish Pestilence.  and wishing them also to do the like to as many of our men as they could lay hand on. This youngman was a principal man's son, and was very kind unto us all the time we were in this Bay: he this night did lie aboard the Trades Increase, where he was very kindly used to his great content.  
The one and twentieth, I with all our Boats, and most part of our men went on shore, setting some to digging of Wells, some to fetching of ballast, others to filling of some little water out of a little Well we there found made ready to our hand, and the rest being armed to guard them that wrought, and soon after our landing came down unto me the Priest, the father and brethren of the young man afore mentioned (who as yet was not gone from us) whom at his coming ashore they very joyfully received, presenting me with a Goat, I also gave unto them four of the Trades: shirts put in by the Merchants for the Company, which they very kindly received; promising to bring down the next day some Goats, to cell unto us for our money, which they very honestly performed, as by the sequel may appear.  
The two and twentieth, I having continued ashore all night with a good Guard, to see that there should no harm be done to our water, I appointed our men to their business as the day before, but by reason of the boisterous weather, none of the Country people came down to us: the cause of my present continuance on shore, was for that I see such ill usage of my General, and his people betrayed both at Aden and Moha, although they had made such fair shows and promises, I having no assurance of the honesty of this people to us, bred in me suspicion what harm might be attempted against us here by the Turks, or by their persuasion to this Country people, either by poisoning our water or other ways; therefore further than needs must I trusted none, so also I continued this night ashore with a good strong Watch.  
The three and twentieth, having settled our Company to every particular business, there came down to us the same men, who the other day had been with me, and after them followed some others, driving before them diverse Goats to cell to us according as they had promised. I very kindly entertained them, and caused the Purser to buy their Cattles, and in the evening they departed very well satisfied, promising every day to bring down more, of which they made good performance. This day we made an end of watering.  
From the four and twentieth to the six and twentieth day, they brought down every day both Goats and Sheep, whereof we bought according to our occasions and spending, they returning well satisfied.  
The nine and twentieth, the wind at North Northwest we set sail, I determined to get up to the Bab with all our three ships, there to make stay of all the Indian ships, that this year should enter this Sea, by them to force the Turks to redeliver my General, and the rest of his Company our goods and Pinnace, as aforesaid: but being thwart of Crab Island it fell calm, the tide setting right on the Island, of this time I made the best use I might, for so soon as we had anchored, I accompanied with Master Thorneton and Master Pemberton, went on shore with all our Boats, and most part of our men whom I appointed to cutting of wood, both for dressing our victuals and other needful uses. This afternoon we descried coming over from Moha, too jelbas', one whereof came directly aboard the Trade, bringing me a Letter from my General, dated the f●fteenth of january, informing me of his safe arrival at Zenan, with all his company, save Richard Phillips, Master Pembertons youth, whom he left very sick at a place called Ties, who desired to be informed of Master Pemberton, whether he were safely escaped aboard or not, for that he doubted the Arabs attending on their Asses, to have murdered him for his Ass he rid on, of the variety of hopeful seeming promises of his enlargement, being only delusions; this Letter being kept till the seventeenth of the same, also mentioneth of the safe arrival of Master Fowler, and the rest of my Company (betrayed at Aden) at Zenan; how God had raised him friends among the midst of his enemies, to wit, the Raha, who is next in degree to the Bassa, with diverse other that favoureth his just cause; contradicteth my present determination of staying the Indian ships, for that as yet they have no just cause to object against him, it might prove prejudicial, not only to him and his Company, but also to our Nation trading in the Mediterranean Sea, but that the Bassa had cleared Regib Aga of the betraying and murdering of him and his Company, taking it upon himself, as that it was done by his warrant and command. To this my General's letter by the same messenger, I returned an answer; first giving him to understand of Master Pembertons safety: 
The Road on the Abaxin Coast, thirteen leagues from Moha. February 17. The Road of Assab.  our infortunate losing and spoiling our ground tackle of my present determination intercepted by his letter; my opinion of their fair seeming, yet deluding promises: and lastly of our safe Road and watering place on the Abaxin Coast, right opposite to Moha, being some 13. leagues distant, where we have refreshing reasonable cheap.  
The seventh of February, the Trade returned to me in the Road of Assab, Master Thorneton bringing me my General's letter, dated the five and twentieth of February, therein desiring me as yet to forbear revenge on them which have wronged him: also informing me of the present hopeful estate of his business, also that five days after the date hereof, he with all his Company are to take their journey down to Moha, willing me, till his arrival at Moha, to expect no more letters from him; also giveth me knowledge of the death of john Baker, one of my Quarter Masters, and Richard Elmesmere, one of the Trade's Company. To this my General's letter, for want of conveyance, I wrote no answer.  
The first of March, I sent the Pinnace to the Town, and in her the Purser, and the said Awl, 
March 1. The Town.  who in their going, found a place of better water descending from the mountains, by reason of the reinss within the land (whereof we afterwards filled some water; but the raines once ended it was dried up.) They having bought some few Goats and sheep returned; and in the evening we descried a Boat coming over from Moha to us-ward.  
The second, the said Boat came aboard the Trade, bringing me a letter from my General, wherein he gave me to understand of the cause of his delay of his journey, partly by reason of a great solemn feast of the Turks approaching, but principally to have the Sabander of Moha his company, for the more safe travel; also wisheth the Carpenters forbear to proceed any further in building the Pinnace, for that the Bassa intendeth her for his own use, and not for us; also willing me to forbear revenge.  
The fifth, I sent the Darling over to Moha, to expect news from my General, where she found in the R●ad a great ship of Dabull, called the Mahomet. 
The Mahomet of Dabull.  This day the General with all his Company arrived at Moha.  
The eleventh, I doubted jest any evil had befallen the Darling, by reason of her so long absence's, set sail with the Trade and Peppercorn, standing over towards Moha: but before I was so fare off as Crab ●land, I saw the Darling coming over, and for that the wind shortened upon us, and w● not able to ●●tch the Road, I sent Master Thorneton in the Pinnace, to understand what news, but I in the Peppercorn with the Trades-Increase, returned into the Road again: in the evening Master Pemberton with Master Thorneton, and two and twenty of the Trade's Company, and fourteen of the Pepper-cornes Company betrayed at Moha and Aden, came over the point of the Island, bringing me a letter from my general, wherein he gave me to understand of his assured hopes of enlargement, so soon as the Indian ships of this year were all come in, and the Westerly winds come. Also that the Turks had seduced the aforesaid Richard Philip's, whom in his journey upwards he left sick at Ties, him by threatening they had forced to turn Turk, and therefore came not down to Moha with him, he rejoiceth to hear of Master Pembertons safety, also informeth me that none of the letters I had sent him were delivered to him; also desired my opinion, whether best for him to make an escape aboard, if he can, or to remain at the Turks devotion; also wisheth that the Peppercorn be the next that comes to Moha.  
The eighteenth, I with the Peppercorn set sail, standing over to Moha, but being near over, it fell calm, and a lee-ward tide, whereby I was forced to anchor in twenty fathom water, on a bank which we there found three leagues from Moha: and in the evening there came off a Canoa unto me, to know what we were, deeming me to be an Indian ship, for that by reason of the hazie weather, they could not well discern us.  
The nineteenth in the morning, I set sail, the wind at South standing into the Road, whereas yet was only the said great Dabul man: but before I came to an anchor, my General sent his man aboard me with a letter, that frustrated my present hopes, wherein he gave me to understand that he must be forced to dispeed me away very suddenly, for that my presence caused fear in the Dabullians, and discontent to the Aga. Notwithstanding this my General's letter, I sent George jeffe in the Pinnace on shore, by whom I sent two letters, the one briefly to give to understand of our wants, also my opinion of the Turks performance, who through custom of falsehood, their true performance is not to be expected, but only to feed Sir Henry Middleton with fair promises, to serve their own turns; and then we having no matter to work upon, save the empty ships, which the Turks having their goods on land, would nothing regard, and then my General to remain at the Turks devotion, whether to be sent aboard according to the Bassa his enforced agreement, or to be ransomed at their pleasures, or sent back again to Zenan, and so to Stamb●la. The other, if he should think good to show the Aga, therein making show, that so long as he was detained prisoner, his power extended not to command us that were free & at liberty, and therefore could not keep us from the Road of Moha, nor in any other thing further than we see good ourselves. To these my letters the General writ an answer, the copy whereof followeth.  

Sir Henry Middleton's letter to Captain Dounton.  Captain Dounton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do me and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than is cause, for I have had, and still have my full share thereof: and whereas you allege you are loathe to deparr this Road without me, I am more loathe to tarry behind, if there were any remedy: I made a forced agreement with the Bassa at Zenan, that the ships should absent themselves out of this Road, till all the Indian ships were come in, and then at the first coming of the Westerly winds, both I and all my Company shall be set free: if they fail to perform with me, than I would have you show your endeavours: in the mean time you must have patience, as well as myself; I would be loathe the agreement should be first broken on our side, without any cause given by them. For the provision that should have been sent in the jelba, it was my fault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the Aga. After your departure to morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in hand with the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be above three days absent from you: I have promised the ships shall not come in the Road till the Westerly winds be come, which will be a month hence at the furthest, in the mean time you shall hear from me by jelbas' or Boats, which I will sand of purpose: I doubt not but there will be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreement was made with the Bassa, and not with Regib Aga. If I doubted any new stratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away before this time: I have had, and still have means for my escape, were it not to leave my people in danger of their lives; doubt not, if they perform not with me, when the Westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. I had laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Master Femell but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether the Turks will perform or not, he makes no doubt but to be sent aboard with the first of the Westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us; you may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side, with all your ships, till God sand us that long wished for Westerly wind, unless you get a slatch of wind to carry one of your ships to the Bab, to see if all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sorts of provisions wastes apace in all the ships, which God sending me aboard, I hope quickly to renew.  
The seven and twentieth, according to my General's requests, I sent the Darling over to Moha, for effecting the foresaid business.  
The twenty ninth and thirtieth, the Budwees brought down both Goats and sheep to sell.  
The first, second and third of April, the Budwees brought down either Bullocks, Goats or sheep, 
April 1.  to cell unto us.  
The fourth, the Darling returning from Moha, but the wind taking her short, she was forced to anchor to the Northwards or lee-wards of the Road, till the wind should come more large.  
The sixth, the Darling came into the Road of Assab, and anchored near the watering place, near the Trade, to deliver the victuals and other provisions, which had been so long detained by the Turks, and also brought me a very kind letter from my General.  
The seventh, the Darling plied up to an Island near the Pepper, 
Cra●e Island.  there to be Carreind (this Island we called Crane-Iland, for that on it we killed most Cranes) from this day to the twelfth day, the Darling did landlord her goods and victuals, and unrigged their ship, and certain of the Trade's Company were gathering of Breming.  
The one and twentieth, 
The King of Raheta.  the King of Raheta sent me a Present (by a kinsman of his) being a fat Cow and a Slave, he continued aboard the Trades-Increase all night.  
The thirtieth, the Trades-Increase was heilded and trimmed on both sides, so fare as conveniently might be: this day we filled all our empty Cask with water, being nine and twenty Tons, the water being fair.  
The fourth and fift day of May, we trimmed all our Boats, being reasonable fair weather, 
May.  the wind at South Southeast. The seventh and ninth day, the Budwees brought down good store of sheep and Goats, but through want of cloth, we bought very few, only three Bullocks, which we gave money for.  
The eleventh, my General made his most happy escape aboard the Darling, 
Sir He●ry Middleton escapeth with fifteen more, the manner you have in his own journal.  with fifteen more of his Company.  
The twelfth, my General sent the Pinnace over from Moha, and by her a letter, giving me knowledge of his escape, as aforesaid; also desiring me, upon the sight of this letter, to repair over to Moha, with the Trades-Increase and Peppercorn; which direction I presently put in execution, making the ships in readiness to set sail: but before my coming, he so behaved himself in the Darling, to the terror of his enemies the Turks, that neither Boat from the shore durst go aboard any of the Indian ships, neither from the ships to the shore, without ask his leave, and making known their businesses; so that now Regib Aga of Moha, began to sing a new song, and insinuate with Sir Henry Middleton by diverse messengers, as by Nohuda Mahumet and others of the General's best friends there, with Presents, now fearing what harms might happen unto them, in recompense of his treachery towards him, and therefore desired to have peace with the General: for Master Femell, before his return aboard, in more especial favour, was by the Aga invited to his house, whereto he was urged, and there too soon yielded to eat and drink with him; whereupon some former speeches given out by Master Femell, that he would make complaint of his wrongs in Stambola, which now he remembering at his departure, with a smiling countenance told him they might meet together at Stambola. This night being come aboard he seemed over-ioyed; but three days after, about two of the clock in the morning he ended his life, as we all thought, by poison; the Surgeons opened him, and this was their conceit: whereupon the General embarged all his ships.  
The nine and twentieth, at two of the clock in the morning, as aforesaid, Master Femell, Cape Merchant, died. 
The death of Master Femell. june 1.   
The first day of june in the evening, we had a very strong gust of wind, being so hot, that it was able to take away our breaths; it also drove the sand of the shore in such sort, we could scarce look to windward.  
The second, came aboard the Admiral, Awl the son of Portugal parents, being a Captain, turned Turk, who, for that he had been the General's Trudgman, or Interpreter at Zenan, and so had some acquaintance with him, and therefore was sent down to capitulate with him of a Peace: he informed the General that Master Pembertons said Boy was already brought down to Moha, and promised the next day he should be brought aboard. This Awl and Taccacee a Bannean, came to know the General's demand, which was an hundred thousand Rials of eight.  
The eight in the morning, the General sent the Darling to Beloule, a place on the Abexin Coast, being ten leagues to the Northward of Assab, to fetch water, 
Beloule, a place on the Assab Coast.  and buy some Goats for relief of our men, who began to fall sick of a faint disease; the best remedy for which as we found, was letting blood, and purging of the body; this disease went away in biles and scabs, and this disease no man escaped clear of.  
The nineteenth, Shermall Sabander of Moha▪ accompanied with many of the chiefest Merchants of the Town, and the Awl Haskie and Tacaccee a Bannian, came in state with diverse sorts of music, from the Aga to the General (aboard the Trades-Increase) to capitulate of the foresaid sum by him demanded, for satisfaction for our said goods, which then, in regard the General, and all we saw at the present no more to be gotten, and that which should be agreed upon, to come out of the said Sabander of the Bannians our friend his purse, who daily relieved our men in their misery with bread and other sustenance, not so much as our dog but also had daily allowance from him, so that always his presence administered comfort to our distressed people: therefore it was concluded, we to receive our iron and lead again, and for the rest of our goods not to be had (wherein was concluded all Vests and other presents the General had given) the sum at present agreed upon, was eighteen thousand Rials of eight, and for that at present they had not money to defray so great a sum, they desired the General to take out of the said ship of Diu, so much goods as he should esteem a fit pawn for so great a sum (which they would daily redeem as they could raise monies) and then the ship to go in presently to land and make sale of the rest of her goods: 
Richard Philips, M●ster Pembertons Boy, restored.  the utmost time limited for the last payment, was fourteen days. The Sabander brought aboard with him, according to promise', Master Pembertons Boy, being clad in apparel of the English fashion.   

§. III. Their departure from Moha to Assab, and after that, higher into the Red-sea, thence to the Socatora, and after to Surat.  

july 3.  THe third of july, having reasonably provided the ships with Rice and other grain (for that our English provision consumed apace) the General with all three ships and Pinnace set sail, and standing over to the Bay of Assab, there by getting daily refreshing, to recover our weak faint sick men; where we arrived the fourth day, at eleven of the clock afore noon. The fift, sixth, seventh, eight and ninth days, the Budwees every day brought down either Bullocks, sheep, or Goats.  
The thirteenth, we made an end of watering. The King of Raheta sent the General three fat Bullocks for a Present, by one Abdella, his sister's son, the General very kindly entertained him, and accepted of the Kings Present, presenting him again with a Vest of Broadcloth; the General also gave the King hearty thanks, for all the kindness and good dealing received from his subjects, at this his Port. The said Abdella then desired the General to come with his ships nearer the Bab, being by their report a good harbour, and is near the King's Town, and more plentiful of refreshing, where he might better show his love unto the General. This day the General feasted him aboard the Trades-Increase, and in the evening caused a banquet of sweet meats and wine to be prepared on shore against their landing, whereof he having both eaten and drunk, very thankfully took leave of the General, and departed to the King again.  

Their endeavour to take a rich Turkey ship, which came from Sues.  The four and twentieth, we set sail from Assab, directing our course towards Cameran, an Island on the Abaxin Coast, some forty leagues to the Northward of Moha, in fifteen degrees North latitude, in which is a Town and fortress, to which place they thought they were come or near coming to stay for directions, by reason of our being near, to the the Northwards it is seldom seen that any will attempt going, while the Westerly Monson lasteth, which in the Red-sea bloweth most all Northerly, till the last of july. We turned up all day, and anchored at night, in which we were pestered with a dangerous shoal, to which we unawares came so near, t●a● we had oftentimes enough to do to quit ourselves of them, when we had little more water than we needed: this continuing two days, having no Pilot, nor other means (and the ●●rr●nts uncertain) readily to found it: And the weather doubtful, being in uncertain places to rid● in open water, if the weather in the night should prove adverse, the General with grief being often moved to give over the business of seeking the Turkey ship of Sues; himself concluded that it was fit for him to provide for the safety of his own ships, which are to him certain, then with too much hazard to pursue things uncertain, and perchance might miss finding her when he came there; 
Two Lands called jubal Succour and jubal A●ree.  so we bore up with the Island of jubal Succour, which is big and high, and another great Island to the Southwards of it, being also high, called jubal Arree; these two neighbour Lands are environed with diverse other smaller Lands to the Southwards, and in diverse places ledges of sunken rocks, being discerned only by the breaches on them: those Lands as they lie South and North, by supposition may be in length some ten leagues, they lie North Northwest from Moha, where in clear weather they may plainly be seen, which happeneth very seldom: from the Wester part of jubal to Beloula, the course is South-west by South distant some twelve leagues; little wide of which course lieth two sunken rocks known by the breach, they are near adjoining to the said Lands South by West: from the Wester part of jubal Arree are two Lands and a Rock; and from these towards the Coast of Africa South-west lie four other small flat rocks, lying distant from the former some four miles and an half: there is no danger in going near them, for we found deep water close aboard the South Westermost of them, being the nearest to the Afrique Coast.  

August 6.  The sixth of August, at four of the clock in the morning, we set sail from our good harbour of Assab, and before six at night we anchored in the Road of M●ha, seeing near the Town wall mored and unladen the said Gallion which came from Sues, which we had gone to seek and missed us, as we were entangled amongst the shoals, and was come into Moha five days before, also there was come in one Galley, and three more every day expected.  
The seventh, the General went in with the Peppercorn and Darling (for dispatch of his business) so near as the ships could well ride, and also, if need required, to command all the ships in the Road: and about ten of the clock, our old friend Taccacee and Sabrage, the Sabanders' man, came aboard with a Present from Shermal the Sabander: to these the General gave notice of his business, and dispeeded them away.  
The tenth about eleven of the clock before noon, 
Babmandel sailed on both sides.  we passed thorough the Easter Channel of Babmandell, finding in the midst nine or ten fathom, and toward either side, seven, six or five fathom, according as we edged in or off; the Darling and Release put out through the greater or South-wester Channel, which may be some four leagues over, all seeming very clear of danger, the Release going fare by the shore, on the South-west side of the Island of Babmandell in twelve fathom; the Easter channel is not above a mile and a half over.  
The eleventh at noon, the high land of Aden bore North Northwest, distant some eleven leagues, and by estimation East by South half a degree some six and thirty leagues. Note also that from this day unto the end, I reckon the days from noon to noon, for that by every day's observation of latitude, I rectify my traverse, as now from noon the eleventh day, to noon the twelfth day, I reckon upon the twelfth day only in my discourses, I reckon according to the true day, as from midnight to midnight, etc.  
The one and twentieth, from noon to six at night East, some four leagues before Sunrising, we descried Mount Foelix, bearing East by North eleven leagues distant (by which we certainly perceived how the Currant had abused us) from Tuesday the twentieth day afternoon, to Monday the six and twentieth day, notwithstanding some while of the land, and other while sea turns, between calms oftentimes a pretty gale continuing sometime four, six or seven hours together, yet by reason of the Currant we could never get a head; but by the said six and twentieth day in the morning▪ we were fallen to the Westward some four leagues, the six and twentieth day at nine of the clock in the morning (having continued under a steep high whitish cliff all the foresaid time) it pleased God to sand us a small gale of wind off the shore, with which we came off North North-east into the Sea, in hope there to find the wind more prosperous.  
The seven and twentieth, by judgement we might run East North-east fourteen leagues. This day at four afternoon, Mount Foelix bore South by East some nine leagues distant; this Mount, by my estimation, may be sixteen leagues Westward of Cape Guardafui: 
Cape de Guardafui.  this night when it was calm, as also when the wind blew, we met with a potching sea, which well informed me, that we grew near the length of the Head-land, and began to bring the Southern sea open of the Cape, or the point of the land: the nine and twentieth we descried Socatora.  
Note that in this traverse from Aden to Socatora is no certainty, by reason we were so much deluded by the Currant, wherein by the water oftentimes we seemed to get, yet by the Currant we lost, or were driven back.  
Now having effected all our businesses, as watering and getting some ballast, and bought all the Aloes here to be had, and left letters of advice with the King of Socatora, for such of our nation, as in like manner might come to Trade in the Red-sea, both to prevent their loss of time and further trouble.  
The fourth of September, at two in the afternoon, we set sail from the Road of Dellisha, the wind presently grew calm, so that we did little good all the night. 
September 4.   
The three and twentieth, at six in the morning, being near the end of an ebb, we set sail and stood away North and North North-east two hours, some two leagues, the wind at South, our depths from ten to sixteen fathom, and presently as against a wall, seven, six and five fathoms. About eight of the clock, we had sight of the trees of India, which standeth both in South and North Swally, which bore East by North from us (by a meridian Compass distant six leagues) we run in East North-east and North-east by East with the flood, still raising the land to the Northward, till near two of the clock; our depths uncertain, sometimes more, and sometimes less, shunning diu●rs suspicious riplings, keeping between eight and fifteen fathom, we anchored in soft Oze, and by my observation it floweth East North-east one quarter North, and West by South one quarter South by the Moon, and by this time the flood runneth five hours, and the ebb seven hours, by reason of the Winter freshes by the abundant reinss are not yet fully expelled, and therefore doth overcome or shorten the floud-streames; but at other times, though the Spring-streames go always strong, yet the flood and ebb are equally six hours a piece. In the Winter-streames, which is june, july and August, my conjecture is that Cables and Anchors, nor Ships bows can be made of force to resist the streams. The Coast lieth here near North and South; this day being come to an anchor, my General sent off his Pinnace to fetch a Boat which sailed near us, who came from Surat, and was bound to Goga, 
A boat of Surat.  loaden with Rice, who informed him we were over-shot Surat a great way toward Cambaia, and that we must return seven or eight leagues, if we would go to the Bar of Surat: this Boat the General kept with him, because they would use the Master of her for a Pilot.  
The four and twentieth, there came another Boat voluntarily aboard the Admiral, and also continued with good content with us for Pilots: the former informed the General, that there were staying for us at the Bar of Surat, fifteen armed Portugal Frigates, to intercept what we should there intent; so at full sea, which was at two afternoon, we set sail with a little wind at South, standing off West into the deeper Channel, turning down the ebb while day light would permit, and then anchored in four and twenty fathom in a vehement stream, where riding till morning daylight, when the ebb being spent and we not able to weigh our anchors till the tide broke, so that we made a small tides work; yet this five and twentieth day night at seven of the clock, we anchored some league short of the Road, Southward of the Bar, where we saw riding at anchor three Indian ships.  
The six and twentieth in the morning, with the tide of flood we set sail, standing into the Road, where we anchored by the said three ships of Surat, which were intended to be laden for to go to Sumatra, but partly by reason of our approach, and partly for that the Portugals would come to no reasonable composition with them for their Custom and Cartas (or Pass) their Voyage was given over, according to our Pilots former information. We here found eighteen sail of Portugal Frigates, whereof sometime more, and sometime less, according as they see occasion appeared in our view, 
Eighteen sails of Portugal Frigates.  all being under the charge or conduct of Don Francisco de Soto Mayor, Captain Maior of the forces of Damon and Chaull, accompanied also with the Captain Maior and forces of Diu: who for a long time together without intermission, so pestered the streams about us, that none could neither out of the River, nor any other way come near us, but they would narrowly search and see that they had neither Letters nor other provisions, that might comfort or relief our necessities, whereby they often took occasion to rob diverse of sundry things, with threatenings that they were bringing them unto us their Enemies; and therefore confiscated: by this means our men grew to great weakness, and every day more and more of our men fell down with the scurvy, wanting to refresh or comfort them; at last by our Neighbours the ships Boat of Surat, we received a lame advice from one Nicholas Bangham, left by the Hector to attend on the Merchants there. Yet after many days, was gotten from him (which for the purpose was lying by him) both a Letter from Captain Hawkins remaining in Agra (which is the place of the great Mogul his residence) and another from William Finch at Lahor which was going home-wards over land by the way of Persia, 
W. Finch intended to return into England by the way of Persia.  by which the General understood the little hope they conceived of any good for our Nation in this Country people without faith. After some time there was knowledge given by the said Nicholas B●ngham, that Captain Sharpeigh, john jourdaine, and others were every day expected in Surat, being coming from Agra by the way of Cambaya, which gave some content to Sir Henry Middleton.  
The thirtieth, by the General's direction, I with the Peppercorn, Darling, and Release, set sail, endeavouring to find the passage over the Bar into the River of Surat: but partly by the Portugals diligent attendance to cut off from us our Boats which sounded before the ships, if they exceeded the command of our Ordnance, and partly the uncertain and dangerous sudden shoaldings we in each ship found, did chief frustrate our present endeavours.   

§. FOUR Many proud affronts of the Portugals. Disgusts from the Indians.  

Octob. 1.  THe first of October, we all set sail back again towards the Road, where our Admiral rid, but the wind shortening upon us, and the tide of ebb growing also strong, we could not fetch the Road, but were put off some four mile's Westwards of the Road, wherefore it was Wednesday before the wind and tide so much favoured us as to get into the Road. Sir Henry Middleton wrote unto the Portugal Captain Mayor, requiring him that if he could not permit him to Trade here, yet, that he might take in the Merchants and others his Countrymen which were here on shore in this Country, and then he would be gone from this place; but the Portugal Captains answer (to this) was Not, for he would carry them to Goa, and from thence, they should be sent home: also it seemed that john jourdaine, 
Insolence of Portuga●s.  had been flattering with the fathers both at Agra and Cambaya, and had obtained some commendations to the Viceroy, or request or hope of conduction into Portugal, knowing at present no better means to get into his Country: by which Sir Henry Middleton could never imagine nor expect any safety to such as continued firm to our State and Country. And near the time of this Letter from Sir Henry Middleton, Captain Sharpeigh by some principal Portugal then on land in Surat, made motion either by Letter or otherwise, to the Captain Mayor to give him his Segure (or safe conduct) for his safe passage aboard the English ships; whereupon the Captain Maior, in scoff wrote unto the English Captain and his Companions, his Segure for their safe coming aboard his Galliote, without addition for his departure thence, the thing which he required. And further to show the base account he made of our Nation, added, that if they would take their passage along with him to Goa, he would use him and his Company with as much favour, as he would do to Turks, Moors, or other Nations that use these Seas; and all other Nations (a few Persians' excepted) are jews, Bannians, and Gentiles, which though it were in him an unpleasing and vile speech, yet I like well his plainness, in showing them what to trust to before (not thinking they could have escaped his hands) otherwise it is likely, that some of them would have been persuaded, that their usage should have been better than is here promised.  
Sir Henry Middleton being very zealous in procuring the liberty of our Countrymen, though both by Captain Hawkins and William Finch his Letters, and by all else we could understand of the Country, all hope of good here to be done for the Company, either for present or to come was wholly quenched; he writ to have them come by land and meet him at Dabull, but that journey was thought too tedious, and by reason of the Wars in Decanie, dangerous. The time thus lost seemed very tedious; wherein our water and other provisions fast wasted, our people daily for want of comfortable refreshing, fell generally into sickness, which made our estate doubtful, not knowing where or by what means to get refreshing, we being so guarded by these our Enemies, that none could come to us, neither could we go from our ships: And Captain Sharpeigh made provision for us at the Town, though without hope that it could escape the Portugal, who lay in continual wait for it. It being provided, it was in vain to cell it again, but order being given to sand it howsoever, it was immediately sent towards us.  
The eleventh, Sir Henry Middleton, much disturbed in mind at our present doubtful estate, and our great loss of time, and that to so little purpose, and therefore leaving the Trades Increase in the main Road, he with the Peppercorn, and Darling, and Release, put in practice to discover alongst the Coast to the Northward, to found out some place where our ships might safely ride so near the shore, as to command the place of landing, and frustrate the portugals attempts for taking our Boats and people: but the day near spent, we anchored near the North point, thwart of the bar at the entrance of the River of Surat. This day Allonso Gransidio died.  
The twelfth, early in the morning, 
Ungracious gratitude.  the portugals took the Boat which was coming towards us with our provisions: in scoff the Captain Maior presently sent thanks to Captain Sharpeigh, for his care of him in sending him victuals for his supply. This said morning at the first of the flood we set sail standing with the point to the Northwards, and by reason of the quickness of the stream, and our suspicion in this unknown place, we ever put that ship smallest of draft head-most, and before the smallest we sent our rowing Boats, making no more haste with our Sails, then that our Boats might keep head with their Oars. And yet further to prevent what peril by these strong Tides might happen, we had our Anchors always in readiness to let drop whensoever by their signs ahead, we should understand of any sudden shoalding. The Army of the Portugals likewise weighed and followed keeping a breast between the Peppercorn and the shore, they all rowing in order of Battle with their Colours displayed, oftentimes making great shouts as in some great attempt; the Captain Maior in a small Frigate, going from Frigate to Frigate throughout his Fleet encouraging them at length the Darlings Boat a good distance of between the ship & the land, by occasion of a suspicious rippling & where she was sounding, presently by the Captain Mayor's direction one of their smaller swiftest Frigates (being overbold through our long sufferance) rue forth with great swiftness to cut off from us the Darlings Boat, being seconded by another of the same kind. The Master of the Darling seeing his Boat and men in such danger, could no longer forbear, but for her rescue he began to shoot at them, the former Frigate got clear ahead. But the second seeing our shoot fly so fast at her with fear put on shore, the men abandoning her ran away in the mud; the Army now coming up for her rescue perceiving our shot came amongst them so fast shoved a stern leaving that Frigate to our devotion we perceiving them so to leave her, and for that she was fit to serve our turns, bestowed the fetching of her. In this Frigate we found some small quantity of Indigo, Cinnamon, Comin-seed, Cotton Yarn, 
A Portugal Frigate taken.  Mirabolans (dry for Physic) & one small ballet of Candekins mill, & very course, all of small value, these things had the Portugals lately taken from a poor Bannian. By this occasion we anchored here in seven fathom water, thwart of the North point in the mouth of the River of Surat, within Musket shot of the shore at low water, here we rid till the next day.  
The thirteenth, in the morning we weighed and stood somewhat nearer into the shorewards, and anchored in six fathom, presently we descried diverse men on land, wherefore the General sent Master jeffe, and Matthew Bragge ashore with a Flag of Truce: but they being Portugal's, and perceiving them landed, retired flourishing their Swords as though they had achieved some worthy exploit: this day about nine a clock in the forenoon, the General sent a way the Darling into the main Road, where the Trades Increase rid, she made no stay there, but presently again returned bringing with her one of the Indian ship Boats, and seventeen of their men whom the General at times sent away with Letters to the Town to Captain Sharpeigh whom before their going the General royally rewarded, also promising them better satisfaction at their return: five of them were this evening sent away with Letters, who promised to return again to us with Letters, but according to their accustomed practice of lying and deceit, they only spoke to give present content and meant the contrary, so that there is no hold in their words. This day there came somewhat near us a great Indian Boat laden with Paddy, the General made stay of her, and for our present supply, bought of her one Candy, & six Mands of Paddy, which the next day we took into the Peppercorn, and they having satisfaction to their content, being dismissed, departed.  
The sixteenth, we seeing two Frigates riding a good distance to the Northward of us, which the General had a desire to see what they were, and to know the cause of their riding there: which being Portugals, and seeing us rowing alongst the coast towards them, they set sail, standing awhile alongst the coast, and then to the Offing; but finding ourselves further and further a stern gave them over, and stood in with the River, and point of South Swally; we landed, determining with our net to fish, but the depth of the water not serving, the General was going up the River in his Galliot to fish, at which instant there came a good gale of wind off the sea, wherewith again came in the two former Frigates, accompanied with two other Frigates, newly come from the bar-foot of Surat. In which was the late Captain of our little Frigates; who lately hazarded his life by running away in the deep mud, supposed now by worthy valour to recover her again, (as soon after we were informed) to whose attempt the wind was as favourable, as adverse to us, who had fare to row to windward over a broad shoal, whereon we always had between three and four foot water; but we somewhat gotten off to set sail, and the Release not fare off to second us: and contrary to their expectations, in stead of flying see all our endeavours bend to hasten the meeting with them, and seeing our Musket shot fell but little short of them, which immediately was like to reach them: but as seemed, their former resolution found some contradict, for they all at once exchanged their steerne for their prowess, giving us some waist base shot in their running away; we pursued long, since we lost not much, we were ever in hope to get ground of them, but the wind increasing, and what between our people tired at the oar, and our too small sail to our little Frigate, put them clean from us, and so we returned to the Peppercorn, leaving the Darling.  
The twentieth in the morning, Thomas Glemham in the Pinnace went on shore to attend the coming down of any of the Country people, either with messages or provisions to cell, all giving direction, if any came to give him knowledge by shooting off three Muskets together, that the General in the Frigate would then go on shore the Pinnace coming on shore, one man only for a Sentinel went on shore, who no sooner came to the top of a small hill near the waterside, but presently seeing a troop of Portugals rush out of their ambush towards them, retired to the Pinnace, who rowed a little from the shore and anchored; the Portugals coming to the water side, discharged their small shot at our Pinnace, who so well repaid them with their Muskets, that presently they ran away, soon after they saw one of the Inhabitants on Horseback, whose coming down (as they suppose) the present sight of the Portugals hindered, and therefore shot off three Muskets together, which the General's hearing, presently went on the shore with the Frigate, but contrary to our expectation the said Indian came not down to them, neither any Message nor Letter, neither from the General nor Captain Sharpeigh. In the evening some of the poor Inhabitants brought down some few fruits to sell, which the General caused to be bought, and as our men repaired to the Frigate to come aboard, there came down unto them three men out of the Portugal Army, who for some disgust there given them, fled to us for succour, the one of them a Dutchman borne in Lisbon, called Lorenzo de Campo, the other two were Portugals, the principal of them called Frances Consalues'.  
The one and twentieth in the morning, the General in the Frigate went on shore, where he no sooner landed, but presently an Indian brought him a Letter from Captain Sharpeigh, certifying Sir Henry Middleton that the next day he would come down with all his goods guarded by an hundred Horsemen; this day a Mallabar Boy called Antonio, who had been five or six year's Captive to a Portugal Soldier in this Army, now finding good opportunity to his desire, fled unto us for secure.  
The two and twentieth, early in the morning, the General went on shore in the Frigate, attended by the Release, to expect the coming down of Captain Sharpeigh, according to his information in his Letter: now approaching near the shore, the Frigate anchored, and presently landed thirty men with small shot, the General appointing one of them for Sentinel, to stay on the top of a small hill near the water side; the rest also to be near the water side, for the better avoiding any sudden attempt, but all to look about, to see if they could discover any body coming down from Surat-wards: the Sentinel in short time saw two Bannians coming from the North-wards, whereof he instantly gave knowledge: these Bannians brought down some Tobacco, and other trifling things to cell; they being come aboard the Frigate, certified the General that the last night five Englishmen came from Surat, to a village some four miles from this place; 
Three hundred Portugals assault our men.  and that this morning they came from them, and that this afternoon they would come down to us, presently there sallied out of a valley between two hills on a sudden, seven troops of Portugals, with their colours displayed, whom our men seeing made a stand, the Portugals also made a stand, as having no list to come within the reach of our shot, although there were near three hundred of them. The General commanded our men to retire, and to embark themselves: which being done accordingly, the Portugals than made pursuit after them▪ and with five or six Bases (by them brought for that purpose) and other small shot, they began to shoot at our Boats and men, but did them no harm, who failed not to answer them again with the like, whereby (as afterwards we were informed) they went away with the worst. Now after longer stay, and our people not coming according to our expectation, the General returned aboard the Peppercorn, determining this afternoon with the ebb to be gone from this place to the Trades-increase; but as we were setting sail, a company of men were descried coming from the Northward, wherefore we again anchored, and the General went on shore in the Frigate, where presently came down to them three of our Countrymen, of the Ascensions company, to wit, Thomas Musgrave, Bartholomew Davis', and William Morgan, who with them brought Captain Sharpeigh, and john jordaines clothes and provisions. 
Certain Englishmen ●ome aboard.  On Thursday came down to them Captain Sha●peigh, with an hundred horsemen for his guard, all armed with Bows and arrows and Swords: with him came aboard jaddow, the Broker, and a Braman (or Bannian Priest) and an other Indian, Captain Sharpeigh his servant.  
The five and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton in the Frigate, 

Captain Sharpeigh cometh aboard.  
Our General goeth on land.   went on shore (accompanied by Captain Sharpeigh, and john jordaine) where Coia Nassan at the water side promised to meet him, who was there in readiness according to his promise. The Frigate coming to the water side, the General was fetched on shore on a Pallankin, borne on four men's shoulders, and there kindly entertained by Coia Nassan, and according to the Country fashion, a Carpet was spread whereon they sat to confer of our present business. It was by them in a manner concluded, our ships to go to Goga, a place on the Wester side of the Gul●e nearer to Cambaya, and to have Pilots from the shore for our more safe conduct; but a sudden (and at this time of the year unusual) shower of rain happening, they broke up their conference, promising the next day there to meet again, fully to determine of our said business.  
The six and twentieth, according to mutual promise, the General in manner aforesaid went on shore in the Frigate, who anchoring near the shore side, Coia Nassan in one of our boats sent off jaddow with a Present of ten fine Bastas, and fifty Bushels of Wheat to the General, and two Pilots for our safe conduct to Goga: the General very kindly accepted thereof, and with the Pinnace went to the shoreside, where on a Pallankin in manner aforesaid, he was received and entertained on shore, where they proceeded on their former conference; but the Pilots having discovered the manner of the place, whose unfitness gave no content, and therefore their determination therein soon altered, and it was concluded and agreed upon, that our ships should for the space of six days be gone off to Sea, which the Portugals perceiving, they suppose would also be gone, and then we again to return, and suddenly to dispatch our business. This Evening we set sail, standing to the Southwards to the Trades-increase, but the wind shortened upon us, so that we anchored some mile Westward of the road. This day in the morning, Thomas La●● died.  
The seven and twentieth in the morning, the General departed aboard the Trades-increase, and soon after sent his Pinnace for Captain Sharpeigh and my s●lfe, 
October.  to confer about our present business, (also he sent men to fetch away the Frigate and Portugals from the Peppercorn:) after a Counsel held, the General sent a letter to Don Francisco de Soto, Captain Maior of the Portugal army, therein repeating the manifold discourtesies by him showed towards us: First, not only hindering our landing, but also the passage of our letters, kept us from all relief for our sick men, and what at great charge was provided, he had taken from us, and kept us from our people on shore, which if we could have gotten, we had been gone long since: and also his endeavours the twelfth of this Month, to cut from us our boats sounding a head our ships, what time we took one of their Frigates, which we now having done o●r business, if he would sand for her, we would freely bestow her on him again. Also the General released the Indian ships, whom for conveyance of letters between Captain Sharpeigh and him, he restrained from going into the River, who now being dismissed, they presently departed towards Surat: also we made ready our ships to be gone off to Sea.  
The nine and twentieth, we set sail to sea-wards, the Portugal Frigates still following us in their accustomed manner. This day we met with a boat bound to Cambaya, laden with Coco nuts, of whom the General bought seventeen thousand, which he distributed amongst our people, and the Indian boat was presently dismissed: this day was M. Mullenex the second time put into the Peppercorn. The one and thirtieth, S. Henry Middleton seeing that the Portugals still followed us, determined to stand off no further, but again to return to do our business so fare as conveniently we could, in despite of them.  
The first of November, according to the General's predetermination, we returned to the North-wards as the winds and tides permitted. Saturday in the morning, 
November. 1.  we anchored thwart of South Swally, where the General in the Frigate went on shore, but heard no news from Surat. This night the Portugals in the river shot off diverse pieces, which they told the Indians was for joy they had received tidings of the coming of two great Galleys, and twenty Frigates more for their assistance, whereby they abused themselves, in thinking with their lies to terrify us, who were now armed to withstand all their villainous practices, usurping authority in an other King's Dominion, where they have no more to do then in Denmark.  
The fifth, Sir Henry Middleton sent William Pemberton Master of the Darling (in whose endeavours he had firm confidence) with his ship the Release and Frigate again, 
An excellent road found.  to discover to the North-wards as aforesaid; who there found a bard place, wherein not only our smaller ships might at high water go, but also the Trades-increase, being a little lightened, might also go safely over the Bar, and there ride within Caliever shot of the shore.  
The sixth in the morning, with the first of the flood, we all set sail, standing to the Northwards, and anchored thwart of the place discovered: at high water we with the Peppercorn, Darling and Release, went in over the Bar, whereon the lest depth we found was three fathom and a foot, but at low water three foot. Being in, we all anchored within Caliever shot of the shore, as aforesaid in eight fathom, and right a head or to the Northward of us, anchored twelve Portugal Frigates, somewhat without the reach of our Ordnance. This afternoon the General and myself, with a guard of forty small shot, went on shore to seek out some place where we might relieve our wants of fresh water: in the salt marshes we found a place of brackish water, whereof till better could be gotten, we were forced to make use. Here the Inhabitants brought down to cell five or six goats and sheep, and some fruits, which for relief of our out-tired weak people were all bought.  
The seventh, we filled some water, bought some small provisions as the people brought down: we haled the Release a ground, in hope to stop her leaks, being as it were in a manner devoured with worms, for the safety of her and her people: we erected a Tent, in which I continued, keeping a Court of Guard and Sentinels aboard, to prevent the practice of the Portugals our enemies to prejudice us. The eighth, all our Carpenters used their best endeavours to try the stopping of the Pinnace her leaks: this day Nicholas Bangham came down, bringing provisions such as by the General's directions he had provided, as Limbs for our diseased people, bread, lamp-oil, and candles, and his own provisions. This evening, some of our inhabiting neighbours of the nearest Villages, 
News of more Portugals.  informed the General, that in the River was arrived two Galleys, and eighty Frigates: upon which news the General altered his determination, and for the better security thought good to bring all our forces together, the better to frustrate any practices that might be intended against us; wherefore at his first departure aboard his ship, which rid in the Offing, gave me directions to guard the said Bark upon the shore, and as soon as the tide served, to heave her a float by my ship, or the Darling, which about midnight was performed; when presently we set sail over the Bar, and rid by the Admiral.  
The ninth in the morning, Coia Nassan came down, the General being then on shore; he certified the General, that so soon as all our ships were come into the road, he would bring down goods and trade with us; in the mean time a Market should be kept upon the sea strand, of all necessary provisions; also informed the General, that the Frigates last come into the River, was a Caphala or fleet of Partugall Merchant Frigates, bound to Cambaya: at his departure Nicholas Bangham went up to Surat with him.  
The twelfth, being in the road, we had a Market there kept upon the strand of diverse sorts of provisions, 
A Market at the road of Swally.  to wit, Meal, Bread, Bullocks, Goats, Sheep, Hens, Butter and Cheese, Sugar and Sugar-Candie, Limbs, Plantans, water-melons, Goards, Onions, Radishes, Pallingenies, Cucumbers, Milk, a kind of Peascod which they call Paupery, and Gindus, a small fruit as big as a little Crab, being in taste between sweet and sour, and in the midst thereof hath a small round stone, Sugarcanes, and Tobacco, also Saltfish dried, and Prawns, and Palmita wine, which they call Taddy. All these afore-named things were at reasonable cheap rates.  
The one and twentieth, my Sentinel upon the Mount, saw over the top of an other hill near adjoining, the heads of some of the Portugals, who there lay in ambush to the number of five hundred men: 
A second assault of the Portugals.  he had no sooner given the Alarm, but presently they seeing themselves discovered, they all with their colours advanced, with great celerity ran down, to cut off our people from the Boat; but having a little tasted of our shot, both out of great and small Pieces, and seeing some of their fellows tumbling in the mud, they made as great haste back out of the reach of them: diverse of them that fell down, afterwards came to themselves, and made means to crawl away, only Antonio de Sowso, a Gentleman of Chaul, having a deadly wound in the head, lay still. We seeing the neglect of compassion by his friends, in commiseration fetched him aboard; whose wound being incurable, he died within two hours after, and we buried him on the shore. Sir Henry Middleton in his ship in the Offing, hearing our pieces, and doubting of some disgust, hastened with his Frigate full of people unto us, yet notwithstanding we gave the enemy leave to take his pleasure on the shore, without landing to try any further fortunes with them: going on shore we found diverse of their relics, as shoes and socks, which for their more expedition away, they left behind: afterwards we were informed by the Muccadam or Constable of Swally, that the Portugals had killed and hurt in this attempt, eight of their people.  
The four and twentieth afternoon, came down Mucrib Chan, with one hundred horsemen, 
The arrival of Mucrib Chan the Governor of Cambaya.  and many more footmen, five Elephants, with diverse Camels, Carts and Oxen, for transportation of his provisions, wherein he shown his greatness. Furthermore, he had diverse Carts to carry his Leopards, wherewith at his pleasure he useth to hunt. He was there met by Sir Henry Middleton, at whose landing was discharged a Volley of an hundred and threescore small shot, and at the instant of their salutation each ship in order shot, to wit, the Darling three, the Peppercorn five, and the Trades-increase nine pieces of Ordnance, than was delivered unto him the King of England's Letter and Present unto himself, whereof with all shows of kindness he accepted: and Macrib Chan with sixteen Moguls and Moors, such as he made choice of (leaving the rest of his followers a shore with Hoia Nassan, and Coia Arsan Awl, and other Merchants, where was erected as it were a little Town of tents) boldly accompanied S. Henry Middleton aboard the Trades. Increase, where in the best manner the ship afforded, he was entertained, and continued all night, and part of the next day. 
Macrib Chan came aboard the Trades Increase.  Sir Henry Middleton often urged him concerning our main business, which he still put off with delays till an other time. But all his booking was, both himself and by diverse instruments to found out, and buy all such fantastical toys, that might fit his turn to please the toyish humour of the great King his Master, and for aught that we could gather, further than served his own turn, he little respected our selling or buying of our principal Merchandise brought for that place; having satisfied himself in th●t ship by his wittiest inquisition, desired in like mann●r to see the other ships, where he ran the like course aboard the Peppercorn: he bought all our Chests of Sword-blades, whereof he seemed to be so greedy, as he would not trust us to sand them after him, but would see them all sent a shore before his departure, which in few days after, having selected out all the crooked ones, and such as liked him, sent back the rest carelessly, and ill conditioned, as their accustomed manner is to do all things whatsoever they have bought, when by all the view they can have they dislike the same. Which business being ended, they hastened a shore accompanied by S. Henry Middleton, myself, Captain Sharpeigh, and john jordaine. He being landed, carried us to his Tent, where being all set upon Carpets, with many of his friends, Sir Henry Middleton again moved speech concerning our business, as aforesaid: which he again put off till to morrow. When we saw nothing to be done, and the night approaching, we took leave, departing aboard to spend the night in consultation of our next day's business or affairs.  
The six and twentieth in the morning, Sir Henry M●ddleton hastened ashore, thinking to do much business: being come he was informed that Macrib Chan was gone, and yet the better to pacify him, they told him he was gone to the Portugals to make friendship between us, which the General well knew was not so, but rather suspected that his going to the Portugals was, having received already from us in presents all he could get, that he would now also see what he could get from the Portugals to do ill Offices against us. Wherhfore, laden with discontent, he again departed aboard his ship in the offing, Hoia Nassan yet staying, pretending of purpose to buy our Commodities, whereof the General set down the particular prizes, but this day being fare spent, it was referred till the day following.  
The seven and twentieth in the morning Macr●b Chan sent one of his chief Gentlemen and his Broker with a Letter to the General: 
Base Vanity.  which I supposing to be of import and behoof of our Commonwealthss business, presently in my Boat sent the Messenger aboard the Admiral, the effect whereof was soon found to be no other than to beg his perfumed jerkin and his Spaniel Dog, which was denied him the day before when he begged his Beaver Hat: also he desired our workmen and Smith to make him the model of a chain pump, also this morning Captain Sharpeigh and Master jourdaine went ashore to Hoia Nassan, to confer with him of the prizes of our Commodities.  
The eight and twentieth, Hoia Nassan departed to Su●at, carrying with him the General's jerkin and Dog, which Macrib Chan had formerly begged, and that we should the less doubt, he left behind him in his Tent Hoia jellardin his son-in-law, pretending he should stay till his return. Hoia Nassan being once gone, he set slight, being careless of our business, and the next night he dissolved his Tent and departed, to no small disturbance to us, seeing none left to rectify any business. This day Bartholomew Davis' one of our Carpenters was sent to Surat, to make provision of planks and boards for re-edifying of the Release, we there into encouraged by their favourable promise, in which is very small hold, for he once there, found nothing but delusions or delays, for wheresoever he found Timber, either he could not found any to cell it, or not to saw it; so all his business was not only frustrate, but he also in despair of liberty to return. This day Master jourdaine, Master Frain, and others went up to a Village near adjoining to view some packs of Indian Cloth, which Hoia Nassan had brought down thither to barter with us for some of our Commodities: they returning brought down the Mustraes' of every sort, and the prizes demanded for them per Corge: the General upon such as he liked set down what prizes he would give for them, requiring them to do the like by his Commodities, and to have answer the next day: but they held them at high rates, and offered weakly for our Commodities, which they esteemed of necessity, we must be forced to cell them howsoever.  
The first of December, they perceiving that Sir Henry Middleton would not give them their demand for their Commodities, nor cell them his at their own rates, to show their carelessness, 
Decemb. 1.  or to try his temper, did not only speedily sand for their Mustraes' of clotheses, but also carried back to Surat, all such packs as they had formerly brought down to Damka, a Village three mile from us. Also the poor Inhabitants were restrained from bringing down provisions to cell us, as formerly by permission they did.  
The sixth, the General was informed the Mockrib Chan, and Hoia Nassan were coming down, and in the evening we see as it were a Village of Tents pitched somewhat more than a mile within the land, to the Eastward of the Road, but whether they came in peace or not, we knew not.  
The seventh, jaddow & Narran Brokers came down, certifying the General that Mockrib Chan and Hoia Nassan were coming down, and were now at the Tents, and to morrow would be here with him. 
Barbarous inhumanity.  They translated our King's Letter, and then departed, but yet their extraordinary sadness, as men sent by constraint, gave us no hope of good towards us, the rather for that they had formerly restrained as prisoner our man sent to the Town about business, as also their severity in proclaiming the loss of their noses, to any that should bring down any provision to us, whereby they shown their desire to force us away by Famine. This day the Darling was again haled off to her morning.  

Chief Commodities for India.  The eighth, Mockrib Chan and Hoia Nassan, came down with a great train to the waterside, and at the same time, to put jealousy of their ill dealing from us, brought down some forty or fifty packs of Indian Clotheses, and so increasing to the number of a hundred and eight packs, yet the sight thereof could not move all of us to believe, they meant faithfully to deal with us: but they having extraordinary desire to our Quicksilver, and Vermilion, and Mockrib Chan to our Velvet, though they made smallest show thereof. Yet for that it could not be had by itself, without our Lead and other Commodities, by which means they condescended to deal at present for our Lead also, deferring all the rest till some other time, but would not deal with us otherwise, but so as they would gain fifty in the hundred at their own doors without further adventure, and ours which we have brought so fare, we could not draw them but to such poor rates, as will bear but a small part of our freight hither.  
The ninth in the morning, Sir Henry Middleton went on shore, not having any sure confidence in their performance, where in words they continued firm. Wherhfore the Trades Increase began to landlord her Lead; somewhat before noon was brought unto Mockrib Chan, a Letter from the great Mogul, whereat he was so damp, that scarce any words was to be gotten from him, but presently after dinner he departed, but Hoia Nassan, and others continued, as they pretended, to effect the business: this night before the General went aboard, being still in suspicion of inconstant dealing, and seeing the great pains and toil in landing our Lead, and what intolerable disgust or discontent would arise among our people, if by shrinking from their words we be forced again to embark the same, sent some of our Factors with the Brokers to Hoia Nassan to signify the same, and before further trouble to know his full resolution: who returned him answer, he should not need to doubt, for they would have it all: whereby without further doubt, the greatest expedition was used for landing thereof. This day in the evening, William johnson Sailer of the Darling, and john Coverdale Trumpeter of the Admiral, ran away to the Portugal Army, and john Pattison to Surat.  
The tenth, there came aboard to see our ships the Governor of Surat, and Coia Arsan Awl, being departed from the Peppercorn with the General aboard the Admiral, in the offing this sudden disturbance happened, which crossed the content on all sides, for john jourdaine came speedily from the shore to inform the General, how that Hoia Nassan having already the Velvet and some other things which he most desired, was now in a great fit of wrangling, so that he thought no good for us would be done: for he had both made them give over weighing the lead; and also sent for his Oxen to draw away the Carts with the packs of Indian Clotheses: whereat the General grew so impatient, that he presently made stay (to enforce performance) both of the Governor and Coia Arsan Ally, to their great trouble of mind, but after some little pause, the General caused them to be embarked with himself in the Frigate, and came in calling upon me in the Peppercorn, to impart what he had done, wishing my opinion, who seeing him in the right way, saw no cause to counsel him to revoke the same▪ but rather for security of our business to persevere: from me he departed to the shore with a reasonable Guard, and gave Hoia Nassan knowledge, what his cross dealing had forced him unto, and that since the Governor of Surat came in courtesy, and the business concerns him not; wished himself to come aboard and take his place, and he would dismiss the Governor; who seeing no other remedy, with a grim look and sour countenance came into the Frigate, and the Governor to his great content was dismissed, and they were brought to remain with me in the Peppercorn.  
The eleventh, we continued landing of our Lead, and had so lightened the Admiral, that at high-water the night following to our great content, we brought her in over the bar, also having now all our strength together where our business lay.  
The twelfth in the morning, Sir Henry Middleton sent for the Gentlemen Prisoners to be brought aboard his greater ship; which Hoia Nassan for long time obstinately refused, till I had order to sand him p●rforce: he being there, in regard of the hastening of our business it was thought fit to enlarge them both, leaving other pledges in their places, as for Coia Nassan was Coia Illardin his son in law, and one of his sons: and for Hoia Arsan Awl, two Persian Merchants. And for pledges on our side to remain with them in their Tents, were john Williams and Henry Boothby: this night were opened, counted, sorted and agreed for forty packs of Indian Clotheses.  
The fifteenth, there came to us two Portugal youths from the Army, one of them being the Captain Maior his Page. 
Portugal Fugitives.   
The sixteenth, in the morning we saw to the Southward five Portugal Colours displayed: whereof the General understanding presently by his command, were landed some two hundred armed men with Shot and Pikes to meet them: which they perceiving retired, in which pursuit being near unto our Swally, we met with Hoia Nassan and all his troops, 
Portugall's bravery and flight.  who was coming down with some twenty packs more of Indian Clotheses: he informed the General that the Portugals were already gotten over the muddy Creeks, and were near unto their Frigates, wherefore the General gave over his pursuit, and returned aboard.  
The nineteenth, Peter Rosemary (a Portugal whom we brought out of England) a Sailer of the Trade, being appointed as Guardian to attend on (or look to) Francisco Consalues, they both ran away to the Army.  
The seven and twentieth, there came from Surat Hoia Nassan, to see if he could buy any of our Clotheses and other Commodities: but not agreeing upon the prcies, he again departed. This day by a jew from Masulipatan, the General received a Letter from one Peter Floris (a Dutchman employed by the Company of Merchants of London trading to East-India, who had there settled a factory) certifying the General of three ships, which were coming out of England, whereof one was to go into Red-Sea: which was very unpleasing to the General and us all, in regard of the danger we suspected they should fall into.  
The thirtieth, Master jourdaine and Master Fraine were sent to Surat, to agreed for some more Indian Clotheses, as also to urge the putting off of some of our Commodities. The same day the General received a Letter from Captain Haukins at Cambaya, signifying that his determination was with all his household to take his passage to Goa, and from thence to England; But Sir Henry Middleton conceiting, if he once get to Goa, his goods would stop his passage to England, if not shorten his life, by the same Messenger did most earnestly and friendly advice him to the contrary, and invited him to take his passage with us into England: also our people at Surat informed the General that Mockrib Chan made show to be willing that we should leave a factory for venting of the remain of our Commodities: which kept us sometime in hope, but afterwards vanished by inconstancy.  
The eight of januarie, Nicholas Vphlet came down from Cambaya, 
january 8.  with Letters from Captain Haukins to the General, certifying him that by reason of his former Letter, he determined to come down to our ships, and take his passage with us.  
The six and twentieth, Captain Sharpeigh, Master Fraine, 
Capt. Hawkins.  Captain Hawkins with all his goods and Family, and the rest (Nicholas Vphlet excepted) came down, whom the General with a Troop of some two hundred men, went some three mile up into the Land to meet and guard them from the portugals, whose Army was not far off.  
The seven and twentieth, the General sent john Williams to Surat, to know their resolutions for leaving a Factory there.  
The nine and twentieth, john Williams returned with an absolute denial of having any further dealing with our Nation, but were all commanded to be gone out of Surat, not permitting them to stay to receive Debts there owing them: wherefore they sent to know the General's pleasure, whether they should presently come down, or use means to delay the time, to see whether their determination therein would altar.  
The thirtieth, Sir Henry Middleton writ to our people at Surat, speedily to repair down to our ships.  
The one and thirtieth, according to the General's direction, all our people came down from Surat with all their goods.  
The sixth of February, there passed by towards Cambaya, a great Caphala, 
February, 6.  or Fleet of near five hundred sail of Portugal Frigates.  
The ninth in the morning, upon the top of a high water, the Admiral warped out over the Bar, and anchored in the Offing. This day about noon came down from Cambaya, Nicholas Vphlet, Captain Haukins servant, whom they had left behind in pawn, as aforesaid, for whom we stayed since the last of januarie, what time our Merchants were expelled Surat. This day in the evening we set sail, and went out over the Bar, and anchored in eight fathom, some mile in the Offing thereof, near unto the Admiral.   

§ V Their departure to Dabull, Socatora, the Red-sea, and Acts there.  
WE departed the ninth, having continued here the space of an hundred and thirty eight days, in which we sustained many and sundry abuses by delays, breach of promises, which holding the Country people from trading with us, and having exchanged a few Commodities at very hard and unprofitable Rates, which holding further trade, disappointing us of settling a factory, which holding some debts formerly, and commanding our Merchants out of their Town, and our ships to be gone. The cause moving them to hasten us away (as we afterwards understood) grew thus at the instant of their conference, whether fit for them to permit us to leave a factory, to vent the rest of our goods brought for that place there or no; was delivered into the hands of Mockrib Chan a Letter from Dangie, a Bannian in Cambaya, by the instigation of the jesuites there; advising them, that if they gave place to the English in Surat, 
The threatenings of the portugals.  the Portugals would come with force, and burn all their Sea Townes, and make spoil of all the ships they should sand abroad, the contents whereof was applauded of most; all agreeing it to be their best course, and thereupon dismissed our people, as aforesaid.  
This Road of Swally within the Barlyeth in twenty degrees, fifty five minutes North latitude, the variation in sixteen degrees and forty minutes Westerly, 
Observations of the Tides, etc. at Swally.  we found the water highed more on the full Moon spring then on the change, by four foot: the one being four and twenty foot, the other twenty, the night tides higher than the day tied by three foot, according as the wind blew, the Coast or Strand within the Bar lieth nearest South and North by the Compass, which the variation allowed is North by East, and half East, and South by West half West, also at West South-west half South, and East North-east half North, the Moon makes a full Sea.  
The tenth, the General stayed to dispatch his business with jaddow and Narran the Brokers: also we took out of a Frigate bound to the Rehemy at Goga, certain Candy's of Rice and Pitch, giving them Bills to be paid at Surat by two men, who were indebted to Captain Hawkins account.  
The eleventh, in the morning at six a clock at high water we set sail, and at two in the afternoon we anchored in the South Road at the Bar foot of Surat, 
They departed from Surat.  by a new ship called the Hassany, bound with the Rehemy unto the Red-Sea: also we took out of another Frigate certain Charcoal, assigning them to be paid at Surat in manner aforesaid.  
The fourteenth, at one of the clock in the morning we met with a Bank, whereon we had from sixteen to thirteen fathoms, and suddenly again to twenty and twenty two fathoms, after which we haled up by a wind West by South some three leagues: from six a clock in the morning to noon South Southeast some nine leagues, the wind at North, our depths twenty, nineteen, seventeen, and sixteen fathoms, what time we were some ten leagues of the Land Westwards in North latitude, nineteen degrees, thirty seven minutes. At one a clock we passed by three Mallaber ships bound for Surat, laden with Cayro (or stuff to make Ropes) & Coco Nuts, who there rid in fourteen fathom, nine leagues off from the land to spend the ebb, and Southeast from seven other ships near in towards the mountains, from noon to midnight, we went South Southeast some five leagues, the most part of this night being calm.  
The fifteenth to noon South Southeast six leagues, the wind Northerly a very easy gale: this night we heard diverse great Ordnance shoot off ashore: this night our passage hath been in fifteen, thirteen, and twelve, fathom, this land is mountainous mixed with diverse Valleys like harbours or entries. Our latitude at noon was nineteen degrees, four minutes. At Sunset, we were three leagues of the shore, our passage in between twelve and six fathom. From noon to midnight our course was South by East eleven leagues, the wind Northerly.  
The sixteenth to noon South by East twelve hours, eleven leagues, the wind Northerly, the land high and full of harbour like Bays all alongst in fine shoalding in five fathom, and four miles of the land, and nine fathom three leagues of our latitude eighteen degrees, one minute. This day at Sunsetting we anchored in seven fathom thwart of the Bar of Dabull, to which Town the General went in hope to sell some of his English Commodities, 
Dabull.  or (as it were) to shoot another Arrow after diverse formerly lost.  
The seventeenth, in the morning, the General in the Frigate went in near the Bar to discover the depths and so aboard again, which was five fathom very near the South point of the entrance, but very little further North-wards towards the middle of the entrance but two fathom: the latitude of this South point is seventeen degrees, thirty four minutes, the variation is fifteen degrees thirty four minutes. 
Latitude, 17.34 Variation 15.34   
This day about noon came off two Boats from the Governor, the one with a present, which was three Bullocks, certain Sheep, Plantans, Bread, and water Millions: in the other Boat came the Messengers, which were sent to know what we were, and our business, though they before did imagine who we were, partly by our acquaintance with them at Moha, as also their hearing of our being at Surat. The Message, according to the Indian manner, was delivered with many compliments and promise of all friendship, and further that they would buy our goods for money, and give us Indigo, Cloth and Pepper for the same, (which was more than we could expect, or they had order to grant) for what Indigo they had with Cloth and Pepper was presently to be employed in their own ships now bound for the Read Sea; upon these kind promises the General sent Merchants ashore both with a present to the Governor, and with Mustres of English Clotheses, and other of our Commodities: but of all, except some little Broadcloth and Kerseys of our best colours, as Stanimels', Poppiniay green, and other light colours, and lead in bars, we could cell none: for our Read Lead, 
Dabull, double dealing.  the Governor bought and sent it aboard again: and somewhat after the manner we found at Surat, the Governor dealt double with us; granting free leave to cell, yet underhand had men in wait to restrain or beat away such as came to buy; so that no man buying made his own price, for what he desired to buy: for Corn and other provision and water to be brought aboard for money, we had with all favour, and at last we had a Cable of eighteen inches, and ninety six fathom of the Country stuff, worth eight pound sterling, for one of the Darlings Anchors. Now, whether such kindness as we received were out of their good disposition to strangers, or not, it is hard to judge, they having presently blown abroad and informed at Moha, that we endeavour to right what wrongs any should impose upon us, and therefore might seem to make the best shows unto us.  
The six and twentieth, in the afternoon, besides diverse Mallaber Merchants ships which anchored by us, we saw also in the Offing a great Ship and Frigate, to whom, 
Portugal ship.  two hours before night the General sent off the Darling to bring in the said ship: but doubting the missing of her by night, as also the smallness of his force to command her, when night came sent of me also in the Peppercorn, with his Frigate well manned to attend upon me in regard of the Frigate in her company. About midnight, though very dark, I get sight of her riding at Anchor, sending our Frigate to the other running away, and the great ship getting sight of us, was come to sail, but being commanded to strike sail, did it, also their Captain and Principals to come aboard me, he sent a Soldier and two more in a Canon, who excused the Captain to be aged and unwieldy, and that their great Boat was so pestered with lading, that they could not row her; wherefore, though unwillingly, I was forced to sand my own Pinnace for some of the principal Merchants and Soldiers, but with such straight direction to my Cock-swaine, that upon pain of great punishment he should permit none to go into her, to the end to prevent spoil. I intended Sir Henry Middleton should be the first Englishman should enter her: meanwhile our Frigate with the other which they had taken, returned to us, and to my grief gave knowledge that they killed one of the Portugals in flying. Now having diverse of their men aboard me, I gave direction to stand in for Dabull: but by reason of their ill steerage, which we imputed to be done of purpose, and for that with all our sails we could not fetch them up being gotten a little a-head us, and fearing they might mend their sailing, and get from us, I caused them to be called unto to take in their sails, and anchored till day, which directions given and our Anchors ready to let fall, I departed into my Cabin to examine some of the Portugals, what their ship was laden withal: meanwhile my Master pretended to doubt whether the ship were anchored or not, without any order or knowledge sent my Pinnace aboard, wherein went one of his mates, more greedy of pray then careful of credit, who did not only go into the ship, but there fell to rifling, who though often called made no haste away, till his own pleasure was fulfilled. Against whose coming aboard, I caused Thomas Glenham, john Staughten, George Cockam and Robert Mico the Purser, to be ready at the Ladder with a Lantern and Candle to search them one by one (in the Portugals sight aboard our ship) and turned them out of the Boat: which being done, and the things thrown into the Boats stern by Thomas Glenham, john Staughten, and Robert Mico, I sent again aboard the Portugal ships, willing the Purser to tell them aboard if there were any thing else wanting, they that had been aboard without my direction should make it good: but by reason that Thomas Love, George jeff and Matthew Bragge, three Masters Mates of the Admiral lately dead, the Frigate was now commanded by one Terry a servant to Giles Thornton, who before our Boat got aboard again, notwithstanding they were commanded to the contrary, went aboard with our Frigate, whereas, like disgoverned pilfering people, they run all into the ship, not forbearing to break open Chests, tumble into the Frigate, and make spoil of all things that liked them, forbearing no ill language to such as I had sent to restrain them. But the evil being done, it was too late to undo it: and though it bred in me much trouble and present discontent; yet I used the best means I had left to cure the same, 
Unruliness in Mariner's, when Prey is present.  which was, I desired William Pemberton who with the Darling came newly to us, to make the more haste into the Road, and to inform the General of our people's misbehaviour, to the end before they should have means to convey away or remove the same care, might be taken for bringing off, all things to light, which the General no sooner understood, but at one a clock when we all anchored by him, commanded both the Frigates wherein our people were, to anchor of and non● of them to come aboard him; and Sir Henry Middleton and myself with the Captain, and Merchants of the Portugal ship, went first to our own Frigate, and then to the Frigate newly taken where our people were, and had every one narrowly searched, and all things taken from them, and they turned one by one out, as they were searched, of all what was found belonging to the Frigate was there left, and then our small Frigate was by our Pinnace towed aboard the Portugal ship, where all the rest was delivered for the use of such to whom it belonged. This ship belonged to Cochin, called the Saint Nicholas, of burden some three hundred tons, the Captain's name 〈…〉 being bound to Chaull, 
A Portugal ship of 300. tons taken.  their lading confessed, was principally dried Coco Nuts, some Tin, black Sugar, and Racka Nuts, ten Fats of China Dishies, certain Bags of Allome, and some small quantity of China Dishes, and some Cayro, or ball Ropes. We made all inquisition possible for their bills of lading, but none they would be known of, which put us to great trouble to found out, the little we had from them, which were certain balls of China raw ●lke, some small quantity of Cloves, and some few Cannastres, and three Chests of Cinnamon, and some Wax to make us Candles▪ all which was as it were but a mite in comparison of the damages done us by the portugals.  
The Frigate belonged to Chaull and bound to O●mus, of burden sixty tons, her lading, Ric● and Tam●rin, out of whom we took 〈◊〉 bags of Rice for our provision: this business continued us in doing every day somewhat till the first of March. By this Frigate the General dispatched away all such portugals as came to him from the Army at Surat, to wit Lorenzo de Campo, and his consort, the f●llow taken in the Frigate and the two Boys, that came away from their Masters, giving them money in their Purses, according to their several quality, beside, the apparel formerly made for either of them unto the Merchant, that aught the most part of the Silk, the General gave a fine Broadcloth, and to the Captain of the Frigate, from whom we took the Rice, a fine Kersie. Also this day the Governor sent to gi●e the General knowledge, that the next day or night following the great Caphala, which passed by us the sixth of February aforesaid, towards Cambaya, would either the next day or night following again pass by towards Goa: which howsoever they passed either by night or day we saw them not.  

Consultation.  The fourth, the foresaid business being effected, the General called us all to consultation what was best to be done, showing his desire to go to the Bar of Goa, there to demand of the Viceroy restitution of our wrongs done to us and our Nation by the portugals, to the end if that he refused to do it, we might the better have warrant, to right ourselves upon any portugals, which by our endeavours we might meet with all; which demand of the most was thought reasonable, but not fit in regard of the shortness of time and variety of delays, and treacherous plots we were to expect, to our further abusing; wherefore it was concluded and agreed upon, for that the time not yet serving to go to the Southwards about the Cape Commerin; Again, to return to the Red-Sea in this vacant time to see, if we can get away these goods lying upon our hands, in a manner holden for lost, to recover some of our former losses from the subjects of the great Mogoll; as also to cross the Turks at Moha and Aden, for the mischief they have formerly done us▪ and principally for to rescue, defend or recover that ship sent out by the Company, the year after 〈◊〉 coming out, which we heard of from Masulipatan, which we have great doubt of, jest she befallen into like mishap as we did in the Red-Sea, but for that this day the wind served not to set sail, we deferred it to the fift day in the morning.  

They departed from Dabull 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 Sea again.  The fifth, at six a clock in the morning, we all set sail from Dabull standing away North Northwest alongst the Coast, the General wishing to see the ship of Cochin, near unto her Harbour of Chaull, clear of danger by the Mallabars their enemies, and at Sunset we anchored in seven fathom, some league distant from the land, distant from Dabull some six leagues, and short of Chaull some nine leagues, the wind at South, and so veering to the Westwards.  
From the Coast of India to Socatora, we this time daily found our ship further to the Southwards, then by our course we could expect, and especially when we were thwart of the Gulf, or entrance of Sinus Persicus, which I imagined to be some currrent setting thence to the Southwards.  
The twentieth of March, the General despeeded away William Pemberton (in the Darling) before to Socatora, to inquire of our ship bound for the Red-Sea and India, which we heard of from Masulipatan.  
The four and twentieth, at ten a clock in the morning we descried land bearing West South-west, 
The Easter end of Socatora.  some eight leagues distant, being the Easter end of Socatora, being high land, having four white cliffs or sand hills, the Norther part whereof by reason of the hazinesse we could not discern.  
The five and twentieth of March, at Sunne-setting, the point of Delisha bore Southeast four leagues distant.  
The six and twentieth at five a clock in the morning it fell calm, and the current setting Northward upon the rock, whereby we were forced to anchor in four and twenty fathom water, on the South Southeast side of the rock (which is Saboyna) some half a mile distant; 
The rock Saboyna.  at this rock is great store of fish. Between nine and ten a clock, we again set sail, standing away Westwards of Cape Guardafui, the wind being at South.  
The seven and twentieth, about four a clock in the morning, the rocks Northwards of Abba del Curia, thence distant some three leagues and a half, bore North of us some half a mile off, which is by estimation twenty leagues West by South, from the Wester point of Socatora: our depths we there found was sixteen, seventeen and eighteen fathom, day being come, we saw the Island of Abba del Curia.  
The eight and twentieth in the morning, at six a clock, 
March.  the Cape Guardafui bore Southeast seven leagues distant, and Mount Foelix West half a point Southerly nine leagues: we came within four mile of the land, and the depths forty, nine and thirty, thirty, seven and twenty, three and twenty, one and twenty, eighteen and fifteen fathom, and about three afternoon, in a fret of wind at East North-east, we anchored in rough ground in seven fathom a mile and half Westwards from Mount Foelix; all which Coast the General coasted along in his Frigate, and took in, and brought along three of the Country people, which he gave letters unto, to be delivered unto the Darling, if she came here after our departure, and so put them a shore: they informed the General, that four days since there passed by towards the Red-sea four Indian ships.  
The nine and twentieth in the morning, the General sent letters to other people on land, to be delivered to the Darling: the country people brought down to our men to cell, 
Franges. The Western Christians in the Eastern world are since that Expedition of Godfrey of Bullen called Frankes, because the principal of that army were French in Nation or original.  some store of sheep, small Goats, with some small frails of Olibanum and gum Arabic, all which they had at reasonable rates; the people still taking us to be Mahumetans, and not Christians, or (as they call them) Franges, whom they favour not, so the Boat returning aboard about noon, the General thought good no longer to stay for the Darling; wherefore we set sail, standing away towards Aden in Arabia Foelix. At four a clock in the afternoon Mount Foelix bore East by South half a degree South, some eight leagues distant.  
From noon the thirtieth day, to one a clock in the morning, the one and thirtieth day, thirteen hours, Northwest eighteen leagues, the wind at North North-east; this day afternoon we descried the land of Arabia Foelix.  
The one and thirtieth in the morning, at one a clock, being near the land, we cast about to the Southwards, to spend time till day; at five a clock in the morning, we cast about again Northwest to landwards: from six a clock in the morning to six afternoon twelve hours, we stood alongst the Coast West by South, and West South-west thirteen leagues, always keeping within five mile of the land, in depths between eighteen and thirty fathom, from six a clock to midnight, six hours' West South-west six leagues.  
The first of April, from midnight till six a clock, West by South, half South five leagues, at which time, by estimation, we were eighteen leagues short of Aden: 
April 1:  This day the General sent for me, Master Laws and Master Fowler, to confer of our separation: at length it was concluded, that I in the Peppercorn should continued near, or before the Town of Aden, to keep that no Indian ship should arrive or stay there, but to put them by towards the Red-sea, and to that end I received a direction or commission from my General, who was with all expedition with the Trades-Increase to repair to the Bab, or door of the Red-sea, both for safety of the Companies ship, whereof we had intelligence from Masulipatan, to be following our tract, both to the Red-sea and India, even into the mouths of the Wolves, which by God's mercy we have escaped, as also there at once to take revenge, both of the Turks, and subjects of the great Mogoll, for the wrongs done to our King and Country.  
The second, from midnight to six a clock, West South-west three leagues, little wind at East; about eight a clock in the morning, what time we should have been separated, some eight leagues Eastward of Aden, we found at an anchor the Darling, who had got before us, by reason of our linger for her four days, who had done their business at Socatora, and were again departed thence, before we passed it, and gate a day before us, by the Saboyna, Abba del Curia, and Mount Foelix, where we lingered for them: they brought from thence the copy of a letter left with the King, by Captain john Saris, Commander of the ships of our Indian Company, to wit, 
General Saris.  the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, signifying, that notwithstanding by Sir Henry Middleton's letter, he understood of the villainies there done to us, he with his said ships was gone into the Red-sea. Immediately the General with the Trades-Increase and Darling, departed towards the Bab, leaving me in the Peppercorn at an anchor, some eight leagues Eastwards of Aden, according to former determination.  
The third at one a clock in the morning, we set sail, and stood to the Southwards, the better to discover, and so all the day under sail, we kept up to windwards of Aden: in the morning we saw three sail bound for Aden, but stood away from us, that we could not come near them all night, for that it blew hard, we did not anchor, but lay a hull to try our drift, which I found in ten hours to be three leagues, so running further in: and the fourth day morning, about seven a clock, I anchored in twelve fathom, some league or four mile from the Town of Aden.  
The twelfth in the morning, a little after midnight, we set sail to cross her, and at daylight we descried her riding at an anchor some three mile Southward of us, with whom presently we trimmed our sails to stand withal, and she presently was under sail, and stood in with Aden. Between nine and ten a clock, by shooting off a Piece at them, they came room, and struck their topsails, and sent in their Boat to us: they told us they were of Calicut, and bound to Aden, 
A ship of Calicut.  and their ship belonged to the Samorin, or King of Calicut, from whence they had been forty days in coming, they came near Socatora, and touched at Mount Foelix, where they saw the General's letter left there for the Darling, where also they saw a ship of Dabull, which came from Achin. The Nobuda of this ship is called Abraham Abba Zeinda, their ships Cargazon, according to their information was as followeth: Tamerick three tons, Rice three and twenty hundred kintals, jagara or boon Sugar forty bahars, Cardaminus seven bahars, Ginger dry four kintals and an half, Pepper a tun and a half, Cotton one and thirty packs, each pack containing five or six mands; she had in her threesore and fifteen persons, for the uses following: twenty to bale water, and other business below, eight for the Helm, four for top and yard, and other business aloft; twenty Boys for dressing several men's victuals; the rest Merchants and Pilgrims: this ship was of burden an hundred and forty tons: thus having to the utmost examined them, and they being of a place, whose Inhabitants never wronged our Nation; therefore without diminishing any part of their goods, but only, with their good wills, two tons of water for our need, and so I dismissed them; though to the great disturbance of their minds, when by no means I would permit them to go into Aden to make sale of their commodities; which if they did once attempt, I threatened them I would sink their ship, and leave only their Boat to save their lives; yet their unwillingness to departed made me add many more threatenings, that if they hastened not away before I see any other sail to give chase unto, I must then be forced to sink their ship, to be sure to keep them from the Turks our enemies; whereby they put themselves to sail, and stood somewhat of the land, but to lee-wards; so to our disturbance, we all day and night kept off and on under sail, for fear jest in the night they should slip into Aden.  
Note that any ship we here saw, before we could come to speak with them, there hath been advice sent from the Governor of the Town to inform them of us; and when we had the Mallabar under command, the Governor sent a Boat aboard with diverse Arabs, and two Turks soldiers of the Town, which had formerly been instruments to Abdraheman Aga, to bind and torture our men then in their hands, which now seeing the men they used ill, brought them in no small doubt what their usage now should be, as their guilty conscience pricked them, whom I suppose came as spies to see what we did, brought some fruit to cell: at the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they would fain have put off their Boat and been gone, but I would not permit them; 
April.  causing them to be put in mind of their behaviour formerly towards our people in their hand, and when without any evil speech given them, I thought them sufficiently by their own minds terrified, I caused to be told them, that they should see how far our Nation differeth from the rigour of injurious Turks, which most cruelly handled our men without offence, whom by all fair promises they betrayed; and that I yet knowing them to have exercised their forces in abusing my men, yet notwithstanding I would without discourtesy or harm, dismiss or sand them away; who presently departed, with many promises the next day to bring us more refreshing: the next morning they sent us a boat with good fish, and promising to come anon with better provisions, which they were providing: but by reason of my setting sail, and standing off, to put the Malabar to lee-ward towards the Red-sea, I was too fare for them to row unto me, which ship, if she had stayed, might have been occasion that the Aga might have permitted them to perform their promises to us.  
The fourteenth in the morning, the wind at East, we descried another ship of like burden, bound also for Aden, 
A ship of Pormean.  which about ten a clock we forced to anchor: I sent aboard to search her, and to bring away some of her men, while I caused my Boat to be hoist out; understanding they were of Pormean, a Town not fare from Cutts-nagone, being tributaries to the great Mogoll, who despised our King, and abused our Nation; the Nobuda being a Bannian, I with this ship being at an anchor some two miles from Aden, our enemies, and finding by the Mallabars working the day before, that if any other sail, of never so much importance, should approach this place, before I could finish my business with this, I must either leave the one or the other to their own will, for which respect I was more careful to sand to search what she had in her, by my own people, 
Our men unlade this ship.  then to examine them belonging to her, what was in her. So with great labour in rummaging before the darkness of the night overtook us, we had out of her fourteen packs of course Duttie, of six corges a pack; and six and thirty Ballets, containing some six and thirty corges of Dutties' course; one small Ballet of Candekins mill (or small blue pieces of calico) with some thirty or more Bastas' white, a little Butter and Lamp-oil, which was all fit for us▪ yet discovered the rest of her loading, being packs of cotton-wool, as we term it, which the next day we thought further to examine. This day Maharim Aga of Aden, sent me a present of Henne-egges, Limbs and Plantans, which I would not look at, as to receive as a Present, but by the messenger I sent the Aga word, that the variety of injuries done unto my friends and Nation here the last year, hath constrained my present approach, to do my Nation and myself what right I may, to the disturbance of the Turks. And as my coming hither was not to deserve any favour from them; so my meaning was to forbear to receive any of their dissembling courtesies for since they cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, what may we expect from them now, when we come in hate and despite of the Turks of all these parts? but in regard it was sent, my people should give them for their own use, so much as the things were worth; also there came aboard a fisherboat, bringing good store of fresh-fish, which I caused to be bought for our suppers, always making the bringer to eat part of what he brought. 
Fear of poisoning.   
The six and twentieth in the morning, we descried a sail to the Southwards of Aden, plying to the Eastwards, to whom in the afternoon I sent my Pinnace, which brought her in near unto us, she being a jelba of Shaher bound home, laden with Graine and other commodities, as Opium and others, also diverse Pilgrims from Mecca were passengers in her bound home.  
The seven and twentieth in the morning, we saw a jelba plying to the Eastwards between us and the shore, wherefore I sent my Pinnace to fetch her off, whom I found to be the same jelba of Shaher, that had passed by us the seventeenth and two and twentieth of this present, as aforesaid: of them for a trial we bought nine pound and a half of Opium, and so again dismissed them.  
The eight and twentieth in the morning, we set sail, plying off and on to windwards of Aden, with the wind at East. The nine and twentieth, still under sail, as aforesaid in the afternoon, we descried two sails standing towards Aden, 
Bander Zeada a place on the Abaxin Coast.  unto whom in the evening I sent off my Pinnace well manned, to bring them in near unto the ship, which by four a clock the thirtieth day was effected; they both belonged to a place on the Abaxin Coast, called Bander Zeada, the one of them laden only with Mats; the other with some Mats, and threescore and eight sheep with great rumps, which we bought of them, and so dismissed them, who presently set sail and went in unto Aden, the wind at East Southeast, East and North-east.  
The eighth, with an easy gale of wind at North-east by East, we continued; plying towards the Bab. At ten a clock, we descried the land on the Abaxin▪ Coast side, 
May.  which at first shown like an Island, but approaching a little nearer, we plainly perceived it to be the main land: from thence we steered away Northwest towards the Bab, which by estimation was some ten leagues distant, which at near four in the afternoon we descried, where we lay linger off and on to spend the night. Day light appearing, we stood in towards the Bab, where in the entrance of the Bab, we descried a small sail a stern of us, coming into the strait; wherefore I struck my topsails to stay for her, and sent off my Pinnace to her, who coming up with us again, brought the Nohud● and Malim aboard, whom I examined, and found them to be subjects to the great mogul; they belonged to a place called Larree, 
A ship of Larree standing at the mouth of the river of Zinde.  situate at the mouth of the River of Zinde: with them I lust up into a bay on the East side, and anchored in seven fathom; I sending my Merchants to search what she was laden with, who found diverse packs and fardels of cloth, packs and fardels of seeds of diverse sorts, leather, jars of Butter, and oil (whereof some they eat, and some they burn in lamps) a great quantity: and since for want of water, she having many Passengers. I could not fitly keep her with me, being uncertain of wind I resolved to take out of her the likeliest packs of Indian Cloth to serve for our turns, with some Butter and Oil for our needful uses, as by the Pursers and Factors notes appear, and so dispeeded them to Moha. Into which business before we could well make an entry, about three a clock in the afternoon, I descried opening the East land of the straits, 
A ship of 200. Tons.  a ship of two hundred Tons; and immediately following her an huge sail, whose main yard was forty three yards long. At sight of which ship (they being very near before the land permitted me to see them) by what time I had gotten my people aboard, five only excepted, which I left armed to keep the ship of Larree, had gotten up my anchor, and was come to sail; but the great ship though short of me, yet being in a good stream, and a fresh gale, and I in a Bay had a eddy and faint gale, she got an end, & had somewhat overreached me before I could come to cross them, so that I was brought to a stern chase, and being come near her, by her masts and tops we knew her to be the Mahomedy of Dabull our friend, which we could expect no good by; yet knowing the pride of the Captain, I would very gladly have commanded over him, for that he would never, 
The Maham●dy of Dabul.  neither formerly in the Road of Moha, nor yet at Dabul come to visit Sir Henry Middleton, but I found he reached from me, wherefore I gave them one shot and stood with the other ship, who seeing us stand with the great ship struck a Hull thinking to loose us by the darkness of the night now approaching: I took her to be a ship of Diu, but when we came to them, they told us they were of Cuts-nagone, a place not fare from the river of Zinde, her lading Cotton-wool, some few packs of Indian cloth, some Butter and Oil: 
A ship of Cuts-nagone, a place not fare from Ziade.  having gotten some of her principal men aboard me, I caused them to edge up with me into shoal water on the Arab Coast, where by lights I endeavoured to found out my five men in the Larree ship; and at midnight we anchored in twelve fathom, four leagues within the Bab; where the next two days we took out of the Larree ship, sixty six fardels of Indian Cloth (which for that we were otherwise furnished for all our English Commodities, and needed it not, was redelivered to them again, with part of the Butter and Oil; only eight Corges of Bastas, for which they had content.) These things being taken out, I put into them the Passengers and Pilgrims of the Cotton ship, they using their best diligence as the wind would permit them to hasten to Moha, I sending by them a letter to Sir Henry Middleton, if they should find him in the Road: but before they departed, we seeing a jelba coming from the Bab, and for that the wind was not good, they sent away their Canoa, rowing before, and hastening to us, who informed me, his jelba belonged to Bender Zeada, a Town on the Abaxin Coast, half a day's journey Westward from Bender Cassum, who was bound to Moha with his Boat full of Mats, who going a land as he passed the Bab, was told by one that had a letter for me, that my Countrymen whom I looked for were gone to Assab, with eight or nine Indian ships, but he that had the letter would not sand it by him, expecting a reward, if by the wind I should be put back to the Bab. I now knowing where my General was, this afternoon set sail; but the wind not favouring me we anchored again.   

§. VI Their barter with the Indian ships, and departure to Sumatra.  
THe next day in the morning, S. Henry Middleton sent Giles Thorneton his Master, to certify me how glad he was of my coming; 
The Rehemy a ship of 1500. Tons.  and to let me know that he had at command all the desired ships of India, as the Rehemy of burden fifteen hundred tons, the Hassany of six hundred, the Mahumady of one hundred and fifty tons of Surat, the Sallamitae of four hundred and fifty tons, the Cadree of two hundred tons, the Azum Cany, the Sabandar of Moha his ship of two hundred tons all of Diu, besides three Mallabar ships; the Cadree of Dabul of four hundred tons, and a great ship of Cananor. He further informed me, that before I could get into the Road, the General with all the pride of his people, and Captain Saris with his people, would be gone on shore to receive the King of Rabita, who was come with his Nobility and Guard, to see and visit the General, and new come General. The day being near spent, 
Captain Saris  S. Henry Middleton and Captain Saris left the King in his Tent, and went aboard the Trades-increase to supper, where I understood of a contract made between them first at the Bab, wherein it was agreed, here to put off all our English goods, for such Indian wares, as by mutual consent of certain of the Merchants of both sides should be thought fit.  
near about that time, as I was also informed, there came from the Governor of Moha to Sir Henry Middleton, to capitulate of peace, Mammy Captain of the Galleys, and others, who demanded what was the sum that in satisfaction he required: Sir Henry Middleton near the proportion of the last years demand, required one hundred thousand Rials of eight; which known, they desired respite to sand to Zenan, to know the pleasure and resolution of jeffor Bassa therein; and then he should hear from them again, and so took their leave. By Sir Henry Middleton's direction, the Darling was in preparing with a small Cargazon of Indian clothes to be gone for Tecoa.  
The nineteenth, the Darling departed towards Tecoa. Also Captain Saris prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to Tecoa; who also departed the three and twentieth day. This day also Sir Henry Middleton dismissed a ship of Diu (called the Azumcany) belonging to Shermall Sabander of Moha.  
The thirtieth, a general meeting was aboard the Trades-increase at dinner, where Captain Saris and Captain Towerson were invited, for the further conference of our present business. At noon there came over from Moha the Sabander of Moha, Mammy Captain of the Galleys, and an Aga, they all appointed by the Bassa, to confer with Sir Henry Middleton about an agreement, for satisfaction of our former abuses, the sum whereof they demanded of Sir Henry Middleton, who as formerly required one hundred thousand Rials of eight, and seeing nothing to be abated thereof, they desired leave to have conference with the Nohudas, or Captains of the Indian ships, and other principal Merchants (which was granted:) which as it seemed was to try what customs they could augment upon the Indian goods, towards payment of the said sum: so they departed on shore, where they had prepared for them a fair Tent: but diverse of the Nohudas, in regard of former injuries, either forbore conference, or withstood their augmentation, which seeing by no means to be accomplished, they took leave of Sir Henry Middleton, promising so soon as they had answer from the Bassa, they would give him knowledge thereof, 
june.  and what therein they may do: and so again the ninth of june they departed toward Moha. All this time our people were employed in rummaging, opening, packing, and repacking of Indian clothes fit for our turns, 
july. They departed from Assab road.  giving them of our English commodities in lieu thereof.  
The eleventh, Sir Henry Middleton with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris with the Clove and Hector, departed the road of Assab, carrying with them in company towards Moha all the Indian ships. But I with the Peppercorn remained in the road, with a small ship called the jungo, into whom I re-delivered all the goods that I had formerly taken out of her, 
A small ship called the jungo.  the ninth and tenth of May.  
The twelfth, at three of the clock in the morning, we both set sail, following our Admiral and the rest towards Moha; but the wind being adverse, together with a lee-tide, we were forced to anchor near three leagues to the Lee-ward of the Road. The thirteenth, at nine of the clock in the morning, the wind and tide somewhat favourable, we all weighed, and stood up with the Road, where about four of the clock in the afternoon we anchored.  
The nineteenth, Sir Henry Middleton perceiving that the Turks intended nothing but delays, further to abuse us, who now in our own view laboured in unlading of a ship of Cuts-nagone, laden with Cotton, which Sir Henry Middleton determined to hinder, till such time as the Turks should have made agreement with him for his wrongs sustained, and therefore came aboard the Peppercorn, by whose direction I warped in nearer unto them, discharging at them diverse pieces of Ordnance, till they ceased their labour. Also all this week following they kept us in hand with delays, but made no agreement at all.  
The six and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton, and Captain Saris appointed a meeting aboard the Mahumody of Dabul, where all the Nohudas of the Indian ships being sent for, S. Henry Middleton (as often times before) related unto them the wrongs and damages sustained from the Turks, with whom (till he received satisfaction from them for the same) he could in no wise permit them to trade. But notwithstanding he had already quited himself for the injuries sustained in India; yet must also now be forced to carry out of this Sea with him, all the Indian ships, that this year by them the Turks may receive no benefit. But the Indians seeing that by reason of the Turks abuses and delays, it was likely to prove unto them an unprofitable Monson, though their departure would be much prejudicial to the Turks without trading with them, by reason of the loss of their Customs; yet rather than to carry back again their Indian Commodities, they desired to make a composition with Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Saris, every ship severally to pay a certain sum of money, and we to forbear to hinder their quiet trade. Upon this proffer made by the Indians, Sir Henry Middleton after good consideration, having no means to force satisfaction from the Turks, without further preiudicing of the Indians, and therefore at present determined to accept of their offer, still leaving the satisfaction due from the Turks, till future time. And to begin withal, composition was this day made with Mere mohammed Tackey, Nohuda of the Rehemy, for fifteen thousand Rials of eight, she being in value near equal to the other four ships.  
The sixth of August, composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sums in part received, Captain Saris dispeeded away his Vice-admiral, 

August. Captain Towerson departeth from the Read Sea.  
General Saris departed from the Read Sea. They leave the Read Sea, and coasting the East India, pass by Cape Comorin, Zelan, and ●o to Sumatra.   Captain Towerson in the Hector, who this day departed the Read Sea. The thirteenth, Captain Saris having received all money's due to him by composition from the Indians, departed the Read Sea.  
The sixteenth, at eight of the clock in the morning, we set sail with the Trades-increase, and Peppercorn, and about nine a clock at night, we anchored eight leagues short of the Bab, in seven fathom water. The seventeenth, at five of the clock in the morning, we set sail with little wind; and at two of the clock afternoon, we again passed the straight of Babmandel; and from thence at six of the clock, we were East Southeast seven leagues: from six a clock to ten a clock the eighteenth day, we lay becalmed, so that her way was not to be regarded: from ten a clock to Sunset, East-wards some three leagues, and before seven a clock, we anchored in one and twenty fathom, two miles from the Coast of Arabia, thwart of the East end of the great Mountain, and seventeen leagues from the Bab.  
The nineteenth, at sunset, the said Mountain bore North-West by West, some eight leagues distant. All this night, and the twentieth after noon, the winds so variable, that we were always trimming of our sails from tack to tack: so that between the disadvantage of the winds, and the Current together, we were set so fare back westwards, as brought the said Mountain North Northwest of us again. At eleven a clock, the wind came at West a fresh gale, and at Sunset the high land of Aden bore North-east by East eight leagues off. All this night following, we had very little wind and variable, so that the one and twentieth at Sunrising, we perceived ourselves lost, at lest two leagues westward. From Sunrising till noon, we had a small gale of wind, increasing stronger and stronger at South-west, and South-west by South: so that I esteemed to have gone East Southeast some nine leagues. At Sunset, Aden bore North North-east seven leagues off, by a meridian Compass. All this night was in a manner calm, from four a clock in the morning to Sunset, being four and twenty hours. I estimate to have gone some fifteen leagues, at which time Aden bore Northwest half North distant f●ue leagues, being clear weather.  
The three and twentieth, we descried the Abaxin Coast being fifteen leagues distant, 
Force of a Current.  and clear weather. The six and twentieth, we found such a Current, that though we lie up North-east by East, North-east or North North-east, we made our way all Easterly, being carried to the southward by force of the Current. The nine and twentieth, we again descried land, which for the highness we at first esteemed to be the land of Cape Guardafus, but the clouds clearing up from the tops of the hills, we plainly perceived it to be the same land seen yesterday, whereby we the better understood how the Current had abused us, which by my estimate setteth nearest South-west.  
From the thirtieth in the morning, to the one and thirtieth at noon, we found that the Current had set us to the Northward of our course from the last day at noon, what time our latitude was twelve degrees and thirty five minutes, to the first of September at noon, the wind at South East-wards, and not to have run above twelve leagues, and by our latitude being thirteen degrees thirty minutes, we found ourselves almost a degree differing to the North-wards, and also to have lost to the Westwards, as by the variation appeareth, being less by fifty five minutes, by reason whereof I estimate the Current there to set nearest North-East.  
The second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth days, we had all for the most part close weather. 
September.  The tenth and eleventh cloudy weather, with often showers of rain. The twelfth, we saw diverse snakes swimming on the top of the water, which in boisterous weather seldom appear, 
Snakes swimming on the top of the water, a sign of being near the Coast of Indiae.  yet an apparent sign of being near the coast of India. The thirteenth we also saw more snakes. This day we had sounding from fifty five to forty fathom.  
The foureteenth in the morning, at Sunrising we descried high land, bearing East by North some sixteen leagues, we stood in East by South till four a clock afternoon, till the nearest sea-coast land between us and the high land, bore East eight leagues off, what time we directed our course South alongst the Coast of India, we found the water for the most part muddy and thick, and some sudden spots of clear: our depth while we stood in East and by South were from thirty to twenty fathom; and in our South course edging into sixteen fathom, and so to five and twenty fathom.  
The fifteenth, we still kept at the like depths, having a gentle gale at North Northwest, and clear water, but no snakes appeared. The sixeteenth, running alongst the Coast of India or Mallabar, between twenty and sixteen fathom; about one a clock we were West from an high hill of especial note, which stretcheth out like a point into the Sea, having all low land to Sea-wards; on the North-side, the land fell away to the East-wards, and on the Southside maketh a Bay; the highest of this Sea-coast Mountain, standeth nearest in twelve degrees ten minutes, which should be the land of Magicilan.  
The seventeenth, the wind came opposite to us at South-west, at two a clock in the morning, with thick weather, and much rain, continuing till daylight, we on a Lee-shoare▪ and an unknown Coast, what time the wind veered up to the North-wards, and we edged off into deeper water. In this gusty time, we lost company of our Admiral, but at daylight the weather clearing up, we came together, directing our course again to the southward, being edged off from the land.  
The eighteenth, the land being all foggy, was hardly to be discerned, the most part of our way this day, being by the help● of the Current, our depths all this day were between five and twenty, and nine and twenty fathom, all Ozie ground. The nineteenth, we were some fourteen leagues distant from the Coast, the wind at South-west, fair weather, with some little drilling rain, till nine a clock at night, no ground at forty fathom. From nine to eleven a clock at night, we had a very vehement shower of rain, and the wind very little Northerly, and after the rain East North-east, our depth at midnight was forty four fathom, being by estimation some ten leagues of the land of Mallabar. The twentieth, we had fair weather, the wind very variable, our depths forty four and forty five fathom all day, being Ozie ground. The one and twentieth, we had very little wind, variable till three a clock afternoon, when fell abundance of rain, with the wind at North Northwest, thick weather, and forty five fathom water. The two and twentieth in the morning at nine a clock, we descried the Cape Commerin: 
Cape Commerin▪  and by my nearest estimation the Coast here lieth away Southeast alongst unto the Cape.  
The three and twentieth, we had fair weather, and the wind at South-west by West, descrying the high land to the East-wards of the Cape Commerin, at near five a clock afternoon, hearing North Northwest, distant eighteen leagues. The four and twentieth, we had a very stiff gale of wind between the South South-west and West, and much rain, clouds and fog, and our course East Southeast, by a reformed Compass, at five a clock after noon, we had sight of Zeilan through the fog, rising all full of Humocks, and bearing from the North-east by East, to the Southeast by South, some six leagues distant. The five and twentieth, from break of day till noon, we were pestered with variety of gusts and showers of rain, the wind being large, but the weather clearing up about noon, we descried the Souther-most point of Zeiland, called the Cape de Gall●, 
Zeilan▪  bearing North North-east distant five leagues, finding the latitude thereof to be five degrees forty minutes.  
The six and twentieth, seven and twentieth, and eight and twentieth, we had fair weather, with some few droppings of rain, and the wind between the South-west and West South-west. The nine and twentieth and thirtieth, we continued our course East Southeast▪ the wind constant between the South-west and West South-west, with very much rain, and vehement sudden gusts of short continuance, and followed with an easy steering gale. The thirtieth, in our bread room we found much harm done to our wheat by wet; also all our course Dutties or brown Calicoes of Pormean (for sails) put there for most security, we found twenty pieces rotten.  
The nineteenth, at three a clock after noon, we anchored in the road of Tecoa, where we found the Darling, 
October. Tecoa in Sumatra.  who had continued there from july (unto our coming in) in a great part of the reins, which are not yet ended, they having before our coming buried three Merchants, and three Sailors, to wit, john Fowler, Francis Glanfield, and William Speed. Also they had most of their men sick, and had gotten but little Pepper, which remaineth on the Island, and little more is here to be had, until the next season, which will be April and May; but the civil wars is a hindrance to our trade. Here also we found the Thomas, a ship of the eighth Voyage, 
Civil wars an hindrance to our Trade.  being newly come from Priaman, where they had as slender success as our Darling here. Here we heard of the safe return and prosperous success of Captain David Middleton his Voyage; also of the four ships of the ninth Voyage, whereof two were already arrived at Bantam; also of Captain Castleton his man of war, who having been here lately informed of fifteen sail of Hollanders already come, or near hand▪ all laden with munition, 
Captain Castleton.  and of two ships of New-haven in France come also to trade, all which quell the life of the present hopes of our out-tired, crossed, and decayed Voyage.  
The two and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton finding so cold comfort at this place, 

Sir Henry Middleton in the Peppercorn hasteth to Bantam.  
November. Raia Boonesoo goeth to the wars.  
Great deceit of the Naturals   departed the night following in the Peppercorn towards Bantam, leaving me in the Trades-●ncrease to remain till the sixteenth of the next Month.  
The second of November, all the men of all sorts in Tecoa, went with Raia Boonesoo to the wars, till whose return we can expect no business to be done on the main. This day in taking up the wine, by the rottenness of the Cask, there proved great leakeage.  
The twentieth, we fetched the remain of the Pepper weighed the day before, in which by the people we found much deceit; in some bags were small bags of Paddy, in some Rice, and in some great stones: also rotten & wet Pepper put into new dry sacks, to our f●rther abusing, yet knowing it, we have no remedy. Having gotten all things in, and our men aboard, we fitted our things to hasten away, and near midnight in the Moonshine, the wind at North-east of the shore, we set sail; we wrought not only to avoid the two known Rocks, three leagues from the Island of Tecoa, the one South by West, the other South by East, having six and twenty fathom between them, Ozie ground: But for the better security, we directed our course so near as we could, the same way we came in; yet as we stood off, the wind something shrunk on us; yet we lay first West, than West by South, and West South-west, and last of all South-west and by West, and the Current set us somewhat southward, our depths proportional from fourteen to seven and twenty fathom, all Ozie ground; the next cast four fathom, and the ship fast on a rock, a stern four fathom, and on the Starboard mid-ship a quarter less than three fathoms, and under the head three fathoms, a ships length five fathom, a ships length on the Larboard bow six foot, in the Larboard mid-ship sixteen foot, under the Larboard gallery twenty foot, 
The ship fast on a rock.  and round about within a Cables length deep water: she remained on the rock from a little after three until five a clock: the merciful God so provided, that the wind grew calm, and the sea smooth, and in our feeling, the set or motion of the ship, the place considered, was very easy; yet the water did so increase, that both our chain Pumps with painful labour, could not in long time free the same. But our general endeavour, with most expedition possible, was to get out a stern anchor, which was let fall in six and twenty fathom right asterne, and two thirds of a Cable out, to heave her off right asterne: wherein the gracious Lord so blessed our endeavours, that before we could with the Capstaine heave the Cable taught, 
They getoff the rock.  the ship was of her own accord set into deep water, which no sooner done, but we had a Westerley gust, which put us off some mile from the rock, where we anchored for our Boat, which brought our Cadger after us, and it being clear day, we could not discern where the rock stood: also a principal reason we anchored was, our exceeding desires and haste for Bantam, that without necessity enforced, I wished not to put back again, and waste more time, hoping our leak would easily be overcome at an anchor. I passed the day till two a clock, consulting and advising with such as with their best counsel are appointed to assist me, what was best to be done, our present estate considered, which we found diverse ways to rest dangerous: First, in regard of the leakenesse of our ship, which continually employs many people at once to keep down the water. Secondly, in a manner no provision of Ironwork for the chains, but that the Pumps presently employed, which often break, or for weakness slip to our great discomfort: for if they should be any long while in mending, and the water so increase, that we cannot reach under the Pump to ceve the chains, our work will soon draw near an end. Thirdly, the desperate carelessness of many of our people, in the greatest need considered, their faint weakness and inability to hold out labour (by course diet as they pretend.) Fourthly, to remember what is certain in the ship, which requires care to preserve it. Fiftly, Captain Sharpeighs misfortunes, and the lewd demeanours of his people, in like case of greatest need, too late to be forgotten. The dangers in proceeding diversely cast up (notwithstanding, at the first, diverse of our men did urge the same) by counsel reasonable for the safeguard of all, I made choice to return within the Island of Tecoa, there by God's help to endeavour the stopping of such a part of our leak, 
They return to Tecoa.  as we found to be in the fashioning pieces in the stern. At Sunset we anchored in the place, which for our turns we desired. This day long time we kept both our chain pumps going to free the water, which ever increased when the chains happened to break, which happened often; the two pumps employs at once twelve men, which labour indeed is so extreme, that it can but little while, without shifting of spells be continued; but the water once brought low, and the chain holding one pump at once, hath ever discharged it, and yet it tires all our people by often shifting: in which business, I found it required more than ordinary means to appease their discontented clamours and murmurings, if the place might have afforded.  
The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and four and twentieth, we laboured to land Indigo, cinnamon and other things, still making way to lighten the stern of the ship, where we know the leak is, but we cannot come to it.  

December.  Until the eight of December, we were thus employed in the amending of our leaks: which done, we set sail from Tecoa, and with our Boats a head, we gate over the Bar, having four fathom at a low water, and being without the Island, by the help of a fine breach at North North-east, North Northwest and Northwest, as the Sun grew high, both dullerd and shrunk upon us; so that we lay but South South-west, and South by West, and by estimation came near the rock we had formerly sat upon, we used great diligence with Boats a head, but could discern no show of it, the sea being smooth; we stood away to the Southwards, South by West and South, from Sunset, to Sunrising the ninth day, with a small gale, at Northwest by West, we stood away South-west by South ten leagues, and the wind at West Northwest and West, at which instant we descried some part of a great Island bearing South Westerly, at which time we steered away South; this night we had much rain in gusts, with thunder and lightning, the wind very fickle, shrinking to the South-west, and South South-west, which stayed not long; then to the Southeast, East Southeast and East, and again to the Southeast; in which time to Sunrising we had sailed about some eight leagues. Also that part of the Island, the last night seen, now beareth Southeast distant eight leagues, also Eastward we see the high land of the main of Sumatra, near twenty leagues, at noon in two degrees and eleven minutes South latitude▪ 
The high land of the Main of Sumatra.  and the Northermost part of these Lands are from the sound we came through, between the Wester Isles Southeast distant nine leagues: it was the twentieth day before they arrived at Pulupanian.  
The Peppercorn being fitted there, Sir Henry Middleton called a Council to advice, touching the late harms which the Trades-Increase, had received upon the rock: by which Council it was resolved, that she must of necessity be new strengthened and careend, before she could well return home; which requiring long time, whereby she could not go home this year, it was concluded that the Peppercorn should immediately be dispatched for England, to give some satisfaction unto the Adventurers, until the Trades-Increase might follow. The Peppercorn being laden on the fourth of February, set sail from thence for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton with the Trades-Increase behind. We arrived on the tenth of May in the Road of Saldanie, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departed homewards: but coming into the Road, 
The Road of Saldania. Hector and Thomas Captain Newport.  I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eight Voyage, and Captain Newport in the Expedition of the twelfth Voyage. Hear we continued but four days; where, with the help of Captain Newport his men and Cooper's, we had taken in all our water, and the fourteenth day at night ended our labour therein.  
The fifteenth, having watered (but no whit refreshed our weak people yet, to keep company with the Hector and Thomas homewards) at nine a clock in the morning we set sail with the wind all Southerly: but being out, we were much pestered with opposite wind, whereby we were driven to the Southwards. This night we kept company with the Hector and Thomas (the Expedition being gotten about the Cape Bona Speranza, determining their course towards the confines of Persia, to some place where they might in safety land Sir Robert Shirley and his Persian Lady, and Sir Thomas powel with his English Lady, who were bound into Persia,) Also the next day we were all in company together; but toward evening the Thomas became fare a stern, but the Hector with lofty sail bore away. This night, by what means I know not, they lost our company, which by all means we again endeavoured to get: and for that by standing to the Southwards, we knew they could not run us out of sight; yet we thought against all reason to stand in upon a lee-shoare, stood into the land-wards to seek to discover them, but not seeing them, we lingered in for them until the nineteenth day Sunrising, in which time we were employed in repairing our weak and decayed sails. This day at Sunrising, Saldania bore Southeast half a degree East distant seventeen leagues, the weather being cloudy and dark. The twentieth, one and twentieth and two and twentieth days, cloudy, dark, and overcast weather.  

june.  The sixth of june, as we came about the North-east point, opening the Road, and being luffed in having our anchors ready to let fall, we descried two Carracks in the Road, 
Two Carr●●ks·  whose neighbourhood was not to my content, neither durst I trust to anchor by them, in regard of their accustomed treachery: I stood off again by a wind, a while to deliberate what to do, and thinking to stand in again, to try whether they would be gone, which if they were ready, I supposed they would think we had more company nearehand: but we found the Current set us so fast to the lee-ward, that we could hardly recover the Road at two a clock in the afternoon: seeing no other remedy, we bore up the helm, and stood on our course for England, our hopes being frustrated both of refreshing our weak sick people, 
They Cross the Equinoctial.  and also of further staying to regain the company of the Hector and Thomas. The fifteenth and sixteenth, we had diverse showers of rain. The eighteenth, we crossed the Equinoctial line.  
The tenth of September, we had a very strong gale of wind and an hollow sea, and not able to get any part of the South-coast of England, we stood on our course North-east, 
Septemb.  in hope ●o fetch Milford-haven in Wales, the sooner to sand letters to the Company.  
The eleventh, at five a clock in the afternoon, we descried the Coast of Wales to windward, and the Coast of Ireland lee-wards, being an high hill between Waxford and Waterford. This night we spent with our head to the Southwards; and in the morning we stood in towards the Irish Coast: resolving now, the winds being constantly adverse, and impossible to fetch Milford-haven, and our means allowing no longer deliberation, I determined to go into Waterford rather than into any other harbour.  
The thirteenth in the morning, we descried the Tower of Whooke, the only mark for the river of Waterford, being some three leaugues distant from it: at eight a clock we descried a small Boat coming forth of the river of Waterford, unto whom we made a waft, which they perceiving, presently came unto us, being a Frenchman bound to Waxford, whom I hired to go again into the river, before to give knowledge of our coming unto the Lieutenant of the Fort of Don Canon, to prevent our stopping there, for that by reason of the narrowness of Channel, it might endanger the ship in winding up at an anchor there; 
They arrive at Waterford in Ireland.  and at noon we gate up into the river so high as the passage. Hear we found Master Stephen Bonner of Lime, with his Bark, come hither a fishing, who putting apart his own business, with great diligence endeavoured the best for the ease and relief of our weak and sick people.  
The eighteenth, I dispeeded away Master Bonner towards London with letters to the Company, to give knowledge of our arrival, and of our wants, wherein I desired to be supplied.  
The one and twentieth, Doctor Lancaster, Bishop of Waterford, very kindly visited me, bringing down with him his good cheer, and made a Sermon aboard the ship, and offered me the Communion; but thereto being unprepared I refused; yet hearty thanking him for his good william.  
The tenth, Captain john Burrell came unto me to visit me, promising me money to supply my wants, if I would sand some man with him to Corcke for it. The eleventh day, I dispeeded away Master Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Corcke for the money, which he promised to supply me withal.  
The twelfth, Anthony Stratford Lieutenant of the Fort of Don Canon, having hired a villainous fellow (whom for his misdemeanour I had caused to be kept in the prison of Waterford) to say what might befit his present practice, to bring us within the compass of piracy, having obtained a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, where he sent to desire me to sand my Boat well manned, to fetch himself and diverse other Gentlemen aboard to see my ship: but my Boat, according to his desire, being come to land, he apprehended my men, and presently came aboard, where he arrested me and my ship for piracy, and so committed me to the Fort of Don Canon to prison, giving extraordinary straight charge over me, that none should come at me, but whom he list▪ without warrant from him; and such as by his permission came to me, he would have put to their oaths to declare what conference they had with me; my man sworn to bring no letters from me to any one, neither from any to me: also diverse of my people they this night examined upon their oaths, omitting no means to draw them to accuse me, so I continued in prison till the sixteenth day morning what time the said Stratford brought me a letter from Sir Laurence Esmond his Captain, inviting me to meet him at the passage, with whom when I came up to the passage, I there met with S●r Laurence Esmond, accompanied with the Bishop of Waterford, come from the Earl of Ormond, to replace me in my charge again, which by their great entreaty and persuasion I again undertook.  
The three and twentieth, Master Mulleneux having sent my letters to the Company, to give knowledge of the afore mentioned troublesome business, returned from Cork with money to supply my wants.  
The five and twentieth, Master Benjamin joseph, in a small ship of Bristol, came unto me, bringing with him both men, money, and provisions for my supply, which with all speed we took in, hastening to be gone.  
The sixth of October, 
October.  we departed the River of Waterford towards our long desired home.  
The twelfth in the morning, we were thwart of Beachy, and at eight a clock at night, we anchored in Dover Road.  
The thirteenth in the morning, we set sail out of Dover Road, and at ten a clock we anchor in the Downs, near unto the Assurance (the King's ship) saluting her with five pieces of Ordnance; immediately came aboard of me, Master Cocket, the Master of her, who again made stay of my ship, till further order from the Lord Admiral: upon this I presently sent away Master Mullineux to London, with letters to certify the Company hereof.  
The seventeenth, came down from the Company, Master Adersly, bringing me a letter from the Company, a release for the ship; and Master Punniat a Pilot, to bring her about. The eighteenth in the morning, we set sail, and at six a clock at night, we anchored in the Road of Gorend. The nineteenth in the morning, at six a clock we set sail, and at night we anchored at Tilbury. The twentieth in the morning, we set sail, and at ten a clock we anchored at Blackwall: where in the afternoon came down Master Deputy, and diverse of the Committees, unto whom I delivered up my charge. And so concluded this our tedious and out-tyring journey.    

CHAP. XIII. The seventh Voyage; made in the Globe into East-India, set out under the Command of Captain ANTHONY HIPPON, observed and written by NATHANIEL MARTEN, Master's Mate in the said Ship.  
We weighed from the Black-wall, in the good ship called the Globe, being bound for the East-indieses, the third of january 1610. and about five of the clock we anchored at Gravesend.  
They arrived at Soldania, the one and twentieth of May 1611. and thence set sail the sixth of june following. They sailed not fare from Mosambique, and Comoro, and Pemba: and on the last of july passed before Punta de Gall, upon Ceilon (all which as being a mere main relation, and the like course often run by others, is omitted.)  

August 4.  The fourth of August in the morning, I observed the variation, and made it to be thirteen degrees, seven minutes, and at noon we were in the latitude of nine degrees fifteen minutes, and the land was about six leagues off, and as much as we could see it on the poop, the wind veered North by West, and the North Northwest, and we stood in three hours, and then founded, being about three leagues of the shore, and had nine fathom, and the land than bore West Northwest to the Northwards, and South the other way, and we judged the land to lie Northwest, or Northwest by North. At three of the clock we cast about, and stood to the Northward, and the wind veered to the West, and West South-west, and we lay as near as we could till five of the clock. The sixth, we kept ourselves in eight and twenty and thirty fathom, and then the wind scanted and veered to the West Northwest, so the water deepned presently.  
The sixth in the morning, we perceived ourselves to be in a great Current by the rippling, and we sent off our Pinnace to come to an anchor, and we found the Current to set North by West, and we made our way from four of the clock in the afternoon, the fift till noon, the sixth North Northwest, and ran seventeen leagues, and then we were in the latitude of ten degrees, and one and thirty minutes, and from noon till two of the clock we steered away Northwest; and then we saw diverse Fishermen hard by, so we looked out at topmast head, and saw land West Northwest and Northwest, and so we ran in, and then we were in twenty fathom about eight leagues off; and as we ran in, the water shoalded easily, and at three of the clock we saw a Tower or Pagod, and a ship that bore Northwest of us, and then the great Pagod of Negapatan and the ship, were one in another, and then we ran in, till we came into eight fathom Northwest, 
Negapatan.  and then we were about two leagues of the ship, and three leagues of the shore.  
From six of the clock at night the sixth, till seven at noon, we steered away North by East, and so kept always between twelve and fourteen fathom, and ran sixteen leagues, and were in the latitude of eleven degrees, seven and fifty minutes.  
From the seventh till the eight at noon, we steered away North by East, and ran about twenty leagues by judgement, and then we were thwart of the high land, up in the Country, that rose in hammocks. This day we took the Boat of S. Thome. The ninth at noon, the Town of Maliapor bore North Northwest two leagues off, and the mark to know the Town, is the high hill up in the country. 
Paleacate.  There is a shoal about two leagues to the Southward of Paleacate, which lieth about a mile or more from the shore, and the North-east end of it lieth off about a league: we ran over the very end in three fathom, but if you keep in ten or twelve fathom, you shall not need to fear any part of it. The ninth at four a clock, we anchored against the Town, and it bore West by North of us; there is a cross to the Northward of the Town, which if you be between two or three miles of the shore you see it, but you cannot see the Town.  
The tenth in the morning, we weighed and stood further to the Northward, and anchored in eight fathom (we not liking our former Road) and then the Cross bore West by South of us, when the Westermost point bore West by North, and the Northermost point bore Northwest. The tenth at noon, Master Browne and Master Floris went ashore (there coming a Boat from the Governor for them) but they went in our Skiffe, and as they were going over the Bar, 
Paleacate standeth in thirteen degrees, thirty minutes.  the Skiffe was sunk, but never a man drowned, God be blessed: Paleacate standeth in thirteen degrees and thirty minutes.  
The thirteenth, I observed the variation, and made it to be one degree and fifteen minutes, upon the semicircle. The fifteenth, Master Anthony Hippon, our Captain, went ashore to speak with the Governess. The sixteenth, the Captain and all the Merchants came aboard, because they could get no trade.  
The sixteenth at ten of the clock, we set sail for Petepoly, 
Petepoly.  and from ten till the seventeenth at noon, we ran about thirteen leagues, and were in the latitude of fourteen degrees and fifteen minutes, and made our way North by East. From the seventeenth to the eighteenth, we ran, by my judgement, about three and twenty leagues, and made the way North, but it was sad weather, and we could not observe. About seven of the clock in the morning the eighteenth we spied a Galliot, riding in seven fathom, some foore miles of the shore, and she road till we were almost within Sacker shot of her, and then she weighed and ran into shoal water into the shore, but we stood not after her, because the water shoalded, and at that time we saw a breach, some two leagues of the shore to my judgement, and whereas we steered away, North North-east, we steered away East North-east, and East by North, but had no deep water till we brought the breach, North Northwest of us, & when we saw it first, it bore North by East of us.  
From the eighteenth at noon, till five of the clock in the afternoon, we steered away North-east by East, partly because we would run into deeper water, and partly because the land grew out more Easterly, and at five of the clock we made a tuft of trees that is near Petepoly, and it bore North-east by East of us six leagues off, and then is the high land to the Northwestward of the Town, which did then bear North by West of us, and at seven of the clock we anchored in nine fathom, the trees bearing North-east and by East of us five leagues off, and the wind Westerly.  
The nineteenth in the morning, by five of the clock, we weighed and stood with the trees, and about nine of the clock we anchored about two leagues short of them in five fathom, and the trees bore East North-east of us, and then presently there came aboard two Gingathas or Boats: our Merchants sent them ashore with a letter▪ and about two of the clock there came another, and a messenger from the Sabandar, 
They land at Petepoly.  who the twentieth day did sand aboard two Boats for our Merchants, and brought a Present, and then went ashore Master Floris, Master Lucas, Master Essington, and Adam Dounton, and the Pursers' Mate, and Lemon.  
The one and twentieth about eight of the clock, there came a Gingatha from the shore, and brought a letter from our Merchants, who did let us understand that they were kindly entertained, and presently we weighed with the wind at North Northwest, and ran off an anchored almost thwart of the River's mouth, and about three of the clock in the afternoon, we weighed and anchored in the Road, where the tusk of trees bore North-east by East Ea●●erly; and we did anchor in nine fathom and a half: the mark to go in over the bar▪ is a Pal●●ito tree, on the bank, upon the Northermost end of the high cliff, it is but a little tree. I observed the variation, and made it to be twelve degrees, seven and twenty minutes.  
The eight and twentieth, Master Floris came aboard, and Simon Euans, about twelve of the clock: and about four of the clock, we weighed for Masulipatan, with the wind at South-west, and we steered off into eight and nine fathom South Southeast, and then we bore up Southeast, and Southeast by East, and kept ourselves in nine and ten fathom till eleven of the clock at night, and then the wind veered to the East, and East Southeast; so we anchored in nine fathom, till five of the clock in the morning.  
The nine and twentieth in the morning, about five of the clock, we weighed with the wind at South South-west, and steered away East Southeast, and East North-east, and North-east; and at noon the uttermost part of the land bore North of us: so by my judgement, the land Eastward from Petepoly lieth East and by South, and West by North: and at noon we came into white water of the point, and it shoalded a little before we came into it half a fathom, but when we were in it, we had the same depth six fathom three leagues off: about two of the clock in the afternoon, the wind veered Northerly, so we came to an anchor in seven fathom: about five of the clock, we weighed, and stood in North Northwest, and Northwest by North, till seven of the clock, and being calm, we anchored in five fathom, the Westermost land bore West Northwest Westerly, and we saw two ships which bore North Westerly and Northwest, and the Norther-most land bore North.  

Masulipatan.  The thirtieth, about one of the clock we weighed, and stood in for the Road Masulipatan, which bore North of us, and we never had above five, and four and a half all the way: so about five of the clock, we anchored in three fathom and a foot; and the great tree which is the mark for the Road, bore West by North Westerly of us, and the Southermost land bore South and by West Southerly of us, and the Northermost bore North-east Easterly of us.  
The one and thirtieth, Master Floris, Master Hessington, Simon Euans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur Smith, went a shore to stay there in our Skiffe.  

Decemb. 28.  The eight and twentieth of December, I observed the variation, and made it to be twelve degrees, two and twenty minutes.  

The point of Masulipatan is in 15. degrees, 57 minutes North.  The thirtieth, we weighed from Masulipatan about seven of the clock in the morning, with the wind at North-east by East, and we halde it off Southeast and Southeast by South, till we came into eighteen fathom. At noon the point that bore South by West Southerly of us, was West and by North, by the Compass, and then I observed, and made it to be in fifteen degrees seven and fifty minutes, and at eight of the clock at night we anchored in six fathom and an half.  
The fourth of january, I observed at noon, and made the Road to be in fifteen degrees, six and thirty minutes: 
january 4.   
The five and twentieth and the six and twentieth, we observed the Sun and certain Stars, by the Sun we made the Town of Petepoli to be in fifteen degrees, nine and forty minutes: the Star called the Ships-sterne, we had in one and twenty degrees, nine and twenty minutes; the foot of the Crosiers twelve degrees, four and fifty minutes, and the flank of the Centaur, in fifteen degrees, two and thirty minutes, the foot in fourteen degrees, one and forty minutes, the wind at Southeast, and South Southeast.  

February 7.  The seventh of February, the Merchants came aboard and carried all the luggage quite away, the wind at South Southeast night and day.  
The eleventh of February, we weighed out of Petepoly Roade, having the wind at North Northwest about six of the clock in the morning, 
They departed out of the road of Petepoli.  and stood off South Southeast, but very little wind, and the current set to the North-east, and we anchored in five fathom and an half, it being calm, we having run off about a mile and an half, and the wind came off the Sea all Southerly.  
The twelfth, about nine of the clock in the morning, we weighed with the wind at Southeast, and Southeast and by East, and we haled off South South-west, and South by West, and South-west as the wind would give us leave, till three of the clock in the afternoon, and then we anchor in nine fathom water, 
They strike over from Petepoli to Bantam in java.  with the wind at South and South and by East, and made our way South-west and by South, six leagues out of the Road by my judgement, and the high land bore West half a point Southerly: in the Road it bore West half a point Northerly.  
The fourteenth, about four of the clock in the morning, we weighed with the wind at South South-west, and stood away Southeast, and Southeast and by South, as the wind would give us leave: At noon the Palmito Trees bore North half a point Easterly, about six leagues off, or seven, and we ran in ten fathom.  
From the twentieth of March, at noon till the one and twentieth, we had very little wind Easterly and calm: 
March 12.  we made our way South South-west by my judgement, and ran seven leagues, and at noon were in the latitude of two degrees, six and twenty minutes, at night we observed the variation, and had it in thirteen degrees, fifty seven minutes on the Semicircle, and the amplitude was four degrees, twenty seven minutes, which being subtracted to thirteen degrees, fifty seven minutes, makes the variation to be nine degrees, twenty five minutes.  
From the one and twentieth at noon, till the two and twentieth at noon we had the wind all Northerly, we steered away South and ran fifteen leagues by the log, and then we were in the latitude of one degree, thirty four minutes: at night, I observed the variation and made it to be ten degrees ten minutes, which did prove a great current to the Westward.  

A great current to the Westward.  From the two and twentieth, to the three and twentieth at noon, we had the wind variable between the North and the West, we had little wind and gusty weather, we steered South by East, and ran eight leagues: and at noon we observed the latitude of fifty seven minutes, at night I observed the variation, and made it to be ten degrees. The Magnetical Azimuth is fifteen degrees fifteen minutes; the Amplitude is five degrees, thirteen minutes. From the three and twentieth at noon till the four and twentieth at noon, we had the wind between the West and South-west, we steered away South by East, and ran three and twenty leagues by the log, 
The Equinoctial.  and then we were under the Line by our observation.  
From the four and twentieth at noon, till the five and twentieth at noon we had the wind between the North Northwest, and the South South-west, and we steered away South Southeast, we ran by the log one and twenty leagues, and then we were in the latitude of fifty seven minutes to the Southward of the Line. At night I observed the variation, and made the Magnetical Azimuth to be fifteen degrees, forty minutes. The Amplitude six degrees, no minutes, which made the variation to be nine degrees forty minutes.  
From the five and twentieth at noon, 
1612.  till the six and twentieth at noon we had the wind variable between the North Northwest, and the West South-west; we steered South Southeast, we ran fifteen leagues by the log, and then we were in the latitude of one degree, thirty minutes at night. I observed the variation, and the Magnetical Azimuth, was fifteen degrees five minutes. The Amplitude was six degrees, one and twenty minutes, which made the variation eight degrees, fifty four minutes.  
From the one and thirtieth at noon, till the first of April at noon we had the wind Southerly and very little, and made our way East Southeast twelve leagues, 
April 161●.  and at noon we were in the latitude of four degrees, one minute. From the first at noon to the second at noon, we had the wind between the West Northwest, and South South-west, variable and gusti●, we steered away Southeast by East, half a point Easterly: we ran by the log one and twenty leagues and two thirds, and then we were in the latitude of four degrees, twenty four minutes, we made our way twelve leagues East Southeast, and ten leagues South and by East by judgement: which did agreed with my Observation. In the morning they observed the variation, and had the Almicanter and Magnetical Azimuth, one degree thirty minutes, the Amplitude eight degrees, forty seven minutes, which made the variation to be seven degrees, twenty seven minutes. About two of the clock in the morning, Adam Douglas departed this life. From the second at noon till the third, we had the wind between the Northwest, and the West South-west, we steered away between the East Southeast, and the Southeast by East, but because of our latches to the southward, I judge that she made her way East Southeast, we ran thirty two leagues by the log, and then was I just with the Wester most part of the I'll of Eugano, by my reckoning. 

The I'll of Eugano.  
They arrive in the Road of Bantam.    
The six and twentieth of April, about four of the clock in the afternoon, through the Almighty's good assistance, we came to an Anchor in Bantam Road, in three and a half, where Puloponian bore North the body, and Pulotundo bore Northwest by North, and Puloduo East Southeast, and the Wester-mo●● point thwart of Pulorange, bore Northwest by North Northerly: the uttermost point bore East by North Northerly, and the Eastermost Island Pulo Lima, was even joining to the Westermost point of java, and presently after we were at an Anchor, came aboard Master Spalding with two oth●rs, and two of them lay aboard.  
The one and thirtieth of May, in the afternoon about foore of the clock, 
August. Spalding. They departed from Bantam fo● Patane and S●am. june.  our Merchants came aboard, and about nine of the clock we set sail: we steered away North North-east, with the wind at South.  
The first of june in the morning, the wind veered to the Eastward and so to the Northward, very foul and gussie weather. We bore up and anchored under Pulotando in nineteen fathoms, half a league from the shore.  
About five and six of the clock in the morning, we weighed with the wind at Southeast, and within a heave or two we had but five fathom, and so shoalded till we had but four fathom, steering away North Northwest, the ne●rest land being South-west six leagues off, 
A long woody Island.  which was a long woody Island, some four miles long, of which we looked for a ledge of rocks or sand. From six till noon, we made our way North by West seven leagues. About eight of the clock in the morning, I espied Lucapara at topmast head, about eight leagues off. 
Lucapara.   
The seventh in the morning, about six of the clock, we weighed the wind South-west, and between six and noon we made our way Northwest seven leagues, and about ten of the clock, we raised Mompyne North-east eight leagues off at lest; and after we raised this hill, we had never less than ten fathom, keeping the shoalding of Sumatra. 
Mompyne.   
The ninth in the morning, about five of the clock, we weighed with the wind at Southeast by South, and steered away Northwest by North, & so Northerly as the Coast did lie: but we never came nearer the point of Mompyne, than three leagues and an half, or four leagues, because of a ledge of rocks that lieth two leagues of the Easter-most point of Sumatra, being the seventh point of the straits: and these ledge of rocks ●eare East and West one of another. We had no sooner weighed, but the water deepened to eight, nine, ten, and so to fourteen fathoms. When you have Mompyne Southeast of you, then are you clear of the rocks. At noon I observed with my quadrant, and made her to be in one degree, thirty nine minutes, and then Mompyne bore Southeast Easterly of us.  
The tenth, about three of the clock in the morning, we espied an Island that bore North Northwest three leagues.  
From noon till six of the clock at night, 
They pass the Equinoctial L●ne to the North.  we made our way North half a point Easterly six leagues: and from six till noon the eleventh, we made our way North eighteen leagues, and we were in the latitude of one degree to the Northward, having two Lands, the Southermost bore South-west by West of us seven leagues off, and the Northermost bore Westward South-west seven leagues off, and then we had five and twenty fathoms: 
This I'll of Bintam.  all the night long, we had from twenty to five and twenty fathoms. I espied land at topmast head, West by North twelve leagues off, which was the high land of Bintam.  
From noon till six of the clock at night, we made our way West by North seven leagues, we had five and twenty fathom water, and then the high-land of Bintam bore West South-west six leagues off, and there are three little Lands at the Southeast end of Bintam.  
The twelfth, we made our way North by East Easterly five leagues, and then we were in the latitude of one degree thirty five minutes, having twenty six fathom, and the Northermost part of Bintam, West Northwest ten leagues: when four glasses were running after noon, I espied at topmast head an Island that bore Northwest Northerly nine leagues off.  
From six of the clock at night the thirteenth, till the foureteenth at noon, we to my judgement, made our way Northwest by North, in regard of the Current nine leagues: ten glasses in the night we had it calm, and driven North Northwest, and we should have it deeper, and should a fathom at a cast, till we had but eleven fathom, and then deeper till it came to fifteen or sixteen fathom. From six at night, till the fifteenth at noon, we made our way by judgement North North-east, Northerly ten leagues; but at noon we made her to be in four degrees forty eight minutes, and then we had thirty fathom: at eight of the clock we had an Island bore North by West of us, five leagues of the main, being four miles off, and then we had twenty six fathom.  
This great Island, and the Rocks, bear North by West, and South by East one of another, and are four miles in length, we perceived in the night, being calm, to have a great Current setting to the North-wards, 
Latitude 4. degrees 35. min.  and I judged this Island to stand in four degrees thirty five minutes. From noon till the sixth at night, we made our way North Northwest half Northerly eight leagues, our sounding was thirty and twenty five fathom, and then we had an other Island bore West by North of us, not unlike the former: we had five and twenty fathom at six of the clock, five or six leagues of the main: the Island lieth about one league from the main.  
From the sixteenth at noon, till the seventeenth at noon, we made our way North Northwest twelve leagues; 
A sunken rock.  but as we were almost in the narrowest, we spied a sunken rock in the fair way; so we fearing the worst, having eleven fathom & one league of the main, we haled it o●f North-East, and North-east by East, to get clear of two little Lands that are to the Eastward, and so we went to the Eastward of all. At noon we observed, and made the ship to be in five degrees fifty four minutes.  
From the seventeenth at noon, till the eighteenth at noon, we made our way Northwest, Westerly eight leagues. From the nineteenth at noon till the twentieth, we made our way Northwest Northerly eight leagues: 
A little rock●.  in the morning about seven of the clock, I saw a little Rock, about three leagues of● at the topmast head, and as we came up with it about noon, I went with the Skiffe to sound about it, and we had twelve fathom a stones throw off it: and when our Skiffs' head was a shore we had six fathoms and an half, up and down by the rock: it lieth between three or four leagues of the Westermost point of the land, and beareth Southeast Southerly a little; and about two leagues and a half from the Souther-most land, or three, we had little wind Westerly, and variable, but for the most part Northerly.  
From noon the twentieth, till the one and twentieth at noon, we made our way Northwest Northerly six leagues, with the wind Westerly and Northerly; we were faint to anchor twice in the night, because it was calm, and the Current setting to the southward, we had very fair shoaldings off, into fourteen and into seven or eight. From the one and twentieth at noon, till the two and twentieth at noon, we turned it alongst the shore, with the wind Westerly, and then we had the low sandy point South of us two leagues off.  
The fourth of August at night, we weighed out of Patane road, about nine of the clock, with the wind at South South-west, 
August. 4. They departed from Patane for Syam.  and we steered away Northwest, and Northwest by West, Northwest by North: but by my judgement, from nine till noon we made our way Northwest, half a point Northerly ten leagues, and then the high land bore South-west of us in th● Roade. Our depths from three, to seven, eight and, ten fathom. From noon till six a clock at night, we had ten leagues, little wind at Northwest and North and North-east, but we made our way North North-east one league: and from six till six in the morning, we made our way North Northwest half a point Northerly eight leagues, with the wind variable and Westerly; and then we espied land, that bore West Northwest of us ten leagues off.  
From six of the clock in the morning, till noon the sixth day, we made our way North Northwest five leagues to our judgement, 
Latitude 8 degrees 7. min.  and we observed, and made the ship to be in eight degrees seven minutes, and then the high land bore West and North ten leagues off, and then we had seventeen fathom. From the sixth at noon till the seventh at noon, we had little wind and calm, we made our way North Northwest, to my judgement we could not run above six leagues, but we made it to be in eight degrees three minutes. From the seventh at noon, till the eight, we had little wind, and variable round about, we made our way North Northwest eight leagues or ten, 
Latitude 9 degrees 40. min.  our depths eighteen and nineteen fathom. From the eighth, to the ninth at noon, we had little wind, and variable round about, and then we made the ship to be in nine degrees forty minutes; and then the Northermost great Island bore West South-west, and the Souther-most bore South-west. In the morning we saw two Lands.  
From the ninth to the tenth at noon, we had it calm, and went little or nothing the wind Northerly, our depth one and twenty and two and twenty fathom. From the tenth to the eleventh at noon, we had little or no wind, and went two leagues North Northwest, we had it Northerly and Westerly, and our depths twenty and twenty one fathoms. From the eleventh at noon to the twelfth, we had the wind variable and gusty round about, and we ran about eight▪ leagues North by West, and the depth twenty six and twenty five fathom. From the twelfth at noon till the thirteenth, we made our way North by East twenty four leagues, with the wind at South, and South South-west, and South-west, our depth twenty six and twenty eight fathom, seven or eight leagues of the shore.  
From the thirteenth to the foureteenth, we made our way North by West sixteen leagues, the wind South-west, our depths two and twenty, and five and twenty fathoms, five or six leagues from the shore. From the foureteenth to the fifteenth, we made our way sixteen leagues North by West, with the wind Westerly, our depth nineteen, & twenty fathoms, six leagues off. From the fifteenth to the sixteenth at noon, we made our way North and by West ten leagues, we had eight, nine, and ten fathom, alongst the low land four leagues off, than we bore up to the East, and East Southeast till midnight, and for an hour we steered away East North-east, till we came into four fathom, and then took in our sails as fast as we could, but presently we had but three fathom and a foot, before we could get in our sails, so we anchored in three and a foot till the next day, and the water fell thirteen foot, and more, 
They arrive at Syam.  so that we had but six fathom and an half at low water, and then we laid out a warp, and when she fleeted we warped into deep water. The eighteenth we set sail, and haled it off into five fathom, where we anchored, having the Souther-most Island South by East of us, 
Novemb. 1612. They departed from Syam.  and the Eastermost East and by South, and the River's mouth North of us Westerly.  
The third of November, about one of the clock in the afternoon we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and graved our ship, and haled it off from the West to the South Southeast, to go clear of the Island, and so steered away.  
The fourth at noon I made the ship to be in twelve degrees thirty three minutes, having run in these three and twenty hours, but five and twenty leagues, and to my judgement had made her way, one thing with an other counted, South by West, the wind Northerly.  
On the eleventh, we arrived at Patane. He was after this at Syam again, and again at Patane: and made a second Voyage from Masulipatan to Bantam, 1614 and thence to England, 1615. But his journal is so large, that I dare not express it. Note that he saith, that the I'll of S. Helena is an hundred leagues more to the Westward, then is laid down in Plaits.  
The twentieth of August 1615. they came before the Lizard. They spent in this whole Voyage four years and about eight Months. Their actions and exploits in this Voyage are delivered more fully by M. Floris, out of whose journal I have taken the most remarkable. For I think, these mere marine relations, are (though to some profitable) to the most tedious. For which cause I have abridged this, to make way to the next, written by a Merchant of long Indian experience, and f●ll of pleasant variety.   

CHAP. XIIII. Extracts of PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS his journal, for the seventh Voyage, (in which he went Cape Merchant) translated out of Dutch. He arrived in England 1615. and died two Months after in London.  

§. I. The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan, Bantam, Patania, and Siam.  
Having covenanted and agreed with the Right Worshipful the Governor and Deputy of the East-Indian Society, we embarked ourselves in the Globe, the fift of january 1610. Stylo Angliae, and set sail for Gravesend: the fift of February we set sail from the Downs. The one and twentieth of May 1611. we came into Saldania Bay, where we found three ships, and two boats came aboard us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrike Brouwer. 
Sa●d●nia Bay.  Much refreshing was not here to be had at this time of the year, by reason of great store of rain, being now their winter, the mountains also covered with snow. We used great diligence in seeking of the root Ningim, for which purpose the said two Holland ships had come thither, 
Root Ning●m.  one being of japan that first discovered the secret. But at this time the new leaf began only to peep forth, that had we not received instructions, we could not have known it; the right and ripe time thereof being December, january and February. It is called of these Inhabitants Canna.  
We having filled our water, and refreshed ourselves with eight Sheep and twenty Neat. Set sail out of the Bay, leaving behind us the boat of Isaac le Maire with his son jacob, who lay there to barter for hides and skins, and to make train oil; which was to continued there till December. 
Barter at the bay for hides.  To him we gave letters for England. near Tena de Natat. june the tenth, we were in great danger: a storm of thunder, lightning, wind and rain, almost violently thrust us on shore; but God mercifully and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.  

Au●ust 1. Zelon. Negapatan. No●e falsehood of Maps.  The ●●rst of August, we saw the land of Ceylon falling with Punta de Gall, and running along the coast. On the sixth we fell before Negapatan, being twenty eight miles (leagues) from our guessing, the Map in that place being very false. The like hath also happened to the Hollanders, which in the night might be very dangerous. Neither found we the Island so broad as it is there laid. M. Mullineux layeth Punto de Gall in four degrees, which lieth in six. Towards evening we passed before the Road, and might see the Town and houses very plainly.  

Ia●agapatan. S. Thome. Paleacatte.  The seventh, we passed Lanagapatan, where the Hollanders having a factory, are weary because of little doings. On the eight, we came before Saint Thome, and on the ninth before Paleacatte, passing over the shallow being in length above a Musket shot, having but three fathom water. Here came two Boats aboard us, one from the Sabander, another from the Hollanders. The tenth, the Sabanders men brought us a Caul or conduct to come safely ashore. Whereupon ●and Master Browne went ashore, but by the roughness of the Sea were turned over, yet (God be thanked) no man was drowned. The Sabander met us, compassionating our mischance and appointed us a house, promising us to procure a Letter from the King to the Governess of Conda Maa.  
On the eleventh, john Van Wersicke the Dutch Precedent on the Coast of Choromandell, shown us a Caul from the King of Narsinga, 
Hollanders triumping in our way.  Wencapati, Raia, wherein was granted, that it should not be lawful for any that came out of Europe to trade there, but such as brought Prince Maurice his Patent, and therefore desired our departure. We answered we had Commission from his Majesty of England, and would therefore do what we could. Hence arose high words, which the Sabander calmed, telling of the Governess her coming thither within three days.  
On the seuente●nth, came Conda Maa, and Captain Hippon, coming on shore, we were ready to go to her, when we received word to the contrary, and that the next day she would sand for us. We suspected the Hollanders close dealing, and the next day sent to the Sabander (no man coming for us) who answered the King, had made grant to the Hollanders, and we must go to him (the dispatching of which business would have cost us two month's space, and hazarded the Monson for Patane) if we would procure liberty. The Hollanders also had made realie two Elephants to sand to the King. Wherhfore we resolved to prosecute our Voyage for Petapolt and Masulipatan.  
The twentieth, we arrived before Petapoli, and the Governor sent us a Caul. We agreed with him for three thirds per Centum, 
Petapoli.  Custom and sent goods on shore, resolving that Master Lucas and Master Browne should stay there: and that I should go to Masulipatan, where was a better Road for the ship. 
Masulipatan.  Thither we came on the last of August, and Zaldchar Chan brought us a Caul. We agreed to sand a present to Mirabel Sumela (a great Officer under the King, which farmeth out his Revenues) to Co●dapoli, in regard of the shifts of the under Officers. On the twentieth of january, deceased Cotobara King of Badaya, or Lollongana, and of Masulipatan, and great tumults were feared. But the wisdom of Mirabel Masunim prevented the same, presently electing Mahumad Vnim Cotobara, 
New King.  son to the Brother of the deceased (who had left no children behind him) a youngman of great hope. His Uncle had put all in the hands of the Persians', but this showeth himself contrary, and an Enemy to Mirabel Sumela the fountain of Tyranny.  

Governors' perfidy.  The Governor dealt treacherously with me, in a bargain of Cloth and Lead for Lances; saying, he had agreed with me for four thousand Pagodes▪ (intending by that cozenage to raise the Custom agreed at four per Ce●tum to twelve) alleging for reason, that he was a Mirabel, and that he was borne of Mahomet's Posterity, whose words must be believed before a Christians. I not knowing how to deal with this Knave, the time not suffering to sand to the new King at Golconda, 
Golconda.  seeing no means to end with friendship, resolved to practise enmity: but at last by intercession of other Moors, we ended in a kind of agreement. Having also cleared at Petapoli, 
Bantam.  we having a good Monson departed for Bantam, and arrived there the six and twentieth of April 1612. We found the Dutch ready to departed thence for jacatra, by reason of the Governors' new exactions. But we having no house there, after some contesting, agreed with him for three per Centum Custom.  

Factory at Succa●ania in Borneo.  By order of David Middleton, a factory was settled at Succadania, and continued by Master Spalding, but it seemeth (as things are carried) rather to private then public benefit.  
The first of june, we set sa●le from Bantam, and on the two and twentieth came into the Road of Patane, 
Patane.  where we found the Bantam a ship of Enkhusen, of whom we learned the manners of the Country. On the six and twentieth, we went on shore in great state, taking with us a present of about six hundred Rials of eight, to accompany the King's Letter. We were well received according to the manner of the Country, the Letter being laid in a Basin of Gold, 

The King's Letter.  
Queen of Patane.   and carried upon an Elephant with Minstrels, many Lances and little Flags.  
The Queen's Court was sumptuously prepared, the Letter read, and free Trade granted us, paying such duties as the Hollanders did. We departed from the Court without sight of the Queen, and were brought to Dato Laxmanna the Sabander and Officer appointed for Strangers, where a Banquet of Fruits was set before us: and thence to the Orancaya Sirnona, and ●here also did eat something. The next day the Queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.  
The third of july, departed hence a Dutch Pinnace called the Greyhound for japon, 
july 3. W. Adams in japan.  the Master's Mate thereof was the same man which had brought the Letter from William Adams to the English at Bantam: by whom we sent the Companies Letters to Master Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. This otherwise we could not have done; for those of japon are at enmity with this place, 
japanites burn Patanie.  and have burned Patane twice within these five or six years.  
Much ado we had to get leave to build a Warehouse here, fire-free, which we did hard by the Dutch-house in a place assigned us thirty fathom in length, twenty in breadth: the House eight fathom long, and four broad. But their demands seemed very unreasonable, amounting, besides former charges, to four thousand Rials of eight, whereunto yet in hope of future benefit we yielded. Sickness also much afflicted us, as if the plague had been in our ship: and Captain Hippon died the ninth of july. 
Death of Captain Hipp●n. Captain Essington.  Whose Successor was nominated in the Box N. 1. Master Browne; but he being dead before, the Box N. 2. was opened, wherein Thomas Essington was named, and did succeed. Hereunto was added loss by Thiefs, which like resolute Dissolutes came into the house, a Lamp burning, and stole money out of my Chest, two hundred eighty three Rials of eight, and other goods; fifteen persons sleeping in the house, and a great black Dog, and Watch kept in the yard, which made suspicion of some of our own, but we could never learn any certainty.  
I and john Persons, and six more were left here in factory; 
The Globe a● Syam. Tigers.  and the ship departed the first of August for Syam. I would have written to Syam, of my ill Market of Lawns, but could not sand by water, and by land no less than four together would travel for fear of Tigers, and many Rivers they must pass, which made their demands to pass so fare, that I was forced to wait better opportunity. In September the King of jor overranne the Suburbs of Pahan, burning all before him, and likewise Campon Sina, which caused great dearth in Pahan. 
Pan or Pahan and Campon Sina.  The cause of our want of vent here (where four years before I had seen such quickness, as if the World would not have provided sufficient) is the portugals bringing to Malacca the wont quantity, and the Hollanders filling Bantam and the Moluccas, as also the Trade of Moors at Tanasserin and Syam, besides Tarangh a Haven new found out by Keda; the Guzerates, and another from Negapatan and we, helping to cloy the Market; so that the rumour is sufficient to keep down the price for ten years. I cannot at this present make five per Cento, which have made four of one. Thus is man's wisdom disappointed. I resolved to sand a Cargason for Maccasar, 
Maccasar in Celebes.  sending john Persons as Chief, in a juncke of Empan, October the eight.  
On the ninth, arrived two junckes from Siam, in one of which was sent me a Letter from Master Essington and Master Lucas of their trouble and small likelihood of sale, 
Cambois, Laniam, & jagoman.  besides the former causes, the Country being filled with wars; those of Cambois, Laniam, and jagoman, preparing against Syam.  
The five and twentieth, departed hence the junckes for Borneo, jambi, java, Maccasar, jortan and other places, among whom was the juncke of Orancaya Raya Indramouda for Bantam, and thence to jortan, Amboyna, and Banda, and back to Maccassar. I cannot imagine what the Hollanders mean to s●ffer these Maleysians, Chinesians, and Moors of those Countries, and to assist them in their free Trade thorough all the Indieses, and forbidden it their own Servants, 
A Dutchman's testimony of Dutch iniquity in his own words, as they are in the tran●slated Copy. November 11.  Countrymen and Brethrens, upon pain of death and loss of goods. Surely a token of great ignorance or envy, suffering Turks and Heathens to grow rich, rather than their own Countrymen should get their living. Surely a great ingratitude, and a token that God's punishment is coming upon them.  
The eleventh of November, the Glohe arrived from Syam, having been eight days in the way. They had arrived in the Road of Syam the fifteenth of August, and cast Anchor at three fathom high water: but the next day the water ebbing thirteen hours together they had but seven foot muddy ground, and therefore not very hurtful. They removed further off, where they had three fathom at a low water, being four miles (leagues) from the Bar. The Town lieth some thirty leagues up along the River, whether they sent news of their arrival. The Sabander and the Governor of Mancock (a place situated by the River) came back with the Messengers to receive his Majesty's Letters, but chief for the presents expected. Captain Essington and Master Lucas went with them to the Town, 
Customers Customs.  where the seventeenth of September they came before the King, who promised free Trade, and gave every one a little golden Cup, and a little piece of clothing. The Mandarins (Officious Officers) would have interuerted the King's command for their own covetousness, taking at their own prices what they please, and paying when they are pleased with Bribes, with worse demeanour then in any other parts of the Indieses (though the rest bad enough) till complaint being made to the King, they were charged not to molest them; and the goods were carried to the house which the King had assigned, being of brick, the best in Siam, near to that of the Hollanders. Now was the time of reinss, and the countery covered with water.  
The six and twentieth of October, arose such storms, that old folks had not there seen the like, 
Tempest.  renting up trees by the roots, and blowing down the King's monument, which he had erected to his Father. The ship har●ly escaped by the diligence of Master Skinner and Samuel Huyts, casting out a third anchor, being driven, notwithstanding her two anchors, from six fathom to four, and not passing an English mile from the land. Master Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stocke, 
Road of Siam a sa●e harbour, but in a South South-west wind.  but very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned; one after the rest, whom they supposed devoured of a Whale, which they saw soon after they had seen him. This storm lasted four or five hours, and then followed a smooth sea, as if there had been no tempest. A tempest yet continued aboard the ship, by reason, as was reported, of the reasonless masterly Master, who was therefore apprehended, and Skinner placed in his room, whereby that weather also calmed. 
Bantam Patane and S●●m, three prin●● 〈◊〉 places of Trade  As for their Trade, they were too much becalmed, this being the third place of Trade in all the Indieses, and so fare distant from Bantam and Patane. The cause whereof is this.   

§. II. Relations of strange Occurrents in Pegu, Siam, joor, Patane, and the Kingdom's adjacent.  
SIAM hath been a mighty Kingdom and ancient, since subdued and tributary to Pegu, which yet continued not long. For the King of Siam dying, left two sons, which were brought up in the King's Court of Pegu. But flying from thence to Siam, the eldest called in the Ma●eyan language, Ra●a api, or the Fiery King, and by the Portugals the Black King, set up himself as King: against whom the King of Pegu sent his son the Prince, who was slain in these wars, and hath been occasion of the destruction of the whole Kingdom, and many millions of Peguan lives. For the King sore grieved for the death of his son, 
See ●his Pegu story in my Pilgrim. lib. 5.  caused his chief Peguan Lords and Soldiers (himself being of the kindred of the Bramas) to be slain. This caused great perturbation, diverse tributary Kings (whereof he had twenty) falling daily from him: which at the last encouraged this Black King to make war against him, going to the City of Vnxa or Pegu, before which he lay some two months, without doing any thing; he broke up his siege and returned to Siam. But the King of Pegu not long after, because of the great dearth and death, gave over himself, and all his treasure, into the hands of the King of Tangu▪ 
Kings of Tangu and Arracan sharers of Pegu.  to prevent also falling into the hands of the King of Arracan, coming against him with a mighty power. This King of Arracan easily made himself Master of the Town and Country, almost empty and famished. Thinking to go into Tangu: That King sent Ambassadors, offering to deliver unto him certain portions of the treasures of Pegu, the White Elephant, and the King's daughter (both which I have seen in Arracan, Anno 1608.) as also the King of Pegu, or else to kill him (as afterwards it happened that the King of Tangu slew him with a Pilon, wherewith they stamp their Rice, as being free against any stabbing.) In this manner came this mighty Empire to ruin, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it. 
Siriangh.  The King of Arracan gave the Town or Fort of Siriangh, lying upon the same River of Pegu, in keeping to the Portugals, especially to Philip de Britto de Nicote, to whom he gave the name of Xenga, that is, Honest, which honour Xenga did after requited, taking his son prisoner some three or four years after, and ransomed him at eleven hundred thousand Tangans, and ten Galeas of R●ce; who yet also domineereth and careth for no body.  
Thus by Pegu's destruction was Siam received, and hath since brought in subjection the Kingdoms of Cambaya, Lania●h, jagomai, Lugor, Patane, Teneserm and diverse others. Anno 1605. the Black King deceased without issue, and left his Kingdom to his brother, called the White King, a covetous man, but enjoying his kingdoms in peace: he died Anno 1610. leaving diverse children behind him. Hence much alteration: For lying in his deathbed, he caused his eldest son to be slain, being a young man of great hope, at the instigation of one jockrommeway, one of the principal Lords of Siam, 
jeckrommeway a Traitor.  who having many slaves, thought to make himself King.  
This present King was the second son of the White King, who not long after dispatched that Traitor, 
japanders' insolence.  which had amongst other slaves, two hundred and eighty japanders'. These thinking to revenge their Master's death, and to achieve some memorable exploit, ran together to the Court of this new King, possessed themselves of King and Court (being with out suspicion) and compelled him to deliver four of the principal Nobles to be slain, as causes of their Master's death. And having sometime used him at their pleasure, they compelled him to subscribe with his own blood, and to give some of the chief Palapos or Priests for hostages, to such agreement as they propounded, and so departed with great treasure after much violence, the Siamites not being able to right themselves. Upon this occasion, the kingdoms of Cambaya and Laniangh rebelled, 
Rebellion.  as also one Banga de Laa a Peguan. And the King of Laniangh came the last year into Siam, within three days journey of the Town of Odija, 
Oudija.  hoping to found the Country still entangled with these slavish japonian broils. But they being departed, the King of Siam came forth to meet him, which the other durst not abide. The two other Kings are said to have joined league to come together in April, to dispossess this young King, being about two and twenty years of age, which yet without treason of his own, they are not likely to effect. Once, it was our hard hap to hit upon these bad times so unfitting for Trade.  
We resolved that the ship should winter here in Patanie, forced thereto by diverse causes. 
Queen of Patanic goeth a hunting.  The one and thirtieth of December, the Queen accompanied with above six hundred Prawes, went to sport herself: she lay first at Sabrangh, where we went to salute her, having both sight and speech with her, in company of the Hollanders: She was a comely old woman, threescore years of age, tall and full of Majesty; in all the Indieses we had seen few like her. She had in company her Sister (which was next heir) and her younger sisters little daughter, which hath been married to Raia Siack, brother to the King of joor. This her sister, commonly called the young Queen, 
They had speech with her.  was yet an unmarried Virgin, about six and forty years of age. After we had had some conference with her, she let fall the curtain, intimating thereby, that we should departed, signifying that next day we should come again; which we did, and were well entertained. There were twelve women and children to dance, which I have not seen better performed in the Indieses. Than were all the Gentility commanded to dance, or at lest make show thereof: which caused no small laughter. We and the Hollanders must do likewise, and the Queen thereat rejoiced. She had not been out of her house in seven years before, till this going to hunt wild Buffs and Bulls, whereof there is great abundance. As she passed along with her train betwixt our house and the ship, we saluted her with some Pieces from the ship, and Musket shot on shore.  
In this winter of November and December, the water, by continual rain, 
Great waters.  was higher than had been in the memery of man, so that many beasts died, many houses were driven away, and much harm done. The five and twentieth of january, we had news by a Dutch ship from Siam, 
january.  that Master Lucas had sold more than half his goods, and that the King had bought a great parcel thereof: neithr would he suffer the Officers to carry away the goods, with a pretext of the King's name, without a testimonial from the King. We had also news from Keda, that the Portugals had come with fifteen hundred men from Saint Thome, 
Hollanders house in Paleacate taken.  and taken the Hollanders house in Paleacate, slain their men, and carried away the goods. In March I sent the ship for Siam with more goods.  
The King of Pahan married the younger sister of the Queen of Patane, whom she having not seen in twenty eight years, having requested the same by often solemn Embassies, and not obtaining; hath made stay of all the junkes that came from Siam, Cambaya, Bordelongh, Lugor, or any other places laden with Rice for Pahan, and sent forth all her power by water, consisting of about seventy sails, with some four thousand men, under the command of Maha Raia, Datoe Bessar, and Orancayo Sirnora, with order to bring her sister hither, either in friendship or by force, see that Pahan shall have much to do by reason of the great dearth, the burning of his house, Rice and barns; as also the wars of joor, who as is said, maketh great prepartion to go in his own person for Pahan; and the King of Borneo prepareth on the other side to their succour.  
In April 1613. here arrived diverse juncks from Cambaya and China. In May I received letters from Siam, and good news of sale, and of the Globes arrival. He was busy to sand a Cargason of goods for japan. Seeing good to be done with China Commodities, I took up three thousand Rials of eight of the Queen at interest, for three or four Months, allowing six per Centum to the Queen, and one per Centum to the Treasurer. We received ill news from Bantam, 
Fires at Bantam.  that Campochina had twice been burnt, the great English house also full of cloth, and that of the Hollanders with great loss: of a great English ship at Pulo Panian much distressed, and great mortality. There came news also, that the Acheners had besieged joor. 
The Trades-Increase.   
july the twelfth, here arrived the King of Pahan, with his Wife the Queen's sister, 
july.  and two Sons, much against his will, leaving his country in great poverty, famine, fire, and war, having joined conspiracy. He brought news that the Acheners had taken joor, 
joor or johor taken.  and carried all the Ordnance, Slaves, and other things away with them; Raia Boungson with his children were taken prisoners, and the King of joor fled to Bintam. It was besieged nine and twenty days. Some Hollanders also, whose ship was then at joor, were there taken and slain. 
Dogs killed.  None of the Grandes went to entertain this King of Pahan, only all the dogs were killed for his sake, because he can endure none. He took our shooting as he passed by us in his honour very kindly, desiring us to visit him, and to trade in his Country.  
july the sixteenth, we had news of Captain Saris his being at Mackian, in the way to japan: also of the death of Sir Henry Middleton on the four and twentieth of May, 
Death of Sir Hen. Middleton.  as was thought by grief for the most part, the Trades-increase lying there on ground without Mast, with three and thirty men the greatest part sick: the ship being sheathed on the one side, and not on the other. In her had deceased an hundred English, and more Chinese which wrought for wages, and eight Dutch, 
Solor taken by the Dutch.  by some strange sickness. Captain Schot had taken the Castle and Island of Solor, with great quantity of Sandalwood. In the Moluccos also they had done much on the Spaniard, and a hot war was likely to ensue. july the one and thirtieth, came the King of Pahan to our house with great state, making great promises of kind entertainment in his Country.  
August the first, the Queen sent for us to the Court, where was made a great feast in honour of the King of Pahan. There was also played a Comedy by women after the javan manner, apparelled antikelike, 
King of Pahan departed. Wively constancy. Maccasar in Celebes.  very pleasant to behold. On the ninth, the King of Pahan departed, having been here a mocking stock to the Patanee: but the Queen's Sister would not leave him, but returned back with him; in lieu of getting great presents, having spent almost all she had. On the sixteenth, I received a letter from Thomas Bret at Maccasar of a bad Market, and that john Persons was fallen frantic: and that they had bought a junke with purpose to have come away, but that in the mean time the Darling came thither, being full of clothing to settle a factory there.  
September the eighteenth, arrived here Raia Indra Monda, which had gone from hence, October the twenty fift: he had been at Maccasar, and thence to Banda, where he made a good Market. 

Hollanders in Banda.  
R. Welden Englishman.   He brought about two hundred sockles Mace, and a great parcel of Nutmegs. He brought me a letter from Richard Welden. By him I learned the State of Banda; the General Peter de Bot, had ministered severe justice, hanging some for sleeping in the watch, on a Gallows hard by the Castle: which caused diverse to run to the Bandesians, and ten were turned Moores; neither could they of the Castle by any means recover them. Nor have they of the Castle any command at all over the Bandesians: 
Banda not commanded by the Dutch.  only they make the junkes to ride under the Castle, as also the ships, so commanding the Sea, but not daring to give a bad word on land to the Bandesians. The three and twentieth, the Globe arrived from Siam, and I received a letter from M. Lucas, that he had no news from the Cargason sent to jagomai, because the passages were stopped by reason of the wars between the people of Away and of Laniangh. 
jagomai, Au● or Away, and Laniangh.  The King of Away is said to have taken Siriangh, and to have caused the Xenga to be slain. The King of Siam expects him with great forces, keeping good watches on his borders. I paid the Queen her debt in gold.  
October the fourth, being the Moors first day of Lent, about eight of the clock in the morning, 
Vproare by javan slaves in Patania.  arose a mighty fire in the Town, or rather the Fort and Court of Patania, the cause was this: Datoe Bezoar and Datoe Laxmanna dwelling near to each other, and being (except Raia Shey) the richest in Slaves of javonians: it chanced, this Datoe Bezoar had been threatened by his javonian slaves, that they would kill him, Laxmannah, Raia Suterbangh, and others, which at last came to their ears. Whereupon Datoe Bezoar calling in his slaves, examined the business, which by the● was denied. Notwithstanding he caused two which were most suspected to be bound, which the Pongonla of the slaves would not suffer, who was thereupon by the said Bezoar thrust through with his Cryse or Dagger. The javonian slaves enraged hereat, had laid hold on their Lord, but that his other slaves freed him. Their fury nevertheless slew all which came in their way, and set fire on their houses. The javan slaves of Laxma●nah, seeing their Country men in trouble, in sight of their Master, and in spite of his threats, came to them, set all on fire: and being in all about an hundred persons, ran to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting all on fire on both sides as they went, so that the whole Town, except some few, as the Queen's Court, Orancaio Sirnora, Datoe Bandara, and the Meskita, was burned. And the javans going alongst the street, took the best bondwomen that they found, along with them, and stayed till one of the clock after dinner, domineering, none daring to come at them. We mean while were not without fear in our quarter, they threatening to fall on our house: wherefore (with the Hollanders together) we kept strong watch, sending aboard for as many armed as might be, which came in very fit time. For they being landed, and things set in order, we resolved to go to visit them, and to stop their way; which happened even just as they were coming downwards. But understanding by their spies of our strength and coming towards them, they retired thwart to the fields, and fled to Quale bouca, and so forwards to Bordolongh, Sangora, and into the Country. Thus we, without harm received, got the name of Defenders of strangers. The javans were followed afterwards to little purpose, three or four sick men being taken prisoners: what became of the rest was not known at our departure. This is the third time that Patania hath been burned, twice by the japanders', and once by the javans, a thing strange and almost incredible.  
On the one and twentieth, we took our leave of the Queen, which gave to me, and to Master Essington a golden Cryse. 
Factories left at Patania and Siam.  We left William Ebert in the house with Robert Litleword and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for M. Lucas at Siam. The same day arrived the unhoped for Hope from johor, where arriving and going on shore, before they could return aboard, the Armada of Achen was before the Town to besiege it. 
Hard h●ps of the Ho●e a Dutch ship, before mentioned.  Wherhfore they sent a letter aboard for thirty armed men to be sent by land, and to come as high as they could in the River with the 〈◊〉 to fight against the Acheners, which by reason of the shoalds they could not do high enough to hinder them, but that after twenty nine days the Town was rendered by composition. Thus remained twenty three Hollanders prisoners, and twelve came aboard, where none of command were left, but the Master's mate, and one Assistant. These resolved for Patania▪ but encountered with a storm, were driven on the Coral ground of Borneo, and were by a larger wind put thence upon Pulo Condor. It being now impossible to recover Patania, they sought refreshing in the Warellas, where they had a good Bay, but an ill Kitchen, the people being their enemies. They came to Patania with eighteen men, the most lying in pitiful pl●ght in their Cabins. She brought seventy thousand Rials of eight, and twenty nine packs with Indie cloth.   

§. III. Their Voyage to Masulipatan; accidents during their long stay there, and their return.  
THe next morning we set sail. The five and twentieth we were with the Southerliest Lands of Ridangh (which are about eighteen or twenty, 
Il●s Ridangh, Capas, Pulo Tingi.  lying in six degrees) and in the Evening by the Isles of Capas, which are three little Isles, lying some thirteen leagues from the former, and two from the Continent. The six and twentieth, we saw Pulo Tyaman, South and South by East from Capas twenty eight league. The nine and twentieth, being calm, we came to Pulo Tingi. If you keep at eighteen fathom, you need fear nothing but what you may see.  
The first of November, we saw the point of jantana or johor, and the Mount upon the Island of Bintam, and the next Morning came in sight of Pedra Branca: 
Bintam.  and about ten of the clock came to the dangerous riff which falls off from the point of ●ohor four leagues into the Sea. john Hugens describes this should very well, 
Linschoten.  which we passed not without danger having the point with the three little Lands West South-west from us. It is good to keep towards the Sea, till you bring the little Isles shut in with the point of johor, and Pedra Branca open with the I'll of Bintam. Pedra Branca is a rock full of fowl, and be-dunged, which causeth the top thereof to be white, and gives it that name. Till the seventh, we were every day busy, turning up with the flood till we were past the River of johor, and came about two leagues from Sinca pura. On the eighth, diverse Prawes came aboard us hard by the strait, being of the salads under the King of johor, which for the most part keep in their Prawes, with their Wives and Children, and live on fishing. By these we understood, that the King of Achen had sent Raia Bouny So, younger brother of the King of johor, back again with great honour, attended with thirty Prawes and two thousand Acheners, to rebuild the Fort and City of johor, with good store of Ordnance, and other necessaries, having married him to his Sister, and that he should be set up in the old King's place. Here we took a Pilot to carry us through the straits.  
The nineteenth of December, we arrived at Masulipatan, where we found an English ship, 
Masulipatan.  and two Hollanders. We understood that Mirsadards was out of place, and that Atmachan and Busebulleran did govern. The English ship was the james, 
The james.  and was sent expressly to second us in our Voyage. M. Marlowe, M. Davis', M. Gumey, and M. Cob came aboard us, and delivered us Letters. The one and twentieth I went on shore, where we were met by Wentacadra, son to Busebulleran, with the Sabandar and other Moors, and were well received. They gave us diverse tesseriffes, and to the Director Warner and me, to each a fair horse, which I refused, suspecting their treachery, but was compelled to accept it. I took a Caul at four per Centum, & landedgoods.  
The twenty fift of january, the james departed for Petapoli: and on the seventh of February, from thence for Bantam. On the eighteenth of February, I went to Narsapur Peca, and the nineteenth, the ship was brought into the River drawing nine foot three quarters, and having ten and an half, contrary to the reports of some, which wished no good to us. The three and twentieth, I arrived again at Masulipatan, and dispatched the Peon for Surat, writing to M. Aldworth. That day arrived a Navette from Pegu, wherein came Cornelius Frank, by whom we understood, 
News from Pegu.  that it was certain that the King of Away had taken the Fort of Siriangh, and slain all the Portugals, and that Xenga or Philip de Britto, was either spitted or so●lath'd. This was done in March ●ast. The King had given order for rebuilding the old Town, calling all the Peguers together, and making many fair promises. Himself went forward toward Tenesserin, where Banga de la came to him with fifty thousand Peguers, who before had been under the King of S●am. The Moors in Masulipatan rejoice greatly at this conquest, hoping to get the trade of Pegu into their hands again, and prepare two ships to sand thither in Septemb●r. In March came news of el●uen ships arrived at Goa, eight from China, and three from Malacca, which brought down the price of the Market, in a good hour for me, which had almost dispatched before.  
In April 1614 Atmachan departed for Golanda to give up his accounts, the year coming to an end. It was well for him, the King having deposed the great Treasurer▪ and given his Office to Malick Tusar, Atmachans friend: and well for us, these Governors' Debts being good whiles they continued their place; otherwise doubtful.  

Tho. Essingtons' sudden death.  The eighteenth of May, at five in the evening died Captain Essington of a sudden heat, having eaten his Dinner at the Table. He had some Biles about him, which at that time of the year are very common: one great one on his shoulder, which would not break, supposed the cause of that heat. I went and set the ship in the best order I could, they all refusing other Governor but me, which thought it an abasement to tread in the steps of my under Merchant. I committed it for that time to Master Skinner, holding all in hope that they might do their best endeavours, and returned to Masulipatan, where I found three persons which said that they wer●●ent with Letters from Ohiama Queen of Paleacatte, 
Obiama Queen of Paleacatte.  jaga Raia Governor thereabout, and of Saint Thomee, Apa Condaia Secretary of the Great King Wencatadraia, wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither, they would grant me a place right over against the Fort of Paleacatte, with all such Privileges as we should desire, and other great promises beside. But I considering how I and the james had been entertained there, could believe but little: yet at last we agreed that one of them should stay with me, and the rest should departed with one of my folks, who should carry the Letters to the aforesaid persons; as also to the King; wherein I repeated the bad entertainment which we had at Paleacatte. And if now it pleased him that we should come into his Country, then to sand us his Caul or safe Conduct, to which we might trust.  

Wenca●adria K. of Narsinga his Ca●l and Abestiam to the English.  The nine and twentieth of july, arrived four persons as Ambassadors, with my man Wengali; from the Great King of Narsinga or Velur, bringing me a Caul with his Abestiam, (which is a white Cloth where his own hand is printed in Sandall or Saffron) as also one from the Queen of Paleacatte, and diverse Letters from jaga Raia, Tima Raia, Apacondaia and others. The King's Letter was written upon a leaf of Gold, wherein he excused the former fault done to us in Paleacatte, desiring that now we would come into his Country, and choose a place to our best liking, 
His offers.  and that there we should build a house or Castle according to our own liking, with other privileges. He gave me a Town of about four hundred pound of yearly revenue, with promise to do more at my coming thither. The Hollanders had wrought much against it, but their words were not now in such force; the Inhabitants grieving to see every year English ships pass by without any profit to them, and therefore filling the King with complaints, and procuring these friendly offers. I kept them with me, allowing their daily charges till the ship be come into the Road, then to consider further. My man Wengali had been in person before the King and spoken with him, the King laying his hand on his head, and presenting him with a Tesseriffe.  

Ouerflowing  In August, was in Narsapur Peta and thereabouts, a greater overflowing then had been seen in nine and twenty years; that whole Salt hills, Towns, and Rice drove away, and many thousands of men and cattles were drowned, the water being three yards above the common highway. In Golconda (which hath a branch r●nning into this great River, dry in the Summer) were about four thousand houses washed away. Two stone Bridges, one of nineteen; the other of fifteen arches (as artificially made as the like may scarcely be seen in Europe, in my judgement, at lest three fathom high above water) were three foot under water, and six arches of that of nineteen washed away, being a Bridge which might well be compared with that of Rochester.  
The fourth of October, the ship being sheathed came over the Bar without hurt, hindered before by the foul weather. And now I called freshly for my Debts, and writ thereof the third time to the Court, telling them that I would be paid the interest also; whereupon they writ to Mirabel Ma●umad Rasa and the Sabander, to look that I be contented. The three and twentieth, the ship came into the Road of Masulipatan, and I took order for shipping the goods. On the five and twentieth came news of the death of Wencatadrapa King of Velur, 
King of Narsugas death: & his wives burning with him.  after his fifty year's reign, and that his three Wives (of whom Obyama Queen of Paleacatte was one) had burned themselves quick with the Corpse. Great troubles are feared; the Hollanders are afraid of their Castle new built in Paleacatte. Soon after came sixty six Soldiers to strengthen it, in the Lion.  
The first of November, arrived the Lion from Bantam, which brought news of the casting away of the Bantam in the tessel, and of the White Lion at Saint Helena; of the james arrival at Bantam and going thence for Patania. 
james for Patania.  I seeing the Governors' trifling delays for his Debt, and being in danger thereby not to return this year, resolved to carry him or his son from the Custom house aboard the ship, how dangerous soever the attempt seemed, the whole Company promising therein to live and dye with me. Whereupon I gave order for the Boat to go aboard, and to bring six Muskets wrapped up in the Sails, and so to lie in the Custom House, till we should see our opportunity. Moreover, seeing we may not bring any weapons on shore, I gave order that all our folks should stay within the House, and come to me in the Custom House as soon as I should sand for them five, to take hold of the Soldier's Pikes, that were of the Governors or his son's Guard, and so presently to enter the Custom House, which standeth hard by the River's side, and then to shut the door. So might we be able to carry them into the Boat, before the alarm be known in the Town: we having them in the Boat, we needed not to fear. We kept it secretly, yet had the Hollanders intelligence, who esteemed it a brag, and so revealed it not.  
The one and twentieth of November, the Gentiles had a Feast, 
Gentle Feast.  which Solemnity happens thrice a year, when the New Moon cometh on a Monday: in which both Men and Women come to wash themselves in the Sea, esteeming thereby to have great indulgence. The Bramenes also and Cometis do the same.  
On the four and twentieth, I demanded my money of the Governor very angrily, having stayed seven months longer than bargain, ask also Mirabel Mahumad Rasa, why he did not help me according to the Letters of the Court: who laughingly answered, they would talk with me at the Custom House when my anger was over. I replied, I would no longer be made a Fool, I would show myself a Captain of the King of England, who are not accustomed to such Knavish dealing. Thus went I to the Custom House, where I found the Governors' Son with a small Guard, his Soldiers having set their Lances over against the Custom House, it now being also high-water, as if God had offered Occasions forelook. Wherhfore I sent home (as was before agreed) for Master Skinner and the rest, (leaving only three to look to the house) who presently came & laid hold on the Pikes, and entering the Custom house, shut the door. In the mean time I held Wencatadra arrested by the arms, till two or three came to me, 

Valorous and strange attempt of the English.  
The Governor's son carried Prisoner aboard.   who taking him in their arms carried him into the Boat, into which I presently leapt, and being followed of the rest, put off from shore, rowing away: so that before his Father and Mirabel Mahumad Rasa could come to the Custom House, we were in full rowing. But in regard that it blew hard, and that we were forced to row under land, within the length of two Cables to keep the depth of the Channel; they came with might and main to pursue us: some coming hard by the Boat, but were out-rowed. Some met us in front which had endangered us, but discharging three Muskets we frighted them, and carried away our prey in sight of three thousand people, being much past the Bar before they co●ld come to it, and came safe aboard. I had given order to George Chancey, to stay ashore with three men more to give a reason of this Hostility, & to get in the Debts: but he, contrary hereto, going forth of the house to see this Enterprise, was by some unruly fellows set upon and thoroughly beaten: which coming to the Governors' ear, he took him into his protection, fearing his son might pay for it.  
In the afternoon came from shore Werner Van B●rchem the Hollander, with the King's Interpeter, to demand the cause of this action, whom I answered that they knew it well enough, and I had also left my vn●er Merchant on shore to tell them: of whose hard usage understanding, I made as though I would be revenged on Wencatadra, but by Van Berchems' intercession remitted it, conditionally to execute the same, hanging him at the yard (which he writ to his Father) if any of my men should be wronged. I prohibited also any Boat to come aboard without a Letter from George Chancey, else would I set them all before the Ma●●. The Hollanders Van Berchem with the Secretary came aboard again on the seven and twentieth, offering the Governors own Debt: I demanded no more but his and Callopas whose Surety he was, and for the rest, that he as Governor should sand such as refused to pay aboard; & I would hold myself satisfied. Berchem also protested against me of all damages, whIch they had bound, or might bear, because of my hostility; to which protest I answered by writing, showing the nullity thereof, and their ship the same night departed for Patane. In the meanwhile, Wencatadra remained aboard without eating or drinking. For he being a Bramene, 
Superstition of Bramenes.  may neither eat nor drink in any man's house but what he hath dressed himself; which made me so to pity him, that I offered if any two Moors of quality would come aboard in his place, I would let him go on shore. But none would undertake it, and he must continued his fast. The Governor therefore paid his and Callopas' Debt, and made all the rest to pay except Miriape●k and Datapa which were in Golconda, and I sent back my Prisoner, the thirtieth of November.  
After this agreement diverse Moors and others came aboard to visit me, promising to writ to the King the truth of these proceed, desiring me not to hurt any Moors ships. I answered I was for this time satisfied: but let them hereafter take heed of giving like cause, and have better ears for Englishmen complaints. I also sent Letters to the King at Golconda to the same purpose for quicker justice.. I dispatched likewise the Ambassadors of Velur, in respect of the troubles there, and my short stay denying fit opportunity: yet I left Letters with them for the first English ships, with my best advice.  
The seventh of December, Master Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to Sea▪ having offered to come and take a friendly farewell on shore: but the Governor fearing I would writ of his dealing by those Moors, refused, pretending he was ashamed to see my face, whom of a good friend he had made his Enemy. The third of januarie, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the james come from Patane, the Hosiander, and Concord. I went on shore and received of Master john jordaine, 
The several stocks united.  (principal Factor at Bantam) Letters, from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the Company was joined in one, etc. From Master Cockin at Maccasar, that he had received the Cargaton sent by William Ebert, with other circumstances: from Adam Denton and Master Gourney, complaining of the dead Market because of the Wars: from Master Lucas also, of his fears in the same regard▪ but the Darling being gone thither, I hope, will comfort him.  
Here we agreed that the Hosianders' goods should be discharged into the Globe, and Edward Christian (made Captain thereof in that Country by General Beast) should be Captain of the Globe, and Nathaniel Salmon Master; and Master Skinner should go Master in the Hosiander: and that in the Globe should go fifty men, in the james five and fifty, twenty in the Hosiander which was to stay here; and three or four to keep the Concord. On the thirtieth, the james departed to go on a month before and to stay at the Cape, or at Saint Helena, that we might go together. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was thought fit to sand the Concord for Amboyna, George Bale going in her; and George Chancey was to stay in Macasar. The ship Zelandia arrived from japan, 
Letters from japan.  and brought Letters from Master Cocks, that Master Peacock with the Hollanders was slain in Cochin China, and that Master Adams and four other English were gone thence for Syam.  
The fourteenth of February, arrived Captain David Middleton with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, the men being well and in good disposition. Captain Middleton understanding of his Brother's death, 
This is supplied out of M. Martin's journal.  and the loss of his ship the Trades Increase, was perplexed and resolved to go home, wherefore he called a Court to see the disposing of the ships, and the manning again of the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to sand home the Samaritan with the very first, the Thomas to Sumatra, and the Thomasin for Amboyna, to secure the Concord and the Hosiander for Petania and japan, to visit those Factories, which was put in execution. They set sail out of Bantam Road, the two and twentieth of February. April the thirtieth, they entered the Road of Soldania, where they found the james which arrived the day before, the Advice & Attendant outward bound. The seventeenth of May, they weighed, and the first of june came to Saint Helena.    

CHAP. XV. A journal of a Voyage made by the Pearl 
* For the furthering of Marine knowledge, I have thought good to add this Voyage, how ever holding Society with the East-Indian Society. Lancerota.  to the East-India, wherein went as Captain Master SAMVEL CASTELTON of London, and Captain GEORGE BATHURST as Lieutenant: written by JOHN TATTON, Master.  
THe two and twentieth of August 1612. we departed from Black-wall for Gravesend, and being much hindered by contrary winds, it was the fift of November, before we could attain to the Lands end of England.  
The seven and twentieth of November, we fell with Lancerota, one of the Canary Iles.  
The third of December, we towed into Lauratavi Road. The fifth we were put out of the Road by foul weather, 
Decemb. 1611. Teneriffa.  and spent the whole month about this I'll, and Teneriffa, and took in sixteen Pipes of Wine.  
The last of this month, we met with a small ship of London, a little in the Offing, which had formerly been in the Road with us, 
A small ship of London taken by an Holland man of War.  which an Holland ship of War had taken, whose men being all drunk in the night, she stole away having but three men in her: into whom we put two men, and a Merchant, whom we should have set on shore at the Grand Canary, but the weather not permitting us, he agreed to go for the I'll of Palm, we thinking there to better our provision. The small ship this day did bear us company.  
The fifteenth day, we anchored in the Road of Cape Verde where we watered, and got some Oxen.  

Rofisco Road.  The one and twentieth, we weighed and went over to Rofisco for Beefs, and at five of the clock anchored in Rofisco Road in five fathoms. Note that there is but eleven fathoms over the Bay in an East and by North course: for so lieth Rofisco from the Isle which maketh the Road at Cape Verde. The two and twentieth, we got seven Beefs.  
The three and twentieth, in the morning we departed from Rofisco. The eight and twentieth, 

The first Ternado.  
February 20. They cross the Line.   being in latitude six degrees, thirty two minutes, we met with the first Ternado, lasting some two hours.  
The twentieth of February, we crossed the Equinoctial Line, and made our way South Southeast.  
The fifteenth of April 1612. the latitude thirty two degrees, thirty nine minutes, 

April 15. Weeds called Trombas, signs of being near the Cape of Buona Esperanza.  
Punta de Sancta Luzia.  
The Bay.   the wind South-west, we steered in East Southeast, and met with many great weeds, called Trombas by the Portugals, and the water was much changed: we steered away East Southeast till five of the clock; then we saw the land between the East Southeast, and East North-east: we steered away East till seven in the morning: then we were thwart Punta de Sancta Lucia, some four leagues off; we sounded, and had forty three fathoms, Rocks: than it fell aland.  
The sixteenth at noon, latitude thirty three degrees, no minutes. At five of the clock at night, we were shot so fare into the Bay, that we brought a ledge of rocks South South-west of us: then we steered off.  
The seventeenth in the morning, we were some seven leagues of the shore, having got some three leagues to the Southward. This day our latitude was thirty three degrees, no minutes, we stood in for the shore, and at three of the clock came in fair by the point in fifteen, fourteen, and thirteen fathoms, and had sometimes hard ground, sometimes soft Ozie: and when we were shot within the point two miles of the shore, we had nine fathoms for the most part soft Ozie: Than we anchored in the Southeast side of the Bay in seven fathoms soft ground, the one point North North-east some seven leagues off; the other which we came in by, Northwest.  
The eighteenth in the morning, we sent our Boat and Skiffe on shore; 
They go on shore, and find people. A Calf for a piece of an iron hoop, and a good sheep for an hatchet.  the Skiffe presently returning, brought news of people, whereof some twenty came to them. We sent the Skiffe on shore again with an iron hoop cut in pieces, and some hatchets: and for a small piece of this iron hoop we had a Calf, and for an hatchet an excellent good sheep. Than we sent our Boat to seek for water, but ranging the Bay could found none: a little puddle we saw, of which the people drank, making signs that there was none other. This Country seemed to be a very barren place. Our Boat went into a River in the bottom of the Bay, having six foot water upon the Bar at an high water, and went a mile up a very tine River, but all salt water, and a barren Country.  
The nineteenth in the morning, at two of the clock, the wind came up at North Northwest, and blowing right in, we weighed, and made a board over the bottom of the Bay in ten, nine, eight and seven fathoms. Than the wind came to the West South-west, and West by South, and so we plied it out, all night becalmed some three leagues without the point of the road. The two and twentieth at noon, latitude thirty three degrees, fifty three minutes, we were some eight leagues of the shore. The three and twentieth in the morning, 

The Table, The Road of Saldanha. Copper in chief request. August.  
Priaman in thirty eight minutes of South latitude. Variation four degrees fifty minutes. Tecon.  
Airebangye, a Town eight minutes North latitude. A should.   the Table bore Southeast some five leagues off. All night was calm. The four and twentieth, we came into the Road of Saldanha: The people desire nothing so much as Copper: Brass they regarded not.  
The four and twentieth of August, we departed from Priaman for Tecon: Priaman standeth in thirty eight minutes of South latitude, and the variation there is four degrees, fifty minutes Northwest. Tecon standeth in five and twenty minutes of South latitude, having three or four shoalds between them: but keep some four leagues of the shore, and there is no fear.  
The one and thirtieth, we ran into a Bay, and there (being a wilderness) we brought on a false keel on our Pinnace. This Bay is called by the name of a Town, a little to the Southward of it, called Airebangye. The latitude of this Bay is some eight minutes North latitude. Round about the should going in, is nine fathom and a quarter less: but between the main and it, is the best channel with a Northerly wind, because the point of the Isle lieth should a good cables length off to the Northward: some two miles of the shore thwart the wester point, which is to the Northward of Airebangye, lieth a should, whereon is but eight or nine fathoms water, being rocks: but all over between that land and the long Isle in the offing, which lieth some seven leagues off, is but eight and twenty and thirty fathoms. The tenth of September, we got up with the wind off the shore, within two miles of Pattahan.  
The eleventh in the morning, we anchored at the South-west end of the Isle of Pattahan in fourteen fathoms Ozie: 
The River of Pattahan. Latitude no degrees, twenty eight minutes.  and at two in the afternoon we anchored thwart the River of Pattahan, in five fathoms Ozie. All this Coast is Ozie near the shore▪ without it be the shoalds. This River is very good water, and you may go into it six or seven foot upon the Bar, it standeth in no degree, twenty eight minutes of North latitude.  
The fourteenth, we went from Pattahan with two Governors for our Pilots, for Barons and Achen, with three Boys.  
The sixteenth, we were a little short of a big Island, 
A big Island in one degree forty minutes.  which lieth some two miles of the main, with two other small Isles on the Southside of it: and between the main and it lieth an high round homocke being an Isle: This is some twenty five or twenty six leagues to the Northward of Pattahan. This big Isle standeth in one degree, forty minutes. And on the Northwest side is a fresh running down a steep cliff, like a little River, all in a breach, and showeth white a great way off, seven or eight leagues you may very well see it. On the North-side of this Isle is a fine Bay: going fair by it, we had thirty fathoms Ozie. South-west or West South-west some four leagues from this Island lieth a should: 
A should  within this Isle your depth is two and twenty fathoms, and so close into the main twenty fathoms, all Ozie, your anchor over both floockes.  
The last of October, we departed from Nieubar, where we had good refreshing, for the Isle of Ceylon; the Canoes still trading, so long as we were any thing near.  

November.  The twelfth of November at noon, the Sun shining, we made our ship in five degrees, thirty five minutes. By which observation I found our ship forty leagues farther Southerly, than I could judge by our sailing, in less time than two days. At eight of the clock in the morning, we saw the land of Ceylon, North-east by north of us some twelve leagues off, being the high land within Punta de Galle. 
Punta de Gall in Ceylon.  Than it proved calm, and we got out our Skiffe to sound, but found no ground.  
The thirteenth at noon, latitude five degrees, thirty two minutes, variation thirteen degrees, twenty four minutes at night: all night the wind variable, little wind, but very much rain; 
Variation thirteen degrees, twenty four minutes.  we slented it in to the Northward: the next morning the land was East North-east. The fourteenth at noon, our latitude was six degrees, or six or five. The Souther point of Ceylon, called Diundra, East of us.  
The sixteenth in the afternoon, the wind Southerly out of the sea, we weighed and went into the Bay, 
The Bay of Velagam.  where the Boats were, called Velagam, thinking there to water, and anchored in seven fathoms fine black sand, the one point West North-westerly, the other point which we came in by South South-west Westerly, and road within a quarter of a mile from the shore. This night we sent our Skiffe on shore with a flag of truce, but went not on shore, the people making show they could not understand Portuguise.  
The seventeenth, we sent our Boat to the other side of the Bay, where there were houses built by Christian Portugals: where the people came down to our Boat, and one of them came into the water near the Boat, speaking very good Portuguese, in habit like one of the Country people: but we judged him to be a Portugal. He answered our men, that we could have nothing till they had acquainted their King; and so bid us return the next morning, and we should have answer from their King, with very pleasing words: but soon after we perceived an ambush of the Portugals, and weighed.  
The two and twentieth, we sent our Boat and Skiffe on shore, thinking that for their two Boats and men, they would have given us water. But we commanded our long Boat not to go near the shore, but to lie off to secure the Skiffe, if need were. The people on shore keeping themselves close, sent one man down to speak to our Skiffe, that if they would give them money we should water: who made answer, that our Captain was very well content to give them what it pleased them to require, and told them that we were bound for Maticalo, a City upon the Isle, to Trade. Than he drawing nearer to the Skiffe, seemed to be afraid, and told them in the Skiffe that they had Guns and would shoot him: but they making answer they had none, as indeed▪ they had not, (for the Boat was fitted for their defence) coming near, he talked very friendly, 
The treason of the Portugals.  seeming to yield to any thing. But on the sudden he retiring from the Skiffe, there came off such a volley of small shot, as the like hath been seldom seen, I think not less than two hundred, which hurt all our men in the Skiffe, being six, but none deadly, thanked be God. In the long Boat none were hurt; but the Skiffe was even in the wash of the shore. At their discharging of their shot they sallied out of the bushes, some of them running up to the neck, to have gotten hold of the Skiffe: But two of our men having better hearts than the rest, although hurt, rowed her off. The long Boat discharging her fowler and her small shot, made them retire into the bushes again; and so both our Boats came aboard again.  
The four and twentieth, we stood to the Eastward about Diundra, the Souther point of the Isle, and anchored all night some seven leagues to the East.  
The six and twentieth, we stood to the Eastward along the shore, and at noon anchored thwart a River, 
The River Wallaway.  which the people called Wallaway, in eight fathoms, black Ozie sand, yet shown a great River within, but the mouth was dord up. Our Boat being at the mouth of it, thought it to be a Rock that lay thwart of the River's mouth: and the Sea going high they could do no good, but came aboard.  
The seven and twentieth, at five of the clock at night, we were thwart a should in the offing of us, 
A should.  and being shot to the Eastward of it, we took in all our sails but our fore-course, and stood it off a try to spend the night, and not liking the weather, I called to get up our new fore-course; and while it was getting up, the other split. Being some four miles of the shore, we laid it a hull till nine of the clock, having four and thirty fathoms. Than we laid it about to the shore, and at eleven of the clock anchored in thirteen fathom fine sand, some three miles and an half from the shore, being less wind.  

Another should Sandie Hills.  The eight and twentieth, in running some five leagues, we met with another should without us some three leagues from the land, the shore being sandy hills. The depth some five or six miles off, 
A third should.  six or eight fathoms: at one cast we had but five fathoms, which was another should, but it shown not, being a smooth Sea. Than we came into ten and fifteen fathoms: and standing still to the Eastward, 

A point of Rocks.  
A fine River. They water.   we came to a point of rocks, and there seeing a fine River, we anchored on the East-side of the point in nine fathoms black Ozie sand; the point bearing South-west and by South of us. Hear we watered, keeping a guard upon the Rock of thirty small shot. Here some people came to us with fear, making shows of great friendship. They have for the most part of them very great holes in their ears: 
The description of the people.  and some of them have their hair upon their heads, like the Chinese, long, and made up with a knot upon their Crowns. They are all naked, they wear only a piece of cloth about their middles, hanging down to their knees. Here two came aboard us at several times, which spoke good Portuguese. They promised all things, but performed nothing. But finding the first to play the villain with us, yet as fare as we perceived, not by his own means, we took occasion to detain the one aboard, sending the other with threatenings and promises on shore to procure us victuals: who staying somewhat long, put his fellow which we had detained in great fear; who feigned himself sick, and would fain have gone on shore. But the next day his consort came with two Calves.  
The fourth of December in the morning, we stood to the Eastward till the brise came, 
December.  which was about two of the clock, & fetched not the place by six leagues: we anchored in ten fathoms two miles from the shore, fine black sand: latitude six degrees forty minutes. 
Latitude ●. degrees 40. min. Variation 12. degr. 46. min.  Variation twelve degrees forty six minutes North-westing. Here we road till the eighth: then we stood to the Westward, and anchored all night thwart a great Hamocke. The ninth, we anchored all night a little to the Westward of the Westermost Should. The eleventh in the morning, we stood fair in by the river Wallaway; but the sea going high, we went along to the Westward, and at night were thwart the point some five leagues to the Eastward of Diundra. Here we road till the sixteenth, at which time the Current setting strongly to the Eastward, which was very seldom, we weighed and plied to the Eastward.  
The seventeenth, we stood it in, and fetched in a little to the Westward of Diundra, thwart the two read Cliffs, and anchored in twenty five fathoms, the point East a little Northerly. 
Two red Cliffs.  The eighteenth, we broke up our Pinnace, being so worm-eaten, that she wearied our men with freeing her of water. Here we road the wind Easterly all this Month out.  
januarie the seventh, Easterly winds began to blow, than we bore up for the river of Wallaway, where we stayed, and laid up new shr●wds upon our main Mast, having very much wind Easterly. 
january.  We road here ten days together in ten fathoms, three quarters of a mile from the shore, the point lying East Southerly of us. The nineteenth at midnight we espied a sail. The twentieth in the morning in less than three leagues chase we took her. 
They take a ship.  And the same day we stood it away to the Northwest out of sight of land; then we stood in again. The four and twentieth, we anchored some seven leagues to the Northward of Punta de Galle. The five and twentieth, we began to discharge her, riding in thirty fathoms some three miles from the shore.  
The second of February, we had done with the ship, leaving in her near an hundred tons of Pepper and Sanders. The third day, we set sail home-wards. 
February. They return homewards. Colombo.  At six of the clock at night we were in fourteen fathoms, some five or six miles from the shore, thwart an Island, which is some six leagues to the southward of the Portugals fort upon Ceylon called Colombo.  
The twentieth of March, Latitude thirteen degrees seven minutes: 
The greatest variation 24. degr. 16. min.  Variation twenty four degrees twenty six minutes, being the greatest that we found. We steered away South-west, and felt no current. Note, that we met with Currents, and many ripplings from South latitude four degrees thirty minutes, till we came into thirteen degrees no minutes. Sometimes the Ripplings making a noise like overfals, especially being in the parallels of Pedras Brancas to the Westward of it.  
The four and twentieth, latitude sixteen degrees fifty minutes, variation twenty three degrees ten minutes: we steered South-west. The twenty seventh, latitude twenty one degrees, 
Variation 23. degr. 10. min. A new Island discovered in 21. degrees.  than we saw an Island West South-west, and South-west and by West some five leagues from us, being very high land. At six of the clock at night, we anchored on the Easter side of it in ten fathoms fine black sand a mile from the shore. From forty fathoms to four fathoms close into the shore, you have fine black sand. Here we sent our Boat on shore, and found infinite numbers of great land Tortoises, as big as a man might well carry, which were very good meat. The North-east point of this I'll is very high and steep; 
Infinite numbers of great Tortoises. A good watering place▪ Pearl I'll.  and a little to the Southeast of the point is low land, where is a fine running water like a river: and though a Boat cannot go in, yet it is a very good place to water in, somewhat distant from the shore. The I'll is like a Forest, and therefore I called it England's Forest; but others call it Pearl Island, by the name of our ship. There is store of land fowl both small and great, plenty of Doves, great Parrots, and such like: And a great fowl of the bigness of a Turkey, very fat, and so short winged, that they cannot fly, being white, and in a manner tame: and so are all other fowls, as having not been troubled nor feared with shot. Our men did beat them down with sticks and stones. Ten men may take fowl enough to serve forty men a day. Our men travelling into the land, found another river and a Pond with great store of Mallards' in it, and wild geese. Moreover, they found infinite store of great Eels, as good, I think, as any in the world. Strike them with a Pike, and they will fly from you not past two or three yards, and there will lie still again: you may wade after them at your pleasure. I weighed one of them, because they were bigger than ever I saw, and it weighed five and twenty pounds, and they are the sweetest fish that can be eaten. 
An excellent place for refreshing.  I think it is so good a place as the world can afford for refreshing, being also without people.  
The first of April 1613. we went away, and bearing about the North-east point, all the North side of the I'll was fine low land, 
April 1613.  and full of trees, more pleasant in sight then the Southside. The second, latitude twenty degrees fifty eight minutes. The I'll bore Southeast by East some five leagues off: 
Variati. 22. deg. 48. minutes.  Note that we saw no dangers about the I'll, but the shore itself. At six of the clock at night, the South-west point was of us Southeast by East, variation twenty two degrees, forty eight minutes.  
The first of May, latitude thirty eight degrees forty seven minutes, which was the greatest latitude that we ever raised to the southward, 
38. degrees, 47. minutes, the greatest latitude southward.  we steered away West Northwest. The eleventh at noon, latitude thirty three degrees fifty eight minutes, by which observation I found a Northerly Current, and found myself to the Westward of Cape de Buona Esperanza.  
The first of june, all these ships, the Solomon and four great Hollanders departed from the Road of Saint Helena. But within four hours after they were gone, there came about the point two great Carackes', 
They are to the West of Cape de Buona Esperanza. june 1613.  the other ships being still in sight; we having most part of our Company ashore sick, I sent the Boat on shore, having not above ten men aboard: so there came as many as were able, some of our soundest men being up in the Mountains. When the Boat was come aboard, we cut our Cables in the house and droue away, setting sail as fast as we were able, being in all but six and twenty men; having left behind us sick and sound five and twenty men of our own Company, and one Indian, with all our water Cask, and diverse other things for the use of our sick men were left on shore. So hastening toward the Hollanders, and making signs for their stay, and within night coming up with the Admiral of the Hollanders, and telling him of this news, he was very glad, and desired to make sail for the Road again, and made signs to his Fleet to follow, and so stood for the Road as wind would serve. But in the morning his biggest ship both of force and burden was missing, with the Solomon of London. Yet his three ships and we plied it up for the Road, and got in the third day at noon. The Admiral of the Hollanders went first in, 

The third of june.  
The fight between the three Hollanders and two Carackes'.   and anchored on the Broadside of the Admiral Carrack. He veered so much Cable before he brought up his ship, that his stern hung by the galleries of the Carrack: but with his two stern pieces lying very low, and his quarter Pieces he so galled the Carrack, that he put her from two pieces of Ordnance, and might have sunk her, if they had not been too covetous, having desire to carry both. The next came the Bantam, and anchored in such sort, that she had her Broadside upon the Bow of the same Carrack, and so racked her afore and baste, that it much cooled the Portugals courage. Than came the white Lion, whereof one Simons was Captain, and laid her thwart the house, and so tore her that a man might see all the Sea wash into her between wind and water, and withal cut her Cables, and so she driven off from the white Lion, 
The Lion of Holland blown up and sunk. Forty nine Hollanders blown up and drowned.  and had driven on shore, but that the Vice-admiral Carrack had a Ca●le fast on shore: and so the Carrack lying in the bite of this Cable, in time got another Cable and Anchor ready, and so brought her up again, though long first. Than the white Lion making way to veer aboard again, with a general consent that all three ships should lay her aboard: the white Lion falling with her Broadside along the Vice-admiral Carack, let fly her whole Broadside, and likewise the Carack at her. But still vering to get aboard the Admiral Carrack, his men still plying his lower Ordnance upon the Vice-admiral, one of his Pieces broke over his Powder Room, as some thought, and the ship blew up all to pieces, the after part of her, and so sunk presently. In the time of this fight eleven of our men came out of the Mountains: whom we espying fetched from the shore, out of the Bay to the Eastward of the chapel, leaving on shore fifteen of our Company, one being an Indian. In the white Lion were Hen●ie Bacon, and Henry Teddiman blown up, & nine and forty of the Hollanders. Than the Admiral, whereof john Derickson Lamb was Captain, seeing his forces so much weakened, himself having too of his Pieces dismounted, with many of his men killed and hurt, and we being of small force, thought it best to leave them, for want of help, promising to furnish us with water.  
The third of june, losing one after another, and changing a few shot with the Carackes', we stood away for England. 

july 18▪ 1613. The Sea of Grass, or Saragasso.  
They cross the Tropic of Cancer.    
The eighteenth of july in the morning, we met with many weeds, and a small long lease with white Berries of the bigness of a corn of Pepper. The Master of the Caravell aboard the Hollanders reported▪ that farther Westerly the Sea is so thick with these kind of weeds, that they hinder a ships way. They call it The Sea of Grass. He affirmed that in former Voyages he had been in it. The nineteenth, we crossed the Tropic of Cancer.    

ENGLISH VOYAGES BEYOND THE EASTINDIES, TO THE LANDS OF JAPAN, CHINA, CAUCHIN-CHINA, THE PHILIPINAE WITH OTHERS, AND THE INDIAN NAVIGATIONS FURTHER PROSECUTED: Their just Commerce, nobly vindicated against Turkish Treachery; victoriously defended against Portugal Hostility, gloriously advanced against Moorish and Ethnic Perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch Malignity; justly maintained against ignorant and malicious Calumny. THE FOURTH BOOK.  
Having brought to light (rather as a Midwife, the fruit of Others Travels than mine own as a Parent) the imperfect untimely Births of Other Englishmen, and that more mature, well complexioned, strong limmed, and (if Genethliacal conjectures fail not) hopefully promising Richeses, Honour, Happy Success and Long-life, of the East-Indian Society; which we have also in a Scenical History, or an Historical Scene, (the Actors being the Authors, and the Authors themselves the Actors of their own Parts, Arts, Acts, Designs) brought from the Cradle to the Saddle, from weaker Infancy of first beginnings to the happy Progress and growth of youthful vigour and courage: I made a stand, and, in the mids of our Indian Course, finished the former Book; that as after a long ascent of some steeper Hill, Men take breath, and review with delight, that which with irksome labour and weary steps they have passed; or like the Land-traveller resting in his Inn, or the Weatherbeaten Mariner refreshing himself in some midway Harbour (which here you see our Indian Navigators do in Soldania, or at Saint Helena.) You might also after that stay begin a fresh Career, with revived spirits, and renewed alacrtie, resume this Booke-Voyage, and Reading Navigation. So may your Minds in few hours and a safe course, without fear of Rocks, Sands, Winds, Storms of unseasonable Monsons', unreasonable Men (Fugitives, Traitors, Pirates, false Friends, open Foes) of an ill Market, hard Customs, or harsh accounts to be given at last; communicate in that, which These with so long labours, and so perilous dangers, have done and suffered.  
And here first we present unto you, the East-indieses made Westerly by the Illustrious Voyage of Captain JOHN SARIS, who having spent some years before in the Indieses, by Observations to rectify Experience, and by Experience to prepare for higher Attempts, hath here left the known Coasts of Europe, compassed those more unknown of Africa from the Atlantike to the Erythraean Sea, and after Commerce there (tam Marte, quàm Mercuri●) compasseth the Shores, and pierceth the Seas, to and beyond all iustnames of Indian and Asia, penetrating by a long journey the Lands, Cities, Court of the japonian Empire; there settleth an English factory, and after safe return, is ready to tender thee the pleasure of his pain, and (why stay I thee any longer?) by a more pleasant Discursive way, to discover to thee the Karities of that Discovery; and by hand, by the Eyes to lead thee alongst with him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell thee after Accidents and later Occurrents in the japonian, Indian and Asian Affairs.  

CHAP. I The eighth Voyage set forth by the East-Indian Society, wherein were employed three Ships, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain JOHN SARIS: His Course and Acts to and in the Read Sea, java, Molucca's, and japan (by the Inhabitants called Neffoon, where also he first began and settled an English Trade and factory) with other remarkable Rarities, collected out of his own journal.  

§. I. Their sailing about Africa, visiting diverse Lands thereof, and coming to Socatora.  
THe eighteenth of April 1611. we set sail out of the Downs.  

April 18▪ 1611  The sixth of june following, we passed the Equinoctial Line.  
The first of August 1611. we arrived in the Bay of Soldania, where having well refreshed ourselves the space of eight days, the ninth of August in the morning we weighed Anchor, and about four in the afternoon were five leagues of the Cape Buona Esperanza.  
The second of September, of latitude twenty four degrees, twenty one minutes, way East by North Northerly six leagues. Nota, That since our coming from Cape Buona Esperanza, We found no Monsons' of West-winds, (as hath been reported) but to the contrary, did found North Easterly, South Easterly and Easterly winds with extreme Storms, Raine, Thunder and Lightning: yet at that present very fair and so hot that calms were to be doubted.  
The third, latitude twenty three degrees, fifty minutes, way South by West twenty three leagues wind at South.  

The Bay of S. Augustine in the I'll of Saint Laurence.  About five at night we made land being the Island of Madagascar, otherwise called Saint Laurence, the Bay of Saint Augustine bearing East by North about six leagues off. And then steered away North North-east, variation at Sunsetting fifteen degrees, eleven minutes Westerly. We sounded, but had no ground at one hundred fathom. The land not very high, but Sandie. And then we passed the Tropic of Capricorn, to the Northward.  
The tenth of September, latitude seventeen degrees, three minutes, way Northwest twelve leagues, wind at North-east: we steered North Northwest, variation at Sunrising thirteen degrees, 
A strong current.  fifty four minutes Westerly. Hear we found a strong Current setting South South-west▪ for these last four and twenty hours, she could not have run less than four and twenty leagues, having a stiff gale: but for the reason aforesaid, in the evening we made the Island Primeiras bearing West by North about four leagues off.  
The eleventh, latitude seventeen degrees, thirty three minutes way South by East half a point Easterly fourteen leagues, the wind at Noth-east, and North-east by East, a storm.  

Note.  Note that having stood but one watch and an half to the East-wards, the Current did carry us thirty minutes to the Southwards of the latitude we were in, by the last observation: then we stood in for the land North Northwest, hoping of a better wind near the shore with less current, an● suddenly the water changed, but we could found no ground at an hundred fathom. In the evening we made the land bearing North, and North by West about six leagues off, finding it to be the Islands Primeiras, but being to the Northward of it, 
Ilhas Primeiras.  it shown somewhat longer than before, for it did bear from the Northwest to the North of us; we sounded and had twenty fathom small glistering sand; and sounding again, had twenty fathom black Ozie, with black shells. Than we stood off to the Eastward, the storm continuing with more wind in the night, then in the day; and having stood off one glass, we sounded and had two and twenty fathom, grey sand and shells.  
The twelfth, latitude eighteen degrees seventeen minutes, way Southeast by East eight and twenty leagues, wind at North-east, a storm: so that these last twenty four hours we were carried by the force of the Current forty four minutes to the Southward of the former observation, variation fourteen degrees, one and forty minutes Westerly. About night the wind veered to East North-east, so that we lay North with the stern.  
The thirteenth, latitude nineteen degrees, sixteen minutes, way Southeast by South, two and twenty leagues, wind North-east by East little wind, the Current very strong against us.  
The fifteenth, latitude sixteen degrees, six and forty minutes, way North North-east, half a point Easterly thirty leagues, wind South-west, we steered North-east by North. Note here we found not the Current so forcible, for we have depressed the Pole one degree, seven and twenty minutes these four and twenty hours. The reason we supposed to be that the Island juan de Nova, was between us and the Current, for we made accounted it did bear East by North eighteen leagues off, variation at Sunsetting twelve degrees, eight minutes Westerly.  
The sixteenth, latitude sixteen degrees not nine minutes, way North North-east eighteen leagues, we steered North-east by North, wind South-west by South, little wind, but a strong Current, variation at Sunrising thirteen degrees, not three minutes Westerly.  
The seventeenth, the ships way North by West eight leagues, variation twelve degrees one minute Westerly: in the morning we made the land to the Southward of Mosambique, making it to be the Islands de Angoxa, bearing West South-wst seven leagues. The Westermost part of the said Islands seeming whitish. The main to the Northward bearing North by East, 
The Islands de Angoxa.  smooth champion ground: we steered North-east by East, and towards evening we saw the land trenting to the Northward, seeming to the Seaward to be full of trees; here we found the Current to set North Northwest, for we could perceive by the land that we ran very fast to the Northward, and having little wind, we sounded often, but could not found ground at an hundred fathom.  
The nineteenth, latitude fifteen degrees, twenty nine minutes, way South by East four leagues, wind at East Southeast, we steered North-east, but by extremity of the Current, we were carried to the Southward. So that we were here ten days, 
An extreme Current to the Southward.  and could not get to the Northward; notwithstanding we had a fair and reasonable stiff gale.  
The one and twentieth, latitude sixteen degrees, twenty minutes, way South by West four leagues, wind North-east, and North-east by East, little wind: in the morning we were near the Northermost of the Islands de Angoxas, bea●ing West by North about three leagues off. And to windward of us, we espied a very dangerous shoal, 
A very dangerous should.  lying East of the North part of the main, at the lest three points into the sea, having a dry splat of white sand between it and the main: We sounded and had ground at thirty fathom, read stones like Coral, with grey sand and shells, we stood off, it being a lee-shoare and Westerly Current. And finding by our skiff, which was sent off, that the Current did set exceeding strongly to the South-west by West, and such uncertain shoaling, we stood off for Saint Laurence. 
The Isles de Angoxa in sixteen degrees▪ twenty minutes.  Note that these Islands de Angoxas (which are many) do stand in the plat in fifteen degrees, forty minutes, and we found them in sixteen degrees, twenty minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctial, variation thirteen degrees, no minutes Westerly.  
The two and twentieth, latitude seventeen degrees five minutes, way South Southeast eighteen leagues, wind North-east, and in four and twenty hours that we parted from the land, we lost no degrees, forty five minutes. But towards evening the wind came to the Southeast, and Southeast by South; we steered North-east, and North-east by east, and East North-east for the Island Saint Laurence, looking out for juan de nova, which Hugen van Linschoten, willeth to beware of, and not to come near it in a small Moon; notwithstanding we were enforced to put ourselves in hazard to get out of this Current and dangerous place, variation at Sunsetting twelve degrees, forty four minutes Westerly.  
The three and twentieth, latitude sixteen degrees, four and twenty minutes, way North-east, two and twenty leagues, wind at South South-west, we steered East North-east, to rid us of the Current, having depressed the Pole these last four and twenty hours, no degrees, one and forty minutes, variation at Sunsetting thirteen degrees, sixteen minutes Westerly.  
The four and twentieth, latitude sixteen degrees, sixteen minutes, way East North-east ten leagues, wind at South-west, and South Southeast, till eight in the morning, it came then to the North, and North by East, little wind. 
Land unexpected near I●an de Nova.  In the morning at break of day (to our great admiration) we saw land to the Westward, bearing North by West five leagues off, not once looking for any that way, 
L●nd unexpected near I. de Nova.  but to the Eastward for juan de nova, which we made account could not be above six leagues South from us, and being be-calmed, did doubt lest the Current would set us upon it in the night: but the day clearing, we found it to be the Northermost Island of the Angoxas, 
Thomas I'll Angoxas.  whence we departed the one and twentieth, ditto in the afternoon, which so amazed our Mariners, as that they were discouraged of getting our Voyage this way. The reason of this difference was (as we supposed) by a Counter current, which certainly in the small of the Moon doth set East North-east, and West South-West, from the Plashella or point of the shore, which lieth North-east by East of the Northermost part of juan de nova, which meeting with our ancient enemy the North North-east Current, hath thus violently put us over to the Westwards, notwithstanding we have had a fresh gale and fair wind, until this morning that it fell calm. Note, that if there be any such Island as juan de nova, it lies not so fare to the Westward, as Daniels plots make mention, 
Note of I. de Nova.  but stands nearer the main Island, otherwise we must of necessity have seen it. They of the fourth Voyage in the Ascension, made account that they passed to the East-wards of it, and S. Laurence, which thing the Portugals hold impossible, saying, that it stands so near the main Island, as that there is no passage but a little channel, which once one of their ships was enforced to put through, and since nor afore they have not heard of any to have done the like. Wherhfore it was held amongst us to be but a cunning of the Portugals, to place such an Island so fare to the Westward, to the end that such as shall sail this way, being not so well experienced as themselves, 
A falsehood of the Portugals.  might (giving it a birth) fall into this extreme Current which we certainly found to set more Westerly than North-East, and South-west. Wherhfore it is necessary for all such as shall be bound this way, to be upon the Coast of S. Laurence by the first of june, and from the Cape S. Augustine, until they come into twelve degrees no minutes, to keep up to the Eastward, and not to make their way to the West of the North, or North by West, for fear of the South-west Current, which with calms, and fourteen degrees two minutes variation Westerly, will perforce set them over upon the Coast of Soffala. And most certain it is, that in August and September, you shall found very violent Northwest winds, so that if ye would stand it over for S Laurence, you shall not fetch it without great danger of the shoalds of India, (the Current taking you on the broad side:) I mean, if you be to the North of the said shoalds, neither can you stop upon the main to keep your Latitude, for it is broken ground, and very deep water.  
The third of October we came to an anchor (after much trouble by Currents) between Soffala and Mosambique, 
October.  in thirteen and fourteen fathom: Latitude sixteen degrees thirty two minutes: Longitude seventy six degrees ten minutes: Variation eleven degrees fifty minutes Westerly. We anchored under an Island near unto the main, upon which we neither found people nor fresh water, though we digged very deep in the sand. The tenth, we weighed, the wind at South South-west, and stood over East by North for S. Laurence, hoping thereby to get out of these Currents. Thus were we tossed to and fro with variable winds, and still troubled with the Current coming out of the North-east, until the twenty sixth, we came to an anchor under Moyella, 
The Il● Moyella where they had refreshing.  which is one of the Lands of Comora, Latitude twelve degrees thirteen minutes, to the Southward of the Equinoctial, where we refreshed ourselves eight days procuring Bullocks, Goats, Hens, Lemons, Cocos, Pines, Papanes, Plantans, Pomegranates, Sugar canes, Tammarin hens, Rice, Milk, Roots, Eggs and Fish, in exchange of small Haberdashery wares, and some money, and had here kind usage and great store of fresh water, the rather for that we stood still upon our guard. I invited the King of Moyella being a Mahometan aboard the Clove, and entertained him with a noise of Trumpets, and a consort of Music, with a Banquet, which he refused to eat of▪ because it was then his Lent, which amongst them is called Rammadam, 
Mahometan manner of Fasting till Sunset.  but he took away with him the best of the Banquet to carry to the Queen his Mother, saying, they would eat it when the Sun was down. The Q●eenes name was Sultanna Mannangalla. The King's name was Sariffoo Booboocarree. He requested the General to leave him a letter in his commendations to those that should happen hereafter to come thither, whereby they might understand of his honest dealing with us. The like letter he had procured from Stephen Verhaghen, Admiral of twelve Holland ships, who arrived there in the year 1604. which he delivered unto our General, who gave him the like, with this caution in the end thereof, that they should not give too great credit to them, but stand upon their guard, for that oftentimes weapons continued peace.  
The Inhabitants here are Negroes, with short curled hair, and Pintadoes about their middles, some wearing white caps, others turbans, by which we knew they were Mahometans. The King himself was apparelled in a white Cotten coat, a Turban upon his head, and a Guz●rate Pintado about his middle: he was little whiter than the ordinary people, who are black: he was leave, he had a round thin black beard, great eyes, of a low stature, and of very few words; he could speak a little Arabic, which he had learned in his Pilgrimage to Mecca, from whence he had the name of Sheriff. Here they desire money (whereby we understand Spanish Rials of eight) rather then commodity. But for Crimson broad Cloth, Read sculd Caps, Cambaya clothes, and Sword blades, you may have any thing the Island affords, which serveth only for refreshing, and no way for merchandizing. He gave the General a note under his hand of friendship, which being not long, I have here inserted.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Sharefoo Boobackar King of the Island called Moyela, his note under his hand for further friendship. 1611. written in Arabic.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
The fourth of November, we set sail from this Island Moyella. The seventeenth in the morning, we made the land being the main of Melinde, the Bay or Gulf called Formosa, 
November. The main land of Melinde  bearing Northwest about four leagues off. The land trending North-east South-west, we had thirty fathom, small grey sand and shells, wind at East North-east, we stood off Southeast a stiff gale, and a very great sea, which showeth to be shoal water, and a Current which we found to set alongst the shore, North-east. Latitude two degrees ten minutes, variation at Sunne-setting twelve degrees thirty one minutes Westerly. Note, this land lieth more Easterly than in our plaits, otherwise we should not have fallen therewith so soon: 
Note.  for by our reckonings we were at lest forty eight leagues off.  
The nine and twentieth, latitude four degrees forty four minutes, variation seventeen degrees thirty four minutes Westerly, being as we supposed twelve leagues of the shoals, called Baxos de Malhina East by South, we had a great Rippling, and over-fall of water, as if it had been shoal-water; but sounding found no ground at an hundred fathom, the wind came about here to South Southeast, our course North-east.  
The first of December, Latitude three degrees forty minutes, our way North North-east eight leagues, wind at North North-east, East, East Southeast, and North East by North, 
December.  little wind for the most part calm, and had a very fearful rippling of the water, much like unto the fall at London Bridge, being out of sight of land, and finding no ground at an hundred fathom: 
Fearful Rippling of the water.  when we stood into the land it left us, but bearing off, (being fifty leagues from land) we found very terrible. Variation sixteen degrees fifteen minutes Westerly. The second, Latitude two degrees fifty five minutes, way North-east by North eighteeene leagues, wind variable, the Rippling continuing, variation fifteen degrees fifty seven minutes Westerly, which moved us to think that we had a Current setting to the West, the variation decreasing so suddenly. The third, Latitude four degrees four minutes, way South twenty three leagues, wind variable, most part calm, with great Rippling of the water, and a very strong Current Southerly, so that these last twenty four hours, we are carried back to the Southwards of our former latitude, one degree nine minutes. The fourth, latitude four degrees thirty three minutes, way South ten leagues, little wind and variable betwixt the North-east, and East by South, very strange Rippling of the water, and strong Current Southerly, variation eighteen degrees forty four minutes Westerly. The fifth, latitude four degrees fifty four minutes, way South by East seven leagues, wind variable, betwixt North-east by North, & East by South, the Rippling continuing and Current Southerly, variation eighteen degrees eleven minutes Westerly at Sunsetting. The sixth, latitude five degrees five minutes, way Southeast by East eighteen leagues, wind variable betwixt North-east by North, & North-east by East a gale, and at sometimes more fearful Ripplings of the water then before, yet could have no ground at an hundred fathom. These Ripplings show like shelves, and are not at all times alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less; but met with many times in a day, and make a noise by the ships side, as if she did run five leagues a Watch, when she doth scarce go a head. We were much terrified therewith, the rather because we could not imagine from whence it should proceed, seeing no land; but supposed ourselves to be amongst the Easter-most Islands, which lie off the Northermost point of S. Laurence. Here we had rain, thunder, lightning, and sudden gusts which continued not long. The seventh, way East by South eighteen leagues, wind betwixt the North and North-east, the Rippling still continued. The eighth, way North-east twenty two leagues, wind at South-west, and South-west by West, with Rippling, but no ground at an hundred fathom: variation twenty degrees seven minutes Westerly. The ninth, latitude four degrees eighteen minutes, way North-east eighteen leagues, wind variable, little Current and no Rippling: variation twenty degrees forty seven minutes Westerly; here we found it extreme hot. The tenth, latitude four degrees, twelve minutes, way East North-east seven leagues, wind from Northwest by North, to North-east by East, many times calm, with no rippling, nor Current Southerly. Note we have found continual calms, ever since we came off the Main, and the further off, the less wind. Variation twenty degrees, fifty seven minutes Westerly.  

They had passed the Line a month and five days before.  The five and twentieth: Note, it is a month and five days since we were in latitude no degrees, one minute to the Northward, close by the shore: since which time we have been put back into five degrees, five and twenty minutes to the Southward: wherefore those bound to Socatora at this time of the year, must hold to the Eastward of Pemba two hundred leagues, East by North, the variation there increasing Westerly, which will bring you the more Northerly: and so keeping the Island Socatora open of you, between the North by East, and the North North-east, you shall be in the greatest possibility to make the best use of these winds, which near to the main we found to keep between the East by North, and East by South a continual gale: but off at Sea, about the Islands Mascharenas at North-east North, and sometimes at Northwest West, and West by South▪ with calms, riplings of the water very fearful, thunder and lightning. And albeit the North-east and Northerly winds are but bore helps, plying to the Northwards: yet this benefit you shall have, that by how much easterly you are, by so much the more you shall recover to the Northward of the Line, before you meet with the Main, which if you can avoid, see not in this time of the Easterly Monson, until you be full in the latitude of ten degrees, to the Northwards of the Equinoctial. But in the time of the Westerly Monson, 
Note.  keep the shore aboard, for it is very bold, but lieth much more Easterly, then in our Plaits.  
The first of january, latitude three degrees, fifty eight minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial, 
january 1. Magadoxa. Cape Das Baxas.  here we made land, being the Main of Magadoxa, Cape Das Baxas bearing North North-east eight leagues off; the land low, sandy and barren, all alongst; the wind at North-east and East by North, a stiff gale, we stood off to the Eastward, way North by West twelve leagues.  
The second day, latitude two degrees, one and thirty minutes, way Southeast by South five and thirty leagues, much wind and Current Southerly, having depressed the Pole in these last four and twenty hours, one degree, seven and twenty minutes, whereof six and twenty leagues she had run by dead reckoning, and nine leagues she was carried by the Current contrary to expectation. The eighteenth, latitude six degrees, seven and twenty minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial, way Northwest by North four and twenty leagues, wind at North-east, and North-east by East. About two of the clock we made the land, being the main, called Doara, 
The Main land called Doara.  the South-part bearing West, and the North-part, Northwest by North about eight leagues off, seeming not very high, but sandy and barren, we stood off with much wind, and a Current setting Northwest, as we supposed; otherwise we should have gotten further to the Northward.  
Note, that although the variation holdeth little proportion, yet did we found by experience, that in running to the Eastward we have variation Westerly increasing: and standing into the shore Northwest, 
A notable thing concerning the Variation.  our variation was Westerly decreasing: so that by reckoning according to our plaits, we found ourselves much further of the land, then by just proof by variation: which truly is a most certain thing to be credited; observation being taken by one of experience, with an exact instrument, our so often falling with this maine, hath gained us this knowledge, variation at Sunrising seventeen degrees, thirty six minutes Westerly, and at setting seventeen degrees, twenty minutes Westerly.  
The first of February, we made the land bearing North-east by North, about seven leagues off: we sounded, 
February 1.  and had ground at twenty seven and twenty eight fathom, soft sand: this Land is called Cape Dorfuy, 
Cape Dorfui●  being very high and barren by the Seaside; many gusts.  
The ninth, latitude ten degrees, thirty seven minutes, way West by North sixteen leagues, wind North-east by East: we had now sight again of Cape Dorfuy, from whence we departed the first day, contrary to our expectation, bearing Northwest, about nine leagues off, having found a strong Current in the offing, setting West Northwest; which until meeting with this land again, we dreamt not of, but rather thought we had been forty five or fifty leagues off, not once looking for the land, we sounded and had fifty fathom fine small sand, about five leagues 〈◊〉: this land is high and full of mountains.  
The tenth, latitude eleven degrees, twenty minutes, way North-east by East, Easterly sixteen leagues, wind from East by North, to North-east, we sounded and had ground at five and forty fathom, small black sand, about eight leagues of the high land of Cape Guardafu●, we made trial of the Current with our Pinnace, 
〈…〉 〈◊〉 del Curi●.  and found it to set North by East. Towards evening we had sight of the Island Abba del Curia, bearing East North-east about ten leagues off, being very high land, rising in two parts like two Islands.  
The fourteenth, latitude eleven degrees, two and thirty minutes, wind North-east, and East North-east calm: here we had sight of the Eastermost Irmana, seeming to the Eastward low land, about six leagues off.  
The fifteenth, latitude eleven degrees, seven and twenty minutes, way East Southeast six leagues, wind East, East North-east, East Southeast, and North-east calm for the most part, making account to be eight leagues of the Eastermost Irmana: But we were mistaken; for it was Abba del Curia, and the Duas Irmanas did bear North-east of us twelve leagues off, variation at Sunsetting seventeen degrees, three and twenty minutes Westerly, and in the night the wind came fair to the South Southeast, we lay East with the stem, with help of a Current Easterly; contrary to the report of former Navigants, and by break of day, we were six leagues of the Westmost Irmana, bearing East Southeast, 
Socatora.  and had sight of Socatora ten leagues off.  
The sixteenth, latitude twelve degrees, nineteen minutes, variation at Sunrising seventeen degrees, two and twenty minutes Westerly, we bore up and went about the Wester point of Socatora: towards evening we had sight of the white Rock, which lieth about four leagues of the Westermost point of Socatora, the point and the Rock, bearing one of the other Northwest by North, and Southeast by South, the said Rock looming like a sail, standing to the Eastward, larboard tack aboard; and was so made for, by them of former Voyages. The Current still helping us to the Eastward.  
The seventeenth, latitude twelve degrees, seven and forty minutes, variation at Sunsetting seventeen degrees, two and twenty minutes Westerly, wind variable, at Southeast, and Southeast by South calm, but a strong Current setting alongst the land, after we were about the Wester point. This night we came to an anchor, one league and an half to the Westward of the King's Town, called Tammarin, in twenty fathom water, distant from the shore two miles; our shoalding in, after we had ground, was two and twenty, twenty, nineteen, twenty, twenty, twenty, small white sand, the wound East Southeast, and Southeast calm.  
The eighteenth, we came to an anchor in the Road of Tammarin, right before the King's house, in nine fathom water, a league from the shore, fine sandy ground. 
The Road of Tammarin.    

§. II. Occurrents at Socatora and in the Red-sea.  
THe General sent Master Richard Cocks, Cape Merchant, with the Skiffe well appointed unto the King, to acquaint him what we were, 
Socatora. This Letter was a brief sum of Sir Henry Middleton his disaduentures in the Red-Sea by Turkish perfidy, as in his own journal you have read, with caveat to all English, and notice of the Road Assab. Or Caixem.  and the cause of our coming, and to provide cattles and fresh victual. Master Cocks returned, having been friendly entertained and feasted by the King, and the rest that went with him. They brought a Present of fresh victual from the King to the General, together with a Letter left there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated the first of September 1611. aboard the Trades-Increase in Delisha Road, in the Island of Socatora: the original our General kept, and returned the copy verbatim, for the future ships.  
The nineteenth, They went in solemnest manner on shore, where the King bid us welcome, and feasted all the Company in his Royal manner, himself being richly vested in crimson Velvet, laid rich with goldlace. His house was built of freestone, Castle-like: he had above an hundred attendants, whereof about fifty were well apparelled, according to the Moors fashion, the rest were naturals of the Island. After many compliments and courtesies, at night we took our leave of him. His name was Sultan Amur Bensaid, son to the King of Cushion upon the Arab side. We paid here for kine twelve Ryalls of eight the piece, sheep three shillings the piece, and for Goats one Ryall of eight a piece, which though it be dear, yet are the most of them not man's meat, being so vildly, and more than beastly buggered and abused by the people, as that it was most loathsome to see, when they were opened. We paid for Rice three pence a pound, Dates three pence a pound, Hens twelve pence a piece, Tobacco seven hundred leaves a Ryall of eight, Eggs pence a piece. The King will take no English money, but all Rials of eight.  
The twenty seventh, our General caused a meeting of his merchandizing Council, unto whom he read the Companies Remembrance, and the Letter received by the hands of the King of Socatora, from Sir Henry Middleton: and shown them, That whereas he had been put in good hope by the Companies Remembrance, to have obtained good store of Aloes here at Socatora, which now he found frustrate, the King being wholly unprovided, and not able to furnish us therewith until August: And whereas we were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Moha in the Red-sea, (the Monson not serving for Surat) we were now unterly dissuaded from the view of those parts, by the treachery and wrong done to Sir Henry and his Fleet. And lastly, whereas if we did not go for the Red-sea, if we should remain here in Delisha Road six months attending the Monson, we should found it very chargeable, and be able to effect nothing, (for until the end of September, there is no coming upon the Coast of Cambaya) his opinion was, that notwithstanding these bad tidings received from Sir Henry, yet that we should go for Moha, we having with us the Grand Segniors Pass, which the former ships never had. For hereby we should be able to certify the Company what stea● the Pa●●e might stand them in, determining to stand upon our guard, and not to adventure any one man without good pledge, so that we might ride securely, and obtain trade aboard, though none on shore, our force being able to defend and offend upon occasion, the greatest power that Port could raise. And finding no hope of Commerce, than he intended to make use of his Majesty's Commission, in respect of the violence offered unto Sir Henry and his Company, and so enforce the putting off of our English commodities▪ or to make spoil of their Scale and Custom, by not permitting the Indian ships, which were expected in the fift of March to enter there, which wo●ld be a matter of no small hindrance unto them: but until then he would be very unwilling to deal with them by force. And this course he did the rather approve of, because here needed no parting of company, but the Fleet might keep together, and as soon as the Monson ●hould permit, go jointly together for Surat, according to the Compani●s order, their force▪ united the better to resist whatsoever the enemy should attempt. The Council general assented to what he propounded; and so concluded to keep company together, and go for the Red-sea.  
The first of March, we weighed anchor, & set sail for the Redsea, the wind at S. E. and South, sometimes little wind. 
March 1. Note.  The winds since we came to an anchor here▪ were in the mornings and so till night for the most part at North-east by East, and East North-east, and at night o●f the land between the South and Southeast, fair and temperate weather: until you come to four fathom, where we might have rid a musket shot off the shore, & further in, is three & three fathom and an half, it is bold all the Bay alongst, keeping two Cables length of the land, fair sand, and some stones amongst: a demie-culuering will reach the Castle, which is of no force. Latitude in Tammarin Bay twelve degrees, five and thirty minutes to the North, variation eighteen degrees, 
Tammarin Bay.  two and forty minutes Westerly. The King of Socatora gave counsel, that if we went to the Redsea, we should ply to the Southward of Abba del Curia, for that keeping on the north-side we should ●eep it over to the Arabian shore, and should not without great trouble fetch Cape Guardafui, so that by proof we found it best to keep the Abash shore aboard.  
The fourth in the morning, we saw Cape Guardafui bearing West eight or nine leagues off, we steered in West Northwest latitude twelve degrees one minute, the Cape South by West four leagues off, no ground at an hundred fathom, the land high and smooth, variation at Sunrising, seventeen degrees, four and thirty minutes Westerly. In the evening we had ground, standing in alongst the land, 
Mount Feluke.  to found the Bay of Feluke, our depth was twenty six, seventeen and eighteen fathom. Hear we resolved to go for Moha, and not for Aden, because Aden is a Town of Garrison, and of little Trade, with other inconveniences, as exaction of custom, etc. as appeared by the sixth Voyage. Here we took good store of Mullets with our Sayne, other large excellent fish with lines and hooks. 
Several sorts of sweet gums.  Hear are Gums of several sorts very sweet in burning, also fine Mats w●ll requested at Aden and Moha, and the Indieses: For ordinarily the Indian ships touch here, both inward and outward, to buy thereof, and of the Gums: also victual, sheep and Butter; which is fare better cheap then at Moha, for daily Boats go over laden with victual, to cell at Aden and Moha; but they will not barter for any thing but linen cloth.  

The benefit of the Town of Feluke.  Note that at Feluke Town, there is wood and water to be had plenty, but not in the bottom of the Bay, the passage up to the Town is so large, as that three ships may pass a breast without danger. The going in is between the high Homock and the low sandy point. The Masters were willed to ste●re from hence West by North, alongst the South-shoare to Demity, and then to shape their course over to Aden.  
The ninth, latitude eleven degrees, fifty eight minutes, way West five and twenty leagues, wind at East and East by South, a stiff Breese all day, but at night little wind, keeping alongst the shore about eight leagues off, we steered West by North, variation at Sunrising fifteen degrees, ten minutes Westerly.  
The tenth in the morning, steering West by North, the wind Easterly, we had sight of two small Islands, 
Two small Islands.  lying off the high land of Demety about a league of the main, distant one from the other four leagues, the Eastermost bearing South by West seven leagues off, and the Westermost South-west, the same distance; we stood over for the high land of Aden Northwest by North, and Northwest, the wind at East, and East by North, a stiff breeze▪ Easterly Current: variation fifteen degrees, no minutes, Westerly, latitude eleven degrees, fifty eight minutes.  
The eleventh we had ●ight of the high land of Arabia making it to be the high-land of Darsina, bearing North by East, by the compass eight leagues of latitude at noon thirteen degrees eleven minutes, of variation at Sunrising, fifteen degrees two minutes Westerly, having had a strong Easterly current coming over, for we steered between the North Northwest and Northwest, and were so carried to the Eastward that she made but a North by West way, contrary to expectation, for had we had no current, we should by course have given her a Northwest way Westerly. But after we were shot in about some twelve leagues of the shore, we found no current, the point or head-land of Aden breaking it off, as we supposed.  
I sent certain instructions in writing to Captain Towerson and Master Davis', to be observed at our arrival in the Road of Moha for the better grace and countenancing of our action and safe guarding of our ships; having to do with so treacherous a Nation.  
The twelfth, variation at Sunrising fourteen degrees five minutes Westerly in sight of the high-land of Aden, bearing West by South ten leagues off, We steered in West South-west, and at noon had latitude twelve degrees, forty nine minutes about five leagues off. The Southmost point bearing South-west by West, we sounded and had ground eighteen fathom soft sand.  
The thirteenth, in the evening fourteen leagues to the Eastward of the entrance into the straits, and to the Westward of Aden sixteen leagues, we came to an anchor, in respect we were not acquainted with the Coast, and finding the inconveniences aforesaid, keeping all day within three or four leagues of the shore to the time we anchored, our sounding was forty, thirty eight, nine and twenty, eighteen, seventeen, sixteen, fifteen, sixteen, seventeen, nineteen, eighteen, nineteen fathom. Here we let fall our anchor, sandy ground, the Wester-most land we could see, bearing West by South Southerly, and the high-land to the Eastward. North North-east about four or five leagues off.  
The foureteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind at West by North, a small gale with ra●ne, having had none till this present, these four months. 
No rain in four months.  We steered South-west by South as i near as we could lie for the straits.  
In the evening, esteeming ourselves to be off the straits, we shortened sail and stood it off and in with a short sail, keeping our Lead all night, being eight or nine leagues of the Main of Arabia, we stood off West by South, and had no ground at an hundred fathom.  
The fifteenth, our course West by South Southerly six leagues, wind East Southeast, the land which on the foureteenth about six at night did bear West by South ten leagues off, did now bear South-west by South four leagues off. To the Eastward here we had sight of three small Lands or Hummockes bearing North Northwest one league & an half, the greatest showing as if it had a Castle upon it, being the Eastermost, here is a current setting from the Southeast.  
And about noon opened the straits, we steered North North-east, the wind at East by South, than we steered North and North by East, having thirty, eight and twenty, seven and twenty, eight and twenty, three and twenty, one and twenty, nineteen, eighteen, seventeen, fifteen, sixteen, ten, ten, twelve, ten, nine, seven and nine, and when we had opened the White-house which standeth on a sandy Bay on the starboard side of the entrance North-east, and the rock or low point on the same side East North-east, we had six and seven fathom fine black sand. Than we steered North North-east until we brought the rock or low point East half a point Southerly, than North by West, latitude at noon twelve degrees, fifty six minutes; And keeping this course we had seven, six, six and a half, and as we went in the deeper water, fourteen, fifteen and sixteen fathom good ground, and at night did let fall our anchor in fifteen and a half fathom black Ozie ground, distant from the Arabian shore three leagues, and from the Abesh shore on the other-side ten leagues fair clear weather, so that we could see from side to side, the wind at South Southeast, little wind. 
They could see from side to side of the strait.   
The sixteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind at East Southeast, we steered North by West for Moha, and had eighteen, sixteen, fifteen fathom about four leagues of the shore. Than we steered North and North by East, and had nine, ten, eight and seven fathom: but finding a shoal or bank, which lieth to the South-east-ward of the Town, we steered North Northwest keeping in eight, nine, seven fathom, and edging to the Southward we had ten, eleven, ten and a half, until we brought the Town East by South Southerly of us, and were in five and a half fathom where we let fall our anchor, the Steeple or high Church standing in the Town bearing East, and one league of the point to the southward South by East three leagues off. Nota, you must bring the high Church East Northeast Easterly, before you shall be cleared of the shoal aforesaid at your coming into the Road: 
The shoal whereon the Trades Increase strooke.  which is very dangerous, and where the Trades-Increase did set at lest four and twenty hours. But it shows itself by the colour of the water: here at entry, we had very much wind at South and South Southeast with a great Sea.  
Not long after we were at anchor, the Governor sent off a poor old slave in a small Canoa, to know what was the cause of our coming. The General used the poor man kindly: who of his own accord told him that the English that lately were here, were not well used by Regib Aga then Governor, whereupon he was cashiered, 
Regeb Aga displaced, Ider Aga successor.  and that the Governor at the present was called Ider Aga, a Graecian by birth, a man very kind to Strangers, and a great friend to Merchants. The General willed the Purser to give the poor man two Rials of eight, and so returned him to his Master, with answer that we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and would upon his sending of a worthy and fit man, acquaint him further with the cause of our coming. Presently after he sent off an Italian turned Moor, well clad, with the like message, and to know whether we had the Grand Signiors Pass. The General told him he had not only such a Pass, but likewise Letters from the King's Majesty of Great Britain unto the Bassa. The Italian desired to see them. Which the General denied, in respect he held him a base fellow, from Christian to turn Moor, but willed him to acquaint the Governor therewith, and that we were appointed in honour of the said Pass to shoot off fifty one Pieces of Ordnance at our arrival here in this Road, which he intended presently to do. The Italian entreated that he might first give his Master to understand thereof, which was granted, and the Purser willed to give him five Rials of eight, and his Boat one, his name was Mustafa Trudgeman. The Ordnance shot out of each ship was, The Clove nineteen, Hector seventeen, Thomas fifteen Pieces. The Town answered with five Pieces of excellent Ordnance, and two Galleys three apiece. These Galleys were stout Galleys, of five and twenty Oars on a side, and well fitted, yards up. The Captain's name whereof was Mamy, and the Captain's name of the Town Mahumet-bey.  
The seventeenth, the General received a present from the Governor Ider Aga, that is to say, three Bullocks, twenty Hens, two baskets of Plantens, and two of Lemons, with many compliments, desiring him to come ashore. He returned him a fair fowling Piece, and willed the Messenger to tell him that he desired to have a sufficient pledge from him for his safe return, (when he should come) for reasons not unknown to the Governor,  
The Governor sent his Secretary unto the General with a Letter to know what answer he had formerly returned him by Mustafa Trudgeman: for he having given him at much entreaty a Bottle of Wine was so drenke therewith before he got to the Governor, as that he could not speak: which being certified by the Secretary, on the eighteenth Master Cocks, and Bolton our Linguist were sent ashore, to acquaint the Governor that the General's coming was to entreat Trade, and that whensoever it please● him to sand a man of equal worth to remain with the ships as a pledge for his safe return, he would in person come and visit him: and also to let him to understand that our General was not ignorant of the wrongs done by Regib Aga unto Sir Henry Middleton his Countryman and his Company. But if we might now have quiet Trade, all matters passed should be forgotten, and we would treat with him of such our business as th● G●and Signior had given us ●eaue, which we hoped should be for all our goods. The Secretary remained aboard, pledge for Master Cocks and Bolton; he did eat of our victuals, but had it dressed by his own people. At night they returned having been well used, feasted, vested in cloth of Silver, and carried up and down the Town with Music before them, to give the people to understand how welcome they were, as Master Cocks understood it. But at their coming away, they were brought into a house, and dis-robed of their Ve●ts. The General asked the Secretary whether it were ordinary and usual with them to do so, he answered; Yes: he replied that in no other part of Turkey the like was done, that ever he heard of. In the end the Secretary was dismissed, and half a Violet Kersie given him: he was very importunate to know whether the General were not of kin unto Sir Henry Middleton. The like was demanded of Master Cocks by them ashore, fearing that he was come to take revenge of them.  
The Letter written from his mouth is this.  
RIght worthy and my esteemed good Friend, I have had conference with them you sent ashore, and have used them in the best sort our Country fashion doth afford, investing them with Robes, and conducting them back with Music, that the Country people might take notice how you come and are received in Amity. And if it be your pleasure to come ashore to me to morrow, I will give you the best entertainment the place will afford, with a true and upright heart, without guile or deceit, & will sand you my Secretary or any other pledge you shall esteem fitting, if it please you to sand me word thereof by my Interprter, which is now abo●rd your ship, the time you will have me sand my pledge, and hour you mean to come ashore. I have written yesternight to jeffer Bassa, and it will be some fourteen or fifteen days before I have answer from him. Yet in the meantime if you please to sand any of your people ashore ●o buy e●ther fresh victuals, or any thing else the Country will afford, they shall be welcome. As also to s●ll any thing they please without any molestation at all. And so expecting your answer, I cease: from Moha, the five and twentieth of Moharem, De 1021. de Mahomet.  
Dus Como bono Amico Aidar Aga Aga de Mucha.  
I have also diverse Letters of Mamy Captain of Mucha (Moha) or of the Galleys there, unto the General, which to avoid prolixity, and because the substance is as the former, I omit. I have yet caused some of the Seals to be cut, and here added for the rarity, being not in wax, but stamps of Ink, in form as here is expressed.  
Likewise I have added a piece of a Letter in the Banian hand and Language (common in great part of the Indieses) written from the Sabander in Moha, to Captain Saris.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
The twentieth, the Governor sent aboard, according to agreement the day before, mohammed Aga Admiral of the shore, 
General Saris landeth at Moha·  and Commander of the Road for the Turks Custom and Anchorage, And Nasuffe a grave old man, with two attendants proper men to remain pledges for the General. So he went ashore with all the Merchants, the three skiffs well fitted, and had one and fifty Pieces of Ordnance shot out of the ships at parting. He was received at the landing place by the Captain of the Galleys, and diverse other principal men, with Waitss, Drums, and other Musical Instruments playing before, and diverse Pieces shot out of the Castle, the people following in such abundance, that we could hardly pass. Having passed two Guards of very proper men well clad, we were brought into the Governors' House, which is built all of Freestone, with very fair and large stairs, and so were led into a room spread with rich Carpets, at the upper end of the room was a window made after the fashion of our Bay-windowes: where a Silk Quilt was spread upon the floor, and two Cushions of Cloth of Silver, laid thereon, he was requested to sit down. But presently the Governor came forth of another Chamber accompanied with five or six persons richly apparelled, himself in a Gown of Cloth of Silver, faced with rich Fur. He took the General by the hand, kissed his own hand, and put it to his head. Than he led him by the hand to the said window, where they sat down, and after some few compliments, he delivered unto the Governor our King's Letter, which Master Cocks did read, and Bolton our Linguist interpreted to the Captain of the Galleys, and he to the Aga, which course he held for state. After, he delivered him the Grand Signiors Pass, which he gave to his Secretary to read, which done, he took it, kissed it, and laid it upon his head without further ceremony.  
The Original I have in my hands, and have caused a little of the beginning to be here expressed, and therewith the form of the Grand Signiors Seal, (a little contracted to come within the Page) and here, to give delight to the Curious Reader, annexed. All the larger strokes or lines are Gold, the rest Azure, with Read here and there beautifully intermixed. After which followeth the same Letters Patent, for better Patencie, Englished out of the Arabic.  
The Great Turks Letters Patents Englished.  
YOU that are My most Laudable, Fortunate, Wealthy, and great Vicereys and Beglerbeys, that are on the way from My most Happy and Imperial Throne (both by Sea and Land) unto the Confines and Bounds of the East-indieses: Owners of some part of Dignity, and those unto whom belongeth to give aid, help, and secure in GOD'S cause, and Mussulmanicall Religion, upon their Emperor's book, The Wealth and Greatness of whom let it continued for ever. Likewise unto ye My most Laudable, and Valiant Saniacq Beys, that are under the abovenamed Beglerb●ys, owners, and h●pe of future greater Dignities, and those unto whom belongeth dutiful aid and help in GOD'S cause and Religion, upon their Emperor's direction: the Honour and Dignity of whom be ever continuing. And unto ye, My most Laudable, Wise, and Prudest justices of Peace, judges, and Ministers of justice, that are within the Precincts of the said Saniacqbeys, whose judgements, justice, and Words do flow, as from a fountain of all Wisdom and Prudence: The Worthiness and Greatness of whose Dignity and Function, let it continued for ever. Also unto ye My Laudable, Great, and most Worthy Captains and Reyses of all Our Navies and Shipping that swim upon the face of the Sea. Unto ye My laudable Captains, of the Castles, Cities, and Towns: And unto ye worthy and laudable Customers, dwelling upon the Sea-coast, upon Rivers, Bridges, and all other parts of our Dominions, and thereunto adjacent. Upon sight of this My most High▪ and Imperial Commandment, in conformity of your most bound duties, ye shall arise, and do obeisance and Reverence thereunto.  
Hereby ye shall understand, that the Ambassador of the King of Great Brittany that resideth in Our happy and most high Port, hath given us to understand by his Supplication; That forasmuch as some of his Masters the King of Great Britain his subjects, have with great charge and labour, discovered a Trade in the East-indieses; and withal understand of Wealth, & likelihood of Trade in some Parts of Our Dominions by the way to be had in their Passage to the said Indieses, being therefore desirous to visit those places for the better enlarging of their said Trade. To the end that such men may in so good and laudable enterprises have all favour, aid, and help (so fare as lawfully and conveniently may be granted) Hath requested us in the Name of his said Master the King of Great Britain, to vouchsafe them our safe-conduct and recommendations. In conformity of whose request, as also in regard We and our Predecessors, are and have been for the space of many years in strict league and Amity, with the aforementioned King of Great Britain, and the Subjects of that Kingdom, who long have had, and at this present have free Traffic and Trade in merchandizing in our Dominions and Provinces through the Mediterranean Seas. We therefore do command, and expressly charge ye all, and every of ye, our above mentioned Subjects and Officers, that ye will not only kindly and lovingly entertain and receive the said Merchants and Subjects of Great Britain, coming or passing through or by any of Our Dominions, especially intending to trade, to the Dominions of Yemen, Aden, and Moha, and the parts adjoining thereunto. Assisting and relieving them with all things needful for themselves, their men and Ships: but also freely to permit them by Land or by Sea, to go or sail, outward and returning, Even as their occasions shall require, and to remain in any of our Dominons, Countries, or Cities, granting them such liberty of Traffic, and Privileges as shall be reasonable without giving or suffering any let or hindrance, injury, or molestation to be offered or done unto them. Yea, ye shall yield unto them such Offices of Benevolence and Humanity, as shall be meet and convenient to be yielded unto honest men, and strangers, undertaking so long and laborious a Voyage. And If so be that We shall understand, that contrary to the Capitulations, the Amity, and League, which is between us and the King of Great Britain, ye do offer them the least wrong, and any way molest and trouble the said Merchants in their Traffic, and aught elSe: Know ye for certain, that ye shall not only incur Our high displeasure, but ye shall be punished for example unto others: and therefore carry yourselves conformable to this My Imperial Commandment, and give credit to this My Imperial Ensign. Written at Our Mansion Guard at Constantinople, on the fifteenth day of the Moon called Zil●●gie. Anno. 1019.  
The Governor afterward took a Copy thereof, and returned it again.  
He told our General that he was welcome, desiring that what had formerly been past▪ touching Sir Henry Middleton, might not be remembered, for that the quarrel grew by two drunken men, and was by the then Governor rashly followed, for which he was displaced five Months since. And as concerning Trade, he could not permit any great matter, till he had direction from his Master jafar Bassa of Sinan, whom he had written unto, and would within ten or twelve days return an answer, earnestly entreating that he would permit his people to come on shore to buy what they wanted, and to cell small matters, to the end that the Naturals might see that we were in peace and amity together, and that what was passed was forgotten. These his speeches made good what the General had formerly conceived, touching the doubt that the East-Indian ships would make of their coming in here, unless they understood that we were all friends: and their not coming in here, would be a great hindrance to every Officer of this Port. Besides, we riding so near the shore (as we did of purpose) as that no laden ship could come in, but that she mu●t p●rforce ride within call of us, which did put them in the greater fear: whereby he reckone● himself sure of Trade, either a shore or aboard the ships, and that keeping the Town in this awe, he might the more boldly adventure his skiff and people to the shore▪ to fetch what our ships wanted.  
The Governor feasted them very royally at a dinner, with all sorts of wild fowl, Hens, Goats, Mutton, Cream, Custards, diverse made dishes, and Confections, all served in Vessels of Tin (different from our Pewter) and made Goblet-fashion with feet, the dishes so placed the one upon the other, that they did reach a yard high as we sat, and yet each dish fit to be dealt upon without remove. The meat was all served up at once, and that before we sat down. Our drink was water simply, or else water boiled with an herb called Canhaw therein, which is in taste somewhat bitter. We did sit crosslegged upon Carpets laid upon the floor: for there they used neither Tables nor Stools. Dinner ended, he led the General into an inner Chamber, where he had four little boys that attended him, being his buggering boys: there they two being set upon a crimson Velvet Carpet, the rest of the Chamber floor being spread with very rich Carpets, one of the boys bearing a linen napkin in his hand, did usher in two of the other, whereof the first had a silver Chaffingdish with coals, the other brought a dish wherein were diverse rich perfumes, viz. Ambergris, Lignum Aloes, and others. The Governor requested the General to let the Boy cover his head close with the napkin; which done, the other Boy held the Chaffingdish, with the perfumes put therein, under his head, that he might receive the fume which was very pleasant. After he had finished, the Governor and two other chief men about him did the like, being as it seemeth a ceremony much used among them. Having conferred a while together, there came in three of the Boys again. The one brought a Vest or Gowns of cloth of Gold, wrapped up in a case of Taffeta, died in Saffron to preserve the colour of the Gold. The other Boy had a Shash or Turban striped all with Gold, and in length twenty two yards: the third a Damaskeen, or Turkish Sword, richly garnished with Silver and Gilt, both Hilt and Scabbard. The Governor himself did put the Vest upon the General, & did girt the Damaskeen unto his side, telling him, That they were not presents from himself, but commanded by the Grand Signior, who (as he said) did bestow them, and entreated him to ride with the Cady, (who is chief justice there) and the Captain of the Galleys, about the Town, that the people might take notice of the amity and friendship that was betwixt us. They brought a horse richly trapped, the mettle work of the bridle all of Silver: but he rather chose to go on foot, that he might the better view the Town, whereto they gave consent, and so we walked together about the Town, and having viewed a house wherein to have settled our Factory, I was brought to the house of the Captain of the Galleys, where he had a costly banquet. And thus returning by the Governors' house, he met him upon the stairs, where again earnestly entreating that the discourtesies offered Sir Henry might be forgotten, and that it might appear by his often coming or sending his people a shore, they took their leaves one of another. And so accompanied with a great train of the best of the Town, he returned aboard, where the ships discharged fifteen pieces of Ordnance. The Turks that remained pledges having diverse Presents given them, were sent friendly on shore, and had fifteen Pieces shot off at their parting.  
The one and twentieth, the General sent M. Cocks and others a shore with a Present to the Governor, a case of Bottles filled with Rosa Solis, which he did earnestly desire the General to give him, and to sand it so wrapped up, as that it might not be known what it was: likewise was sent two Vests of Violet broad cloth to his Eunuches. They had further directions given them to inquire a shore what Customs were due in and out, the weights, measures, valuations of Coins, prizes of Indicos, Calicoes, Cotton-yearne, and other Commodities fit for us to lad. Also to procure the jew to come aboard, who was in the Ascension at her casting away, near the Bar of Surat, and could give us certain intelligence of Sir Henry's success.  

Note of Moha Roade.  Note, that this Road of Moha is very open and dangerous, with very should water a mile of the Town low land even with the Sea. At this present the wind South South-west a great storm, which caused such a Sea, as that we did sand not less than seven feet, riding in five fathom; and the wind at West you have no succour. But the country people say, that in the time of those winds, 
Extremity of herb▪ ginneth in the fine of May.  which begin in the fine of May, the extremity of heat is such, as that it deads' the wind, which maketh that season very contagious.  
The thirty one, the General understood from the Captain of the Town that yesternight latE arrived the Messenger from the Grand Bassa, with Letters to the Governor to this effect, That he should yield us peaceable Trade, both on shore, and with the Indian ships, as he would answer the contrary at his peril, and to let us furnish ourselves with what we wanted. He was doubtful of the certainty of this pleasing news, for that not half an hour before, M. Cocks had speech with the Governor, who spoke of no such matter. The Captain said, that the reason of the Governors not speaking thereof, was, because here was a jelba bound for Mecca, and ready to departed, which he would not have to know, that the Bassa had granted us trade, fearing lest they should acquaint the Sheriff at Mecca therewith, who by his Letters to the Grand Signior, might 'cause the grant to be revoked. But we rather think the Bassa hath returned some harsh answer, with direction to do that unto us, which as yet he cannot effect, we being so watchful and wary over him, and therefore will not be known to have received answer from Sinan, till better bethinking. Note that Hosoroofe (one that closely had sent a letter of M. Femells, testifying their treacherous usage here) did now sand word by our Linguist, That the General should beware of coming a shore himself, unless he had good pledges as formerly, and then he might boldly come, but otherwise not to trust them, though the Governor should swear upon his Koran: for they were soldiers, and did not much respect oaths: and as he heard, the news that was come from the Bassa did not tend to our Benefit: for that the Copy of the Grand Signiors pass was not as then come to the Bashaes' hands: But than should be fully seen what would be done, which would be within six days.  
The second of April, 1612. the Caravan from Grand Cayro in Egypt, arrived here in Moha. 

April. Caravan of Cayro.  
Indian ships.   The third, came into the Road two Indian ships, one of Chaul, the other of Cananor, their lading Indicos, and Callicos, Pintadoes, Ambergris, and Cotten-yarne, with at lest four hundred passengers, who carried much wealth about them. We saluted them with nine Pieces of Ordnance out of our Fleet. They answered with three Chambers a Piece being all they had. The General sent the Skiffe, to inquire what news upon the Coast of Surat. The Captain sent word that there were three English ships trading there, but further could not tell. The Captain of the Town with five chief janissaries came aboard, being sent by the Governor, to let our General understand, that the Bassa had written unto him to entreat and use us kindly, and to permit us peaceable Trade, desiring the General that he would in person come a shore the next morning, and he should further understand. He craved pardon, not forgetting Hosoroofes admonition. But Captain Towerson being desirous to go a shore, the Captain was requested to tell the Governor, that the General upon good pledge would the next morning sand his Brother unto him, which was well liked of: so having feasted the Captain and his retinue, and given them diverse Presents, they were sent a shore, with twenty one Pieces of Ordnance at parting, which he sent word that he took so well, as that we should not want the best assistance he could do us.  
The fourth in the morning, though the pledges were not yet come, yet desirous to see what the Bassa had ordered, Captain Towerson was sent a shore: for we held the two Indian ships which rid hard by us, for sufficient pledge, if on shore any injury should be offered. The Governor used him friendly, and vested him to content, but nothing was effected of that he went about, the Turks not performing their promise. The Governor sent word, that it would be fitting to sand two of our men of good fashion up to the Bassa to Sinan, with the King's Letter and Present, and then speedy dispatch would be had to our liking. Whereof the General approved, intending the next day to lay out a Present for him.  
The fifth, the Captain of the Galleys sent aboard three letters, which the last night came to the Governors' hands, from S. Henry Middleton, and Captain Sharpeigh, 
Three letters from Sir Henry Middleton and Capt. Sharpeigh  who rid then at an anchor at Babmandel. The effect whereof was, That he was come from Surat, and had little or no Trade there. That Captain Hawkins upon distaste was come from Agra, and with his wife was aboard his ship. That he had brought all away from thence, except one man of Captain Hawkins, which went over Land for England. And that he was come back to be revenged of the Turks, wishing our General to get his goods and people aboard with all speed. Hereupon he altered what yesternight was agreed upon, and forthwith sent one of the Merchants away to Sir Henry with a letter of the proceed of his Voyage, and of the manner of our entertainment here hitherto: that if he had not thus come in, he had on Monday sent two men of fashion up to Sinan.  
Note, the two Indian ships aforesaid, did discharge here these goods following: 
Indian Merchandise.  Lignum Aloes sixty Kintals, Indigo six hundred Churls out of both ships, Sashes of all sorts great store, Cinnamon of Celon one hundred and fifty Bahars, each Bahar three Churls and an half, Osfar which is a read die, great quantity, Cloves great store, Bastas or white Callicos from twenty to forty Royals the Courge, (a Corge being twenty pieces) a great quantity. The Price of Indigo was from thirty to thirty five, forty, and fifty Rials the Churl.  
The seventh, the General writ to the Captain of the Town, that he should procure the Indian Merchants to barter with him at reasonable rates for such of their commodities as he should desire, and as might serve to lad one of our ships, which doing would satisfy S. Henry of their now friendly meaning towards us, and 'cause him to forbear all hostile attempts.  
At this present, there was a great rumour spread in the Town, of a jelba or two, which Sir Henry had taken (coming over from the Abesh side with victual) in respect whereof, we durst scarcely adventure our Skiffe and Ging a shore.  
The General received another letter from Captain Mamee, That the answer which the Governor had received from the Bassa, was in these words; Ider Aga, You have writ me that three English ships are come to Moha, to trade in merchandise, with the Grand Signiors Pass: Give them fa●thfull promise from me to come on shore, to take a house until the Monson be past, to buy and sell. You have likewise writ me, that they will sand up two men unto me: give them all things fit for their journey, etc. Captain Mamee did further writ, that what our General would propound, the Aga and he would underwrite. That for bartering, they would do something for love, but nothing by force, and were as willing to lad all the three ships as one.  
Note, as we were informed, the weight here used is called an Inen, which is two Rottalas, a Rottala is a pound of their weight: ten Inens is twenty pound of theirs, 
Weights of Moha.  which makes twenty three pound English haberdepoize, sometimes four and twenty pounds as the Weigher will befriend you. A Churl of Indigo by their weight is an hundred and fifty pound, and of ours betwixt an hundred and sixty six, and an hundred and seventy pound. Cotten wool is sold by the Bahar, which is three hundred Rottalas, making betwixt three hundred thirty two pound, and three hundred forty four pound English, at eighteen Royals the Bahar, very good & clean. Their measure of length is called a Peeke, containing seven and twenty inches, or three quarters of our English yard.  
The ninth, the Governor sent off a Canoa to entreat me, that the General in the morning he would sand a hoar, and he should have both the Bassa's answer, and a warrant to stay all such Iun●kes as shall pass Sir Henry, and force them to come in hither, and trade with them for such of their goods as he desired, etc. and that he would suffer his people to come ashore, because the Merchants were now grown fearful, by reason of Sir Henry's staying some of the ships.  
The tenth, Master Cocks was sent ashore, had conference with the Governor, and Captain Mamy: who told him that they were now fully resolved, that what they had formerly promised, they might not perform, the Cadie disliking thereof, saying, that they might hazard their own lives thereby: That neither Merchant nor Broker would come aboard (as our General had requested) the Knight had so discontented them: That they of Grand Cairo had their Factors there, which lay purposely to engross Indicoes, and other Indian Commodities, whereof they would not buy until they should see what quantity would come: That the Bannians (or Indian Leigers ashore) which have Indicoes in their hands, would not cell, hoping of a scarcity: he also brought word, that they deny ashore to buy any of our goods, unless we will landlord them first.  
Note, the Grand Signiors Custom of this Port Moha, is worth yearly unto him fifteen hundred thousand Chicquenes, (which rated at five shillings sterling a piece, is yearly thirty seven thousand five hundred pounds sterling) according to the report of the Governor to Master Cocks.   

§. III. Their Adventures with Sir HENRY MIDDLETON, with other Observations of those parts, and arrival at Bantam.  
THe eleventh, the General caused the Merchandizing Council to meet and consult what was best to be done, seeing that Sir Henry thus kept the junckes from coming in thither, and that there was then no further hope of Trade here. It was agreed upon, that until the Monson would permit us to proceed further, we should continued friendship with the Town, as hitherto we had done, etc.  
The twelfth, the General being informed of Sir Henry's earnest desire to speak with me, and protestations of great kindness and love, resolved to go unto him; and so willed the Master with the first wind to set sail for Babmandell. Whereof he did let the Governor of the Town to understand, and took a Letter of his to carry to Sir Henry, the better to continued friendship still with him.  
The fourteenth, in the morning we arrived at the Bab, where we found the Trades Increase riding, and four Indian junckes or ships. The General went aboard the Trade, where he remained until night, but nothing could at that time be concluded upon betwixt the Generals.  
The fifteenth Sir Henry came aboard the Clove.  
The sixteenth, our General seeing Sir Henry's resolution, called his Council together, & acquainted them with what he observed thereupon, and that in regard, that by these brabbles and jars happened betwixt Sir Henry, the Turks and the Cambayans▪ our hopes of any Trade to be had at Surat, was as small, as that which we had already found at Moha: Our best course would be, that the Hector and Thomas should weigh anchor & ply between Aden and the Bab, The Clove to keep the Abesh Channel there, that none might pass by in the night, and so to meet with as many of the Indian ships as we could, to whom we might put off our Broadcloth, Lead, Tin, Iron, and Elephants Teeth (Commodities which were provided for those parts) in barter for such as he knew would vent well in those Countries, whither we were afterwards to go: if we lighted upon Indicoes, they would be good for England also. That he had certain intelligence of two very great ships daily expected, called the Rehmi and the Hasani the least of them (by report) able to lad the Hector, with requestable Commodities: Hereunto they generally assented, to be put in practice with the first wind.  
The General went aboard the Trade, where at length this agreement was made: that both Fleets should join to trade with as many of the Indian ships as they could meet with, and to exchange our English Commoditities with them for theirs: Sir Henry to dispose of two third parts of all the goods which should be bartered for from this day forwards, and General Saris the other third. The Grand Signior to have his Custom paid. Hereof Writings were made, being sealed and delivered betwixt them. The Hector and Thomas were appointed to ply between the North end of Babmandell and the Abesh shore, to meet with all such as should come that way: with charge that no man should take the value of a penny out of them, or offer the lest violence to any of their persons, etc.  
The eighteenth, in the evening, a ship of Cananor arrived laden with Spice, Drugs and other Commodities.  
The General se● sail for Moha, the wind at South and South by East a stiff gale, where we arrived within five hours after. The Governor presently sent off to us entreating to know how all things passed at the Bab; requesting that our Linguist might be sent ashore to acquaint him therewith, which was accordingly done.  
The twentieth, the Skiffe was sent ashore to fetch our Linguist, who returned and brought a present of fresh victuals from the Governor to our General. The Governor entreated to have a muster of our Commodities, which Master Cocks carried presently to him: he liked of diverse colours of our Broadcloth, promising to take for a thousand Rials besides some quantity of Tin and Lead. Many others desired to have Lead and Iron, wherefore he entreated that in the morning some quantity thereof might be brought ashore, for he having once begun, the Merchants would certainly follow and trade with us.  
He sent three samples of Indigo, but none of Lahor, which is round and the best. The price a hundred Rials the Churl; which is an hundred seven and twenty pound or Rottalas of Moha, and about a hundred and fifty pound English. But they would not cell by any other weight, then that they bought by, which they might very well do, the price so unreasonable: for we esteemed the three sorts to be worth but thirty, forty and five and forty the best the Churl.  
Our General writ to Sir Henry and Captain Towerson, and sent his Letters over land by Mahumed, Secretary to the Galleys.  
The one and twentieth we sent ashore eight Clotheses, one Tun of Iron, one Tun of Lead, two Chests of Tin of six hundred weight. They offered for four of the best clotheses three half Rials the Peeke, which should be seven and twenty inches, but measured by another Peeke, proved to be one and thirty inches. The Bahar of Tin▪ an hundred and twenty Rials. The Bahar of Iron, twelve Rials. Led fifteen Rials, which were no prices to our liking. At night the Merchants returned with their Commodities aboard again.  
The five and twentieth, the General (upon conference with Master Cocks) resolved to set sail and go to Assab, where we came to an anchor.  
The seven and twentieth, about eight at night he found the Trade and Hector riding there, with eleven sail of junckes or Indian ships of several places. Note, that coming into this Road or Harbour, keep the Northern side aboard, leaving a little Rock or Hummocke on your starboard side, than we had twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight and seven fathom sandy ground, and in seven fathom we let fall our anchor about half a mile of the shore.  
The thirtieth, the General sent his Skiffe to the junckes, to give warning to the Nohodays, and Merchants, that they should not offer to set sail without his leave. The Nohodas and principal of them requested, that such of their goods as we desired might be sorted out of hand, that they might not lose their Monson of going to judda, offering to bring aboard our ships what packs we would to be opened there, and to carry back what we refused.  
The ninth of May, 1612. I caused the Indian ships to be measured, which were found to be of the scantlings following, viz. The Rehemy, was long from stern to sterne-post, an hundred three and fifty foot. For rake from the Po●● aste, seventeen foot. From the top of her sides in breadth, two and forty. Her depth, one and thirty.  
The Mahomedee in length, an hundred six and thirty foot. Her rake aste, twenty. In breadth, one and forty. In depth, nine and twenty and an half. Her main Mast in length, was six and thirty yards, an hundred and eight. Her main yard, four and forty yards, an hundred two and thirty.  
The other were not much less.  
The tenth, Captain Mamy came from Moha to treat with Sir Henry concerning his demand. But first he came aboard the Clove, where he was friendly entertained, and after the General went with him aboard the Trade, where he delivered to Sir Henry two Letters, viz. one from the Bassa of Sinan, and the other from the Aga of Moha: the effect, to know what he demanded of them, for they were ignorant of any after injury offered to him, & for the former they said that they had given him satisfaction before his departure. Wherhfore they entreated the junkes might be discharged and sent for Moha. His answer was, that he demanded satisfaction for the loss of his men's lives, & for the making of him loose his Monson, to the overthrow of his Voyage. Mamy said, if he would writ his mind, he should have answer from the Bassa in fourteen days.  
The twelfth, Captain Mamy returned with Letters from Sir Henry.  
The fifteenth, the King of Rehita being a petty Prince upon the African or Abbess side, 
The K. of Rehita riding upon a Cow, visiteth both the Generals.  came riding down upon a Cow to visit Sir Henry and our General: he had a Turban on his head, a piece of a Periwinkle shell hanging on his forehead, in stead of a jewel, apparelled like a Moor, all naked (saving a Pintado about his loins) attended with an hundred and fifty men in battle after their manner, weaponed with Darts, Bows and Arrows, and Sword and Targets: both the Generals went ashore with an hundred shot and Pike to prevent all Treacheries, that the Turks might plot against them by colour of this courtesy, being loathe to let him return without an interview, jest they should want the refreshing which they might have by his friendship here at Assab, which is under his command. They presented him with diverse gifts, and (according to his desire) did give him his lading of Aquanitae, that he was scarceable to stand; they are mahometans, being a black hard-savoured people, with curled pates. The King bestowed upon our General five Bullocks, and proffered all the assistance he might do them.  
This day the Peppercorn arrived from Aden, bringing with her a juncke, which came from Sixde, or the River Indus, laden with Butter, Oil, and Cambaya cloth. They brought us news that Mallacamber, Captain of the great ship of Diu had escaped them with his ship, and was arrived at Moha, passing in sight of them; the Peppercorn shot at her, but could not reach her, she went so well. This was the ship for which the Peppercorn had purposely weighed, and which the Thomas and Darling had so long expected to have come to Babo.  
This day our General had a note delivered him of the prizes of commodities, how they were lately bought and sold at Surat, whereof the copy followeth, viz. Broad-cloath of three and twenty pound a Cloth several colours, twenty Mamoodyes, the Conido of five and thirty Inches and five Mamoodyes make one Rial of eight. Kerseys eighty four Mamoodyes the piece, which was less than ours did cost in England. Led the great Maund, thirty three pound, at seven and one third part of Mamoodyes. Tin the small Maund, five and twenty pound, at five and a half Rials of eight. At Dabull, Iron the Bahar, containing three hundred and threescore pound, at one and twenty Rials the Bahar. Pieces damasked, from twelve to eighteen Rials the piece. Ellephants' teeth, threescore and five Mamoodyes, the great Maund of three and thirty pound. Indigo Cirkesa, three sorts, whereof the best at fourteen Rupias, which make half a Rial of eight: the second sort, twelve Rupias; the third sor● eight, the great Maund of three and thirty pound. Indigo Lahor, which is best of all; three sorts, whereof the best at six and thirty, the second at thirty, the third at four and twenty Rupias, the Maund of five and fifty pound. Charges of bringing it to the waterside, ten in the hundred for the Cirkesa, and twenty in the hundred custom for Lahor.  
The seventeenth, we began to weigh Lead, and deliver our English commodities to the Captains & Masters of the juncks▪ in part of payment of the goods, which we had received of them.  

The Thomas is dispatched for Socatora, Priaman and Tecoo.  The three and twentieth, the Thomas manned with nine and forty men, all in health, set sail for Socatora, for Aloes: and from thence for Priaman and Tecoo, upon Sumatra, for Pepper.  
The one and thirtieth▪ the messenger from the Bassa of Sinan, the Sabander of the Ba●nians at Moha, and Captain Mamy arrived at Assab, to compound the differences with Sir Henry Middleton.  

june 24.  The four and twentieth of june, the Trade set sail out of Assab Road for Moha, and the five and twentieth day, the Cloave did follow. The same night they in Moha made great Bonfires, and Fireworks, which for that they had not done the like before when we were there, we supposed them therewith to brave us.  
The six and twentieth, our General sent his Skiffe to the shore with letters to the Aga, the Sabandar, and Captain Mamy, and gave the Cockson charge not to put ashore, for fear of surprising. The effect of these letters was, to see what ready money might be procured to clear the accounts betwixt the Indians and us. The nine and twentieth, the Governor returned an answer to our General, more ceremonious then of substance; so that the thirtieth day we returned again to Assab Road.  

july 1.  The first of july the Trade came thither likewise, and fell to our old trade of bartering for Indian commodities.  
The fift, Mere Mahumood Tookee, Captain of the Rehemi of Surat (which was the Queen Mother's ship) brought diverse dishes of meat aboard the Cloave, being dressed after their fashion; he was accompanied with diverse of his principal merchants, who were all kindly entertained: his ship was at the lest of twelve hundred Tons.  
The eleventh, we all visited the Cloave and Hector: the Trade and Peppercorn weighed anchor and set sail for Moha, together with seven of the Indian ships, which for the most part of them were better than any of us any way: in the evening we anchored short of Moha.  
The twelfth, we weighed and stood for Moha, and about three in the afternoon, we all anchored before the Town of Moha.  
The eighteenth, one of the junckes, which was indebted to us, got in so near the shore, that we doubted she would steal all her goods ashore. Whereupon, the next day, the Cloave and the Pepper Corn did warp nearer, and discovered many jelbaes' aboard the juncke to unlade her, but at their going ashore, the Cloave, Hector and Peppercorn, made many shot at them, so as the men forsook both the junckes and the jelbaes' and swom ashore; the Castle nor Town not once shooting at us, albeit we were much within command of their Ordnance.  
The twentieth, the Galleys fearing our coming so near, warped behind an Island to the Northward.  
The seventh of August, we had advice of the arrival of the great ship of Sues, 
August 7.  and four great Galleys at Bogo, a Town on the Abbess side, about half a day's sail from Moha. Our General received a Letter from the Governor of Moha, showing that this day was Festival amongst them, and that thereon they were accustomed to shoot off certain Pieces of Ordnance, desiring that it might not be taken in evil part, doubting jest we should hold it done in a bravado, and so in requital shoot into the Town again. About noon they discharged seventeen Pieces out of the fort, three from the landing-place, and diverse from within the land, with abundance of small shot, which went off in good order; some of their great shot went a head us, and some a stern, to show what they coul● do, but all past in kindness: hereby we found the report of this place false, viz. That here were only two Pieces, and that they were not able in two hours to discharge them.  
The eight, the Hector set sail for Priaman and Tecoo (the Monson now serving) having eighty eight English in perfect health. The Nohodaiss, or Captains of the junckes, 
The Hector departeth for Priaman and Tecoo.  desired to have Passports from our General, for their better getting into their Country, in case they should meet with any more of our Nation: which was granted.  
The tenth, all rekoning were cleared with the three junckes, the Hasani, Caderi, and Mahomodi. The eleventh, we cleared the Rehemey and Salameti. Note our whole cargason of commodities and Rials bartered for in this place, did amount but to forty six thousand one hundred seventy four Rials of eight.  
I have thought good to add here, two Acquittances for better understanding the premises.  
In Moha Road in the Red-sea the tenth of August 1612.  
Memorandum, That I Mahomed Hashen Comall Adeene Ashen, Captain of the Hassavy of Surat, have bartered and sold unto Captain john Saris, General of the eight Voyage into the East-indieses, for the sum of seven thousand four hundred Rials of eight, and 11/4● of a Rial in these goods following, viz. Indicoes of both sorts 86. balls amount with profit unto the sum of 3046 7/48 7400 11/4● Cambaya Cloth 316. Corges', 7.1/● pieces, amounts to with profit, sum 4136 7400 11/4● Carpets three, valued at 0020 7400 11/4● Quilts of Cottonia, two, at eighty Rials a Courge 0008 7400 11/4● Rice, Butter, Ginger and Sugar, amount in Rials 0053 7/24 7400 11/4● For eighteen yard's Broad-cloath received back in account, sum 0096 7400 11/4● Four bales G●mme, lack with profit 0040 19/24 7400 11/4●  
Sum total of all the Merchandizes sold, as above said, is Rial's 7400 11/4●  
And I have Receipts in payment thereof these goods following, viz. Eight and twenty and an half Broad-cloathes amounts to in Rials 4574 19/4● 7400 1●/4● Ten Pieces of Kerseys amounts to 0501 ⅓ 7400 1●/4● Thirty Bahars of Lead, amounts to 0720 7400 1●/4● Twenty Bahars Iron, amounts to 0480 7400 1●/4● Four and an half Bahars of Tin, amounts to 0679 1/● 7400 1●/4● Fifteen Fowling-pieces, amounts to 0445 7400 1●/4●  
Sum total of these goods Received, amounts unto in Rials— 7400 11/4●  
And in witness of the truth, I have hereunto set my hand and Seal the day and year above written. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
In Moha Road in the Red-sea, the twelfth day of August 1612.  
Memorandum, That I Nohada Hassan, Captain of the good ship, called the Cawdrie of Diew, have bartered and sold unto Captain john Saris, General of the eight Voyage into the East-indieses, for the sum of two thousand nine hundred forty and six Rials of eight, and ●9/●● parts of a Rial, in these goods following, viz. Indicoes of both sorts, one and thirty Bales, with profit, amounts to in Rials 1694 13/16 2947 9/●● Spicknard one Bale, Turbith one Bale, Cinnamon five Bales, with profit amounts Rials 0064 ¼ 2947 9/●● Cloth of Cambaya an hundred thirty seven Corges, and three pieces with profit, amounts to Rials 1188 1/● 2947 9/●● Summe total 2947 9/●●   
And I have received in payment, these goods following, viz. Broad-cloathes, six pieces, for the sum of Rials 0890 ⅔ 2947 9/1● Kerseys, ten pieces, amounts to Rials 0477 ●/3 2947 9/1● Led one and thirty Bahars and three quarters, amounts to Rials 0762 17/4● 2947 9/1● Iron ten Bahars, amounts to Rials 0240 2947 9/1● Tin one Bahar and an half, amounts to Rials 0226 5/● 2947 9/1● Fowling-pieces fourteen, amounts to Rials 0350 2947 9/1● Moore Receipts in money to balance, Rials 0000 17/●4 2947 9/1● Sum total amounts to Rials 2947 9/1●   
And in witness of the truth, I have hereunto set my hand and Seal the day and year above written. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  


English commodities not v●ndible in any quantity at Moha.  
We departed for Bantam in java.   At the Port of Moha we found not our English commodities vendible for any quantity: the Naturals poor, and the Turks unwilling to deal with us.  
The thirteenth, we set sail from Moha for Bantam, our Company seventy five men all in perfect health.  
The four●eenth in the morning, in sight of Babo, but the wind large at Northwest, we steered East by South through the great Channel on the Abbess side, having eighteen fathom, about one league of the Island Babo, where is very good and safe harbour for shipping, and of good receipt, but the place is barren.  

September 3. 1612.  The th●rd of September, we arrived at Socatora in the Road of Delisha, having been much hindered in our passage hither, by a West and Northwest Current. We understood that the Thomas had been here three months past, but stayed not, for that they could not agreed upon the price of Aloes.  
The fourth, the Merchant and Linguist were sent ashore, friendly entertained and furnished with horses to return to the Skiffe, but could not agreed upon the price, he holding it at forty Rials of eight, the kintal of one hundred and four pounds; saying, he had only five and twenty hundred weight, for which he was earnestly solicited by the Portugals.  
Being loathe to loose time here, it was conclude that he should have thirty Rials for one parcel, and thirty eight for another; so he delivered four thousand sixty seven pound, which cost one thousand four hundred eighteen and an half of Rials of eight: we found the King very false both in his weight and word, but we used him kindly for the good of future Voyage. The eight, we set sail for Bantam.  
The two and twentieth, latitude by the Star eight degrees, twelve minutes, the wind at West South-west, we steered East by South. About midnight we fell into the strangest and fearfullest shining water that ever any of us had seen: the water giving such a glare about our ship, as that we could discern a letter in the book thereby, it being not half an hour before so dark, as that it was not possible to see half our ships length any way. 

Cuttle fish yielding a wonderful glare in the Sea.  
Selon or Zeilan.   We doubted it had been the breach of sunken ground, and thought to have cast about: but finding that we had sailed in it for half an hour, and saw no alteration, we held on our course, quartering very much wind; but at length it proved to be Cuttlefish, which made this fearful show.  
The seven and twentieth, in the morning we had sight of the Island Selon, bearing North-east by East, about seven leagues off, being very high land up into the country, but low to Seaward.  
The nine and twentieth about noon, we fell with Cape Comorin, 
Cape Comorin in seven degrees, two and forty minutes. False plaits.  bearng East by South about fourteen leagues off, being high land, and towards the North, showing double land near the waterside, we sounded and had no ground at an hundred fathom. Note, that this land lies in the latitude of seven degrees, two and forty minutes to the Northward of the Line: but in our Plaits it is made to stand in six degrees, and ten minutes, which differs one degree, two and thirty minutes, stretching South Southeast. By experience we found that it lieth more Northerly; and in our course we had no sight of any of the Islands described in our Plaits, neither did we discover any of the Maldivae Islands, whereof the number is said to be so great; making our account to have passed between the Main and the Northern Coast of the Maldivas, in eight degrees no minutes, descrying no land, until we saw this Main.  
The fifteenth of October, latitude four degrees, nine and forty minutes to the Southward of the Line: This day we had sight of Sumatra, 
October 15. South latitude four degrees, nine and forty minutes, Sumatra.  whereof the Eastmost part did bear East North-east fourteen leagues off, high land: here we found a very strong Current setting to the southward, which put us off from the land. Note, that those bound for the straits of Sunda, must keep Sumatra aboard, after they are come into one degree, thirty minutes to the Southward of the Line, for there gins the current: keep thirty league off; with good looking out, for there are many Cayos fifteen or twenty leagues off, which, by reason of the current, we did not see.  
The eighteenth, latitude five degrees and twenty minutes, way East, Northerly, very tempestuous, with thunder and lightning very fearful, with much rain, so that we could not see the land: But, praised be God, notwithstanding the evil weather, our people were all then in as good health (if not better) as when we parted out of England.  
The four and twentieth, we came to an anchor in the Road of Bantam, where (though contrary to expectation) we found the Hector, which arrived there the day before, 
We arrived in the Road of Bantam. The james.  with the james in her company, and certain Flemings. The arrival of all these ships, and expectation daily of the Trades-Increase, the Peppercorn, Darling and Thomas to follow, occasioned a great (though sudden) alteration in the prices of commodities, Those of any request being raised very near to thrice the value of what they were bought for, the day before the Hector's arrival. Cloaves which the Mariners of the Hector and james had bought the day before for sixteen Rials of eight the Peecull were now risen to forty Rials and upwards: Pepper the day before was at ten Rials of eight the ten sacks, but upon our coming, were raised to twelve Rials and an half, etc.  
The six and twentieth, we went ashore, and so to the Court, accompanied with the Merchants, and gave diverse presents to the Governor Pangran Chamarra, (who is as Protector to the King, ruling all, the King being as no body, though of years sufficient) which Presents he well accepted: we desired his Order for speedy landing of our goods, which he granted; provided, that the King's officers might be acquainted with what we landed, that the King might not be wronged in his Custom.  
The eight and twentieth, a Letter from Master William Adams out of japan, was read to all the Merchants, that they might take notice of the hopes of that Country. 
A letter of Master William Adams from japan.  It was now concluded upon, that in regard the Flemings were so strong, and almost sole Commanders of the Moluccas and Banda, and that the place here is so unhealthful, besides our people dangerously disordering themselves with drink and Whores ashore: The Hector should with all speed be dispatched for England, and that fourteen thousand sacks of Pepper should be provided for the lading of her, and the Thomas: doubting that if once there should come news of the other ships expected, Pepper would be much raised over that it now was.  
We bargained with Lackmoy for two thousand sacks of Pepper, at an hundred twenty seven Rials of eight and an half the hundred sacks: and with Keewee, for a thousand sacks, at an hundred twenty five Rials the hundred sacks: and for three thousand sacks more, at an hundred and fifty Rials the hundred. We made trial on shore, what a Peecull of Cloaves might weigh by our English weights, and found it to be an hundred and thirty two pound subtle, good weight.  
The ninth of November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived at Bantam in the Peppercorn. 
November 9  The fifteenth, (the Governor having earnestly requested it) there mustered before the Court forty men out of the Cleave and Hector, thirty out of the Peppercorn, and ten out of the Solomon, in all eighty men, which gave him good content. The Flemings denied him: it was for the breaking up of the mahometans Lent.  
The seventeenth, agreed with Keewee for four thousand sacks of Pepper, at sixteen Rials ten sacks, with allowance of three in the hundred base.  
The eighteenth, here arrived eleven sail of Flemings, great ships, and the Thomas in their company; she had gotten at Priaman only three hundred and twelve Bahars of Pepper, 
Twenty Tail of Gold.  and twenty Tail of Gold.  
The two and twentieth, and hundred Flemings, with their furniture and their pike-men in bright armour marched to the Court, where they brought themselves into a ring, and gave three volleys of shot: The Governor sent word to them, that the King thanked them, that they had done enough, and might departed with their iron hats; for so the javans call head-pieces.  
The eight and twentieth, three Holland ships, laden for the most with Pepper and Mace, set sail, homeward bound: five more of their ships set sail for Banda, and the Moluccas.  

December 4. The Globe in Patane, bound for Siam.  The fourth of December, a Dutch ship arrived here from Choromandell: by whom we understood that they left the Globe in Patane, bound for Siam.  
The eleventh, the Hector set sail from Bantam for Morough the watering place, where there is a sweet air, and where good refreshing of Oranges, and other wholesome fruits are to be had; there to attend till the Thomas were full laden.  
The two and twentieth, the Trades-Increase and the Darling arrived here from Priaman.  
The five and twentieth, in honour of the Birthday of our Saviour Christ, certain Chambers were discharged at the English house in Bantam, and were answered with Ordnance out of the ships.  
The eight and twentieth, Kewee, the chief China Merchant, invited Sir Henry and myself, with all the Merchants, 

Kewee a chief China Merchant's courtesy.  
january 13.   to dinner, and caused a Play to be acted before us by Scenicks of China, which was performed on a Stage with good pronunciation and gesture.  
The twelfth of january, the Thomas set sail for England, having in her six and thirty English, and three Indians.   

§. FOUR The Voyage of Captain SARIS in the Cloave, to the I'll of japan, what befell in the way: Observations of the Dutch and Spaniards in the Molucca's.  
THe fourteenth of january 1612. in the morning, we weighed out of the Road of Bantam, for japan, having taken in here for that place seven hundred sacks of Pepper for a trial there. She had in her seventy four English, one Spaniard, one I●pan, and five Swarts or Indians.  
The fifteenth in the Morning, little wind at West, and haling into fourteen fathom, we steered East by South, 
Pulo Lack.  and East Southeast, leaving Pulo Lack on our Starboard, and eleven or twelve on our Larboard side, our depth from fourteen to ten fathoms, going within two Islands, which lie to the Eastwards of Pulo Lack. And in the fair way there lieth a should, which hath not above six foot on the top of it, and is not above half a Cables length every way, and hard aboard it there is ten fathoms, 
We came on ground.  and the next cast on ground, as by experience: for here we lay three hours beating, with a reasonable stiff gale; but through God's mercy, and the extraordinary labour and endeavour of the Company, got her off; but sprung a leak, that for all night, and t●ll ten the next day we continued pumping every man (my self only excepted) taking his turn, and all little enough to keep it from increasing, which made us all to doubt that we should be enforced to put back again to Bantam, to the overthrow of all our men and Voyage for japan. The Carpenter by his diligence having found out the leak, made it Thite, thanks be to God. To go clear of this should, keep close to the Islands, for the Main is should.  
The sixteenth, we anchored at the watering place called Tingo java, being fourteen leagues from Bantam, 
Tinga jana.  and some three leagues and an half to the Westwards of jaccatra, riding between two Lands which lie off the point, 
Two Islands.  distant five miles. Depth ten and nine fathoms close to the Island, but the maine is should. I sent Presents to the King, to his Sabandar, and Admiral requesting leave to buy such necessaries as we wanted.  
The eighteenth, the King of jaccatra sent his chief man unto me, with thanks for the Presents, and proffer of what his Country afforded. The twenty one, we set sail, steered near unto the East-most Island of the two, that are against the watering place: depth ten and nine fathom, and so to Sea-boord of all the Lands East North-east from the watering place. For the outward-most of them beareth East by North Northerly, and off the Norther point of the said Island lieth a should, which ye shall see break, distant from the Island half a league, and having that South of you, the East point of java will bear East Southerly, depth seventeen and eighteen fathom, and all the way out from twenty to fourteen fathom, but here you shall found a Current setting East Southeast, 
A Current.  which you must allow for, as you have the wind. In the evening we anchored, little wind at North by West, the Current setting us to the Southeast upon the shore: depth thirteen and thirteen fathoms and an half, being shot three leagues to the East-wards of the East point of jaccatra, wind at Northwest.  
The twenty two, the wind at South-west, we weighed and steered East North-east to get deep water, and finding fourteen fathom, the high hill over Bantam did bear West South-west, half a point Westerly. The three and twentieth in the morning, we decked up our sails, the wind at Southeast, and had sight of an Island which lieth off Cherribon, with three of those high piked hills of java, the Eastermost bearing Southeast, and Cherrybon South by East. Latitude at noon six degrees ten minutes, the wind at North Northwest, the Island bearing East by North three leagues and an half off.  
Note, that ye may boldly keep between twenty three and twenty four fathom water in the Offing, and in twenty fathom upon java, the darkest night that is, and in the day upon java in what depth ye please.  
The twenty fourth in the morning, we had sight of three high piked hills, and three other to the Eastward, like Lands: depth twenty fathom, the point of java bearing Southeast by South, and the Island lying of it Southeast and Northwest about nine leagues off. We steered East by South, and East Southeast. Latitude six degrees ten minutes, way East twenty eight leagues.  
The twenty sixth, at break of day we had sight of the Island called Pulo Labuck, bearing North-east by East eight leagues off, wind West by North. We steered East by South, 
Pulo Labuck.  depth thirty four and thirty five fathoms, and about nine of the clock had sight of land, bearing Southeast and Southeast by South, the Island aforesaid bearing now North-east by North little wind, latitude six degrees twelve minutes, way East and East ●y North twenty two leagues, wind at West, the Island at four in the afternoon, bearing West by North nine leagues off, depth thirty four fathoms. The twenty seventh, latitude six degrees four minutes, way East Northerly twenty eight leagues, depth thirty eight fathom, and at three in the afternoon had sight of an Island bearing North North-east seven leagues off, and at five of the clock sounded, and had thirty four fathoms.  
The twenty eighth, at four in the morning, we had twenty five fathoms, steering East till noon, latitude five degrees fifty five minutes, way East Northerly twenty leagues, depth thirty fathom. From noon we steered East by South, and at four a clock had thirty five fathom. The twenty ninth, in the morning about four, wind at West by North, we steered East by South, but had no ground at forty fathom, but at noon fifty two fathoms, with many overfalls. Latitude six degrees nine minutes, way East by South twenty eight leagues, 
A Current.  wind at West and West b● North, with a Current setting to the Westward, afternoon we sounded, but had no ground at an hundred fathom, and steered East.  
The thirtieth in the morning, latitude five degrees fifty seven minutes, way East Northerly twenty eight leagues, and in longitude from Bantam, two hundred twenty four leagues, the overfals continuing, but sounding had no ground at an hundred fathom. At three in the afternoon, we had sight of a low flat Island at topmast head, bearing North-east by North five or six leagues off, full of trees, and had eighteen fathom, and at next cast eighty five fathom: then we steered East by South, and at four a clock it did bear North by East half a point Northerly, three or four leagues off. Than we had sight of two other low flat Lands, the one opening to the Eastward, the other to the Westward, so that this was the middlemost. At six at night, it bearing North half a point Easterly, we sounded again, but had no ground at eighty fathom, we steered East by South, keeping our lead in respect of the overfals or Ripplings, which were fearful, yet had no ground at sixty fathom.  
The one and thirtieth, at break of day we had sight of the Celebes, 
Celebes.  the Wester end rising like an Island, and the outward-most high land bearing East by North: Latitude five degrees fifty two minutes, the East part bearing East by North six leagues off, way East Northerly sixteen leagues and a Current setting to the Northwest ward. At Sunne-setting we took in our sails to keep short of the straits of Desalon, by the Naturals called Solore, 
The Strait of Desalon or Solore.  and keeping our Lead all night, we found first twenty fathom, the high land North, and so driven into thirty three, and forty seven fathom, fearing a should which lieth two third parts of a league from the Celebes, and at low water the breach upon it may be seen. On the Celebes side it is very dangerous, and full of sunken ground. Wherhfore we haled over for Desalon side, keeping a good birth of it, having a piked hill, which is next to the Sea side, rising like an Island, being to the Westwards, than it is North North-east, and when it is North, than ye are thwart of the West end of the should, and then will the Island which ye leave on your Starboard side, bear East North-east, so that ye may be bold to steer out in the midst between the two Lands. And when the Pike hill bears North by West, then are you thwart of the East end. Note that the East end of Desalon showeth like an Island, and will deceive you till you come to it, but having brought the North end of the point East North-east, half a point Easterly, then be bold; for you are clear of the should aforesaid. It is about four leagues between them: we came within half a mile of the Island of our Starboard side, going through, and the wind taking us suddenly short, we sounded, but had no ground at fifty five fathom, right up and down.  
The first of February afternoon, 
February.  we were thwart of the point of the Island bearing South of us, and the two Lands which make the straits, lying one from the other North and South, distant five small leagues.  
The second in the morning, we had sight of the South part of Desalon, South-west by South, and the North part West by North eight leagues off. We steered East by North, the wind at North by East, latitude five degrees fifty two minutes, distant from Desalon ten leagues. The third in the morning, the Southern end of Cambina did bear North-east by East, and the Island or Hammocke North-east eight or nine leagues, latitude five degrees fifty seven minutes: the Island North-east half a point Northerly eight leagues, way East Southerly five or six leagues, and towards night the wind at South, and South Southeast, we steered all night East by North. The fourth in the morning, the wind at North-east, latitude five degrees no minutes. At three we saw land East by North, making it to be Botun.  
The fifth, three or four leagues of Cambina, we found the Current to carry us to the Northward, the wind at East by North; and the Island of the East end of Cambina, North-east half a point Easterly four leagues off. The sixth at break of day, the Island North-east by North Northerly four leagues off, the wind at North; so that these twenty four hours we have gotten to the East-wards one point.  
The seventh at break of day, the Northern point was North by East, & a small high land, that lieth to the southward six or seven leagues of Botun, Southeast, and the Easter land of Botun East North-east: we steered East by North, and East, but left the high land to the Southwards on our Starboard side, and it did bear Southeast half a point Easterly, then was the point of Botun shut in, in a long great Island. The Norther end will be North Northwest.  

The I'll Tinga●asse.  The eighth in the morning, we saw another Island, called Tinga●asse, rising round and flat. Here we had a Current setting North-east, the wind at North-east by North and North North-east. The ninth, wind at North West by North, the point of Botun Northwest, half a point Northerly, we had sight of two Curra Curras between us and Botun: The Skiffe was sent off to them, and brought one M. Welden, one of the Expeditions Company, and a Fleming bound for Banda. The said Welden being employed in the King of Botuns' affairs for Banda, 
M. Welden an Engl●shman employed in the King of Botuns' service.  and had now the command of these Curra Curras. Latitude five degrees twenty minutes, wind at East North-east, we steered North, and at night the wind Southerly, we steered North North-east: and from the East point of Botun, the land falls away suddenly, with two or three great Bays to the North-westwards; and three great Lands which lie to the Northward of Botun, which make the straits.  

Advertisements concerning the strait of Botun.  Note to go through the straits of Botun, it is not above a league broad, and the entrance is on the North-side of the Island; and if you come from the Westward, being thwart of the Northwest point, your course is East North-east, and East by North, up to the Road, and no danger but what you shall see; but you must leave the three great Lands to the North-wards of you, yet go not between any of them, and falling with the West end of Botun, go not between the Island that lieth off it. There are two long Lands, but leave them on your starboard side, for it is full of broken ground between them and Botun. But if the wind serve you, then hale to the Northward of all the Lands either between Botun and Cambina, or else to the Northward of that too, and so you may keep the Coast of Celebes, for it is bold: we steered with little wind all night, North North-east.  
The tenth in the morning, the straits of Botun did bear Northwest by West, and the main Island of Tingabasse South Southeast half a point Southerly.  
The eleventh, at five in the morning, the wind at Northwest, the Island West ten leagues off, we steered North North-east, latitude at noon four degrees eight minutes; way North North-east Easterly a little, four and twenty leagues, and off the East point of Botun, five and thirty leagues, the wind all night between North and North by West.  
The twelfth, little wind at North by West, latitude four degrees six minutes, way East by Nor●h twenty leagues.  
The thirteenth in the morning, we had sight of the Island Buro, being high-land, the one point bearing North-east by North, 
The I'll of Buro.  and the other North-east ten leagues off, ●he wind at North by West, having made to noon seven leagues of latitude, three degrees one and forty minutes.  
The fourteenth in the morning, we bore up with the East part of the Island to seek for some place to ride in.  
The fifteenth and sixteenth of latitude, three degrees, forty minutes, break off day the Northermost part of Buro, East by North nine leagues off, little wind at East North-east, and North by East.  
The seventeenth, little wind, the East-part of Buro, bearing East Northerly, wind at North, at noon Northwest by North, the North part of Botun East by South, and three Lands, which we then had in sight at Topmast head, North-east by North.  
The eighteenth, in the morning we were by the Eastermost Island three leagues off, wind at North Northwest, it bearing North North-east. At noon we were within a mile of the shore. The Skiffe was sent to speak with the Country people. This Island is called Sula: we had fifteen fathom, 
The I'll of Sula▪  the ships length of the shore, and a mile of no ground at a hundred fathoms: the West part of Buro lying South half a point Westerly, and North half a point Easterly fourteen leagues the one from the other, wind at West, the Land stretching North North-east.  
The twentieth, wind at East by North, steered North by East, of latitude one degree thirty minutes, way North-east seven leagues.  
The one and twentieth in the morning, we were four or five leagues of an Island, called Haleboling by our Sailors, being a high copped round Island, 
The I'll of Haleboling, so c●lled by the English Sailors, by others Boam de Bachian.  different in shape from all the rest of the Lands in sight. The wind at North-east, and at East having made to this noon a North-east way fourteen leagues of latitude one degree, sixteen minutes the point of Haleboling, or Bachian, North-east by North four leagues off: and the outwardmost land, North a quarter Westerly, finding a current setting North-east, wind all night at North North-east and North.  
The two and twentieth in the morning, we had sight of land North by East, it being the Island Machian very high land: 
Machian.  here we had a current setting North North-east of latitude at noon no degrees, one and fifty minutes, way North seven leagues, variation at Sunsetting, four degrees twelve minutes, wind at North by East, and North North-east.  
The three and twentieth in the morning we were three leagues of the Land, wind at North North-east seeking a place to anchor in: and within a quarter of a mile of the shore had forty fathom, wherefore we bore up to the South part of the Island, where we had twenty and nineteen fathoms for a cast or two, but then no ground. We steered from this South point East Southeast, for so the Land lieth open off the point of the high round Island, being four leagues between the two points, but the Wester point is an Island with three or four other to the Eastwards, which you cannot perceive till you be very near them. Than the Land falleth away North-east, and showeth a large and round sound or Bay with Land of both sides very deep. This round Hill is Bachian, and yields great store of Cloves; 
Misery of wars in the Moluccas  but by reason of the Wars they are wasted. The people not suffered to make their benefit thereof, forbear to gather them, and let them fall and rot upon the ground. Being by the Flemings and Spaniards oppressed, and wrought to spoil one another in Civil War, whilst they both secure in strong Forts, sit and look on, prepare to take the bone from him that can wrist it from his fellow. Having no ground to anchor in, and not able to get to the Northward, we resolved to stand off all night, hoping to have a shift of wind to carry us to the Island Machian, whither we intended.  
The four and twentieth, in the morning the high land South by East ten or twelve leagues of the Island seemed ragged, we stood in, and a league of the point, 
A small Fort of the Hollanders. Boam de Bachan, being the Norther end of the Lands, in our plaits called Haleboling.  sent off the Skiffe to sound and to look for water, but returned aboard finding no water nor place to anchor in, wherefore we stood into the Bay, and presently had sight of a Fort and Town called Bachan. The Pinnace a head finding fresh water in diverse places, but steep too into the cod of the Bay, where the Flemings have a Fort artificially and warlike built; the Town hard by it. Hear we came to an anchor (saker shot off the Fort) having had very uncertain shoaling, as seventy, sixty, eight and ten fathom; but Ozie.  
The Dutch saluted us with five Pieces; whom I requited with the like number, but the King's man being then a board our ship, we told him, it was done to the honour of his King, who sent me word that he would have come to visit me, but that the Dutch entreated him to forbear. In this Fort are thirteen Pieces: viz. one Demy-culuering of ●rasse, the rest Saker and Minion. The Flemings here resident are more feared of the Naturals then loved, which notwithstanding is cause of their better benefit. For the Naturals, affoon as we were arrived, told us that they durst not bring us a Cattie of Cloves, but upon their lives. As we rid here, the outwardmost point was South South-west, and the other South-west, distant from us four leagues. The King sent his Admiral and diverse of his Nobles aboard to bid me welcome, saying, that they knew of what Nation we were by our Flag, using much Ceremonious courtesy, wishing that we were seated there in stead of the Flemings, that they might be cleared of them, their Country now almost ruined by these Wars. I entertained them friendly, and told them that our coming was to procure Trade and to leave a factory amongst them, if their King so pleased. They answered that it was a thing by them much desired, but at present not to be granted, yet they would acquaint their King therewith.  
The Captain of the Dutch Fort came aboard to visit me, by whom I understood their force to be but of thirteen Pieces and thirty Soldiers. The most of them married, 
The small forces of the Hollanders in Bachian.  some to the Countrywomen, and some to Dutch women, whereof the Fort was fitted with eleven able to withstand the fury of the Spaniard or other Nation whatsoever, being of a very lusty large breed, and furnished with few good qualities. But it seemed they followed their Leader: for no sooner was the Captaint aboard, but the Amazon-band followed, complaining of great misery, sitting down with our Sailors to victuals at their first coming, with small entreaty. They had what the ship afforded, and they returned ashore with their Captain.  
The third of March, we sounded with the Sk●ffe alongst the East-side of this Bay, and at the opening or going out near to a little Island, we found a place to anchor, in twelve, sixteen, twenty fathom, Coral ground, without command of the Fort. Note, there is a should to the Southwards the length of three Cables, latitude no degrees, fifty minutes.  
The fourth, the King of Ternata sent me a present by his Priest.  
The fifth, variation at Sunrising, four degrees forty eight minutes Easterly, 
Variation 4. degrees, 48. minutes Easterly.  A Moor came aboard with a muster of Cloves, offering to cell some quantity, if we would go to Machian. This Moor was sent by a man of great account of that place, who at the present was here. Wherhfore it was thought good to stay a day longer to have some conference with him, his name was Key Malladaia; and was Brother to the old King of Ternata.  

Tahannee, is a Town upon Machian▪ where the Po●tugals heretofore have had a Fort, but now there is none, neither for them nor the Flemings, there is the best riding of the whole Island, but very near the shore, yet free of all danger.  The sixth, we stayed to speak with this Cavalier, who came and promised to go with us to Machian, and to bring us to a place there called Tahannee, and did put aboard us two of his chief men to be as our Pilots thither, appointing us to go before and stay for him at an Island by the way, and within two days he would be with us, giving us great encouragement of good store of Cloves. He told me that the Dutch gave fifty Rials of eight the Bahar, but they would cost us sixty Rials, which I willingly promised to give him.  
The seventh in the morning, we weighed anchor and parted out of this Road called Amasan, & by direction of our new Pilots, steered in West & West by North for the Island Machian, leaving two Lands (which lie four or five miles from the place where we last anchored) on our lard-boord side, depth two and twenty, thirty and forty fathoms, two Cables length of the Island.  
The tenth, we had sight of Machian being a high and copped Island bearing North-easterly, and the Island Tidore opening like a Sugar-lofe on the Wester side, but not so high Land as Machian: it is shut into the point of the Wester side of the outwardmost Lands, of the three that lie in the going out, two of them being without the narrow or strait, and the third maketh the straits itself, yet there are more Lands on the Easter side. But the current setting to the Southwards, we anchored in three and twenty fathoms, a mile of the little Island in the straits mouth: so that the distance from the straits of Namorat, to this passage, is five leagues, and from the Road of Amasane, where the Flemish Fortress standeth, fourteen leagues.  

The Road of Amasane where the Hollanders Fort stand●●h. Geilolo.  The eleventh in the morning, we weighed the wind at South Southeast, and current setting to the Northward, we passing the streights. The wind vered to the Northwest by North, we stood to the Eastward till noon, than we tacked to Westward the wind at North Northwest, and had sight of Geilolo, being a long Land, depth going out nine and twenty, and four and thirty fathom, and many Lands to the Eastward, and East Southeast. The point of old Bachian lying to the Northward of the streights some three or four leagues, leaving four Lands on the starboard side. 
Tavally Bachar.  That which maketh the straits on that side is called Tavally Bachar, and when you are a little without the small Island which lieth in the straits, you shall have eighteen fathom, a cast or two, and then it will deepen▪ and standing to the North-wards you shall open another Island to the Westward called Tamata, with a Rock like a Sail a good distance of the point of it. And anchored at an Island bearing North Westerly, three leagues from the straits in three and forty fathoms, 
A shoal.  where on the Southern point is a shoal having three fathom on the skirts, and is dry at low water, which shoal reacheth over to the South part of Bachian, we riding half a mile of the shore. This Island is called Tavally, the wind at North Northwest.  
Hear we stayed all the twelfth day, for Keymalladaia, being the place where he appointed to come unto us. This Island is distant from Machian ten leagues: here we had good store of wood, but no water.  
The thirteenth, our Cowpers provided themselves of Rotta●s for Water cask, which make excellent hoops, and are here of all assizes in great abundance. The shoal aforesaid now dry, beareth West by South, half a mile of us, and another point a mile off, North North-east. The wind at North.  
The fourteenth, for that Keymalladaia came not, his servant doubted that the Flemings seeing us to adventure through this passage amongst the Lands did suspect him and perforce kept him. Wherhfore we did set sail, the wind at North by West, and plied up for Machian. The Norther point of Tavally, and the Norther point of Lattetatte (from whence we set sail) bearing one of the other West by North, and East by South, distant six leagues, and the Norther end of Tavally, 
Grochy a great Island.  and the body of Grochie, the great Island, lie the one from the other Northwest four leagues, and North Northwest from Grochy, are four or five small Lands which cover the Main of the great Island, and are distant from it five leagues North-wards, and there are many Land's North-east by North, called Motere. The sound lieth clear of all the Lands between Bachin and Geilolo, (alias Batta China) Southeast and Northwest, and is very broad, but hath Lands on the starboard side as you go to the North-wards. The Channel between Bachian, Machian, Tidore, and Ternata lieth North by West, and South by East, and is six leagues over in the narrowest part.  
The fifteenth in the morning, we passed between Battachina and Caia. Latitude at noon no degrees seventeen minutes to the Northward: So that Machian is not truly placed in the Plaits: for that there the Equinoctial cuts it in the middle, and we found it to stand five leagues more Northerly, 
Machian five leagues North of the Line. Ca●a an Island.  wind at North by East, and North by West, with a Current setting to the Southwards, variation four degrees fifty eight minutes Easterly. The sixteenth in the morning, we were fair by the Island of Caia, the wind at North by East. Here we had sight of a s●le to the North-wards, which by a Fisherman we understood to be a Fleming bound from Machian to Ta●●re with Sago, which is a 
* Some say he tops of trees. A Fort of the Hollanders called Tabolola.  Root whereof the Naturals make their bread.  
The seventeenth in the morning, we were near a Fort of the Flemings called Tabolola, wind at North-east; we stood to the Southwards, the Current setting us to the North-wards. Than the wind at East●●y North, we steered with the East-most point, and came to an anchor at four in the afternoon in the Road of Pelebere▪ hard by Tahanne in fifty fathom, within call of the shore having one point of the land South South-west two miles off, and another North-east by North one mile and an half off, and the ●land Caia five leagues off. This night some small quantity of Cloves were brought aboard, the price set at sixty Rials of eight the Bahar, of two hundred Cattees, each Cattee three pound five shillings English. I received a letter from Key Malladaia from Bachian, excusing his stay, with promise▪ that he shortly would be with me, in the mean time that he had written to ●he people to help me with all the Cloves they could.  
The eighteenth, a Saniaca came aboard and proffered much courtesy: two Hollanders came with him, being very inquisitive to know who directed us to this road, saying, 
The Hollanders entertainment of us.  that it must needs be one of the Naturals, and if they knew him they would cut him in pieces before our faces; that we did wrong them in coming hither, this being their Country, as having conquered it by the Sword. They were appointed to return to their Forts, and tell their Captains that if they needed aught that we might spare, they should have it for reasonable content before all others, because we acknowledged them our neighbours and brethren in Christ: but for any property of this Country to be more in them then us, we took no notice, and therefore would ride there, and trade with whosoever it pleased to come aboard. So they parted, threatening the Naturals which were then aboard, that if any did bring Cloves ahoord us, they would put them to death. The country people made light of their threats, and said they held us their friends, and would come aboard to us. Bought this day three hundred Catties Cloves for Cambaya cloth, and some sold for ready money.  
The nineteenth, the two Flemings came aboard again, and began to note down in their Table-books the names of the Country people which came aboard. Whereupon I caused the Boatswain to turn them out of the ship, and command them to come no more aboard. divers of our Company were sent to walk ashore, to see what entertainment the Country people would give them. They went up to the Towns of Tahanne and Pelebere, and were very friendly used. They told our men, that the Flemings had wrought so with Key Chillisad●ng, 
Tahanne▪ Pelebre.  the King of Ternataes son, who was newly come, that he had forbidden them to cell us any Cloves upon pain of death, otherwise we should have had them before the Flemings, whom they found great oppressors of them. Towards night, the Prince passing by our ship in his Curracurra, I sent my Pinnace well fitted with a fair Turkey Carpet, and Crimson Silk and Gold Curtains, entreating him to come aboard; which he took kindly, but excused it, saying, that in the morning he would visit me.  
The one and twentieth, an Oran Caya came aboard, and told me, that a Curra Curra of the Flemings had searched three or four Prawes or Canoas' coming aboard us with Cloves, and had taken them from them, threatening death to them for the next offence. And that since our coming hither, they disfurnished their Forts, and placed their people round about the Island, that the Naturals should not be able to bring us any more Spice, 
The spite of the Hollanders to us.  and that they had sent over a Curra Curra to Tidore, to 'cause two great ships of theirs to come hither and ri●e by us, the one a head, the other a stern, to beat us out of the Road, without trade or refreshing.  
The twenty two, we had s●ght of one of the Flemish ships coming about the point, by reason whereof we had little trade now, the people being afraid▪ I received a Present from Key Malladaia, who as yet was not come. The Naturals expected what would now become of us, the Flemings having reported ashore, that they should see us run out of the Road at fight of one of their ships. It was the Red Lion, had thirty Pieces of Ordnance, anchored a stern of us.  
The twenty fourth, the Prince of Ternate, Key Chillisad●ng sent to tell me, that he would come and visit me. So all things were fitted in the best manner for his entertainment. He came attended with diverse great Curracurras, and rowed thrice round about the ship before he entered. At his boarding of us, our ship discharged five Pieces of Ordnance: I brought him to my cabin, where I had prepared a Banquet, meet enough to have been set before the King of Ternata himself (had he been there) with a very good comfort of Music, which much delighted him. He promised me to give the people licence to bring Cloves aboard us, and requested that I would but have patience for a day or two, that he might have advice from his brother then being at Tidore. I bestowed on him diverse Presents, and at parting ordered seven Pieces for his farewell.  
The twenty fifth in the morning, a Curracurra of the Flemings came rowing by our ship, scoffing at our people, and singing a song which they had made in derision of us: they often using thereof caused our men justly to found themselves therewith aggrieved, as also for their rowing over our Can-bodyes diverse times, endeavouring to sink them. Wherhfore I caused the Pinnace to be well fitted, and gave order, that if at their return they continued their mocking of us, 
A Curracurra of the Hollanders almost sunk.  to r●n aboard and sink them. They came singing and scoffing according to their custom, the Pinnace ran aboard them with such a surge, as that the water came through her sides; there being in her two of the Captains of their Forts, well fitted with shot and darts: our men were well provided, and had two good Fowlers in the Skiffes' head. They lay a good while aboard her, and willed them to take this for a warning, and leave off their scoffing and mocking of us, for else they would teach them better manners the next time, and so they returned aboard with their promise, that it should be no more so.  
Towards evening they sent one of their Merchants unto me, with a writing from their Doctor in Droits, 
A writing sent from the Hollanders.  who as we were informed, was chief amongst them in absence of But or Block, who had come out of Holland, General of eleven Sail. The effect whereof was to let me know, That all the people of the Moluccas had made a perpetual contract with them for all their Cloves, at fifty Royals of eight the Bahar, of two hundred Cattees, in respect that they had delivered them out of the servitude of the Spaniards, not without loss of much blood, and expense of great wealth; willing me that I should not move the people from their obedience, which might redound to their greater damage, they holding the Country to be their own, as conquered by the Sword. Also that the Naturals aught them much money, which was advanced to be paid in Cloves. Answer was returned that we would not meddle with their business, our coming being only to trade with such as desired to trade with us, and so dismissed him.  
The twenty seventh, the Flemings enforced the Prince to lie with his Curracurra a stern, to keep watch that none bring any thing aboard us: for in our sight he commanded a Canoa aboard him, which was coming to us (as we thought with Spice) making him return. Towards night, two of the Naturals brought us some refreshing.  
The twenty eighth, the Prince understanding that we took it not well, that he rid so near us to the fearing of the Naturals, removed and went about a point further off, which much discontented the Flemings. After noon, with the Skiffe well manned, I went to see if I could deal with the Prince for a parcel of Cloves, but found him gone to the Wester side. Captain Block seeing my Ski●fe gone into the Bay, followed us with his Curracurra, and would have landed where I was, but that I would not suffer him, which the Naturals seeing, and that Captain Block returned aboard again without landing, diverse of the better sort came down to us, protesting great love towards us, and sent for Cocos and other fruits, and bestowed them upon the Ging. The Master of the Clove seeing Captain Block to make such speed after us, manned the long Boat for aid, but upon a sign given returned aboard.  
The thirtieth, the Flemings brought the Prince to ride by us in his old place. Towards evening another Flemish ship came in, called the Moon, a proper ship of thirty two Pieces of good Ordnance, but not above fifty men: she came to an anchor so near a head us, as that we could scarcely wind clear one of the other. The Prince sent unto me to excuse his coming back, but now we saw that he durst not displease the Flemings. The thirty one, diverse harsh dealings and discourtesies passed betwixt the Flemings and us.  

April the first 1613.  The first of April, the Flemings brought an hundred and twenty of their men ashore, which morning and evening did set and discharge the watch with Drum, Fife and Ensign. This force they had gathered together out of their Forts and ships.  
The second, I seeing no more hope of lading, and that Key Malladaia came not according to promise', gave order to the Master, to 'cause water to be filled, and to make ready to set sail with the first fair wind. 
Road of Pelabry.  At noon, observing we found this Road of Pelabry, to stand in no degree, twenty six minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial, Variation three degrees, eight and twenty minutes, the highest land in the Island, Mechian bearing West Northwest half a point Westerly.  
The fift, we weighed anchor, little wind, the Current setting to the Southward, we driven to sea, being under our foresail, and ahead the Moon the greater ship of the Flemish, which made a fair shot under our stern, which we presently answered, close a head his Admiral, expecting further, but heard no more of them. At noon they both weighed and followed us, but the wind at South-west had put us so fare to the windward, as that the Naturals came aboard with Cloaves for a time, as fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Fleming's not able to hinder them. Also there came an Oran Caya aboard, who promised us a good parcel of Cloaves, if we would but come nearer the shore in the morning.  
The sixth, about fifty Cattees of Cloaves were brought aboard in diverse Canoa's, but no news of the Gallant. Towards evening I standing nearer the shore than we were willing, but for this occasion, we had sight of a we●t ashore: the Skiffe was sent and spoke with the Oran Caya, who said the Cloaves were ready, and in the dark should be brought aboard; but presently a Curra Curra, of the Flemings passing by, put him into such a fear, as albeit our people would have wafted him, yet durst he not adventure: so they returned.  

Mootiere.  The seventh in the morning, we were thwart of Mootiere, being distant from the Wester point of Machian four leagues North by East, half a point Easterly; and from it North three leagues, is the Island Marro, and from that two leagues Tidore. There is passage between these Islands, or on any side of them, without danger. We had sight of the two Flemings to the Southwards of us, plying after us: Latitude at noon no degrees, five and thirty minutes, wind Westerly.  
The eight, Marro, North by West, 
Marro.  some two miles of the body of it and one point North by East, half a point Easterly, and the other Northwest by North, half a point Westerly, and the pike of Tidore North by West, and opening the East point of Tidore, and the Wester point of Bachian, they will bear the one from the other North and South, and the body of Marro West South-west half a point Southerly, and the Western part of Tidore, that you shall see West by North. Look well out, for in the fair way is a long shoal, which lieth even with the water at high water, the water showing whitish, and stretcheth North-east and South-west, 
A dangerous should.  between Marro and Battachina: and having brought the points of the Islands, as abovesaid, than it will be East of you, at low water you shall see it, for it ebbeth six foot, the tide setting six hours to the Northward, and six to the Southward: but keep close to the Islands for there is no fear. The Spaniards Fort is on the East-side of Tidore, where is deep water shoare-too. 
The Spaniards Fort on the East-side of Tidore.  It fell suddenly calm, so that a great sea did set us into the shore. The Fort made a shot at us, but willingly short: we answered with one to Sea-boord: then the Fort made two more, intending to strike us, one between our missen mast and ancient staff, the other betwixt mainmast and foremast. Than they shot a Piece from the Top of the Fort without sharp; we answered that without, and presently they sent off a Boat with a flag of truce, the Sea still setting us upon the shore, no wind, nor ground at an hundred fathom, so that we could lay it o●f no way, two Galleys riding under the Fort: when their Boat was put from the shore, they shot their too chase pieces, but without sharp. They came and took a fast a starne our ship: there were two Spaniards soldiers of good rank, (known to Hernando the Spaniard, whom we took with us from Bantam) sent from the Captain General of the shore, Don Fernando Byseere, to know of what Nation we were, what we came for, and wherefore we came not to an anchor under the Kings Fort. We requested them to come aboard: they said they were commanded to the contrary: wherefore I willed to let down wine and bread unto them in a string, from the poop, which they fell too lustily, in so great a shower of rain, as we had seen, yet would not enter the ship. I returned answer, that I was the subject of the King's Majesty of Great Britain, as by my Colours they might well discern. They said the Flemings had many times passed by scot-free, by showing the like, which made them shoot the second shot with sharp at us, thinking us to be Fleming's. I sent them word that my coming was, to do the best good I could to the friends of the King's Majesty of Spain, but was not minded to anchor here but further a head, where, if it pleased Don Fernando to come aboard, he should be welcome: with which answer, they returned ashore contented. Suddenly it pleased God to grant us a gale, so that we stood alongst the shore. The Captain General sent off the Pilot Maior of the Galleys, Francisco Gomes, a man of good presence, to bid me welcome, offering his assistance to bring us into the best anchoring place under the Fort, or elsewhere about the Island. Being dark, he brought us to a place about one league and an half of the Fort, whereas he said no force was, and so entreated after supper to be set ashore, for that the Captain General would dispatch away letters to Ternate, to the Master Del Campo, Don jeronimo de Sylva, for resolution in all points, and so departed.  
The ninth in the morning before day, finding that we were within command of eight pieces of Ordnance, we got up our anchor and removed a league further to the Southward, where we rid in five and thirty fathom: Gomes the Pilot came aboard with two Spaniards more of good fashion, whom I bid kindly welcome, so that they took their lodging aboard. They brought with them a Present of eatable commodities from their General. I returned the like to theirs, with proffer of all friendship and assistance, that in me lay, to supply his wants, and to accept of Cloaves for payment, desiring speedy answer, for that I would not stay long there. The two Flemish ships plied, as if they would have come to an anchor by us; 
Maracco, a new Fort of the Hollanders.  but afterwards went and rid at their new Fort Maracco.  
The tenth, the Captain General sent to request me to stay, and the next morning he would visit me, with the Sergeant Mayor of Ternate, who was arrived with a letter from the Master Del Campo, giving them leave thereby to trade with me for diverse matters, and to content me in what I requested; wherefore I resolved a while longer, to see what good might be done.   

§. V Further observations touching the Molucca Lands, and their proceeding on their Voyage to japan.  
THe eleventh, we expected the Captain General according to promise, and hearing nine pieces of Ordnance to be shot out of the Fort, provided for them, thinking verily that they were coming: But it proved to be for the arrival of the Prince of Tidore, who had been abroad in war, and was now returned with the heads of an hundred Ternatans', his force being only sixty small shot, two brass Bases, and three or four Fowlers: 
〈…〉 King of Ternate his son, slain by the Tidorians.  having overthrown Key Chilly Sadang, the King of Ternate his son, whom the Flemings had enforced over from Ternate to Machian, to keep the country people from selling of Cloaves to us. For whom returning back towards Ternate, (after our departure) the King of Tydores son, lying purposely in wait upon sight of them, the Tydorians keeping themselves behind a point of land, sent out two small Praws to fish in their way, whom the Ternatans' espying, did presently give chase unto. The Fishermen easily retire, the other earnestly pursue, until before they once thought thereof, they fell into their enemy's hands, who spared not one man of an hundred and sixty, the Prince of Ternate himself being one of the number, whose head the Conqueror brought to his wife, who was sister to the Prince of Ternate, so slain. At their first encounter, a barrel of powder, which the Prince had bought of us at Machian, took fire, which was the confusion and loss of them all. With the Prince was slain one of his younger brethren, and the King of Geilola. Towards evening came aboard us the Sergeant Maior of Ternate, and Secretary of State; with the like compliments to those of the Tydorian Officers, requesting me to come thither, and they would do what in them lay for me: whereto I consented, the rather because it was in my way.  
The twelfth, the Prince of Tidore sent unto me, to excuse his hitherto not visiting of me, and to acquaint me that he had some store of Cloaves, which I should have. I thanked him, and requested speedy dispatch. They promised me to be aboard again before day. Wherhfore to prevent all treachery, we kept double watch, match in cock, and all things in readiness. This Tidorian Prince being a very resolute and valiant soldier, having performed many dangerous exploits upon the Flemings, and not long since surprised one of their ships (being a Man of War) then riding not fare from this place. Before day, a Galley (which the Spaniards told us they expected) came over from Batta China, and were near us in the dark before they were ware, we haled her, they answered, Spaniards, and your friends, and so made to the shore with all speed, she was but small, of fourteen oars on a side. At noon latitude no degrees, fifty minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial.  
The thirteenth, we weighed, the wind Northerly, and a Current setting out of the southward: passing by the Fort, we gave them five-peeces, which they required. divers Spaniards boarded us with compliments, and the Prince's man, saying, that if we had stayed but four and twenty hours longer, we should have had good store of Cloaves, but we rather thought they intended some treachery against v● with their Galleys, Frigates, and Curra Curras, which by sudden departure we thus prevented. Coming about the Wester point of Tidore, we had sight of the four Flemish ships, 
Four ships of Holland.  riding before their Fort of Maricco: one of them at sight of us, shot off a piece of Ordnance, as we supposed, to call their people aboard to follow us. We steered directly with the Fortress of Ternate: coming near, shortened our sails, and lay by the Lee, and shot off a piece towards the Town, without sharp; which they readily answered, and sent off a Soldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as those of Tidore had done.  
But little wind our ship sagged in, and no anchoring, but at night a gale at South, we stood into the Sea, having lost much by the Current of that we had gotten, finding it to set to the Southward.  
The fourteenth, the wind at South South-west, we steered North Northwest, and at noon had latitude one degree no minutes: we had sight of a Galley, wherefore we cast about, but finding her to stand away, went our course for japan.  
But before we part further from this Moluccan Coast, I think it not amiss, to acquaint the Reader with a few Notes that I hold worthy observance, touching the Trade and state of those Lands.  
Throughout all the Moluccae Lands, a Bahar of Cloves doth weigh two hundred Cattees of that Country, every Cattee three pound five ounces haberdepoiz, which maketh the Bahar to be six hundred sixty two pound eight ounces haberdepoiz subtle. For which Bahar of Cloves, the Flemings by their perpetual contract (as they term it) give fifty Rials of eight. Myself for more speedy obtaining of lading, yielded to pay them sixty Rials of eight the Bahar. Which increase of price made them so forward to furnish us, that had not the Flemings by their force overawed the nationals, imprisoning and threatening them with death, and keeping watch and good guards alongst the Sea-Coast, I had in one month procured our full lading. The most of these Lands bear store of Cloves. Those of note inhabited, yield one year with another as followeth, that is to say, Ternate, one thousand Bahars. Machian, one thousand and ninety. Tydore, nine hundred. Bachian, three hundred. Moteer, six hundred. Meau, fifty. Batta China▪ five and thirty. The total is three thousand nine hundred seventy five.  
Every third year is fare more fruitful then either of the former two, and is called the great Monson. It is lamentable to see the ruins that Civil War hath bred in those Lands, which as I understood at my being there, began and continued in manner following. The Portugal at his first discovery of them, found fierce wars betwixt the King of Ternate, and the King of Tydore, under which two Kings all the other Lands are either subjected or confederated with one of them. The Portugal for the better settling of himself, took part with neither of them, but politicly carrying himself kept both to be his friends, and so fortified upon the Lands of Ternate and Tydore, where, to the Portugals great advantage, having the whole Trade of Cloves in their own hands, 
The Hollanders planted in 〈◊〉 Moluccas, 1605.  they domineered and bore chiefest sway until the year 1605. wherein the Fleming by force displaced them, and planted himself: but so weakly and unprovided for future danger, that the next year the Spaniard, (who whilst the Portugal remained there, was ordered both by the Pope and King of Spain not to meddle with them) came from the Philippinas, beaten the Flemings out of both the Lands, took the King of Ternate Prisoner, sent him to the Philippinas, and kept Ternate and Tydore under their command. The Fleming since that time hath gotten footing there again, and at my being there had built him these Forts, viz.  
Upon the Island Ternate, They have a Fort called Malayou, which hath three Bulwarks, and is walled round about. Secondly Tolouco, which hath two Bulwarks, and a round Tower walled about. Thirdly, Tacome, which hath four Bulwarks, and is walled about.  
Upon the Island Tydore, Marieko which hath four Bulwarks.  
Upon the Island Machian, First, Tafasoa, (the chief Town of this Island) where they have four great Bulwarks walled about, sixteen Pieces of Ordnance, and about one thousand Inhabitants of the Naturals.  
Secondly, Nofakia, another Town, where they have two Forts walled about, and another Fort upon the top of a high hill there, which freeth the Road on the other side, and hath five or six Pieces of Ordnance.  
Thirdly, Tabalola, a Town where they have two Forts walled, eight Pieces of Ordnance, and the Inhabitants hereof, (as of the former) under their command. This place is very strongly situated by nature.  
Those of Nofakia are esteemed no good Soldiers, but are reported to take part always, as near as they can guess it, with the strongest. But the Naturals of Tabalola, which formerly dwelled at Cayoa, are accounted the best Soldiers of the Maluccae Lands, and are deadly Enemies to the Spaniards and P●rtugals, and as weary now of the Flemings.  
In these three Forts upon Machian, there were at my being here an hundred and twenty Holland Soldiers, viz. eighty, at Tafasoa; thirty, at Nofakia; and ten, at Tabalola: which Garrison is with the lest.  
This Island Machian is the richest of Cloves of all the Moluccae Lands, and according to the general report of the Inhabitants, yields in the year of the great Monson above eighteen hundred Bahars of Cloves.  
Upon the Island Bachian, The Flemings have one great Fort.  
Upon the Island Moteer, They have four Bulwarks.  
These Civil Wars have so wasted the Nationals, that a great quantity of Cloves perish, and rot upon the ground for want of gathering. Neither is there any likelihood of peace to be made betwixt them, until the one part be utterly rooted out.  
Thus leaving them to their wars I will return to our Traffic, and show in what manner we traded with the Naturals for Cloves, which for the most part was by bartering and exchanging Cotton cloth of Cambaya, and Coromandell for Cloves. The sorts requested, and prices that they yielded.  
Candakeens of Barochie, six Cattees of Cloves. Candakeens Papang, or flat, three Cattees. Selas, or small Bastas, seven & eight. Patta cheer Malayo, sixteen. Dragam cheer Malayo, sixteen. Five Cassas twelve. Course of that kind eight. Betellias, or Tancoulos read, forty four and forty eight. Sarassas cheer Malayo, forty eight and fifty. Sarampouri, thirty. Chelles, Tapsiels, & Matafons, twenty, & four and twenty. White Cassas, or Tancoulos, forty, and four and forty. Dongerijus, the finest, twelve. Course of that kind, eight and ten. Pouti Castilia, ten. Ballachios the finest, thirty. Patta cheer Malayo, of two fathoms eight and ten. Great Potas, or long four fathom, sixteen Cattees of Cloves. Parcallas white, twelve. Salalos Ytam, twelve and fourteen. Turias and Tappe Turias, one and two. Patola, of two Fathoms, fifty and sixty. Those of four and one fathom accordingly. Rice eight and twenty pound, a Rial of eight. Sagu, which is a root whereof the Naturals make their Bread, and is their chiefest food through the whole Country, it is sold in bunches, and was worth there one quarter of a Rial of eight a bunch. Velvets, Satins, Taffetas, and other stuffs of Silk of China, are very well requested here. And this shall serve for advice concerning the Moluccae Lands.  
The sixteenth, calm till night, than a gale at West: we steered North Northwest.  
The seventeenth in the morning, wind at East by South, we steered North but after variable, shifting to all the points of the Compass: towards night we had sight of land to the Northward.  
The eighteenth, calm, much rain and contrary winds, I therefore resolved to go for the Island Saiem which was to the Westward, and there to stay and refresh till the Monson would permit me to proceed. But instantly the wind came to the West, so that we stood North and North by East. The nineteenth, little wind at West, we continued our course North by East, very much ●aine and extreme hot.  

A Current to the Eastward.  The twentieth, in the morning calm, and a continual current setting to the Eastward, which we have felt ever since our departure from Ternate. In the afternoon the wind North a gale we stood to the Westward to stem the current, in regard of the Northerly winds subject to calms and the Easterly current, we stood in with a great Island called Doy, to rest and refresh ourselves.  

Doy a great Island.  The one and twentieth, in the morning we were fair before the said Island, near the Northern point, being a low point stretching to the Southwards, we stood in East by South, wind at North by East: at nooone the Skiffe was sent to search out a convenient place to ride in, but the current did set so strong to the Eastward, as that we could not get a head, only discovered a Bay very large, but it had a great shoal lying off the Northern point half a league into the Sea, and had sixty fathom two mile of the shore sand, 
A great shoal.  but night approaching we stood off till morning.  
The two and twentieth, after Sunset we anchored in four and twenty fathoms, in the Bay having had (standing in) fifty six, thirty five, twenty six, and twenty four fathoms.  
The three and twentieth, I sent the Skiffe ashore to seek a convenient place to water in, and to pitch a Tent for the company to defend them from the rain. They found such a place right over against the ship, together with a great track of Dear and Swine, but no sign of people: the Country full of Trees and abundance of Cokers, Penang, Serie, Palmitas, and Fowl, Pheasant and Woodcocks. I went ashore, the Merchants with me, a Tent was set up, our Carpenter made Falpits very artificially to take Swine, some fish we took amongst the rocks, but cost much labour, one Pheasant, and two Wood-pidgeons very large bodied like Hens, some of the Company stayed all night on shore, to look for the coming of the Swine to the Trap.  
The four and twentieth, we saw very large Swine, but got none. This day about half an hour after seven in the morning, 
A strange Eclipse of the Moon.  the Moon in the full was eclipsed in the strangest manner that ever any of us had seen, being obscured three hours and an half before she recovered her perfect light, which unto us was very fearful.  
The five and twentieth, our people searched abroad, brought to the ship great store of Cokers, some Fowls, and heads of Palmita Trees, which boiled with Beef are as good as Cabbage.  
The eight and twentieth, the Company laboured to get in wood and water. The Skiffe sounded about the shoal, and found ten and twelve fathom, at the Norther point near to it, night and day very much rain.  
The nine and twentieth and thirtieth were spent in getting aboard our wood, whereof we had great store, and as good as our Billets in England.  

May 1. 1613.  The first of May, the Skiffe was sent to sound to the Wester point into the Bay, and found very deep water. Landing, they found the ruins of houses, and certain brass pans, so that we were of opinion that the place had lately been inhabited, but the Inhabitants by the Wars hunted from their home.  

Doy at the Northermost end of Geilolo.  The twelfth, we set sail from this Island Doy, being the North-east most Island of Batta China or Geilolo in the Moluccas, latitude two degrees, thirty five minutes, variation five degrees, twenty minutes Easterly, having remained here twenty days, being seventy one persons bound for japan, and at noon fourteen leagues North by East, of the place where we anchored.  
The thirteenth, the ships way to noon North by East, twenty two leagues. We steered North the wind West, variation five degrees thirty minutes Easterly, with a strong Current setting to the Eastward, than the wind shifted to the West by South, West Northwest, East, than a gale at West by South, and West South-west. The fourteenth, latitude five degrees twenty six minutes, way North by East twenty six leagues, wind West, and Current as aforesaid: clear weather. The fifteenth, latitude five degrees fifty six minutes, way North North-east, fourteen leagues current as formerly. The sixteenth, latitude seven degrees ten minutes way North Easterly, twenty seven leagues, wind at South-west, and West rainy. The seventeenth, latitude eight degrees twenty two minutes, way North twenty four leagues wind South-west, but in the morning at East with rain. The eighteenth, latitude nine degrees seven minutes, way North-easterly fifteen leagues, wind at East and East North-east very clear weather. The nineteenth, latitude nine degrees forty one minutes, way North eleven leagues one third part▪ wind East and East North-east. The twentieth, latitude ten degrees forty minutes, way North half a point Westerly, twenty leagues wind, East and North-east, with help of a current Northerly. The one and twentieth, latitude eleven degrees thirty six minutes, way North Northwest twenty leagues, wind North-east East, North North-east, and North-east by East starboard tack aboard. The two and twentieth, latitude twelve degrees thirty nine minutes, way North Northwest, twenty three leagues, wind East North-east, North-east by East, and North-East.  
The three and twentieth, latitude twelve degrees fifty seven minutes, way North by West, six and two third parts of a league wind, Southeast calm. The four and twentieth, latitude thirteen degrees forty two minutes, way North fifteen leagues, wind South by East, very smooth water. The five and twentieth, latitude fifteen degrees, twelve minutes, way North thirty leagues, wind South, we steered North Westerly. Note, 
Note.  that we found those favourable winds in the full of the Moon. The six and twentieth, latitude seventeen degrees, six minutes, way North▪ thirty eight leagues, wind South by West South, and South South-west a continual stiff gale and smooth water. The seven and twentieth, way North-east twenty four leagues, wind at West Northwest and West, with Rain, Thunder and Lightning. The eight and twentieth, way North, nine leagues wind West, and West Northwest. The nine and twentieth, latitude nineteen degrees fifteen minutes, way North, nine leagues wind North-east East, West, West Northwest and South, calms and gusts. The thirtieth, latitude twenty degrees twelve minutes, way North twenty leagues, wind at Southeast and East Southeast. The one and thirtieth, latitude twenty one degrees, thirty five minutes, way North by West, 
Variation six degrees Easterly. june 1. 1613.  thirty leagues, wind East, and East by North. Variation six degrees no minutes Easterly.  
The first of june, we passed the Tropic of Cancer, the Sun in our Zenith we could not observe, way North forty leagues, wind at Southeast, and Southeast by East, variation five degrees twenty five minutes Easterly.  
The second, latitude twenty five degrees forty four minutes, way North forty two leagues, wind Southeast and Southeast by South, making account we should have seen the Lands, 
The Isles Does Reys Magos.  Does Reys Magos about eight of the clock in the morning, but as yet see none. About four a clock in the afternoon we made land being a very low Island bearing Northwest about three leagues off, wind Southeast by East, and having it North North-east, we had sight of the high-land over the low land, there being many little Lands to the number of ten or eleven, with broken ground and breaches reaching over to each Island, so that we could discern no passage to the Westward. At night we tacked off, taken in our top-sails, and lay close by in our courses all night, wind very much at South Southeast, we steered East. The Lands lie alongst North-east and South-west.  
The third, we stood in for the land, being a high Island bearing Northwest, seeming to us a most pleasant and fruitful soil, as any we had seen since our coming out of England, well peopled, and great store of Cattles. We purposed to have come to an anchor about the North-east point, and sounding had sixty fathom, had sight of two Boats coming off unto us, we used all the means we could to speak with them, being desirous of a Pilot, and to know the name of the Island, the better to be assured where we were. But the wind was so forcible, as that we could not get in, wherefore we stood away Northwest, and had sight of another Island bearing West Northwest, we steered with it, and from thence had sight of another Island, bearing North-east half a point Easterly, some seven or eight leagues off, and coming under the Wester-most Island, we discerned certain Rocks that lay off the shore above two miles, the one above water, and the Northermost under-water, and is a great way without the other, the Sea breaking upon it. Than the land falleth away to the Southwards round, and near to the point you shall open a steep Rock, that is upon the Westside of the Island, resembling Charingcross. Than we steered Northwest with an extreme gale at South by West, and South South-west. When we had opened the Island, and a current setting to the southward, at four of the clock we took in our Topsails and haled close upon a tack, the Island being about seven leagues Nortwest of us. Way to noon North half a point Easterly, sixteen leagues, way North Northwest three quarters Westerly, twenty leagues. At three a clock in the afternoon we set our courses, the wind at Northwest, and Northwest by North, we steered North-east some two hours, then calm and rain, 
Variation four degrees forty minutes. Easterly.  variation at Sunne-setting four degrees forty minutes Easterly.  
The fifth, way West by North four leagues and an half, wind North North-east, we steer Northwest starboard tacked, variation four degrees forty two minutes.  
The sixth, way North Northwest nine leagues, wind East North-east, North-east by North and North-east by East, little wind, much rain, variation four degrees nineteen minutes Easterly. At night the wind at East and East Southeast.  
The seventh, way North-east by North sixteen leagues, wind at Southeast and South South-west, than we steered away North-east by North, supposing to be off Tonan twenty eight or thirty leagues.  
The eight, in the morning we had sight of a high round Island bearing East six leagues off with diuer● other Lands rising in six or seven parts bearing West five or six leagues off: having made to this noon twenty two leagues North-east by North, wind at South South-west a stiff gale. Than we haled over Northwest with another Island, which we found to be four in number, being barren and many picked Rocks. Than we steered North by East, the wind at South by West, about three of the clock we had sight of an Island, with three Hills like three round Sugar-loves, bearing East by S. five leagues off. At five of the clock we had sight of an Island rising in two parts, bearing North North-east, the Northern end being an high steep upright point, the land falling away to the Eastward North-east, and at six of the clock the body of it did bear East one league and an half off. The wind West, we stood off upon a tack North Northwest.  
The ninth, in the morning we had sight of land, bearing North North-east, and six great Islands on a rank. From the Island we descried yesternight North-east and South-west, and at the Northermost end of them all, many small rocks and hummockes, and in the Bay to the Eastward of the hummockes we saw an high land bearing East, East by South, and East Southeast, 
Xima or Mashma.  which is the Island called Xima in the Plaits, but called by the Naturals Mashma, and the Island aforesaid, North North-east, is called Segue or Amaxay: it lieth East by North, and West by South, with many small Islands and rocks on the Southern side of them, and is distant from the Island with the steep point, (which we did see the eight day) South South-west twelve leagues, the wind calm all night, yet we got to the Northward, as we supposed, by the help of a current or tide.  
The tenth, by break of day the outward-most land to the Westward did bear North by East ten leagues off, the wind at North-east by North: at nine, a gale at South, we steered North by West, and had sight of two hummockes without the point. Than we steered North Northwest, and soon after came four great Fisher-boats aboard, about five tons apiece in burden, they sailed with one sail, which stood like a Skiffe sail, and skuld with four oars on a side, 
An excellent kind of oars.  their oars resting upon a pin fastened on the top of the Boats side, the head of which pin was so let into the middle part of the oar, that the oar did hung in his just poise, so that the labour of the Rower is much less, than otherwise it must be; yet do they make fare greater speed than our people with rowing, and perform their work standing, as ours do sitting, so that they take the less room. 
Naugasaque.  They told us that we were before the entrance of Naugasaque, bearing North North-east, and the straits of Arima, North-east by North, and the high hill, which we did see yesterday, is upon the Island called Vszideke, which maketh the straits of Arima, where at the Norther-most end is good riding, and at the South end is the going into Cochinoch. To this noon we have made a North-way six leagues. We agreed with two of the Masters of the Fisher-boats (for thirty Rials of eight a piece in money, and Rice for their food) to Pilot us into Firando; which agreement made, their people entered our ship, and performed voluntarily their labour, as readily as any of our Mariners. We steered North by West, the Pilots making account to be thirty leagues of Firando. One of the four Boats which came aboard us, did belong to the Portugals, living at Langasaque, and were new Christians, and thought that our ship had been the Macau ship; but finding the contrary, would upon no entreaty stay, but made haste back again to advice them.   

§. VI Their arrival at Firando: the Habit, Rites, and Customs of the japonians.  

june 11. 1613. The King of Firando and his Nephew.  THe eleventh, about three of the clock in the afternoon, we came to an anchor half a league short of Firando, the tide so spent that we could not get further in: soon after I was visited by the old King Foin Sama, and his Nephew Tone-Sama, Governor then of the Island under the old King. They were attended with forty Boats or Galleys, rowed some with ten, some with fifteen oars on a side: when they drew near to the ship, the King commanded all, but the two wherein himself and his Nephew were, to fall a stern, and they only entered the ship, both of them in silk gowns, girt to them with a shirt, and a pair of breeches of flaxen cloth next their bodies▪ 
Iapa●ia● habit.  either of them had two Cattans or swords of that Country by his side, the one of half a yard long, the other about a quarter. They wore no bands, the foreparts of their heads were shaved to the crown, and the rest of their hair, which was very long, was gathered together and bound up on a knot behind, wearing neither Hat nor Turban, but bareheaded. The King was aged about seventy two years, his Nephew or Grandchild, that governed under him, was about two and twenty years old, and either of them had his Governor with him, who had command over their slaves, as they appointed him. Their manner and courtesy in saluting was after their manner, which is this. First, in presence of him whom they are to salute, they put off their shoes (stockings they wear none) and then clapping their right hand within their left, 
japonian manner of salutation.  they put them down towards their knees, and so wagging or moving of their hands a little to and fro, they stooping, step with small steps sideling from the party saluted, and cry Augh, Augh. I led them into my cabin, where I had prepared a Banquet for them, and a good consort of Music, which much delighted them. They bade me welcome, and promised me kind entertainment. I delivered our King's Letters to the King of Firando, which he received with great joy, saying he would not open it till Ange came, who could interpret the same unto him; this Ange is in their language a Pilot, being one William Adam's an English man, who passing with a Fleming through the South-sea, 
William Adams. His story written by himself you have before.  by mutiny and disorder of the Mariners she remained in that Country, and was seized upon by the Emperor about twelve years before. The King having stayed aboard about an hour and a half, took his leave: he was no sooner ashore, but all his nobility, attended with a multitude of soldiers, entered the ship, every man of worth brought his present with him, some Venison, some Wildfowl, some wild Boar the largest and fattest that ever any of us had seen, some Fruits, Fish, etc. They did much admire our ship, and made as if they had never seen it sufficiently. We being pestered with the number of these visiters, I sent to the King, requesting him that order might be taken to remove them, and to prevent all inconveniences that might happen. Whereupon he sent a Guardian, (being a principal man of his own Guard) with charge to remain and lie aboard, that no injury might be offered unto us; and caused a proclamation to be made in the Town to the same effect. The same night, Henrick Brower, Captain of the Dutch Factory there, came aboard to visit me, or rather to see what passed betwixt the King and us. I did writ the same day to Master Adam● (being then at Edoo, which is very near three hundred leagues from Firando) to let him understand of our arrival. King Foyn sent it away the next day by his Admiral to Osackay, the first Port of note upon the chief Island, 
Osackay.  and then by post up into the Land to Edoo: giving the Emperor likewise to understand of our being there, and cause thereof.  
The twelfth in the morning, there was brought aboard such abundance of fish, and so cheap as we could desire. We weighed and set sail for the Road. The King sent at the lest threescore great Boats or Galleys very well manned, to bring us into the harbour. I doubted what the cause of their coming might be, & was sending off the Skiffe to command them not to come near the ship but the King being the head-most, woven with his handkerchief, and willed the rest to attend, and himself coming aboard, told me that he had commanded them to come to tow our ship in about a point, somewhat dangerous, by reason of the force of the tide, which was such, 
A strong tide.  that having a stiff gale of wind, yet we could not stem it, and coming into the eddy, we should have been set upon the Rocks. So we sent Hawsers aboard them, and they fell to work. In the mean while the King did break his fast with me. Being at an anchor, I would have requited the people for their pains, but the King would not suffer them to take any thing. 
We anchored before the Town.  We anchored before the Town in five fathom, so near the shore, that we might talk to the people in their houses. We saluted the Town with nine pieces of Ordnance, but were not answered, for they have no Ordnance here, nor any Fort, but Barricado's only for small shot. Our ground here was Ozie. divers Noblemen came to bid me welcome, whereof two were of extraordinary account, called Nobusane and Simmadone, who were very well entertained, and at parting held very great state, one staying aboard whilst the other were landed; their children and chief followers in the like manner. There came continually such a world of people aboard, both men and women, as that we were not able to go upon the decks: round about the ship was furnished with Boats full of people, admiring much the head and stern of the ship. I gave leave to diverse women of the better sort to come into my cabin, where the Picture of Venus, 
Note the danger of idolatry, even in Popish sense, by veneration of Images.  with her son Cupid, did hung somewhat wantonly set out in a large frame, they thinking it to be our Lady and her Son, fell down and worshipped it, with shows of great devotion, telling men in a whispering manner (that some of their own companions which were not so, might not hear) that they were Christianos: whereby we perceived them to be Christians, converted by the Portugal jesuits.  
The King came aboard again, and brought four chief women with him. 
The King's women, their habit.  They were attired in gowns of silk, clapped the one skirt over the other, and so girt ●o them, barelegged, only a pair of half buskins bound with silk ribbon about their instep: their hair very black, and very long, tied up in a knot upon the crown in a comely manner: their heads no where shaved as the men's were. They were well faced, handed, and footed; clear skinned and white, but wanting colour, which they amend by art. Of stature low, but very fat; very courteous in behaviour, not ignorant of the respect to be given unto persons according to their fashion. The King requested that none might stay in the cabin, save myself and my Linguist, who was borne in japan, and was brought from Bantam in our ship thither, being well skilled in the Mallayan tongue, wherein he delivered to me what the King spoke unto him in the japan language. The King's women seemed to be somewhat bashful, but he willed them to be frolic. 
Their music instrumental and vocal.  They sung diverse songs, and played upon certain Instruments (whero● one did much resemble our Lute) being bellied like it, but longer in the neck, and fretted like ours, but had only four gut-strings. Their fingering with the left hand like ours, very nimbly: but the right hand striketh with an ivory bone, as we use to play upon a Cittern with a quill. They delighted themselves much with their music, keeping time with their hands, and playing and singing by book, pricked on line and space, 
Pricksong.  resembling much ours here. I feasted them, and presented them with diverse English commodities: and after some two hours stay they returned. I moved the King for a house, which he readily granted, and took two of the Merchants along with him, and shown them three or four houses, willing them to take their choice, paying the owners as they could agreed.  
The thirteenth, I went ashore, attended upon by the Merchants and Principal Officers, and delivered the Presents to the King, 
Presents. Feasting and drinking of healths in japan  amounting to the value of one hundred and forty pounds, or thereabouts, which he received with very great kindness, feasting me and my whole company with diverse sorts of powdered wild fowls and fruits: and calling for a standing Cup (which was one of the Presents then delivered him) he caused it to be filled with his Country wine, which is distilled out of Rice, and is as strong as our Aquavitae: and albeit the Cup held upward of a pint and an half, notwithstanding taking the Cup in his hand, he told me he would drink it all off, for a health to the King of England, and so did, myself and all his Nobles doing the like. And whereas in the room where the King was, there was only myself and the Cape Merchant, (the rest of our Company being in an other room) the King commanded his Secretary to go out unto them, 
Gesture at meat.  and see that every one of them did pledge the health. The King and his Nobles did sit at meat crosslegged upon Mats, after the Turkey fashion, the Mats richly edged, some with cloth of Gold, some with Velvet, Satin, and Damask.  
The foureteenth and fifteenth, we spent with giving of Presents. The sixteenth, I concluded w●th Captain Audassee, Captain of the China quarter here, for his house, to pay ninety five Rials of eight for the Monson of six Months, he to repair it at present, and we to repair it hereafter, and altar what we pleased: he to furnish all convenient rooms with Mats according to the fashion of the Country.  
This day our ship was so pestered with people, as that I was enforced to sand to the King for a Guardian to clear them out, many things being stolen, but I more doubted our own people, than the Naturals. There came in a Fleming in one of the Country boats, which had been at the Island Mashma, 
Mashma a place of good vent for our commodities.  where he had sold good store of Pepper, broad Cloth, and Elephants teeth, but would not be acknown unto us to have sold any thing, yet brought nothing back in the boat with him. But the japons his watermen told us the truth, viz. That he had sold good quantity of goods at a Mart there, and returned bars of silver, which they kept very secret.  
The one and twentieth, the old King came aboard again, and brought with him diverse women to be frolic. These women were Actors of Comedies, which pass there from Island to Island to play, 
Women Actors of Comedies in japan, being also common women, and their price rated. Bawds in japan.  as our Players do here from Town to Town, having several shifts of apparel for the better grace of the matter acted; which for the most part are of War, Love, and such like. These Women are as the slaves of one man, who putteth a price what every man shall pay that hath to do with any of them; more than which he is not to take upon pain of death, in case the party injured shall complain. It is left to his own discretion to prise her at the first, but rise he cannot afterwards, fall he may. Neither doth the party bargain with the Wench, but with her Master, whose command she is to obey. The greatest of their Nobility travelling, hold it no disgrace to sand for these Panders to their Inn, & do compound with them for the Wenches, either to fill their drink at Table (for all men of any rank have their drink filled to them by Women) or otherwise to have the use of them. 
Their abominable esteem after death.  When any of these Panders die (though in their life time they were received into Company of the best, yet now as unworthy to rest amongst the worst) they are bridled with a bridle made of straw, as you would bridle an Horse, and in the clothes they died in, are dragged through the str●etes into the fields, and there cast upon a dunghill, for dogs and fowls to devour.  
The twenty three, we had news of two China junkes arrived at Langasaque, laden with Sugar. 
Five thousand Chinese done to death for trading in foreign parts.  By him we understood, that the Emperor of China had then lately put to death about five thousand persons, for trading out of the Country, contrary to his Edict, confiscating all their goods: notwithstanding hope of profit enticed these men to put it in hazard, having bribed the new Pungavas and Officers upon the Sea-coast, which upon the execution of the former, were placed in their steads.  


The Hollanders formerly passed under the name of Englishmen. No●e.  
japonian song of the English.   The twenty ninth, a Soma or junke of the Flemings arrived at Langasaque from Syam, laden with Brasill wood and Skins of all sorts, wherein it was said that there were Englishmen, but proved to be Flemings. For that before our coming, they passed generally by the name of Englishmen: for our English Nation hath been long known by report among them, but much scandalled by the Portugal's jesuites, as Pirates and R●uers upon the Seas▪ so that the Naturals have a song which they call the English Crofonia, chewing how the English do take the Spanish ships, which they (singing) do act likewise in gesture with their Cattans by their sides, with which song and acting, they terrify and scare their children, as the French sometimes did theirs with the name of the Lord Talbot.  

july.  The first of july, two of our Company happened to quarrel the one with the other, and were very likely to have gone into the field, to the endangering of us all. For it is a custom here, That whosoever draws a weapon in anger, 
Severity for fight and drawing weapons.  although he do no h●rme therewith, he is presently cut in pieces: and doing but small hurt, not only themselves are so executed, but their whole generation.  
The second day, I went ashore to keep house in Firando, the household consisting of twenty six persons. Note, that at our coming we found Broad-cloths of fifteen or sixteen pound a cloth to be sold by the Dutch in Firando, for forty Rials of eight, which is eight pound sterling the Mat, 
English broad clotheses sold by the Dutch in japan.  which Mat is two yards and a quarter: but desirous to keep up the price of our cloth, and hearing that the Dutch had great store there, I had conference with Brower, Captain of their factory to this effect; That betwixt us we should set rates upon such clotheses as both of us had, and neither of us in any wise to cell under the price agreed upon: for performance whereof, I proffered to enter into bond to him. In the morning he seemed to approve hereof, but ere night sent word that he disliked it, excusing himself that he had no warrant from his Masters to make any such agreement. The next morning, he shipped away great store of Cloth to diverse Lands, rating them at base prizes, viz. at twenty, eighteen and sixteen Rials the Mat, that he might procure the more speedy dispatch of his own, and gl●t the place before the coming of ours.  
Bantam Pepper ungarbled, which cost at Bantam one Rial three quarters of eight the sack, was worth here at our coming ten Tayes the Peecull, which is one hundred Cattees, making one hundred thirty pound English subtle. A Taye is five shillings sterling with them. A Rial of eight is worth there in ordinary payment but seven Mass, which is three shillings six pence sterling. For a Mass is as a Rial of Plate.  
Tin the Peecull, thirty Tayes: Elephants Teeth the Peecull eighty Tayes: Iron cast Pieces the Peecull six Tayes: Powder the Peecull twenty three Tayes: Aloes Socatrina the Cattee six Tayes: Fowling Pieces the piece twenty Tayes: calico and such like Commodities of Choromandel, and of the Guzerates, as they are in goodness.  
The seventh, the King of the Island Goto, not fare from Firando came to visit King Foin, saying, that he had heard of an excellent English ship arrived in his Dominions, 
King of Goto.  which he greatly desired to see, and go aboard of. King Foyne entreated me that he might be permitted, for that he was an especial friend of his. So he was well entertained aboard, banqueted, and had diverse Pieces shot off at his departure, which he very kindly accepted, and told me, that he should be right glad to live to see some of our Nation to come to his Island, 

The King of Goto desirous that our men would come into his Kingdom.  
japonian manner of Execution.   whither they should be hearty welcome.  
The eighth, three japonians were executed, viz. two men and one woman: the cause this; The woman none of the honestest (her husband being traveled from home) had appointed these two their several hours to repair unto her. The latter man not knowing of the former, and thinking the time too long, coming in before the hour appointed, found the first man with her already, and enraged thereat, he whipped out his Cattan, and wounded both of them very sorely, having very near hewed the Chine of the man's back in two. But as well as he might he cleared himself of the woman, and recovering his Cattan, wounded the other. The street taking notice of the fray, forthwith seized upon them, led them aside, and acquainted King Foyne therewith, and sent to know his pleasure, (for according to his will, the party is executed) who presently gave order that they should cut off their heads: which done, every man that listed (as very many did) came to try the sharpness of their Cattans upon the Corpse, so that before they left off, they had hewed them all three into pieces as small as a man's hand, and yet notwithstanding did not then give over, but placing the pieces one upon another, would try how many of them they could strike through at a blow: and the pieces are left to the Fowls to devour.  
The tenth, three more were executed as the former, for stealing of a woman from Firando, and selling her at Langasacque long since, two of them were brethren, and the other a sharer with them. 

To steal another's slave, death.  
The manner of their going to execution.   When any are to be executed, they are led out of the Town in this manner: There goeth first one with a Pickax, next followeth an other with a shovel for to make his grave (if that be permitted him) the third man beareth a small Table whereon is written the party's offence, which table is afterwards set up upon a Post on the grave where he is buried. The fourth is the party to be executed, his hands bound behind him with a silken cord, having a little Banner of Paper (much resembling our wind-vanes) whereon is likewise written his offence. The executioner followeth next, with his Cattan by his side, holding in his hand the cord wherewith the offender is bound. On either side of the executioner goeth a soldier with his Pike, the head thereof resting on the shoulder of the party appointed to suffer, to scare him from attempting to escape. In this very manner I saw one led to execution, who went so resolutely and without all appearance of fear of death, that I could not but much admire him, never having seen the like in Christendom. The offence for which he suffered was for stealing of a sack of Rice (of the value of two shillings six pence, from his neighbour, whose house was then on fire.  
The eleventh, there arrived at Langasacque three China junckes laden with Silks. The nineteenth, the old King Foin, entreated me for a piece of Poldavis, which I sent him; 
Poldavis' worn by the King.  he caused it presently to be made into Coats, which he (notwithstanding that he was a King, and of that great age, and famed to be the worthiest soldier of all japan, for his valour and service in the Corean wars) did wear next his skin, and some part thereof was made into handkerchiefs, which he daily used.  
The twentieth, a Soma or juncke coming from Cochinchina arrived at Langasaque, laden with Silks, and Benjamin, excellent clear and rich. The nine and twentieth, M. Adam's arrived at Firando, having been seventeen days on the way coming from Sorongo, we having stayed here for his coming forty eight days. 

William Adams cometh unto them.  
The first Carrier for not making haste with the letters to Adams, was banished by the angry King   After I had friendly entertained him, I conferred with him in the presence of the Merchants, touching the encouragement he could give of trade in these parts. He answered, that it was not always alike, but sometimes better, sometimes worse, yet doubted not but we should do as well as others; giving admirable commendations of the Country, as much affected thereunto.  
The thirtieth in the morning, one of the young King's Governors was by his order cut into pieces in the street, for being (as it was thought) too familiar with his mother. A slave of his died with him, for endeavouring to defend his Master. This day there came to Firando certain Spaniards of M. Adam's his acquaintance, to desire passage in our ship for Bantam. These Spaniards had been belonging to a Spanish Gentleman their General, who about a year past, were come (upon the King of Spain's charge) from Nova Hispania, 
An intention of the Spaniards to discover to the Northward of japan.  to discover to the Northward of japan, and arriving at Edoo, attending the Monson to go to the Northward, which beginneth in the end of May, his Company (whereof these were two) mutinied against him, every man taking his own way, leaving the ship utterly vnmanned, wherefore I thought it best to keep them out of my ship.  
The third, King Foyne sent to know of what Bulk our Kings Present to the Emperor was, also what number of people I would take with me, 
August.  for that he would provide accordingly for my going up in good fashion both for Bark, Horses, and Pallanchins.  
This day, I caused the Presents to be sorted that were to be given to the Emperor, and to those of office and esteem about him. viz.  l s d To Ogoshosama, the Emperor, to the value of 87 7 6 To Shongosama, the Emperor's son 43 15 0 To Codskedona, the Emperor's Secretary 15 17 6 To Saddadona, the Emperor's Son's Secretary 14 03 4 To Icocora juga, judge of Meaco 04 10 6 To Fongo dona, Admiral of Orungo 03 10 0 To Goto Shozavero, the Mintmaster 11 00 0 Totall 180 03 10   

§. VII. Captain Saris his journey to the Court of the japonian Emperor, and observations there, and by the way.  
THe seventh of August, King Foyne furnished me with a proper Galley of his own rowed with twenty five oars on a side, and sixty men, which I did fit up in a very comely manner, with waste clotheses, ensigns, and all other necessaries, and having taken my leave of the King, I went and remained aboard the ship, to set all things in order before my departure. 

The old King sent 100 Tayes of japan money for him to spend by the way. A Tay is five shil. of our money.  
My setting forward toward the Emperor's Court.  
Fuccate a large and fair Town.   Which done, and remembrances left with the Master and Cape Merchant, for the well governing of the ship and house ashore during my absence, taking with me ten English, and nine others, besides the former sixty, which were only to attend the Galley, I departed from Firando towards the Emperors Court. We were rowed through, and amongst diverse Lands, all which, or the most part of them, were well inhabited, and diverse proper Towns built upon them; whereof one called Fuccate, hath a very strong Castle, built of fre● stone, but no Ordnance nor Soldiers therein. It hath a ditch about five fathom deep, and twice as broad round about it, with a draw bridge, kept all in very good repair. I did land & dine there in the Town, the tide and wind so strong against us, as that we could not pass. The Town seemed to be as great as London is within the walls, very well built, and even, so as you may see from the one end of the street to the other. The place exceedingly peopled, very Civil and courteous, only that at our landing, and being here in Fuccate, and so through the whole Country, whithersoever we came, the boys, children, and worse sort of idle people, would gather about and follow along after us, crying, Corè, Coré, Cocoré, Waré, that is to say, You Coreans with false hearts: wondering, hooping, hollowing, and making such a noise about us, that we could scarcely hear one an other speak, sometimes throwing stones at us (but that not in many Towns) yet the clamour and crying after us was every where alike, none reprooving them for it. The best advice that I can give those who hereafter shall arrive there, is that they pass on without regarding those idle rablements, and in so doing, they shall found their ears only troubled with the noise. All alongst this Coast, and so up to Ozaca, we found women diverse, that lived with their household and family in boats upon the water, 

Women with their households that live in boats upon the water.  
Women-divers   as in Holland they do the like. These women would catch fish by diving, which by net and lines they miss, and that in eight fathom depth: their eyes by continual diving do grow as read as blood, whereby you may know a diving woman from all other women.  
We were two days rowing from Firando to Fuccate: about eight or ten leagues on this side the straits of Xeminaseque, we found a great Town, where there lay in a Dock, 
Straigh●s of Xemina ●que. A strange juncke.  a juncke of eight hundred or a thousand Tons of burden, sheathed all with iron, with a guard appointed to keep her from firing and treachery. She was built in a very homely fashion, much like that which describeth Noah's Ark unto us. The Naturals told us, that she served to transport soldiers into any of the Lands, if rebellion or war should happen.  
We found nothing extraordinary after we had passed the straits of Xeminaseque, until we came unto Osaca, where we arrived the twenty seventh day of August: our Gailey could not come near the Town by six miles, where another smaller Vessel met us, 
Osaca.  wherein came the good man or Host of the house where we lay in Osaca, and brought a banquet with him of wine and salt fruits to entertain me. The boat having a fast made to the mast-head, was drawn by men, as our Barks are from London Westward. We found Osaca to be a very great Town, as great as London within the walls, with many fair Timber bridges of a great height, 
Description of Osaca.  serving to pass over a river there as wide as the Thames at London. Some fair houses we found there, but not many. It is one of the chief Seaports of all japan; having a Castle in it, marvelous large and strong, with very deep trenches about it▪ and many draw bridges, with gates plated with iron. The Castle is built all of Freestone, with Bulwarks and Battlements, 
A fair and strong Castle.  with loop hol●s for small shot and arrows, and diverse passages for to cast stones upon the assailants. The walls are at the lest six or seven yards thick, all (as I said) of Freestone, without any filling in the inward part with trumpery, as they reported unto me. The stones are great, of an excellent quarry, and are cut so exactly to fit the place where they are laid, that no mortar is used, but only earth cast between to fill up void crevices if any be. In this Castle did devil at our being there, the son of Tiquasamma, who being an infant at the time of his Father's decease, 
The son of Tiquasama, the 〈◊〉 h●●re of japan how defeated of his ●ight.  was left to the government and education of four, whereof Ogoshosamma, the now Emperor was one and chief. The other three desirous of Sovereignty each for his particular, and repulsed by Ogoshosamma, were for their own safety forced to take up Arms, wherein fortune favouring Ogoshosamma at the trial in field, two of them being slain, the third was glad to save himself by flight. He being Conqueror, attempted that which formerly (as it is thought) he never dreamed of, and proclaimed himself Emperor, and seizing upon the true heir, married him unto his daughter, as the only means to work a perfect reconcilement, confining the young married couple to live within this Castle of Osaca, attended only with such as had been brought up from their cradles by Ogoshosamma, not knowing any other Father (as it were) than him: So that by their intelligence he could at all times understand what passed there, and accordingly rule him.  
Right over against Osaca▪ on the other side of the River, lieth another great Town called Sacay, but not so big as Osaca, yet is it a Town of great Trade for all the Lands thereabout. 
Sacay.   
The eight and twentieth day at night, having left musters and prices of our Commodities with our Host, we parted from Osaca by Bark towards Fushimi, where we arrived. 
Fushimi.   
The nine and twentieth at night we found here a Garrison of three thousand Soldiers maintained by the Emperor, to keep Miaco and Osaca in subjection. 
Garrisons changed every three years. Their March and Weapons.  The Garrison is shifted every three years, which change happened to be at our being there, so that we saw the old Bands march away, and the new enter, in most Soldierlike manner, marching five a breast, and to every ten files an Officer which is called a Captain of fifty, who kept them continually in very good order. First, their shot, viz. Calievers, (for Muskets they have none, neither will they use any) then followed Pikes, next Swords, or Cattans and Targets, than Bows and Arrows: next those, weapons resembling a Welch-hooke called Waggadashes; then Calievers again, and so as formerly, without any Ensign or Colours: 
Not Ensigns nor Drums or other Martial Music.  neither had they any Drums or other Musical Instruments for War. The first file of the Cattans and Targets had silver scabbards to their Cattans, and the last file which was next to the Captain had their scabbards of gold. The Companies consisted of diverse numbers, some five hundred, some three hundred, some one hundred and fifty men. In the midst of every Company were three Horses very richly trapped, and furnished with Saddles, well set out, some covered with costly Furs, some with Velvet, some with Stammet broadcloth, every Horse had three slaves to attend him, led with silken halters, their eyes covered with leather covers. After every Troop followed the Captain on Horseback, his bed and other necessaries were laid upon his own Horse, equally pease on either side, over the same was spread a covering of red felt of China, whereupon the Captain did sit crosslegged, 
Strange riding.  as if he had sat betwixt a couple of panniers: and for those that were ancient or otherwise weake-backt, they had a staff artificially fixed unto the Pannell, that the Rider might rest himself, and lean backward against it, as if he were sitting in a chair. The Captain General of this Garrison we met two days after we had met his first troop, (having still in the meantime met with some of these Companies as we passed along, sometimes one league, sometimes two leagues distant one from another.) He ma●ched in very great state, beyond that the others did, (for the second Troop was more richly set out in their arms then the first: and the third than the second, and so still every one better than other, until it came unto this the last and best of all.) He hunted and hawked all the way, having his own Hounds and Hawks along with him, 
Hunting and Hawking.  the Hawks being hooded and lured as ours are. His Horses for his own Saddle being six in number, richly trapped. Their Horses are not tall, but of the size of our middling Nags, short and well trust, small headed and very full of mettle, 
Their Horses.  in my opinion, fare excelling the Spanish jennet in pride and stomach. He had his Pallankin carried before him, the inside of Crimson Velvet, and six men appointed to carry it, two at a time.  

Their good order.  Such good order was taken for the passing and providing for, of these three thousand Soldiers, that no man either travelling or inhabiting upon the way where they lodged, was any way injured by them, but cheerfully entertained them as other their guests; because they paid for what they took, as all other men did. Every Town and Village upon the way being well fitted with Cooks and Victualling houses, where they might at an instant have what they needed, and diet themselves from a penny English a meal, to two shillings a meal.  

The Diet in japan.  The Diet used generally through the Country, is Rice of diverse sorts, one better than other (as of our Wheat and Corn here) the whitest accounted the best, which they use in stead of Bread, Fish, fresh and salted, some pickled Herbs, Beans, Radishes and other Roots salted and pickled, 
Store of provision.  Wild-fowl, Duck, Mallard, Teal, Geese, Pheasant, Partridge, Quail, and diverse others, which they do powder and put up in pickle, of Hens they have great store, as likewise of Dear both read and fallow: wild Boars, Hares, Goats, Kine, etc. of Cheese they have plenty, 
No Butter nor Milk eaten.  Butter they make none, neither will they eat any Milk, because they hold it to be as blood, nor tame beasts.  
Of tame Swine and Pigs they have great abundance. Wheat they have as good as any of ours, being read. They plough both with Oxen and Horse as we do near. At our being there, we bought Hens and Pheasants of the best for three pence a piece. Pig's very fat and large twelve pence a piece, a fat Hog five shillings. A good Beef, such as our Welsh Runts, at sixteen shillings, a Goat three shillings, Rice a halfpenny the pound. The ordinary drink of the common people is water, 
Water drunk warm.  which with their meat they drink warm, holding it to be a sovereign remedy against Worms in the maw: other drinks they have none, but what is distilled out of Rice, which is almost as strong as our Aquanit●, and in colour like to Canary Wine, and is not dear. Yet when they have drawn off the best and strongest, they wring out of it a smaller and slighter drink, serving the poorer sort of people, which through want cannot reach to the better.  
The thirtieth, we were furnished with nineteen Horse at the Emperor's charge, to carry up our King's presents, and those that attended me to Surunga.  
I had a Pallankin appointed for me, and a spare Horse led by, to ride when I pleased, very well set out. Six men appointed to carry my Pallankin in plain and even ground. But where the Country grew hilly, ten men were allowed me thereto. The Guardian whom King Foyn sent along with us, did from time to time and place to place by warrant, take up these men and Horses to serve our turns, 
A Pike, sign of authority.  as the Post-masters do here in England: as also lodging at night. According to the custom of the Country, I had a slave appointed to run with a Pike before me.  
Thus we traveled until the sixth of September, before we got to Surunga, each day fifteen or sixteen leagues, 
Surunga.  of three miles to a league as we guessed it. The way for the most part is wonderful even, and where it meeteth with Mountains, passage is cut through. This way is the main Road of all this Country, 
Highways.  and is for the most part sandy and gravel; it is divided into leagues, and at every, leagues end are two small hills, viz. of either side of the way one, and upon every one of them a fair Pinetree, trimmed round in fashion of an Arbour. These marks are placed upon the way to the end, that the Hackney men, and those which let out Horses to hire, should not make men pay more than their due, which is about three pence a league. The Road is exceedingly traveled, full of people, ever and anon you meet with Farms and Country houses, with Villages, and often with great Towns, with Ferries over fresh Rivers, and many Futtakeasse or Fotoquis which are their Temples, 
Fotoquis japonian Temples. Priests.  situate in Groves and most pleasantest places for delight, of the whole Country. The Priests that tend thereupon dwelling about the same, as our Friars in old time planted themselves here in England, When we approached any Town, we saw Crosses with the dead bodies of those who had been crucified thereupon. 
Crosses and crucifying.  For crucifying is here an ordinary punishment for most Malefactors. Coming near Surunga, where the Emperor's Court is, we saw a Scaffold with the heads of diverse (which had been executed) placed thereupon, and by it were diverse Crosses with the dead Corpses of those which had been executed, remaining still upon them, and the pieces of others, which after their Executioners had been hewn again and again by the trial of others Cattans. 
Surunga a very great City.  All which caused a most unsavoury passage to us, that to enter into Surunga, must needs pass by them. This City of Surunga is full as big as London, with all the Suburbs. The Handi-crafts men we found dwelling in the outward parts and skirts of the Town, because those that are of the better sort, devil in the inward part of the City, and will not be annoyed with the rapping, knocking, and other disturbance that Artificers cannot be without.  
Assoon as we were settled in our lodging in Surunga, I sent Master Adams to the Court, to let the Secretary understand of my coming, and desire of as speedy dispatch as might be. Word was returned that I was welcome, that I should rest me, and within a day or two I should have access to the Emperor.  
The seventh was spent in fitting up of the presents, and providing little Tables of slit deal of that Country (which smelleth very sweet) to carry them upon, according to the custom.  
The eighth, 
The Castle & Court of the Emperor.  I was carried in my Pallankin to the Castle of Surunga (where the Emperor kept his Court) and was attended with my Merchants and others carrying the presents before me. Being entered the Castle, I passed three draw bridges, every of which had a corpse of Guard, and coming up a pair of very fair and large stone stairs, I was met by two grave comely men the one them Codske dona, the Emperor's Secretary; the other Fu●go dono the Admiral, who led me into a fair room matted, where we sat down crosslegged upon the Mats. Anon after they lead me betwixt them into the Chamber of Presence, where was the Emperor's Chair of State, to which they wished me to do reverence. It was of cloth of Gold, about five fe●t high, very richly set forth for back and sides, but had no Canopy over head. Than they returned back again to the place where before they did sit, where having stayed about one quarter of an hour, word was brought, that the Emperor was come forth. Than they rose up and led me betwixt them unto the door of the room where the Emperor was, making signs to me that I should enter in there, but durst not look in themselves. The presents sent from our King to the Emperor, as also those which (according to the custom of the Country) I gave unto the Emperor, as from myself, were placed in the said room upon the Mats very orderly, before the Emperor came into it. Coming to the Emperor, according to our English Compliments, I delivered our King's Letter unto his Majesty, who took it in his hand, and put it up towards his forehead, and commanded his Interpeter, who sat a good distance from him behind, to will Master Adams to tell me that I was welcome from a wearisome journey, that I should take my rest for a day or two, and then his Answer should be ready for our King. Than he asked whether I did not intent to visit his son at Edoo. I answered, I did. The Emperor said that order should be taken to furnish me with men and Horses for the journey and against my return his Letters should be ready for our King. So taking my leave of the Emperor, and coming to the door where I had left the Secretary and Admiral, I found them there ready to conduct me to the stair's head where formerly they had met me, and there I took my Pallankin, and with my Attendants returned to my lodging.  
The ninth, I went to deliver the Secretary his present, which in no wise he would receive, but hearty thanked me, saying, that the Emperor had commanded the contrary, and that it were as much as his life if he should take any gift. But he took five pound of Aloes Socatrina to use for his health. I delivered the Articles of privilege this day to Co●skedona▪ being in number fourteen. He requested to have them abbreviated and made as short as might be, for that the people of japan affect brevity. 
japonians affect brevity.   
The tenth, the Articles so abridged, were sent by Master Adams to the Secretary, who shown them to the Emperor, and he approved thereof, denying one only, which was, That whereas the Chineses had refused to trade with the English, that in case we should now take any of them by force, that our Nation might have ●eaue and liberty to bring them into japan, and there make sale of the goods so taken. At the first motion, the Emperor answered, 
The Copy of which he brought home and gave me● which after followeth.  that seeing they denied us Trade, we might take them. But upon conference with the Lieger of China, the Emperor's mind was changed, and would not allow of that Article. The rest were passed under his great Seal, which is not of Wax (as ours) but stamped like a print and coloured read.  
The eleventh, the Present appointed for the Mintmaster, was delivered him, which he took thankfully▪ and returned to me two japonian Gowns of Taffeta, quilted with silk Cotton.  
The twelfth, Master Adams was sent to the Mintmaster (being the Emperor's Merchant, and having charge of his Mint and ready moneys, a man of very great esteem with the Emperor, and one that hath vowed that whensoever the Emperor shall dye, he will cut out his own guts and dye with him.) Master Adams carried unto him the particular prices of our English Commodities (as before is specified.)  
About noon the same day, we departed foe Edoo, to the Emperor's son, being furnished with horse and men by the Emperor, as formerly.  
The Country betwixt Surunga and Edoo is well inhabited. We saw many Fotoquise or Temples as we passed, and amongst others one Image of especial note, called Dabis, 
The description of an Image called Dabis.  made of Copper, being hollow within, but of a very substantial thickness. It was in height, as we guessed, from the ground about one and twenty or two and twenty foot in the likeness of a man kneeling upon the ground, with his buttocks resting on his heels, his arms of wonderful largeness, and the whole body proportionable, he is fashioned wearing of a Gown. This Image is much reverenced by Travellers as they pass there. Some of our people went into the body of it, and hoop and hallowed, which made an exceeding great noise. We found many Characters and Marks made upon it by Passengers, whom some of my Followers imitated, and made theirs in like manner. It standeth in the main Road of the Pilgrimage to Tencheday, which is much frequented: for night and day, rich and poor, are com●●●g and going to visit Tencheday. 
Pilgrimage to Tencheday.  M. Adams told me that he had been at the Fotoqui or Temple dedicated to this Tencheday, to whom they make this devout pilgrimage; and as he reported, there is monthly one of the fairest Virgins of the whole country brought into that Fotoqui, 
Virgins dedicated to an Idol.  and there she sits all alone in a ●come neatly kept, in a very sober manner, and at certain times, this Tencheday (which is thought to be the Devil) appeareth unto her, and having known her carnally, leaveth with her at his departure certain scales, like unto the scales of fishes: what questions she is willed by the Bonzees, or Priests of that Fotoqui to ask, Tencheday resolves: and every month a fresh Virgin is taken in; but what becomes of the old, Master Adams himself did not know.  

We arrived at Edoo.  The fourteenth, we arrived at Edoo, a City much greater than Surunga, fare fairer building, and made a very glorious appearance unto us▪ the ridge▪ tiles and corner-tiles richly gilded, the posts of their doors gilded and varnished: Glass-windows they have none, but great windows of board, opening in leaves, well set out with painting, as in Holland there is a Causeway which goeth thorough the chief street of the Town; underneath this Causeway runneth a River, at every fifty paces there is a Wellhead, fitted very substantially of freestone, with buckets for the neighbours to fetch water, and for danger of fire. This street is as broad as any of our streets in England.  
The fifteenth, I gave the King's Secretary, Saddadona, to understand of my arrival, requesting him to let the King know thereof.  
The seventeenth, I had access to the King, and delivered him the Presents from our King, as also certain from myself (according to the custom of the Country.) The King kept his Court in the Castle of Edoo, which is much fairer and stronger than that of Surunga, he was better guarded and attended upon, than the Emperor his Father. Saddadona the King's Secretary, is father to Codskedona the Emperor's Secretary, whose years affording better experience, he is therefore appointed to have the government and direction of the young King, who (at our being there) we esteemed to be aged about two and forty years.  
My entertainment and access to the King here, was much like to the former at Surunga with the Emperor▪ he accepted very kindly our King's Letters and Presents, bidding me welcome, and wishing me to refresh myself, and his Letters and Presents to our King should be made ready with all speed.  
The nineteenth, I delivered Saddadona his Presents. This day two and thirty men being commanded to a certain house, for not paying their debts, and being in the stocks within the house, the house in the night time by casualty fired, and they were all burnt to death.  
Towards evening, the King sent two varnished Armours for a Present to our King. He sent likewise a Tatch or long swords▪ (which none may wear there but soldiers of the best rank) and a Waggadash for a present to myself. From Edoo to the Northermost part of japan, it is esteemed two and twenty days journey by horse, little more or less.  
The one and twentieth, we parted by Boat from Edoo to Oringgaw, a Town upon the sea side. From whence we arrived at Surunga the nine and twentieth day, and there remained for the Emperor's Letters and Presents to our King.  
The eight of October, I received the Emperor's Letters, directed to our Sovereign Lord james, King of Great Britain, the true Copy whereof is as followeth.  
To the King of Great Britain.  
YOur Majesty's kind Letter sent me by your servant Captain john Saris, (who is the first that I have known to arrive in any part of my Dominions) I hearty embrace, being not a little glad to understand of your great wisdom and power, as having three plentiful and mighty Kingdoms under your powerful command. I acknowledge your Majesty's great bounty, in sending me so undeserved a Present of many rare things, such as my Land affordeth not, neither have I ever before scene: Which I receive not as from a stranger, but as from your Majesty, whom I esteem as myself. Desiring the continuance of Friendship with your Highness: And that it may stand with your good liking, to sand your Subjects to any part or Port of my Dominions, where they shall be most hearty welcome, applauding much their worthiness in the admirable knowledge of Navigation, having with much facility discovered a Country so remote, being no whit amazed with the distance of so mighty a Gulf, nor greatness of such infinite clouds and storms, from prosecuting honourable enterprises, of Discoveries and Merchandizing: wherein they shall found me to further them, according to their desires. I return unto your Majesty a small token of my love (by your said Subject) desiring you to accept thereof, as from him that much rejoiceth in your Friendship. And whereas your Majesty's Subjects have desired certain privileges for Trade, and settling of a factory in my Dominions, I have not only granted what they demanded, but have confirmed the same unto them under my Broad-seale, for better establishing thereof. From my Castle in Surunga, this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our Dary, according to our Computation. Resting your Majesty's Friend. The highest Commander in this Kingdom of japan:  
Subscribed. Minna. Mouttono. yei. ye. yeas.  
I also received the said Privileges for Trade in 
* The Character● hau● by some been thought to be those of China, but I compared them with China books, and they se●med to me quite different, yet not letters to compound words by spelling, as ours; but words expressed in their several characters, as the Chinois use, and the brevity manifesteth. I take them characters peculiar to japan. Take them thou Reader, and judge better, if thou canst.  japan: the Original was left with Master Cocks: the copy thereof with the Seal in black here followeth. The translation whereof (as near to the Original as may be) followeth.  
The japonian Charter, the lines to be read downwards, beginning at the right hand.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
This last is the Seal.  
Privileges granted by OGOSHOSAMA, Emperor of japan, unto the Right Worshipful Sir THOMAS SMITH, Knight, Governor, and others the Honourable and Worshipful Adventurers to the East- Indieses.  
1 INprimis, We give free licence to the subjects of the King of Great Britain, viz. Sir Thomas Smith, Governor, and Company of the East- Indian Merchants and Adventurers, for ever, safely to come into any of our Port of our Empire of japan, with their ships and merchandizes, without any hindrance to them or their goods. And to abide, buy, cell, and barter, according to their own manner, with all Nations: to tarry here as long as they think good, and to departed at their pleasures.  
2 Item, We grant unto them freedom of Custom, for all such merchandizes as either now they have brought, or hereafter shall bring into our Kingdoms, or shall from hence transport to any foreign part. And do authorise those ships that hereafter shall arrive, and come from England, to proceed to present sale of their commodities, without further coming or sending up to our Court.  
3 Item, If any of their ships shall happen to be in danger of shipwreck, We will Our subjects not only to assist them, but that such part of ship and goods as shall be saved, be returned to their Captain, or Cape Merchant, or their assigns. And that they shall or may build one house or more for themselves in any part of Our Empire, where they shall think fittest. And at their departure to make sale thereof at their pleasure.  
4 Item, If any of the English Merchants or other shall departed this life, within our Dominions, the goods of the deceased shall remain at the dispose of the Cape Merchant. And that all offences committed by them, shall be punished by the said Cape Merchant, according to his discretion: and Our Laws to take no hold of their persons or goods.  
5 Item, We will that ye Our subjects trading with them for any of their commodities, pay them for the same, according to agreement, without delay, or return of their wares again unto them.  
6 Item, For such commodities as they have now brought, or shall hereafter bring, fitting for Our service and proper use: We will that no arrest be made thereof, but that the price be made with the Cape Merchant, according as they may cell to others, and present payment upon the delivery of the goods.  
7 Item, If in discovery of other Countries for Trade, and return of their ships, they shall need men or Victuals, We will that ye Our subjects furnish them for their money, as their need shall require.  

The discovery of Yeadzo to the northward.  8 And that without other Passport, they shall and may set out upon the discovery of Yeadzo, or any other part, in or about our Empire.  
From our Castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth month, and in the eighteenth year of Our 
* Or Reign.  Dary, according to Our Computation. Sealed with our Broad-seale, etc.  
Underwritten: Minna. Mottono. yei. ye. yeas.  
Note that Oringgaw is a very good harbour for shipping, where ships may ride as safely as in the River of Thames before London, 
Oringgaw the best haven or road for us.  and the passage thereto by Sea very safe and good: so that it will be much better for our ships to sail thither, then to Firando, in respect that Oringgaw is upon the main Island, and is distant from Edoo (the chief City) but fourteen or fifteen leagues. The place is not so well replenished with victual and flesh-meat, as Firando is, which want only excepted, Oringgaw is for all other matters to be preferred before Firando.  
At my return to Surunga, I found a Spanish Ambassador arrived there from the Philippinas, who only had sight of the Emperor, 
A Spanish Ambassador from the Philippinas.  and delivered him his presents, which were certain China Damasks, and five jars of sweet wine of Europe. After the first time, he could not obtain access to the Emperor. His Embassage was, that such Portugals and Spaniards as were within his Dominions, not authorised by the King of Spain, might be delivered up unto him to carry away to the Philippinas: which the Emperor denied to do, saying, That his Country was a free Country, and none should be forced out of it; but if the Ambassador could persuade any to go, they should not be stayed. This coming of the Spanish Ambassador for men, was caused by the great want of men they had to defend the Molucca Lands from the Dutch, who then made great preparation for the absolute conquest thereof. After that the Ambassador had attended for the Emperor's answer, the time limited him by his Commission, seeing it came not, he departed discontented. But being at the Seaside, there was an answer returned for him to carry, with a slender Present, viz. five japan Gowns, and two Cattans or Swords.  
The ninth we departed from Surunga at Edoo. About a month before my coming thither, the Emperor being displeased with the Christians, made proclamation, 
A proclamation against the Christians.  that they should forthwith remove and carry away all their Churches to Langasacque, a Town situate on the Seaside, and distant from Firando about eight leagues: And that no Christian Church should stand, nor Mass be sung, within ten leagues of his Court, upon pain of death. A while after, certain of the Naturals, being seven and twenty in number, (men of good fashion) were assembled together in an Hospital, appointed by the Christians for Lepers, and there had a Mass: whereof the Emperor being informed, commanded them to be shut up in an house for one night, and that the next day they should suffer death. The same evening another man for debt was clapped up in the same house, being an Heathen at his coming in, and ignorant of Christ and his Religion: But (which is wonderful) the next morning, when the Officer called at the door for those which were Christians to come forth, and go to execution, and those which were not, and did renounce the same, to stay behind: this man in that night's space was so instructed by the other, that resolutely he came out with the rest, and was crucified with them.  
In our passage towards Miaco from Surunga, we had for the most part much rain, whereby the waters did so rise, that we were forced to stay by the way, so that it was the sixteenth of October before we got thither. Miaco is the greatest City of japan, 
The description of the City of Miaco.  consisting most upon merchandizing. The chief Fotoqui or Temple of the whole country is there, being built of freestone, and is as long as the Western end of Saint Paul's in London, from the Quire, being as high arched and borne upon pillars as that is: where many Bonzees do attend for their maintenance, 
Their Bonzees, Idols, Altars, Offerings, etc.  as the Priests among Papists. There is an Altar whereon they do offer Rice and small money, called Cundrijus (whereof twenty make one shilling English:) which is employed for the use of the Bonzees. Near unto this Altar there is an Idol, by the Natives called Mannada, made of Copper, much resembling that of Dabis formerly spoken of, but is much higher, for it reacheth up to the very Arch. This Fotoqui was begun to be built by Taicosania in his life-time, and since his son hath proceeded to the finishing thereof, which was newly made an end of when we were there. Within the enclosure of the walls of this Fotoqui there are buried (by the report of the inhabitants) the Ears and Noses of three thousand Coreans, which were massacred at one time: Upon their grave is a mount raised, with a Pyramid on the top thereof; which mount is green, and very neatly kept. The horse that Taicosania last road on, is kept near unto this Fotoqui, having never been ridden since, his hoofs being extraordinarily grown with his age, and still standing there.  
The Fotoqui standeth upon the top of an high hill, and on either side, as ye mount up to it, hath fifty pillars of freestone, distant ten paces one from the other, and on every pillar a Lantern, wherein every night lights are maintained of Lamp-oil. In this City of Miaco, 

College of jesuits in Miaco.  
The new Testament in the japan language   the Portugal jesuits have a very stately College, wherein likewise are diverse jesuits,. Natural japonians, which preach, and have the new Testament printed in the japan language. In this College are many japonian children trained up, and instructed in the rudiments of Christian Religion, according to the Romish Church: There are not less than five or six thousand japonians in this City of Miaco professing Christ.  
Besides the Fotoqui before described, there are many other Fotoquis in this City. The Tradesmen and Artificers are distributed by themselves, every Occupation and Trade in their several streets, and not mingled together, as here with us.  
At Miaco we stayed, expecting the Emperor's Present, which at length was delivered to me out of the Castle, being ten Beobs, or large Pictures to hung a chamber with.  
The twentieth, we departed from Miaco, and came the same night to Fushimi.  
The one and twentieth, about noon we arrived at Osaca: 
Osaca.  here we found the people very rude, following us, crying Tosin, Tosin, that is, Chinaes', Chinaes; others calling us Coré, Coré, and flinging stones at us; the gravest people of the Town not once reproving them, but rather animating of them, and setting them on. Hear we found the Galley ready, which had attended for us ever since our landing, at the charge of the King of Firando. The four and twentieth at night we all embarked for Firando. 
We embarked for Firando. November 6.   
The sixth of November we arrived at Firando, and were kindly bid welcome by King Foin. All this while our people sold little, the custom of the Country being, that without express permission from the Emperor, no stranger may offer goods to sale. Besides, our chiefest commodity intended for those parts being Broad-cloath, (which, according to former intelligence, had lately been sold there at forty Rials of eight the mat, which is two yards, as aforesaid) the Natives were now more backward to buy then before, because they saw that we ourselves were no forwarder in wearing the thing which we recommended unto them. For, said they, you commend your Cloth unto us, but you yourselves wear lest thereof, the better sort of you wearing Silken garments, the meaner Fustians, etc. Wherhfore hoping that good counsel may (though late) come to some good purpose, I wish that our Nation would be more forward to use and spend this natural commodity of our own Country, so shall we better encourage and allure others to the entertainment and expense thereof.   

§. VIII. Accidents after his return to Firando, the settling of a Factory there, departure for Bantam, and thence for England.  
THe seventh of November, I visited the Kings with Presents first, and after with Presence, and was kindly entertained. The eighth, Andrew Palmer, Steward of the ship, and William Marnell Gunners Mate, lay ashore all night, and in a drunken humour, went into the field and fought, and wounded each other so sore, that it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and Marnell be lame of his hands for ever.  
The ninth, in the morning very early I went aboard the Ship, and carried M. Cocks along with me, and called the Master and all the Officers into my cabin, making it known unto them, that it much grieved me the indirect course some of them took, namely, Palmer and Marnell, who went out of the Ship without licence, and had wounded one an other so sore, that the one was in danger of his life, and the other a lame man for ever; and that which was more, the Suruiver in danger to be hanged if the other died, which could not choose but be a great hearts grief unto me: as also to understand, that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat, going ashore to have fought, and john Dench and john Winston appointed to do the like, and Dench confessed it was true, and that he saw Palmer and Marnell fight, and went and parted them, otherwise both had remained dead in the field: these matters, I told them, were grievous unto me, and therefore I willed them it might be amended in time, otherwise they would dispeople the Ship, to the utter overthrow of our Voyage, and deceive the Honourable Company, that had put their trust in us.  
After much contestation, each one departed, with promise to amend what was amiss, and not to offend in any sort hereafter, which God grant may prove true. I told them also, that Foin Same, the old King, had made complaint unto me, that if any more came ashore to fight and shed blood in his Country (contrary to his Laws) he would 'cause them to be cut in pieces, for that he would not suffer strangers to have more Privilege in that matter then his own Subjects. And at my return to the English house, Foyne Same the King came to visit me, and told me the piece of Poldavis and a Shash I gave him, were consumed with fire when his house was burned, which was a manner of begging two more, which I promised him, and got him to sand of his people aboard, with my jurebasso john japan, to signify to the Company, that if any of them came ashore to fight any more, the King had given order to cut them in pieces, and not to suffer any one to return aboard. I did this in hope to restrain them from such drunken Combats.  
Towards night came a Spaniard from Langasaque, called john Comas, and brought two Letters from Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for M. Cocks, and sent me a Present of three baskets of Sugar, and a pot of Conserves, with many no less sugared conserved words of compliment in his Letters, that he was sorry that our seven men were gone away in his absence, excusing both himself, and the Fathers or jesuites, that they had no hand in the matter, neither ever spoke such word, that we were heretics or thiefs, yet said our men were gone away from thence, three of them in a China or japan Soma for the Manillias', and the other four in a Portugal Vessel; but I hold these but words to excuse themselves, and put other men in fault: for the Spaniards love not the Portugals, neither either of both the japan, much less the japan them.  
The eleventh, I went and visited Nobesane; he used me kindly, and would have had me come to dinner to morrow, but I excused the matter, in respect of the much business I had, and short time of stay. I met the old King Foyne at his house, who desired to have two pieces English powdered Beef, and two of Pork sod with Turnips, Radish and Onions by our Cook, and sent unto him, which I caused to be done. Wind Northerly a fresh gale day and night, fair dry weather, but cold.  
The twelfth, the two King's Governors, came to visit me at the English house; and from thence went aboard the Clove (Master Cocks accompanying them) to signify unto the Master and the rest of the Company, that from hence forward, our ships Company should have a care how they came a shore to fight and shed blood; for that the Law of the Country was, that they which went out to fight, and drew weapon, were to die the death, and all those which did behold them, obliged to kill both parties, in pain of ruinating all their generation if they did not kill both parties.  
The foureteenth, I sent M. Cocks and my jurebasso to both the Kings, to entreat them to provide me of a dozen Seamen, that were able to do their labour, to go with me for England, and for wages I was willing to give them what in reason their Highnesses thought fit. The Kings were impeached about other matters; so they spoke with their Secretaries, who told them, they need not to speak about that matter to the Kings, for that they would provide me a dozen such as should be fit; but that there were diverse vagrant people about Town, which no doubt would be willing to go, yet were not fit to be carried to Sea; for that when they came there, they would serve for nothing but to spend victuals, and of such the Flemings served their turn without making request unto them: and what is become of them or the Ship is not known to this day. But seeing that now the matter was referred to them, they would look out for such as were for our purpose.  
The eighteenth, Foyne the old King sent me word he would come and visit me, and bring the dancing Bears or Courtesans of the Country, which soon after he did, being three whores of the Country, and two or three other men with them, they all dancing and making music after the Country fashion, although harsh to our hear.  
The nineteenth, the Captain Chinesa and George Dura● the Portugal came unto me, 
Severe justice in japan.  desiring me to sand to Semidone, to procure the liberty of two honest poor men, who were like to lose their lives, for bidding a poor Knave fly, which had stolen a little piece of Led not worth three half pence, and yet the Malefactor was taken and put to death, and these men in danger to have done the like, had I not sent M. Cocks with my Ring to Semidone, to desire pardon for them for my sake, which he granted to procure, and did effect it.  
The twentieth, Samedon the King of Crats sent me word he would come aboard our Ship: So I met him there, he being accompanied with both the Kings of Firando, they had five pieces of Ordnance at their entry aboard, and three with shot or Bullets, were shot at a mark at the request of Samedon. He gave me two Pikes or japan staffs with Cattans or Sables on the ends, and so they departed with seven pieces of Ordnance for a farewell, one being with shot at the mark aforesaid.  
The twenty two, a Present was laid out, and sent to Samedon King of Crats: it was delivered unto him at Tomesanes the young King's house, he being there at Breakfast, and took in very kind part, sending me word by M. Cocks, that he was doubly obliged unto me, first in his kind entertainment aboard, and now in sending him such a Present of worth, of such things as his Country afforded not the like, and all without any desert of his: only the recompense he could make was, that for his sake, if ever any of the English Nation did come within his Dominions, he would bid them kindly welcome, and show them any favour he could.  
The twenty fifth in the morning betimes, the Purser and M. Hownsell came ashore, and told me Andrew Palmer the Steward departed out of this world about ten of the clock the night past, and that the Chirurgeon Thomas Warner affirmed (as he told me the like many times before) that Palmer was the occasion of his own death, his wound being curable, if he would have been ruled. I willed the Purser M. Melsham to go aboard, and that the Master and he should take order to carry him, and bury him on an Island as secretly as might be, in respect we were about to get some japans to go along in our ship, which it might be hearing of the death of any one, would make them the more unwilling.  
The twenty eighth, a japan was put to death: some said for theft; others said he was a house-burner: He was lead by the Hangman to execution, one carrying a board before him, wherein was written the fact he had committed, as the like was written in a paper flag over his head, and two Pikemen followed him with the points of their Pikes hard to his back, to have killed him if he had offered to resist. divers of this place complained, that the Ships Company owed them money, and now the Ship was ready to departed, desired payment, which to prevent a greater inconvenience, I harkened unto, and wrote to the Master to inquire aboard who they were that were indebted, and what the sum was they owed, to the intent to make satisfaction, and so to abate it out of their wages.  
Now touching a factory to be left there, I had on the twenty sixth, assembled my Merchandizing counsel, where upon these considerations, viz. The encouragement we had received in the Moluccas by private intelligence, the Dutch factory already planted here in Firando: The large Privileges now obtained of the Emperor of japan: The certain advice of the English Factories settled in Siam and Patane: The Commodities resting unsold upon our hands appointed for these parts, and the hoped for profit which further experience may produce: It was resolved, that a factory should be left here, viz. eight English, three japan jurebasses or Interpreters, 
The settling of an English factory in japan.  and two servants, who were appointed against the coming of the next ships, to search and discover the Coast of Corea, Tushmay, and other parts of japan, and countries' thereunto adjoining, to see what good might be done in any of them.  
The fifth of December, M. Richard Cocks, 
December.  Captain and Cape Merchant of the English factory, settled at Firando in japan, took his leave of me aboard the Clove with his Company, being eight English, and five others. After their departure, our Company was mustered aboard, finding forty six English, five Swarts, fifteen japaners, three Passengers, in all sixty nine: having lost since our arrival here three English, two by sickness, one slain, and seven which ran away to the Portugals and Spaniards, whilst I was at the Emperors Court. The names of the English we left in the factory with M. Cocks, were William Adams, (entertained at an hundred pounds the year into the Companies service) Tempest Peacocke, Richard Wickham, William Eton, Walter Carwarden, Edward Sares, William Nelson. 
We return home from japan.   
The wind Northerly a stiff gale, we set sail, being four leagues from the place where we rid: our course South by West, half a point Westerly, Latitude thirty three degrees fourteen minutes. Note, that by exact observation on the shore, we found this Island of Firando to stand in latitude thirty three degrees thirty minutes, 
Variation at Firando 2. deg. 50. minutes Easterly. We sailed alongst the Coast of China. A great Current shooteth out between Corea and the main of China. Sumbor.  variation two degrees fifty minutes Easterly.  
It was resolved to keep alongst the Coast of China, directly to Bantam, and so we brought aboard our starboard tack, and steered away South-west, edging over for China, the wind at North North-east, a stiff gale and fair weather.  
The sixth, Latitude thirty one degrees thirty nine minutes, way South by West forty leagues.  
The seventh, it blew very much wind, a storm at Northwest, we steered South South-west no observation, there we felt the great Current which shoots out between the Island Corea and the main of China, which made a very great Sea, way South South-west half point Westerly twenty five leagues.  
The eight, Latitude twenty nine degrees forty one minutes, way South-west, twenty six leagues, wind Northwest a very stiff gale, we steered West South-west, to make Cape Sumbor upon the Coast of China: the Sea very much grown, so much wind, that it blew our main course out of the bolt ropes.  
The ninth, Latitude twenty eight degrees, twenty three minutes, way South-west three quarters Westerly, twenty two leagues and two third parts, we sounded and had forty nine, and forty five fathom Ozie, the weather cleared, and the wind came to the North, but we could see no land.  
The eleventh, no observation: way West South-west thirty five leagues, very green water, we kept our Lead, and had forty nine, forty three, thirty five, thirty seven, thirty fathom, no sight of land, yet very clear, wind North and Northwest by North.  
The twelfth, before day we sounded, and had thirty five fathom Ozie, wind North and Northwest by North a stiff gale, and in the morning esteeming ourselves to be near the Coast of China, we had sight of (at the lest) three hundred sails of junckes of twenty, thirty, and upwards tunnes apiece, whereof two came to the windward close by us, but perceiving them to be Fishermen, 

Three hundred sails of small Fishermen.  
Lands of Fishers.  
Latitude 25. deg. 59 minute.   we let them pass, using all the fair means we could to get some of them to come aborad, but could not prevail. Wherhfore we stood on our course West by South, and presently descried the land, being two Lands called the Lands of Fishers, bearing West by North half a point Northerly some four leagues off. Latitude at noon twenty five degrees fifty nine minutes, way South-west by West fifty leagues, Depth twenty, and twenty six fathom. Soon after, the wind came to North-east, we brought our Larboard tack aboard, and steered alongst the land South Southeast, very much wind. About seven at night we came fair by a Rock, 
A Rock.  which, by God's mercy, we descried by Moonlight, and lay right in our course, supposing to have run from noon to this time twelve leagues. We were within twice our ships length of the Rock depth thirty fathom. Than we haled off South one watch to give the land a birth, and after midnight steered South-west, the wind at North-east very much wind, and continually following us as the Land trents.  

Variation 1. degree 30. minutes Easterly.  The thirteenth, Latitude twenty four degrees thirty five minutes, variation one degree, thirty minutes Easterly, way South-west fifty four leagues, wind at North-east fair weather, we steered South-west keeping fair by the Lands, lying alongst the main of China, some five leagues off, much wind.  
The fourteenth in the morning little wind, having this night passed had twelve and fourteen fathom, than stood off into deeper water. Latitude at noon twenty two degrees ten minutes, way South-west by South one quarter Westerly forty two leagues wind at East North-east, 
Latitude 22. de. 10. minutes.  and at eight at night we had fifteen, thirteen fathom, at nine a clock sixteen, twenty seven, twenty one and twenty five, sandy ground.  
The fifteenth, in the morning we came amongst many Fisher-boats, but had so much wind as that we could not speak with them. They made signs to us to keep up to the Westward (as we thought. 

Many Fisher-boats.  
Latitude, 21. de. 40. minutes.  ) Our sounding the last night to this present was twenty, twenty four, twenty five, twenty fathoms, three leagues of the land. Latitude at noon twenty one degrees, forty minutes, way West South-west one quarter Southerly fifty two leagues. The wind at North North-east a stiff gale, we steered in West Northwest Northerly to make the land, and about two hours after had sight of it, but by reckoning should not have been near it by fifty six leagues, so that the distance from Firando hither, is less by fifty six leagues.  

Note.  Note, that the Lands which lie alongst the Coast of China, lie more Southerly then in the plaits; about three in the afternoon we were by an Island called Sancha about two leagues off, we steered South-west alongst the land, esteeming to have run since noon three leagues West Northwest.  
The sixteenth, at noon no observation: way forty leagues, South-west by South one quarter Westerly, wind at East with drizzling rain.  

Latitude 18. deg. 19 minute. Variation 50. min. Westerly.  The seventeenth, Latitude eighteen degrees nineteen minutes, course South-west by South one quarter Westerly forty seven leagues, wind at East, variation fifty minutes Westerly, we sounded, but had no ground.  
The eighteenth, latitude fifteen degrees forty three minutes, course South-west by South sixty leagues, wind at East a stiff gale, and at f●ue at night we had sight of land being an Island called Pulo Cotan, bearing West South-west, about five leagues off, we steering South-west. This Island is high land, 
Pulo Cotan.  and lieth about twenty leagues (by report) from the shoal called Plaxel, to the Westward of it we sounded about eight of the clock, but had no ground. 
Plaxel.   
The nineteenth in the morning, 
Camboia.  the main of Camboia was on our star-boord-side about two leagues off: we steered alongst South by East Easterly, keeping the main in sight. Latitude at noon thirteen degrees one and thirty minutes, way South by West forty four leagues, we steered alongst South South-west, making account to be thwart a Varella: 
A Varella. Camboia is not so far Easterly, as it is set in our Plaits.  keeping about two leagues of the shore, we sounded but had no ground at fifty fathom. Note, that this land of Camboia lieth more Easterly in our plaits, than it should, for we found South South-west to go alongst the land a fair birth off. So that the land here lieth South South-west, and North North-east, having diverse Rocks like Lands, some one league, some league and an half of the main, but otherwise no danger that we could see. Note also, that here we found the winds trade alongst the shore, for from Firando hither we did go Large, finding the wind to follow us as the land trents.  
The twentieth, Latitude ten degrees fifty three minutes, course South by West fifty four leagues wind at North, a stiff gale alongst the shore. And three Glasses after we had observed, we had sight of a small Island, which we made to be the Island at the end of the shoal, called Pulo Citi, and at five Glasses running we sounded and had eleven fathom, fine sand, two leagues of the shore. 
Pulo Citi, or Pulo Ceci●. Linschotens Observations true.  We steered alongst South-west to bring the point of the shoal called Pulo Citi a starne: then we founded about two Glasses after, and had fifteen fathom. Note, that we found jan Huijghen Van Linschotens book very true, for thereby we directed ourselves ever from our setting forth from Firando.  
The one and twentieth, Latitude nine degrees forty three minutes course South-west a quarter Westerly thirty four leagues, wind at East North-east a continual stiff gale till noon, then calm, and found that we were in a tide girt, our depth all the last night to this noon was ten, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, twenty one, twenty one, nineteen, twenty, twenty, nineteen, eighteen fathom good ground, but had no sight of land.  
The two and twentieth in the morning, 
Pulo Condor. Latitude 8. deg. 20. min.  we had sight of land being an Island called Pulo Condor, bearing of us about five leagues off, we steered South-west, the w●nd at North-east, latitude at noon eight degrees, twenty minutes, way South-west by West, forty leagues and two third parts. Depth eighteen, nineteen, twenty two, twenty one, twenty one, twenty two and twenty one fathoms, we steered South South-west, for the land called the seven Points.  
The three and twentieh, no observing, way South-west by South one quarter Southerly, fifty one leagues, depth twenty, twenty two, twenty four, and at noon twenty seven fathoms.  
The four and twentieth, way South-west half a point Westerly, thirty three leagues one third part, wind at Northwest by North, depth thirty seven, thirty nine, forty three, forty, and at noon thirty five fathom Ozie ground.  
The five and twentieth, latitude two degrees, thirty eight minutes, course South by East, 
Latitude 2. deg. 38. min.  one quarter of a league Easterly, twenty two leagues one third part, the wind at Northwest and East by North, Depth, thirty four, thirty two, thirty, thirty four, thirty four, thirty four, thirty five. And about four a clock in the morning, we made the land, being an Island called Pulo Timon, distant from us some five leagues. And at six in the morning, 
Pulo Timon.  the Northermost part bearing South-west Westerly: and the South part South South-west half a point Westerly, we had sight of another Island called Pulo Tinga, bearing South South-west Westerly, 
Pulo Tinga.  about six leagues off at noon.  
The six and twentieth, Latitude one degree eighteen minutes, course Southeast by South, thirty two leagues wind at East and East by North, Depth thirty seven, thirty six, thirty seven, thirty five, thirty, and twenty seven fathom.  
The seven and twentieth, course South by East forty leagues, and two third parts, Depth, twenty seven, thirty one, twenty eight, twenty nine, twenty eight, twenty six, and twenty four fathoms at noon.  
The eight and twentieth, way South Southeast, forty leagues and two third parts, Depth eighteen, nineteen, sixteen, eighteen, nineteen, sixteen, & at noon fifteen fathom sandy ground, making account that Chinabata was about one league and an half of being low land, 
Chinabata, or Pulo-bato.  and at the South-west point full of Trees or Bushes. At six Glasses afternoon we sounded, and had twenty fathoms Ozie ground, steering alongst the Land South Southeast, the wind at North Northwest. Note, that those long Lands on our star-boord-side here, and diverse small Iland● on our Lar-boord-side do make the straits of Chinabata▪ finding it to be truly laid do●ne in Plate or Draught made by jan janson Mole a Hollander, which he gave to Master Hippon, 
The Plate of jan janson Mol●  and he to the Company.  
The nine and twentieth, a little before noon, we perceived the water to be much changed a head, and therefore doubted it to be a shoal; so narrowly escaping a very great danger. ●ee sounded and had eleven, 
A dangerous shoal not far from the entrance of the Strait of Chinabata. L●●●tude four deg. six min.  twelve, fourteen, fifteen fathom, but within half a Glass had eight & seven fathoms & a half, it seemed three square sharp to the South-west-ward, & so we steered when we had first sight thereof, not fare from the entrance of the straits of Chinabata. This shoal lieth very dangerously, but is truly placed with his depths. Latitude at noon four degrees six minutes, course South by West thirty leagues, wind at Northwest and North, depth twenty, thirteen, fifteen, twenty four, twenty seven, twenty, twenty five, twenty, eightetne, ten, ten, ten, eight and ten fathoms soft sand. And at eight a clock in the night, we came to an anchor in seven fathoms, the weather likely to be fowl, and our experience little or nothing, the place very f●ll of shoals, and before our anchor was a ground we were in six six and a quarter, five and an half, six, and then in seven fathoms soft sandy ground, than wind at Northwest a small gale and rainy.  


The Darling sailing ●or Coromandell. De●th o● Sir H. Middleton, and loss of the Trades Increase.  
A sunken ledge of rocks.   The thirtie●h, this morning we had sight of the Darling, plying for Coromandell, her Company one and twenty English, and nine Swarts. By them we first understood of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, and l●sse of the Trades Increase, etc. The weather close, we observed not: way South South-west half a point Westerly fifteen leagues, depth, ten, thirteen, fourteen, eleven, ten, nine, eight, seven, six and an half, ten, ten, six and a half, seven, five, four and an half, four and a quarter, five, five, and four fathom, hard sandy ground, esteeming this the shoal described in Moles Plate, and not that which we made it for. This night God mercifully delivered us out of a great danger. For we passed by a sunken ledge of Rocks, under all our sails, within a stones cast of the top thereof, which was only seen above water, and, had not the noise of the breach upon it wakened us, we could not have cleared ourselves. We did let fall our anchor presently, being in a great Tide girt, and had seventeen, seventeen fathoms and an half Ozie ground.  
The one and thirtieth, in the morning as we rid, the high land of Sumatra was about leagues of us, 
The high land of Sumatra.  and one Island a starne. The passed shoal or ledge of Rocks on the starboard side, and three small Lands on our larboard bow, lying three square: way South three quarters Easterly, one and twenty league● wind at Northwest. Depth, ten, nine, eight, seven, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, fifteen, twenty two fathom, about eight leagues of the high-land of java. We could not get in, because it fell calm.  


january 1. The Expedition bound ●or England.  
We arrived in Bantam Roade.   The first of january, being calm, was most spent at an anchor. The second having a little wind we set sail, and about eight of the clock met with the Expedition, and understanding that she was bound homeward laden with Pepper, we writ by them to our friends in England.  
The third, we came to an anchor in Bantam Roade, finding (to our great grief) no lading in readiness: For which I justly blamed those whom I had left there to provide the same, who excused themselves, saying, that they did not as yet expect me.  
I questioned with Kewee, the chief Merchant of the Chinese, (being come aboard to visit me) what price Pepper did bear, and how he would sell. He answered that it was already known ashore that I was homeward bound, and must of necess●tie lad Pepper, whereof my Merchants having provided none aforehand, I might be assured it would rise. He said it was then at twelve Rials of eight, the ten sacks, but he would not undertake to deliver any quantity at that price. I offered him twel●e Rials and an half for ten sacks, but found him so fare off, as that there was no hope of dealing at the present.  
Note, that of the ten, left in the factory here for the eight Voyage at our departure for japan, we found now but five living at our return. Between Firando and Bantam, we lost only one.  
The fourth in the morning, I went ashore, visited the Governor of Bantam, and presented him with two fair Cattans, and diverse other things of worth.  
This day I bargained with Kewee and Lackmoye for four thousand sacks of Pepper, at thirteen Rials of eight the ten sacks: Basse three the hundred, and appointed the Merchants to hasten the milling thereof, all that might be.  

The multiplicity of Factories for each Voyage, caused the prices to rise, each out-bidding oth●rs for the particular accounts of their own Voyage, not without loss to the public.  The fifth was spent in reducing the several English Factories in Bantam to one Government, and settling them in one house: also order was taken that the expense of Diet should be more frugally managed, and not spent in rack houses abroad, or on Hangby Swarts at home, as of la●e it had been: and that the Warehouses in the Town should be fewer in number and better looked unto, as well it might be, the goods being with more discretion orderly stowed.  
The sixth, in the reweighing of the Pepper received the day before, we found most of the sacks hard weight, and many to want of what the King's B●ame did allow. Wherhfore I sent for the Weigher, used him kindly, entreated him to take a little more care and pains to amend this fault, which he promised to do: whereto the better to encourage him, I appointed the value of five Rials of eight to be given him.  
The sixteenth, being the Sabbath day, I stayed aboard. About two of the clock in the afternoon the Town was all on a fire. Wherhfore our Skiffe being well manned was presently sent ashore to help the Merchants to guard the goods. The wind was so violent, 
The whole Town of Bantam burned down, saving the English and Hollanders houses.  that in a moment of time almost the whole town was burnt down, the English and Dutch houses excepted, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserve.  
The twentieth, being ashore, I procured Lackmoy and Launching, two Chinesa Merchants, to translate the Letter which the King of Firando in japan, had delivered me to carry to our King james; it was written in China Character and Language, they translated it into the Malayan, which in English is as followeth, viz.  
To the King of Great Britain, etc.  
MOst mighty King, how acceptable your Majesty's loving Letter and bountiful Present of many worthy things sent me by your servant Captain john Saris is unto me, I cannot sufficiently express: neither the great happiness I esteem myself to be in, by enjoying your Highness' friendship: For which I tender you many thanks, desiring the continuance of your Majesty's love and acquaintance. I am hearty glad of your subjects safe arrival at my small Island, from so long a journey. My help and furtherance they shall not want to the uttermost, for the effecting of their so worthy and laudable enterprises of Discovery and Merchandizing, greatly commending their forwardness therein: referring their hitherto entertainment to the report of your servant, by whom I return unto your Majesty an unworthy token, wishing your Majesty long life. From my Place of Firando, the sixth day of our tenth month.  
Your Majesty's loving Friend, Commander of this Island Firando in japan, FOIN SAM-MASAM.  
They could not well pronounce his name, for Launching said it was 
* 
This comes to pass by the China Characters, which in proper names borrow the Characters of other words of like or nearest sound, and therefore cause often mistaking, as joseph Acosta hath observed.  
divers English and Scottish Soldiers. February 1. Tide of twelve hours' flood, and twelve ebb in Sund●. May 16 1614 The Concord, the first ship set out for the joint Stock.   Foyne Foshin Sam: But Lackmoy said as is above written.  
The two and twentieth, such houses as the former fire had spared, were now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped again: thanks be to God.  
The six and twentieth, here arrived a Flemish ship of a thousand tons from Holland, called the Flushing. At the Island Mayo the Company had mutined against the Captain, and had murdered him in his cabin, but that it pleased God a Scotchman revealed the matter, even when they were armed to the exploit, so that they were taken betwixt the decks with their weapons about them. In this ship were diverse English and Scottish soldiers. She stayed not here, but towards evening set sail for jaccatra.  
The seven and twentieth, I went ashore to hasten the Merchants, diverse of our Company being at this present fallen sick. Our ship had now her full lading in.  
The first of February, the Darling was enforced to return hither, and order by common council was taken, both for her goods and present sending to Socadanna, and after to Patane and Siam.  
The thirteenth day, we got out of the straits of Sunda. Note that in the Strait of Sunda, the Tides set twelve hours to the Eastward, which is flood, and twelve hours to the Westward, which is ebb.  
The sixteenth of May 1614 we came to an anchor in the Bay of Saldania, where we found the Concord of London, being the first that was set out for the joint stock. We found the Naturals of this place very treacherous at the present, making signs unto us of the forcible carrying away of two of their people. They had wounded one of the Concord's men very sore; and whilst we were up in the Land, they did assault those that kept our Skiffe, carried away our Grapnel, and had spoiled those that were left to tend her, but that they took the water.  
The nineteenth, here arrived a Flemish ship bound for Bantam, the Master, Cornelis Van Harte. We remained here three and twenty days, and having well refreshed ourselves, took with us fourteen Oxen and seventy sheep alive, besides good store of Fish and Beef, 
The Beef of Saldania taketh salt well.  which we powdered there, finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days after our departing from Saldania, we had the wind at Northwest, and West Northwest, but then came to South-west, so that we might go our course Northwest.  
The seven and twentieth of September, we arrived, thanks be to God at Plymouth, where for the space of five or six weeks we endured more tempestuous weather, 
September 27. We arrived at Plymouth.  and our lives more endangered, then upon the whole Voyage beside. Since which, having had some spare time, I have collected certain notes (in the journal omitted) and have thought good, to 'cause them here to attend the former Relation.   

§. IX. Intelligence concerning Yedzo, delivered in the City of Edoo in japan, by a japanner, who had been there twice.  
THat Yedzo is an Island, and lieth on the Northwest side of japan, and distant from thence ten leagues: 

Yedzo is an Island.  
Hairy people.   That the people are white, and of good condition, but very hairy all their bodies over like Monkeys. Their weapons are bows and arrows poisoned. The people in the Southermost part thereof do understand weight and measure: whereof within the Land thirty days journey they are ignorant. They have much silver and sand-gold, whereof they make payment to the japanners for Rice, etc. Rice and Cotton cloth of japan, is here well requested. Iron and Lead is brought to them from japan. Necessaries for the belly and back are most vendible to them. Rice transported from japan to Yedzo, hath yielded four for one.  
The Town where the japanners have their chief residence and Mart, is called Matchma, 
Matchma.  therein are five hundred households of japanners, who likewise have a Fort there, the Governor whereof is called Matchmadonna. This Town of Matchma, is the principal Mart Town of all Yedzo, whither the Natives most resort to buy and cell, especially in September, for their provision for winter. In March, they bring down Salmon and dried fish of sundry sorts, and other wares, for which the japanners barter, which the japanners rather desire then silver.  


People of low stature farther to the Northward.  
A current to the East North-east.   The japanners have no settled being or Trade, in any other Town than Matchma. That further to the Northward, upon the same Land, are people of very low stature like Dwarves. That the Yedzoes are people of the stature of the japanners: and have no apparel, but what is brought them from japan. That there setteth a very violent current between Yedzo and japan, which cometh from Corea, and setteth to the East North-east. That the winds are for the most part, as usually they are in japan, viz. That the Northerly winds begin in September, and end in March, and then the Southerly winds begin to blow.    

CHAP. II. Observations of the said Captain JOHN SARIS, of occurrents which happened in the East- Indieses during his abode at Bantam, from October 1605. till Octob. 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandizes of those parts; observed by his own experience, or relation of others, extracted out of his larger Book, and here added as an Appendix to his former greater Voyage; and may serve as a continuation of Master SCOTS premised Relations. To which are added certain Observation of the said Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of principal Trade in those parts of the World.  


Left eighteen men in all viz. five Ma●ine●s, and thirteen Sailor's.  
A Flemish juncke from Pr●aman: ●●wes of Sir E●ward M●chelborne. The danger from our men of war to our Merchants   THe seventh of October 1605. Our General Henry Middleton, and Captain Christopher Coulthurst departed this Road for England. The eight, we killed one of Keygus Varowes Slaves, which would have fired our house.  
The three and twentieth, here arrived a junck of the Flemings from Priaman, by whom we understood of Sir Edward Michelborne and Captain Davis', there being upon the coast, and that they had taken a Guzerate juncke in the straits of Sunda, which came from Bantam, bound to Priaman.  
The five and twentieth, we were commanded to the Court, upon the report the Flemings had made of Sir Edward, where it was demanded whether we knew him, and wherefore he should offer violence to the King's friends, which had done him no wrong. It was answered, we knew a Knight so called, but whether he were upon the Coast or not, we knew not, nor did know the Guzerate to be taken, but by the report of the Flemings, which we held fabulous, and that upon their better considerations, it might prove rather to be one of the Flemings ships, which set sail two days before the departure of the said Guzerate from Bantam. Whereupon we were willed to departed, 
Admiral Verhagen ●et sail for Holland. S●r Edward Michelborne came into the road.  till further proof could be made.  
The six and twentieth, Admiral Vanhangen of Vtricke departed for Holland, with two ships more in company, by whom we advised the Company of all matters at large.  
The nine and twentieth, Sir Edward Michelborne came to anchor here, in the Road of Bantam, Master Towerson and myself went aboard to him, where we had good entertainment: 

Nou. 2. 1605. Sir Edward set sail for the straits of Pallingban. A Flemish Pinnace upon discovery of the Island called Nova ginnea Paul Vansoult set sail. Decem. 2. 1605 A Flemish juncke from Patany.  
General Warwick arrived. januar. 2. 1605. A java juncke set sai●e for Tymore fraughted by Chineses. May 23. 1606. News of the flemings loss of Ternata. The Flemings Pinnace pillaged by the King's Fleet of Bantam. The King's Fleet returned. june 15.  
Nockhoda Tingall from Banda. Mace sold for in Bantam an hundred and fifty Rials, the Bahar four hundred and fifty Ca●tees. The Flemings return from Nova ginnea. August 6. The Moon Eclipsed in Bantam. October 4. The China quarter burnt down.  
The West Friesland beaten from Ternata. A Frigate of the Flemings from Soocadanna. An earthquake in Bantam. December 13. Intelligence given by the junckes of ●ore of eleven sail of Flemings at Mal●acca. May 22. june 5.  
The Flemings discovered the Viceroy of Goa w●th a Fle●t of sixteen sail of ships.   And he did intimate unto us the taking of the Guzerate: we entreated him that he would not take the China junckes, the which he promised us, as he was a Gentleman, he would not.  
The second of November 1605. Sir Edward set sail, directing his course for the straits of Pallingban.  
The thirteenth here arrived a small ship of the Flemings from the Moluccas, called the little Sun.  
The eighteenth, here departed a small Pinnace of the Flemings, for the discovery of the Island called Nova ginnea, which, as it is said, affordeth great store of Gold. The four and twentieth, Vansoult set sail for Choromandell.  
The second of December 1605. here arrived three junckes from Pattanny, they brought news of the great loss the Flemings had had by fire there.  
The seventeenth, General Warwick arrived here from Patanny, where he had taken a very rich Carrack, which came from Mackcan, the greatest part of her lading was raw Silk.  
The second of january 1605. here departed a juncke of this Town, fraughted by Chineses for Temore: their lading or commodities they carried w●s Brand pieces of silver, beaten very thin of an hand-breadth English, Iron, course Purseline, Taffa●●es, China Pans and Bells. The twentieth, arrived a China juncke, which Sir Edward Michelborne had taken, and restitution was demanded of us, the Governor and principal Courti●rs being very much offended, but by the Admiral and Sabandar were pacified. The Nockhoda of the juncke alleged many rich parcels taken.  
The three and twentieth of May 1606. here arrived a small Frigate of the Flemings from Ternate, and brought away their Merchants, which had been left there by Bastianson. The Spaniard had taken away all they had, but gave every man his liberty. They carried the King of Ternate for the Mannelyes, and as it was reported, they purposed to sand him for Spain. Some ten leagues from jackatra, this Flemish Frigate chance● to meet with the King of Bantams Fleet, which pillaged them of all which they had saved from the Spaniards. The Flemings laboured to get restitution, but could get none of the javanes.  
The nine and twentieth, the King's Fleet returned, having done vere little against their enemies the Pallingbanes.  
The fifteenth of june, here arrived Nockhoda Tingall a Cling-man from Banda, in a java juncke, laden with Mace and Nutmegs, the which he sold here to the Guzerats for an hundred and fifty Rials of eight the Bahar Bantam, which is four hundred and fifty Cattees: he told me that the Flemings Pinnace which went upon discovery for Nova Ginny, was returned to Banda, having found the Island: but in sending their men on shore to entreat of Trade, there were nine of them killed by the Heathens, which are man-eaters; so they were constrained to return, finding no good to be done there.  
The sixth of August, the Moon was Eclipsed about eight of the clock in the evening, continuing for the space of two hours, the Chinese and javanies beating of Pan's and Mortars during her obscurie, in such manner, as you would think there were no hell but there, and crying out the Moon was dead.  
The fourth of October, 1606. the China quarter was all burnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve Ours. The same night, the Carrack of the Flemings set sail for Holland, her lading was fifteen thousand sacks of Pepper, some raw Silk, and great store of China Sugar.  
The fifth, the West Friesland arrived here from Ternata, whence she was beaten by the Spaniards: she was not above half laden with Mace, Cloves, and Cotton-yarne.  
The ninth, here arrived a small Frigate from Soocadanna, the Merchant was Claes Simonson, his lading was Wax, Caulacca, and great store of Diamonds. The thirteenth, about midnight we had an Earthquake, it continued not long, but for the time it was very fearful.  
The thirteenth of December, here arrived two junkes of the Flemings from Io●, by whom we understood, that there was a Fleet of Flemings, being eleven ships before Mallacca. The Commander whereof was Mattele●fe the younger. The ships names were as followeth: The Orangia Admiral, Amsterdam Vice-admiral, Midleburgh, Mauritius, Erasmus, Great Sun, Little Son, Nassaw, Provincies, White Lion, Black Lyon.  
The twenty two of May, they came to an anchor before Mallacca with nine ships: for their Admiral before their coming thither, had sent the Provincies and the Erasmus for Achen.  
The fifth of june, they landed their men, but a little before their landing, the Portugals set fire of one Carrack and four juncks which were in the Road. In july, the Provincies and Erasmus came to the Fleet at Mallacca. The twenty fifth of August, the Viceroy with a Fleet of sixteen great ships, were discovered by the Little Sun, which was appointed to keep watch at an Island called Cape Rochado, who immediately came and certified their Admiral, finding him very much unprovided, his Ordnance and men being ashore. But by the portugals calling of a Council, they gave the Flemings twenty four hours' time, to get his men and furniture aboard, and to fit himself before he came to them. Thus being ready, the Flemings weighed, and stood out of the Harbour to them, 

The Flemings stand out o● the road, and meet with the Viceroy, where they perform a good fight.  
Three Portugal ships burnt by the Flem. and three by themselves. The ●lem. finds the Viceroy at the Nicubars, but they were so strong ashore, as they could not deal with them.  
Matele●fe departed for the Molluscan.  
julius and five ●lem. more put to death at Bemermassen. A ship called the Great Sun arrived from Choromandel. The places where the Flemings hath left Factors upon the coast of Chor●mandell. The latitude of the Country. In the Month of May much wind.  
A Flem. from S. Lucia upon the Island of Madagascar. Capt▪ Middleton arrived in the Consent of Londo●.  
Mattel●●fe arriu●d ●rom the coast of ●hina.   where they began a good fight, which continued two nights and one day: in which fight was burned the ship Middleburgh, the Nassaw, and three Portugal ships. The Orang●a having sprung a great leak, was fain to put into jor, the King being their great friend and assistant, the Fleet following him, where he remained one month, and then set sail for Mallacca again, where he met with six ships of the Portugals, of the which the Flemings burned three, and the Portugals themselves burnt three. From thence they departed for the Nicubars, where they found the Viceroy with seven ships, but they were haled so close ashore, that they durst not deal with them.  
The twentieth, he arrived here with six ships. The twenty ninth, he departed for the Moluccas.  
The fourteenth of May, 1607. here arrived a Malaia junke from Grese, by whom we understood, that julius a Fleming, and five more, which departed this Road the thirtieth of November, 1606. for Soocadanna, was put to death at Bemermassen, and all their goods taken by the King of that place, the occasion (as it is reported) proceeded from the Fleming, who had used certain foul speeches of the King, which he came to the hearing of, and thereupon sent for the Merchant and Master, and by the way gave order to kill them.  
The seventeenth of August, here arrived the Great Sun from Choromandell, the Captain Peter Isaacson, by whom we understood, that upon the Island of Selon, they took a very great ship of the Portugals, out of whom they had eighty Packs several sorts of cloth, eight hundred Bades of Sugar bound for Malacca. Item, that in the road of Masulipatan, where their Factory lieth, they took a Portugal ship very richly laden with all sorts of Commodities fit for that Coast, which was greatly for their benefit, for that they were ignorant what Commodities were most vendible there: her lading was Cloves, Mace, Nutmegs, China Taffetas, Velvets and Dammasks of the brightest colours, but no white, China Porseline fine and course, but your great Basins with brims are the best. Item, the Fleming hath Factories in three several places upon that Coast, but not fare the one from the other, viz. At Masulipatan, at Pettapoli, and Balligat. Mesulipatan lieth in the latitude of seventeen degrees. It is a place of great plenty of victuals, thirty two Hens for a Rial, two sheep for a Rial, an Ox for a Rial. Item, in the month of May, the wind at West, it is so extreme hot there, that you would think the wind would take away your breath, yet can you not by any means sweated till the Sun be down, and then you shall sweated very much: wherefore in this Month they go not abroad in the day time, but in the night, for there have been many smothered.  
The seventh, here arrived a small Pinnace from an Island called S. Lucia, in the latitude of twenty four degrees and an half, about a mile from the Island of Madagascar, where they were forced in by a leak in the Carrack, which departed from hence the fourth of October, 1606. they were foced to throw away three thousand sacks of Pepper, besides other Commodities to great value. They reported unto us, that it is a very good place to refresh in. The people have no knowledge of Coin: they bought a fat Ox for a Tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of Brass: it is hard ground, and very good riding in seven and eight fathom. The foureteenth of November, 1607. Captain David Middleton arrived here in the Consent of London.  
The seventeenth, the Flemish Admiral Matteleefe arrived here from the Coast of China, wh●r● he hoped to have gotten Trade, but could not: he proffered them at Canton an hundred thous●nd Rials of eight for a gift only, but they would not accept it; he was there in great danger ●f ●a●ing, by six Carracks which came out of Maccau of purpose for him: they made him cast off his Pinnace, the which the Portugals took. He touched at Camboya and Pahang, but bought nothing but victuals.  
The seventeenth of December, 1607. here arrived the Gelderland from Holland. They came between S. Laurence and the main: 
The ship Gelderland from Holland.  their first place of refreshment was at Mayot, one of the Lands of Gomorrah, where they set up a fine Pinnace. It is a good harbour, but there is little cattle to be had. From thence to Calicut, where in their way they took a small Boat of Meeca, laden with Rice and people of diverse Nations. The Town of Calicut lieth by the Seaside, and is thought to be five English miles long. The Sambrin which is their King, came down unto them, he was very rich in apparel, having a Crown of Gold over his Turban, a naked Sword in his hand, which is the manner there, he gave the Flemings good words, offering to let them leave a Factory there: but they durst not trust him, the Portugal being so great with him.  
The twenty seventh, here arrived Admiral Paulus van Carle, with seven very good ships, and one Portugal Frigate. 
Admiral Paulus van Carle with 7. ships.  They refreshed at Cape de Lope Gonsaluo, which lieth upon the Coast of Guinea, where they found very good water and fish; they continued here six weeks, having the wind at Southeast by East. From hence to an Island called Annabon, upon the same Coast.  
The thirtieth of March, Stilo novo, we (say they) came to anchor in the road of Mosambique, letting fall our anchor in eighteen fathoms, 
The Flem. assault the Castle of Mosamb●que.  the Castle shooting very hotly at us, but we answered them not again, but made all the speed we could aboard of two great Guzerate ships and a Frigate which ride hard by us, laden with Calicoes, course blue cloth with white spots, and some with read spots, the which for the most part we took out, and set the great ships on fire, but the Frigate we kept. The 〈◊〉 one, we m●stred our men, finding nine hundred ninety five, all well and in perfect health  
The first of April, we landed seven hundred men, and seven pieces of Artillery, viz. eight Demy-Cannons of Brass, two Demy-Culuerings of Iron, and battered upon the Castle, but to little purpose: wherefore we brought our tren●●es so near the enemy, as we could heave stones into them. And the same night we began to make our mine, but there fell so much rain, that we were constrained to give it over. Here they heaved fire-pots down from the walls upon us, which scalded our men very much, and perceiving hereof, sallied out upon us, to our great detriment. Thus having been here six weeks ashore, our men being hurt and sick, we brought our Ordnance and men aboard, having lost in all forty men, we set sail out of the Road, 
Forty Flem. slain.  the Castle shooting very hotly at us, so that they sunk the stern Mast of our Fleet, which was a very tall ship: and other of our ships had thirty shot through their sails and hull. The Gunner was an Englishman.  
From hence we went for Mayotto, which is one of the Lands of Gomorrah, to refresh our men. Here we bought six hundred twenty Oxen, thirty five Sheep, and Goats, 
Mayot a good place to refresh at.  to the great comfort of us. These people have knowledge of Coin, and would deal with us for no Commodity but Rials. The King made a decree, that no man should cell us any Cattles, until the Kings were sold, the which he would not cell us under three Rials of eight the piece; but his people's cattles we bought for a Rial of eight the piece, but sheep and Goats cheaper. Here we mustered our men again, having been here six weeks, & found ourselves nine hundred & forty strong: wherefore it was determined to go again for Mosambique, to assault the Castle once again. But coming into the Road, we found three Carracks riding there, which were newly come from Portugal, whereupon it was held best, not to go in again, but to ply off and on, to see if they would come forth; but they did not, wherefore we stood away alongst the shore some thirty leagues of the land for Goa: where at a Town called Seperdowne, 
Seperdowne a good place to refresh at.  we landed all the Guzerats which we had out of the ships at Mosambique. At this place is good refreshing and cheap, twenty hens for a Rial, one hundred and fifty Eggs for a shilling, and as much fresh fish as would serve all the ships company for a day, for a Rial of eight. It lieth in eighteen degrees to the North of the line, and is not far from Chaul: we rid in seven fathoms clay ground. The people are Moors, and great enemies to the Portugals: it affords no Merchandise but a little Pepper. From hence hard by the Lands of Commodo to the North of Goa seven leagues, 
A Carrack taken hard by the Lands of Commodo.  we took a Carrack which was come from Lisbon, her lading was most Rials of eight, currant Spanish coin; all which we took out, and set her on fire. The Captain we took with us, his name was jeronymus Telbalditto. At Goa we remained a Month at anchor, hoping to have met with the Carrackes which we had seen at Mosambique, but they came not: wherefore we set sail, and went for Calicut, purposing to have spoken with the Sambarine, but by reason of ten Galleys, 
Ten Galleys in the Road of Calicut of the Portugals. The Flem. give the Sambrine of Calicut a Present.  which were come from Goa and lay there, we went not ashore, fearing some Treason. We sent him a Present, which was two pieces of Iron Ordnance, and one piece of Brass, we sent our Cask ashore to fill with water, but we could found none that we durst drink. From hence we shaped our course for Cape Commerin to look for water, but could get none: wherefore we directed our course for the straits of Mallacca, but finding the winds and Current contrary, we came directly for Bantam, having been out of Holland twenty one Months and an half.  
The thirty one of December, he departed this Road with seven ships, and one Frigate to spend some time in the straits of Mallacca, in hope to have met with the Mackaw ships, 
Paulus van Carl● set sail for the straits of Mallacca. Paulus van Carl● returned. Mattaleefe set sail for Holland.  but could not.  
The fourth of january, 1607. he arrived in the Road here, leaving his ships riding at Poolo Tindoo. The fifth, he departed hence for the Molluccas.  
The eighteenth, Admiral Matteleefe the younger▪ set sail for Holland: his lading was twelve thousand sacks of Pepper, four hundred sacks of Nutmegs, Sugar, Ebony wood, and some raw Silk.  
This year, 1608. arrived here many junkes of China, and other places, which I forbear to mention.  
The nineteenth of August, arrived a Flemish ship called the Erasmus from Amboyna, 
A Flem. ship from Amboyna.  having in her some seven hundred Bahars of Cloves, which she laded at Hitto.  
The first of September, arrived a small Pinnace of the Flemings from Mackian, by whom we understood of two ships called the China and the Dove were cast away, 
A Flem. Pinnace from Mackian.  riding at anchor afore Mackian, with very little wind at West, which makes such a Sea, that it is not possible for ships to ride there, by reason it is foul ground, and very deep water, as seventy and eighty fathoms. Item, that they had taken Mackian and Taffasal without the loss of a man, 
Mackian and Taffasall taken without loss of one man. A Flem. Pinnace for Soocadanna.  and had left in each place, one hundred and twenty Fleming's: in like manner they had strengthened the Castle at Malayo.  
The tenth, departed a Pinnace of the Flemings for Soocadanna, to fetch away the Merchants whom they heard could get in no part of their debts, left there by Claws Simonson, and that they were very sick▪  


A Flemish ship from Banda.  
The Hay from Choromandell. The Dragon from Priaman. A Present given the King of Bantam. The Governor and his jerotooles killed. A Flem. Pinnace from Soocadanna.  
Five sail of Flem. bound for Holland. A Flem. Pinnace from Malacca.   The three and twentieth, arrived the ship Zealand from Banda, half laden with Mace and Nutmegs, her burden was an hundred and fifty last. The five and twentieth, arrived the Hay from Choromandell, her lading was diverse sorts of Mallayo cloth, and cloth Cherra java.  
The second of October, arrived the Dragon from Priaman, wherein was General William Keeling. The seventh, the General went up to the Court, and delivered the King our King's Letter, with a Present, which was five Pieces, one Basin and Ewer, one Barrel of powder.  
The thirteenth in the morning very early, the Governor and his jerotoolies were killed by the Pungavas, the Sabandar, Admiral, Key depatty Vtennagarra, etc. who assembled themselves over night at Keymas Patties house, and beset the Court, first laying hold of the King and his Mother; and then they ran into the Governors' Court, thinking to have found him in the bed, but he was on the backside his bed, where they found him, and wounded him first on the head, whereupon he fled to the Priest, called Keyfinkkey, who came forth and entreated them for his life, but they would not be persuaded, but perforce ran in, and made an end of him.  
The eighteenth, arrived the Flemings Pinnace from Soocodanna, and brought away their Merchants, leaving the Country much indebted unto them.  
The sixth of November, set sail the Vice-admiral of Paulus van Carle, with five sail for Holland: their lading was Cloves, Mace, Nutmegs, Pepper and Diamonds. The eighth, arrived a small Pinnace of the Flemings from Malacca, by whom we understood of thirteen sail of ships which rid there, and that in their Voyage they had taken two Carrackes.  


A Pinnace of the Flemings, for Soocadanna. W. Keeling ●et sail for England.  
He returned back.  
He departed. He returned meeting with the Hector in the straits. A Flem. from Holland which had met with two English ships in 32. de. to the North of the Cape of Cop Premeros. A Flem. Pinnace set sail for Mallacca. The Dragon for England.  
The Hector for Banda.  
Two ships and a Pinnace from Choromandell. Three Flem.. ships for Banda. A Fleet from Holland, being twelve sail. Seven Flem. for the Molluc.   The ninth of November, 1608. Samuel Plummer departed this Road for Soocadanna, to remain there.  
The fourth of December, being Sunday in the afternoon our General William Keeling departed this Road for England in the Dragon. The sixth, he was forced back by foul weather and West-winds. The tenth, he departed from the West point. The thirteenth, he returned having met with the Hector in the straits of Sonda. They were very weak, their men for the most part touched with the Scurvy. The portugals of Damas' had betrayed their Boats at Surat, taken nineteen of their men, and nine thousand Rials in Cloth as it cost there. Item, as they came for Bantam, they took a small Frigate of Collumba, out of which they took eleven packs of Cloth, containing in all eighty three Clotheses, thirteen pieces pouling, which were sent for the Lands of Banda.  
The sixteenth of December, arrived a small ship from Holland, by whom we understood of two ships which they met withal to the North of the Cape Bona Speransa in thirty two degrees. They made them to be English ships, but whether they were bound they were not certain, but the smaller ship bore the Flag in the main-top. This ship had been on her Voyage eight months and ten days, they refreshed at one of the Lands of Comora, called Pulo Lamone, where they had great store of Beefs and Goat's for old Knives and Tin Spoons.  
The two and twentieth, she set sail for Mallacca, to their fleet which lay there, to will them to give over their siege.  
The three and twentieth, departed the Dragon for England: Captain, Gabriel Towerson.  
The first of january, 1608. our General William Keeling set sail in the Hector for the Lands of Banda.  
The seventh, arrived two ships and a Pinnace of the Flemings from Choromandell, laden with Cloth the which some part they had taken, and the rest bought. They had taken five prizes, one a Carrack at Mosambique.  
The fifteenth of january, 1608. departed the great Sun, and the two ships which came from Choromandell.  
The third of February, arrived Admiral Willamson Verhoofe with twelve sail of good ships from Mallaca.  
The fourteenth, the Admiral with seven ships departed for the Molluccoes.  
The ninth of March, the Flemings caused a meeting at the Court of all the Pungavas, To tell the King that they had received Letters from their King, which did make mention of peace between them and the portugals. 
A meeting at the Court by the Flem. procurement.  Wherhfore they thought good to certify so much unto them, To this end that if the portugals should come thither under colour to trade with them, and so set upon them for their Country, they could not take their parts as aforetime they could have done, by reason the King of Holland and Portugal were friends. Where at the javans fell all into a great laughter, smoking them, that their pretence was to strike fear into them of the Portugal, doubting the King would if they came, give them peaceable Trade, which would be the overthrow of the Flemings. The Governor gave them no answer, but willed them to take their course.  

Our House escaped burning I was sent for to the Court.  The twentieth, It pleased God to deliver us from a great danger, for a Chineses house next unto our Warehouse took fire and was burnt down, but ours escaped.  
The one and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court by Pangran Areaumgalla the Governor. I went and carried with me a Present which was one Piece, one Mallee Goobaer, one piece Morey, one piece Mallayo Pintado, one Bandaleere, one roll of Match, the which he accepted very kindly, he told me he had sent for me, hearing that there were two men in chains in our house for debt, and he would know by whose order I kept them. I told him by the order of the King we had taken them up, and hoped that he would not take them from me before I were satisfied my debt, or some part, and that it was due by them, I shown their Bills: he said, he thought they were indebted, but that the King gave us leave to chain them up, he knew to the contrary, wherefore he would have them loosed, but with much entreaty, I persuaded that he gave me leave to keep them till Tanyomge, which aught four hundred twenty Rials & a half, should pay one hundred, and Bungoone which aught five hundred Rials, & one hundred sacks of Pepper, should pay twenty bags of Pepper, and one hundred Rials in money, according as he had before agreed and given me his Bill. Wherhfore he sent one of his slaves home with me to tell the Prisoners thereof, willing them to resolve and pay me.  
The four and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court, and the Flemings: he demanded of the Fleming whether it was their Country manner to take up a man for debt without telling of the King, the Fleming said no, whereupon he willed me presently to let them out, 
The Governors' order. I was sent for to the Court, and willed to deliver the Chineses up.  clean forgetting his promise three days before, the which I charged him with, but all would not prevail; wherefore he sent one of the King's slaves and took them out of the house. The which strict course I hold to be taken against us, by the instigation of the Flemings, wrought by Lackmoye, to the end we should not trust the Chinese: so that by this course they must needs come to him, & he being fitted with all sorts of Commodities from the Fleming, will wholly overthrew our Trade, in respect we cannot trust but at hazard, for there is no justice to be had.  
The three and twentieth of April, 1609. here arrived a small Pinnace of the Flemings from Soocadanna and Ternata: 
A Pinnace of the Flemings from Soocadana A Pinnace of the Flemings for Bemermassin.  by whom we understood that Admiral Paul's Vankerle was taken at Ternata.  
The one and twentieth of May, 1609. A Pinnace of the Flemings set sail for Bemermassin, upon a league made between them. And with purpose to search every Creek and corner of the Island. For they have heard there is much Gold there and Bezoar's, the which is to be traded for with Beads and other Haberdasher-ware.  
The six and twentieth of August, 1609. arrived Captain William Keeling from Banda, having laden there twelve thousand four hundred eighty four Cattees one half quarter of Mace, fifty nine thousand, eight hundred forty six Cattees of Nutmegs, which stood them in nine, ten and eleven Rials the Bahar, the Cattee there weighing thirteen and an half of our English Ounces. The small Bahar Mace is ten Cattees, or one hundred Cattees of Nutmegs: & the great Bahar is one hundred Cattees of Mace, or one thousand Cattees of Nutmegs: so that if a man be indebted unto you ten Cattees of Mace, and will give you one hundred Cattees of Nutmegs you cannot refuse it.  
The fourth of October, 1609. Captain Keeling set sail from Bantam, having taken in the rest of his lading, which was four thousand nine hundred bags, three Cattees of Pepper, 
The Hector set sail from Bantam.  in the which ship called the Hector. I came for England having been in the Country four years, nine months, eleven days.  

Certain Rules for the choice of sundry Drugs, as also from whence they may be had, as followeth.  
LIgnum Aloes, is a wood so called by us, but of the Mallayens, it is called Garroo. The best cometh from Mallacka, Syam, and Cambaya. 
Also from Sumatra, Potannie, Cauchauchene.  The best is that which is in large round sticks and very massy, of black colour intermixed with Ashe-coloured veins. In taste somewhat bitter and odoriferous, and being burnt, it becometh like unto Pitch in bubbles. If a splinter thereof be laid upon a fire-coale, for if it be good, it will not leave frying till it be quite consumed, casting forth a most delectable Odour.  
Benjamin, is a Gum called by the Mallayens Minnian. The best sort cometh from Syam, which is very pure, clear and white, with little streaks of Amber colour. 
Burrowse yields Tyurall, called in English Buris, worth there a Rial the Cattee, and here ten shillings the pound, it is kept in Grease.  The other sort which is not altogether so white, but is also very good, cometh from Sumatra. And a third sort which cometh from Priaman and Barrowse, is very course like Horsebread, not vendible in England, but well esteemed in Bantam.  
Civet, the best is that which is of a deep yellow colour somewhat inclining to the colour of Gold, not whitish, for that is usually sophisticated with Grease, yet if it be newly taken, it is naturally whitish, and will in continuance of time become of a yellowish colour.  
Musk, there are three sorts, black, brown and yellow, of which the first is naught, the second is good, the last best: which aught to be of colour like the best Spicknard, that is, of a deep Amber colour, enclosed with one only skin, and not one over another, as it is oftentimes to be seen, not over-moist which maketh it weighty, but in a mean, having some hairs like bristles, but not overmany, clear of stones, lead, or other trash intermixed, and of so strong and fragrant a smell, that to many it is offensive, and being tasted in the mouth, it pierceth the very brain with the scent, and aught not oversoone to dissolve in the mouth, nor yet to remain very long undissolued in any hand, it must not be kept near to any sweet Spices, lest it loose the sent.  
Bezoar, there are here of two kinds, the one brought from the West, the other from the East- Indieses, whereof the East- India Bezoar is worth double the price of the other. The forms of ●oth are diverse, some round, others long like Date-stones, others like Pigeons Eggs, some like the Kidneys of a young Goat, and others in form of a Chestnut, but all for the most part are ●l●nt at the ends, not picked, and no less variety is also to be seen in the colours, for some are of light red, 
〈…〉 I●sula ●as vacas, which is a● the 〈◊〉 into Cambaya.  others of colour like Honey, many of a dark Ash-colour like that of the Civetcat, but for the most part of a waterish-greene. The East- India Bezoar's consist of many peelings and scales, as it were artificially compacted together, in manner of the skins and peeles of an Onion, each enclosing other, bright and splendent, as if they were polished by Art, the one peeling being broke off, the next is more splendent or brighter than the former, these peelings are some thick, some thin, according to the largeness of the stones, and the larger the stone is, the better for sale. This is a certain way to make trial of Bezoar's; take the direct weight of the stone, than put him into water, and let it stand for the space of four hours, then see if he be not cracked, wipe it dry, and weigh it again, if it weigh never so small a matter more than he did at the first, then build upon it, it is not good. Thus have I proved myself many times in Bantam, and have had diverse turn to Chalk with a little stick in the middle, which hath weighed a Tail java, which is two Ounces. The most Counterfeits come from Soocodanna, which is upon Burneo. These names in the Margin, are the places from whence they may be had.  
Amber, there is hereof, if you regard the colour, many sorts, as black, white, brown, and grey, of all which the black is usually the basest, and the grey the best, of which choose what is best cleansed from filth or dross, pure of itself, of colour inclining to a white, and of an Ash-colour intermixed with veins, some Ash-colour, other whitish, being put into a bowl of water, it aught to float aloft. The which, although some which is sophisticated may do, yet this is 〈◊〉, that none which is pure will sink in the water. The greatest quantity cometh from Mosambique and Sofala.   

Of all the chief and principal Towns for Trade in these parts, with their several names and situations, and also what commodities they do afford, and what is there desired.  
BAntam, a Town situate in the Island of java Maior, standeth in the latitude of six degrees to the South of the Equinoctial, and hath three degrees variation West. To this place is great resort of diverse Nations, in sundry sorts of commodities. For of itself it affordeth little but victuals, Cotton wool and Pepper, whereof the quantity may be at a harvest (which is in the month of October) some thirty or thirty two thousand sacks, each sack containing forty nine Cattees and an half China, 
The java Alphabet is twen●●●etters the 〈◊〉 is four and ●en●. Ba●●r Ba●tam: Cool●c● of Ba●a●.  and each Cattee twenty one Rials and an half English, a sack is called a Timbang, and two Timbanges is one Peecull, three Peeculls is a small Bahar, and four Peeculls and an half a great Bahar, which is four hundred forty five Cattees and an half. Item, there is a Coolack, by the which the javanes most commonly deal, because they are not very perfect in the use of the Beam; it containeth seven Cattees and a quarter, and seven Coolackes is a Timbang (water measure) the which is one Cattee and a quarter, greater than the Beam (there should be no difference, but that the weigher, which is always a Chinesa, doth give his Countrymen leave to get) for according as he favours, he can fit them with a great or a small measure, at his pleasure. 

Deceit in the weigher. junckes from Coeringin and janby.  
In the fine of janury three ships may found lading of Pepper in Ba●tam. China Cashes. The best Cashes in Bantam called Chuchuck java.   Item, there cometh in the months of December and january to this place, many junckes and Prawes laden with Pepper from Cherringin and jauby, so that in the fine of january there is always Pepper sufficient to lad three good ships. Item, the King hath no Coin of his own, but what cometh from China, which is called Cashes, and is made of the dross of Lead, it is round and thin, with holes to string them on, a thousand Cashes upon a string, called a Pecoo, which is of diverse values, according as Cashes rise or fall, wherewith they know how to make their accounts, which is as followeth: ten Pecooes is a Laxsau, ten Laxsaves is a Cattee, ten Ca●tees is an Vta, ten Vtaes is a Bahar.  
Item, you are to understand, there are two manner of ways of the stringing of Cashes; the one called Chuchuck China, the other Chuchuck java, of which the java is the best, for there should be two hundred Cashes upon a Tack, but for the China Tacks you shall found but an hundred and sixty, or an hundred and seventy: five Tacks should make a Pecoo; so that you loose two hundred Cashes upon a Pecoo, or an hundred and fifty, which will rise to a great matter, if you deal for much; 
Basse called allowance upon Cashes. Profit to be made in engrossing of Cashes.  but by the law of the Country they are to be just a thousand Cashes upon a string, or to give Basse, which is allowance.  
Item, upon the departing of the junckes, you shall buy thirty four and thirty five Pecooes for a Rial, which before the next year you may cell for twenty two and twenty for a Rial, so that there is great profit to be made, but the danger of fire is great.  
Item, the weight used to weigh Bezoar's, Civit and gold, is called a Tail, which is two Rials of eight and a quarter, or two ounces, English. Item, 
The weight used in weighing of Bezoar's, Civit and Gold, with the content of their several Tailor, English commodities vendible in Bantam.  a Mallaya Taile is one Rial of eight and a half, or one ounce and one third part English. Item, a Tail China is 1 7/20 rial of eight, or one ounce and one fift part English, so that ten Tails China is six Tails java, exactly. Item, the English commodities vendible here, are as followeth: English Iron, long and thin bars, six Rials the Peecull: Led, in small pigs, for five and twenty or six and twenty pieces, five Rials and a half the Peecull: Powder, fine round cornd, the barrel five and twenty Rials: Pieces square, sanguined, the piece ten Rials, of six foot long: Pieces square, damasked all over, fifteen Rials, of six foot long and a half: Broadcloth of ten pound the Cloth, of colour Venice read, a Gasse, which is three quarters of a yard, three Rials of eight: Opium Misseree, which is the best, eight Rials the Cattee: Amber, in great beads, one Wamg and a half Tail Mallaya, six Rials of eight: Coral, in large branches, five and six Rials, the weight of the Tail Mallaya: Rials of eight, the principallest commodities you can carry.  
Item, in the Months of February and March, here cometh three or four junckes from China, very richly laden with Silks raw and wrought, China Cashes, Purseline, 
February and March, the time of the coming of the China junckes for Bantam, and what commodities they are laden wi●h.  Cotton cloth of diverse fashions and prices, as followeth, viz. Raw-silke of Lamking, which is the best, an hundred and ninety Rials the Peecull: Raw-silke of Canton, which is courser, eighty Rials the Peecull: Taffeta in bolts, an hundred and twelve yards the piece, forty six Rials the Courge, twenty pieces: Velvets all colours, thirteen yards the piece, twelve Rials the piece: Damask all colours, twelve yards the piece, six Rials the piece; white Satins, twelve yards long the pieces, eight Rials: Burgones, ten yards long the piece, forty five Rials the Courge: Sleve-silke, the best made colours, three Rials the Cattee: Musk the best, two and twenty Rials the Cattee: Sewing Gold the best, fifteen knots, every knot thirty strings, one Rial: Velvet Hang embroidered with gold, eighteen Rials▪ upon Satins, fourteen Rials: white Curtain stuffs, nine yards the pieces, fifty Rials the Courge; white Damask Flat, nine yards the pieces, four Rials: Sugar white the Peecull, three Rials and a half, very dry: Sugar Candy very dry, five Rials the Peecull: Purseline Basins the pieces, two Rials, very broad and fine: calico cloth, course, 
Commodities from China.  white and brown, fifteen Rials the Courge: Course Purseline, Drugs, and diverse other commodities they bring, but because they are not for our Country, I do omit. 
Beniamine, Lignum Aloes to be bought at Bantam.  Beniamine very good and white▪ five and thirty, and thirty Rials the Peecull: Lignum-Aloes, eighty Rials the Peecull: Alum, which is as good as the English, and comes from China, two Rials and a half the Peecull. Choromandell Cloth is a principal commodity here, the most vendible sorts are called Goobares; Pintadoes of four and fi●e covets: Fine Tappies of Saint Thomas, Ballachos, java Girdles, alias Caine-Goolong, calico Lawns, Book Callicos, and Callicos made up in rolls, white. Item, a Goober is double, and containeth twelve yards, 

Commodities vendible in Bantam.  
Content of cloth Chera java, which comes from Choromandell.   or six Hastaes' single. Item, Ballachos, course and fine, containing two and thirty or four and thirty Hastaes', but the finest are always longest.  
Item, the fine Tappyes of Saint Thomas, six Hastaes'. Item, Moorees is a fine sort of cloth, but not very much used here, for it is dear and short, containing sixteen Hastaes', at two Rials and a quarter. Item, Book Callicos, if they be not corted, are two and thirty Hastaes'. Item, all sorts of Mallayan cloth are generally eight Hastaes' long, wherefore it is called, Cherra Mallaya. Item, generally all sorts of Cotton cloth, which is broad, and of good length, 
Generally, Cotton cloth requested in Bantam.  is well requested here.  
Item, calico Lawns, white and read, are two and thirty Hastaes'. Item, a Hasta is half a yard, accounted from your elbow to the top of your middle finger. Item, the King's Customs here, are as followeth: The King's Custom called Chukey, is eight bags upon the hundred bags, rating Pepper at four Rials of eight the sack, what price soever it bears: Billa-billian is, 
Custom. Billa-billian o● Labba, is upon six thousand sacks, six hundred sixty six Rials, and so higher or lower, according to the burden of your ship.  if any ship arrive in the Road, laden with cloth or such like; the King is to be made acquainted therewith, and with the sorts, quantity, and price thereof, before you may landlord any part: then he will sand his Officers, and such sorts, as he likes, he will have at the half of your price, or somewhat above, as you can agreed: for if you prize your cloth at twenty Rials for Corge, he will give you but fifteen or sixteen Rials a Courge: but the Flemings course hath been to give him seven or eight hundred Rials at a time for a ships lading, to clear them of the duty and trouble. But by the custom of the Country, this duty is upon six thousand sacks of Pepper, six hundred sixty six Rials, if you lad Pepper, otherwise to take so many thousand sacks of the King, at half a Rial, or three quarters of a Rial upon a sack, more than the price currant is in the Town.  
Item, if you shall have provided aforehand sufficient lading to dispatch your ships, yet you are to pay for this duty as aforesaid, or else they will not permit you to lad.  
Item, Rooba, Rooba, is a duty for anchorage, and is upon six thousand sacks five hundred Rials of eight. Item, the Sabandars duty is upon six thousand sacks two hundred fifty Rials. 
Rooba.  Item, the Waighers duty is one Rial upon an hundred sacks. Item, the jerotoolis or Waighers belonging to the Customhouse, their duty is one Rial for an hundred sacks.  
jortan, is to the Eastwards of jacatra, it is called Serebaya. It affordeth of itself victuals, 
No custom.  and great store of cotton-wool, and spun yarn. There cometh many junkes from jauby, whose lading is Pepper; also there are small Prawes of the Town, which go to Banda; so that there are some few Mace and Nuts to be had there.  
Mackassar, is an Island not fare from the Celebes. It affordeth great store of Bezoar stones, which may be had reasonably: also Rice and other Victuals great plenty. There are junkes also which trade to Banda, so that a small quantity of Mace and Nuts is there to be had also.  
Balee, is an Island to the East-wards of Mackassar, standing in eight degrees and an half to the South of the Equinoctial. It hath of itself great store of Rice, Cotten-yarne, slaves, and course white Cloth, well requested at Bantam. The commodities for this place are the smallest sort of blue and white beads, Iron and course Purseline.  
Tymore, is an Island which lieth to the Eastward of Baly, in the latitude of ten degrees, forty minutes. This place affordeth great store of Chindanna, by us called, white Saunders; the greatest logs are accounted best, it is worth at Bantam twenty Rials of eight the Peecull, at the coming of the junkes: Wax in great cakes, worth at Bantam eighteen, nineteen, twenty, thirty Rials the Peecul, as the time serves. Item, you must be very careful in the choosing of it, for there is great deceit therein; wherefore you must break it, to see whether it be mingled or not.  
The Commodities which are carried thither, are Chopping-knives, small Bugles, Porseline, coloured Taffetas, but no blacks, China frying-Pannes, China bells, and pieces of silver beaten flat and thin as a wafer, of the breadth of a hand. Item, there is great profit made of this trade, for the Chineses have given to our men which adventured with them thither, four for one.  
Banda lieth in the latitude of five degrees to the Southwards of the Equinoctial. It affordeth great store of Mace and Nutmegs, 
Oil of Mace 4. Rials a quart, at Bantam 5. or 6. Rials a quart  with Oil of both sorts: it hath no King, but is governed by a Sabandar, which joineth with the Sabandars of Nero, and Lentore, Puloway, Pulorin, and Labatacca, Lands near adjoining. These Lands in former times have been under the government of the King of Ternata, but at this present they govern of themselves. Item, on these Lands is harvest thrice a year, viz. in the Month of july, October, and February. But the gathering in july is the greatest, 
Monson Arepootee. From Poolo Swange, alias, the devil's Island comes the foul called Casuarie.  the which is called, the Monson Arepootee.  
Item, the manner of dealing for their price, is as followeth. A small Bahar is ten Cattees Mace, and an hundred Cattees Nuts; & a great Bahar Mace, is an hundred Cattees, and a thousand Cattees Nuts, and a Cattee is five pound, thirteen ounces and an half English, the prices variable.  
Item, the Commodities requested in these Lands, are Choromandel cloth, Cheremallaw, viz. Sarrasses, Pintadoes of five Coveyts, fine Ballachos, black Girdles, Chellyes, white Calicoes, broad cloth Stammel, Gold in coin, viz. Rose-nobles of England and the Low Countries, Royalls of eight. 
Lignum Aloes. Ophion misseree which is soft like wax.  Item, you shall have that there, for seventy Rials in Gold, which will cost you ninety in Rials, China Basins fine large, and without brims, Damasks of light colours, Taffetas, Velvets, China Boxes, or Counters gilded, Gold chains, Plate cups gilded, Head-pieces bright damasked, Pieces for shot, but not many Sword blades brand and backed to the point. Item, Cambaya cloth, Calicoes black and read, calico lawns, etc. Item, Rice is a very good commodity to carry thither.  
The Lands of the Moluccos are five, viz. Molucco, Ternate, Tydore, Gelolo, Mackean, and are under the Equinoctial line. These Lands afford great store of Cloves, not every year, but every three years. The Cattee there is, three pound five ounces English, the Bahar two hundred Cattees. Item, nineteen Cattees Ternata, makes fifty Cattees Bantam exactly.  
The commodities vendible for these places, are Choromandell cloth, Cheremallaw, but fine; and Siam girdles, Salolos, fine Ballachos and Chelleys are best requested. Item, China Taffeta, Velvets, Damask, great Basins, varnished Counters, Broad cloth crimson, Opium and Benjamin, etc.  
Siam, lieth in the latitude of fourteen degrees & a half to the Northward of the Equinoctial. It affords great store of very good Benjamin, and many rich stones, which are brought thither from Pegu. Item, a Tail is two Rials of eight and a quarter. Item, here is much Silver in bullion, which cometh from japan, but Rials of eight are in more request, for two Rials and a quarter in coin, will yield two and an half in bullion. Broad cloth stammel colour, Iron, and fa●re looking glasses are well requested, all manner of China Commodities are there better cheap then at Bantam.  
Item, the Guzerat junkes come to Siam in the months of june and july, touching first at the Maldives, and then at Tenassere, from whence they may go over land to Siam in twenty days. Item, at Tenassere there is always five and an half, and six fathoms water.  
Borneo, lieth in the latitude of three degrees to the South of the Equinoctial. It affordeth great store of Gold, Bezoar stones, Wax, Rotans, Cayulacca, and Sanguis Draconis. Item, at Bemermassin, a Town situated on this Island, is the principallest trade for the Commodities aforesaid. Item, the Commodities requested there, are as followeth, Choromandell cloth of all sorts, China Silks, Damasks, Taffetas, Velvets, all colours but blacks, Broad cloth, Stammel, and Rials of eight. Item, Bezoar stones are there bought by the Tail, which is the weight of one rial and an half of eight, for five or six Rials the Tail, which is one Ounce, and the third part English.  
Soocodanna, is a Town situate upon Borneo,, in the latitude of one degree and an half to the South of the Equinoctial, and is North-east from Bantam one hundred and sixty leagues. There is in the entrance of the harbour five fathoms, and at low water three fathoms, a Falcon short of the shore, Ozie ground.  
To this place is great Trade in junkes and Prawes, for it yields great store of Diamonds, the which are accounted the best in the world. There is store to be had at all times, but specially in the months of january, April, july and October, but the greatest quantity in january and April, at which times they are brought down the River called Laué by Prawes. The manner of getting of them, is as you dive for Pearl. The reason why more quantity is gotten in one Month then in an other is, for that in july and October, there falleth so much rain, that it riseth nine fathoms, which causeth such a stream that they can hardly dive, and in the other months there is but four, or four fathoms and an half, which is held the best depth for their diving.  
Item, Commodities vendible and in request here at Soocodanna, are Mallacca Pintadoes, very fine Sarrassa, Goobares, Pouling, Chera java, calico Lawns, China Silks light colours, sewing Gold, sleeve Silk, Broad cloth, Stammel, all sorts of small Bugles, Bugles which are made in Bantam, of colour blue, and in fashion like a Tun, but of the bigness of a Bean, and cost at Bantam four hundred a Rial of eight, worth at Soocodanna, a Mass the hundred, the Mass being three quarters of a Rial of eight, China Cashes, Rials of eight, but principally Gold, without which you can do little, for you shall have a stone for one Rial in Gold, which you shall not have for a Rial and an half, or a Rial and three quarters in silver.  
Item, you are to understand, that it is the best course when you are bound ●or this place, to go for Bemermassen first, where you may barter the Commodities aforesaid for Gold, which you shall have for three Cattees Cashes the Mallacca Taile, which is nine Rials of eight, as I have been credibly informed, it hath been worth of late years. And bringing it to Soocodanna you shall put it away for Diamonds, at four Cattees Cashes the Tail, which is one and three quarters and half quarter of a Rial in weight, so that you shall gain three quarters of a Rial of eight upon a Tail. But the principal gains must be in the Diamonds.  
Item, you must understand, that there are Diamonds of four waters, which is called Varna, viz. Varna Ambon, Varna Loud, Varna Sackar, Varna Bessee. The first is white, green, yellow, and neither green nor yellow, but a colour between both. But the white water is the best.  
Their Weights are called Sa-Masse, Sa-Copang, Sa-Boosuck, Sa-Pead. Item, four Coopangs is a Mass, two Boosucks is one Copang, and one Pead and an half is a Boosuck. Item, there is a Pahaw which is four Mass, and sixteen Mass is one Tail, and by this weight, they do not only weigh Diamonds, but Gold also.  
Of China wares, raw Silk the best is made at Lanking, and is called Howsa, worth there eighty Rials the Peecul. Taffeta, called Tue, the best made at a small Town called Hocchu worth thirty Rials the Courge. Damask called Town, the best made at Canton, worth fifty Rials the Courge.  
Sewing Silk called Couswa, worth one hundred Rials the Peecull. Embroidered Hang called Poey, the best ten Rials the piece. Sewing Gold called Kimswa, is sold by the Chippau, which is a bundle, each Chippau, containing ten Papers, and in each Paper is five knots sold for three Paws, two Rials of eight, and the best hath thirty six threads in a knot. Satins called Lyn, the best one Rial the piece. Great Basins called Chopau, worth three by the Rial. White Sugar called Petong, the best one half rial the Peecull. Purseline of the small sorts called Poa, the best one Rial the Cattee. Pearl Boxes called Chanab, the best five Rials the piece. Velvets called Tangoiounck of nine yards long, five Rials the piece. Sleeve Silk called jounckes, the best one hundred and fifty Rials Peecull. Musk called Saheo, seven Rials the Cattee. Cashes sixty Pecooes, the Rial.  
Item, Broadcloth called Toloney, Sasocke, which is three quarters of a yard, worth seven Rials of eight. Looking Glasses very large, called Kea, worth ten Rials the piece. Tin called Sea, worth there fifteen Rials the Peecull. Wax called La, fifteen Rials the Peecull, Muskets called Cauching, the Barrel twenty Rials. japon Sables called Samto worth eight Rials the piece. Elephant's teeth the greatest and best two hundred Rials the Peecull, and small, one hundred Rials the Peecull, called Ga: White Saunders called Toawheo: The best in great logs forty Rials the Peecull.  
Item, the Custom of Pepper inwards, as one Tail upon a Peecull, and out-wards no Custom.  
Item, it is very straightly looked into that they carry no munition out of the Land in any sort.  
Item, in the month of March, the junckes bound for the Mannelies, departed from Chauchu in Companies, sometime four, five, ten, or more together, as they are ready.  
Item, there lading out-wards is raw and wrought Silks, but fare better than those which they carry for Bantam.  
Item, between Canton and the Mannelies is ten days sail.  
Item, in the beginning of june they return from the Mannelies, there lading is Rials of eight, and there is not less than forty sail in a year, which are bound thither, there force is nothing, so that you may take them with your ships Boate.  
Item, in this year, 1608. Pepper was worth in China six Tades and an half the Peecull, and at the same time in Bantam worth two and an half Rials the Tinbang.   

A note of requestable Commodities vendible in japan, together with their prices there Current, being Masses, and Canderines', each Canderine containing the 1/1●▪ of a Mass: viz.  
Broad-cloths of all sorts, viz. Blacks, Yellows and Reds, which cost in Holland eight or nine Gilders the Flemish ell, two else three quarters is worth three, four to five hundred. Note that cloth of a high Wool is not requestable, but such as is low shorn most vendible. Fine Bays of the colours aforesaid vendible: not according as the portugals were, but well cottoned.  
Says. Rash's. Bouratts single. Bouratts double: Silk Grogarams. Turkey Grogarams. Chamlets. Divo Gekepert. Weersctynen. Caniant. Gewart Twijne. Velvets. Musk sold in weight against Silver. India cloth of sorts requested. Satins. Taffetas. Damasks. Holland-cloth from fifteen to twenty Stivers the Flemish ell, and not above. Diaper. Damask the better it is wrought with figures or branches. Thread of all colours. Carpets for Tables. Gilded Leather painted, with Pictures and Flowers, the smallest work best. Painted Pictures, they delight in lascivious Stories of Wars by Sea and Land, the larger the better worth, one, two, to three hundred. Quicksilver the hundred Cattees, from three to four hundred.  
Vermilion, the hundred Cattees, worth from three to six hundred. Painting for women's faces, the hundred Cattees twenty eight. Copper in Plates, one hundred twenty five. Flemish weight worth from ninety to an hundred. Led in small Bars, the hundred Cattees worth from sixty to eighty eight. Led in sheets best requested, the thinner the better, one hundred pounds Flemish, to eighty. Tin in logs fine, one hundred and twenty pound, Flemish three hundred and fifty. Iron, twenty five Ounces Holland, worth four. Steel the hundred Cattees, worth from one to two hundred.  
Tapestry. Civet the Cattee, worth from one hundred and fifty to two hundred. China roots the hundred Cattees or Peecull worth forty. China sowing Gold the Paper, three mass, three Powder Sugar of China, the hundred Cattees or Peecull worth forty to fifty. Sugar Candie the Peecul, or one hundred Cattees, worth from fifty to sixty. Velvets of all colours, eight else the piece, worth from one hundred & twenty, to one hundred and thirty. Wrought Velvets like fabric, worth from one hundred & eighty to two hundred. Taffetas all colours, & good Silk worth the piece, from four and twenty, thirty, to forty. Satin of seven or eight else long, the piece worth from eighty to one hundred. Figured Satin, worth from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty. Gazen of seven pikes or else, worth from forty to fifty. Raw Silk the Cattee, of twelve pound Flemish, worth from thirty to forty. Untwisted Silk of eight and twenty pound Flemish, worth from thirty five to forty. Twisted Silk, worth from eight and twenty to forty.  
Drinking Glasses of all sorts. Bottles, Cans and Cups, Trenchers, Platters, Beer Glasses, Salts, Wine Glasses, Bekers gilded, Locking-glasses of the largest sort, Muscovie Glass, much Salt, Writing Table-books, Paper-bookes, Led to neale Pots, Spanish Soap well requested, it is sold for one mass the small Cack. Amber in beads, worth one hundred and forty, to one hundred and sixty. Silk stockings of all colours. Spanish Leather, Neat's Leather, with other sorts of Leather used for Gloves, worth from six, eight, to nine. Candiques of China, worth from fifteen to twenty. Candiques of the same place black, the former being blue, from ten to fifteen. Wax for Candles one hundred pounds Flemish, worth from two hundred, to two hundred and fifty. Hony the Peecull, worth sixty. Samell of Cochinchina, the Peecull, one hundred and eighty. Pepper the Peecull, if there come not much, worth one hundred. Nutmegs the Peecull, twenty five, Campheir of Barous or Borneo, the pound hollaus, from two hundred and fifty to four hundred. Sanders of Solier the Peecull, worth one hundred. Callomback wood good and weighty, the pound worth from one, two, three to five. Sapon, or read wood the Peecull, from twenty to twenty six. Elephant's teeth the greater, the better worth from four, five, six, seven, to eight hundred. Renosceros' horn, the javan Cattee worth thirty. Heart's horns gilded the piece, three, four, or five hundred. Roch Allome esteemed good ware, and enquired after: that which cost but three Gilders, hath been sold for one hundred Gilders, but not every man's money.  
Note, that the Chineses will commonly truck for your Silver, and give you Gold of twenty three Carrackes: from fifteen to twenty the Ounce Silver, but some times there cometh much, and other some times little.   

A Memorial of such Merchandise as are to be bought in japan, and the prices as they are there worth.  
Hemp very good, one hundred Cattees being one hundred and twenty pound Holland, worth from sixty five to seventy. Eye colours for dying blue, almost as good as Indigo, made up in round cakes or pieces, and packed one hundred cakes in a fardel, worth the fardel, fifty to sixty. Dying for white, turning to read colour, made in Farthels or Bales of fifty Gautins Malios worth five to eight. Rice very white and good, cased, worth the Fares, eight, three fifth parts. Rice of a worse sort, the Bale worth seven, three tenth parts.  
At Edo, Saccaio, Osacaio and Meacow, is the best Dying for all sorts of colours whatsoever your desire, viz. Read, Black and Green, and for gilding Gold and Silver, and is better than the Chinese Varnish.  
Brimstone in great abundance, cost the Peecull, seven. Saltpetre dearer in one place then another, worth one and an half. cotton-wool the Peecull, ten.    

CHAP. III. Relation of Master RICHARD COCK'S Cape Merchant, Of what past in the General's absence going to the Emperors Court. Whereunto are added diverse Letters of his and others for the better knowledge of japonian Affairs, and later Occurrents in those parts.  

§. I. The King's care, unreadiness of ours, japonian Saperstitions, strange tempest.  
THe seventh of August, all things being in a readiness, our General in company of Master Adams, 
The old King sent 100 Tai● in japan money for our General to spend on the way, which I put to accounted by our Genera●s order as money lent.  departed from Firando towards the Emperor's Court of japan, and took with him Master Tempest, Peacocke, Master Richard Wickham, Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego Fernando's, john Williams a Tailor, john Head a Cook, Edward Bartan the Surgeon's Mate, john japan jurebasso, Richard Dale, Cox Swaine, and Anthony Far a Sailor, with a Cavaleere of the Kings for Guardian and two of his Servants, and two Servants of M. Adam's. And so they departed in a Bark or Barge of the Kings, which rowed with some twenty Oars on a side, and had thirteen Pieces of Ordnance shot off at departure.  
I went to compliment with the two Kings, (as being sent from the General) to give them thanks for providing so well for him for his journey; they took it kindly. And I verily think the old King took notice of some of our men's evil behaviour this last night. For he willed me to put the Master in mind to look well to them aboard, and that I should have a care on shore, that matters might be as well managed in the General's absence, as when he was here present, otherwise, the shame would be ours, but the dishonour his. Wind a stiff gale at North-east, most part of the day but calm all night.  
The ninth, a japan Boy called juan, came and offered me his service, he speaking good Spanish, ask me nothing but what I pleased, and so to serve nine or ten years, and to go with me for England, if I pleased. I entertained him, the rather, because I did found the juribasso Migell, which Master Adams left with me to be something stubborn, and loved to run abroad at his pleasure, leaving me without any one that could speak a word. I bought him two japan Garments cost me fourteen Master, he is a Christian and most of his Kindred devil at Langasaque: only one dwelleth here, who came with him and passed his word for him. He served a Spaniard three years at Manilias.  
The thirteenth, I shown our commodities to certain Merchants of Maioco, but they bought nothing, only their chief desire was to have had Gunpowder. Semidone went aboard the ship to accompany certain strange Cavaleroes, and afterward he brought them to see the English House. I gave them the best entertainment I could.  
The nineteenth at night, began the great Feast of the Pagans', 
Pagan Feast at Firando, being a kind of Candlemas, Alsoules.  they inviting their dead kindred, banqueting and making merry all night with candlelight at their graves: this Feast endured three days, and as many nights. And very strict command was given from the King, that every house should gravel the street before their doors, and hung out candlelight in the night: in doing whereof I was not slack; and as I was informed, a poor man was put to death, and his house shut up, for disobeying therein. The China Captain furnished me with a couple of paper Lanterns very decent. And I was informed the Kings would ride about the streets, and come to visit me: so I made ready a banquet, and expected them until after midnight, but they came not at all.  
On the twentieth, one and twentieth, and two and twentieth, I sent presents to both the Kings (being informed that it ●as the use of the Country) of Wine and banqueting stuff; as likewise to Nobesane the young King's brother, and to Semidone, the old King's Governor, and Vnagense, which were well accepted. Some Cavaleros' came to visit our house, and received the best entertainment I could give.  
On the three and twentieth, we made an end of landing our Gunpowder, being in all ninety nine barrels, of which I advised the General by letter, to reserve convenient store for ourselves, if he sold the Emperor the rest. We landed diverse other things, which things the Master thought good to sand ashore, 
Looseness of some.  because our men begin to filch and steal, to go to Taverns and Whore-houses. The Purser, Master Melsham and myself, dined at Semydones this day: and the Master and Master Eton were likewise invited, but did not go: he used us kindly.  

End of the great Feast.  This day the great Feast made an end, and three companies of Dancers went up and down the Town with flags or banners, their music being Drums and Pans; at the sound whereof they danced at every great man's door, as also at all their Pagods and Sepulchers.  
The four and twentieth at night, all the streets were hanged with candlelight, for that the young King and his brother, 
Masking and dancing.  with Nabesone, Semydone, and many others went with a Maskarado, or to dance at the old King's house: the young King and his brother were mounted on horseback, and had Canopies carried over them; the rest went on foot, and the music was Drums and Kettles, as aforesaid; and Nabesone wound a Phife: I was informed they meant to visit the English House at their back return: so I sat up until after midnight, having a banquet in readiness, and in the end they returned confusedly, and out of order; so I think there was some discontent, once none of them entered into the English house: Captain Brower went along by the door, but would not look at us, and we made as little account of him.  
The seven and twentieth, we landed other three pieces of Ordnance, viz. all whole Culverin, all which six pieces are Iron Ordnance. The old King came down when they were about it, and seeing but twenty men, offered them seventy or an hundred japans to help them; but very quickly, in his sight, our men got them ashore, which he marvelled at, and said an hundred of his men would not have done it so soon; so he sent for a barrel of wine, and certain fish, and gave it to our people for labouring so lustily.  
The eight and twentieth, I received two letters from our General, by the Governor of Shimon●seke, dated the nineteenth and twentieth of this month, with two other from Master Peacock▪ and Master Wickham: this Governor came not ashore at Ferando, but delivered the Letters aboard to the Master, and so went directly for Langasaque, and promising to return hither shortly. Also I carried a letter to the old King Foin, which the said party brought: Master Melsham and Harnando accompanied me: the King gave a Cattan to Master Melsham, and another with a Spanish Dagger to Harnando, and gave both me and them certain bunches of Garlic, and gave us leave to dry our Gunpowder on the top of the Fortress; offering us of his people to help ours, if they thought good. And I received a land into the English House two and twenty bars of lead, and put into our new lodge and hundred an twenty five Culverin shot, round and langrell. And as we were going to Supper, the old King came and supped with us, being very merry, and took such fare as we had, in good part.  
The first of September, the old King, with all the Nobility, made a Maskerado; and this night following went to visit the young King his Grandchild, 
Septemb. 1. A Mask●.  with music as aforesaid, all the streets being hanged with Lanterns; and I was informed he meant to visit our English House at return: so I made ready for him, and stayed his return till after midnight, but he p●ssed by with the rest of the company, and entered not into the House. I think there was not so few as three thousand persons in company with him, which I make account was the occasion he went by, because he would not trouble us.  
The second, Semydon and others, being appointed by the King, measured all the houses in the street; 
Tax for Forts  our English house being measured amongst the rest: I understand it was for a general task to be paid for making Fortresses by the Emperor's appointment. I entertained them to content.  
The fourth, we had news the Queen of Spain was dead, and the King a Suitor to the Princes Elizabeth of England.  
The sixth, a Cavalero, called Nombosque, came to visit our English House, and brought me a present of two great bottells of wine, and a basket of Pears. I gave him the best entertainment I could, and he departed content.  
The seventh in the morning, much rain, with wind increasing all day and night variable, from the East to the South, and in the night happened such a storm or Tuffon, 
A mighty Tuffon or Tempest, with the strange effects thereof.  that I never saw the like in all my life▪ neither was the like seen in this Country in man's memory, for it overthrew above an hundred houses in Firando, and uncovered many other; namely, the old King's house, and blew down a long wall which compassed the young King's house, and carried away boughs or branches of trees: & the Sea went so high▪ that it undermined a great Wharfe o● Key at the Dutch House, and broke down the stone-wall, and carried away their Stairs, and sunk and broke them two Barks, as also forty or fifty other Barks were broken and sunk in the Road. It broke down our Kitchen wall at the English House, which was newly made, and flowed into our Oven, and broke it down, and blew down the tiles, and uncovered part both of the house and kitchen, and the house did shake, like as if there had been an Earthquake; I never passed night in all my life in such fear, 
Foolish superstitions.  for the barbarous unruly people did run up and down the streets all night with firebrands, that the wind carried great coals quite over the tops of houses, and some houses being carried away, the wind whirled up the fire which was in them, and carried it into the air in great flakes, very fearful to behold; so that the greatest fear I had was that all would have been consumed with fire: and I verily think it had, had it not been for the extreme rain which fell (contrary to the true nature of a Tuffon) being accompanied with lightning and thunder. Our ship road at an anchor with five Cables, and as many Anchors, whereof one old Cable burst, but God be thanked no other hurt done: our long Boat and Skiffe were both driven from the ship, yet both recovered again: And as it is said, it did more hurt at Langasaque then here, for it broke above twenty China junckes, and the Spanish ship which brought the Ambassador from the Manilleas or Philippinas.  
The twelfth, two Merchants of Miaco came to our English house, unto whom I shown all our Commodities; they laid by two broad-cloths, viz. a Stammel and a Black, 
Merchants of Miaco.  the best they could found, and offered seven Tais japan money the yard: also they saw our Priaman Gold, and offered eleven Tais japan plate, for one Tais Gold: but went away without doing any thing. Francis Williams being drunk ashore, did strike one of the old King's men with a cudgel, 
Of many misdemeanours, I permit some to pass the Pr●sse that the cause o● so many deaths in the Indieses, might be found rather to be imputed to their own then the Elements distemper, and for a caveat to others which shall sand, or be sent into Ethnic Regions; yet do I conceal the most and worst.  which gave him no occasion at all, nor spoke a word to him. The man came to the English house and complained, being very angry (and not without cause) giving me to understand, that he would inform the King his Master, how he was misused by our people. He had three or four in Company with him, who did see him abused, and that he which did it, was newly gone aboard the ship. I gave them fair words, and desired them to go aboard, and found out the party, and they should see him punished to their contents; and to that effect, sent Miguell our jurebasso along with them: so they found out the said Williams, who would have denied it, if the matter had not been too manifest; but he stood stiffly against it with oaths; yet the Master caused him to be brought to the Capstaine in their presence, which they seeing, entreated for his pardon, knowing he was drunk, but he was so unruly, that he took up a crow of Iron to have stricken the fellow in presence of the Master, using the Master in very bad terms.  
The thirteenth, I understood, that Foyne the old King of Firando was sick, whereupon I sent Miguel our jurebasso to visit him, and to carry a Present of one great bottle of the General's sweet wine, and two boxes of Conserves, Comfits, and Sugar-bread, offering him my Service, being very sorry to hear of his sickness, and that I would have come myself, but that I knew company was not pleasing to sick men. He took my Present in very good part, and returned me many thanks; wishing me not to let to ask for any thing we had need of, either for the ship, or ashore, and he would give such order, as we should be furnished.  
The foureteenth in the morning betimes, the Master came ashore, and told me that most part of the ships company had lain ashore all night without ask him leave, notwithstanding the great wind which had continued all night, and the ship on ground. So he willed me to let Miguell our jurabasso go along with him to seek them out, which I was content he should do, and would have accompanied him myself, but he was unwilling, telling me it was needless. 
Unruliness of some Manners  But M. Melsham the Purser went along with him, and he found diverse drinking and domineering; he bestowed blows amongst some of them, and notwithstanding the Master had commanded Lambart and Colphax to retire aboard, yet they stayed ashore all day, notwithstanding the great need was aboard about ships business, diverse japans being hired to help them: and Lambart and Colphax being drunk, went into the field and fought, Lambart being hurt in the arm, and remained drunken ashore all night, as Boles did the like, and so had done two or three nights before, and quarrelled with Christopher Euans, about a whore.  
The seventeenth of September, 
September. 17▪ 1613. Bastian the Bawd angry that his 〈◊〉 were disturbed. The King's 〈◊〉.  I was given to understand the Bastian which keepeth the whore-house gave it out, that if I came any more into his house to seek for our people, he would kill me, and such as came with me. Whereupon I went and complained to the young King, because the old was sick: and at my request, the King made Proclamation, that no japanese should receive any of our people into their houses after day light was done, upon great pain, and that it should be lawful for me, or any other that accompanied me to go into any japans house to seek for our men, without any molestation; and that they themselves should aid and assist me: and if the door were not opened at my coming, I might lawfully break them down: and a soldier was sent to Bastian to signify unto him, he should take heed he did not molest or disturb me in my proceed: for if he did, he should be the first that should pay for it. This angered our people in such sort, that some of them gave it out, they would drink in the fields, if they might not be suffered to do it in the Town; for drink they would, although they sought it in the country.  
The six and twentieth, Novasca dona came to visit me at the English house, and brought me two bottles of wine, 
The King's care of good Government.  seven loaves fresh bread, and a dish of flying fish, and as he was with me, the old King came by the door, and said, he met two men in the street as he came along, which he thought were strangers, and none of our people, wherefore he willed that Swanton and our jurebasso might go along with one of his men, and he would show them to them, which they did, and found it was john Lambart and jacob Charke, who were drinking water at a door in the street as he passed by. I was glad the King looked so near after them; for it caused our men to have a better care of their proceed.  
The seven and twentieth, M. William Pauling Master's mate, having been long sick of a consumption, 
Death and burial of W. Pauling.  died at the English house, whereof I advertised the old King by Miguel our jurebasso, desiring a burial place for him among the Christians, which he granted me. So we put the dead corpse into a winding sheet, and coffined it up, letting it rest till morning. Than the Master, and diverse others of the ships company, came to the English house, to accompany the dead corpse to the grave, and then were we given to understand, that of force we must transport it by water, as fare as the Dutch house, 
Bonses superstition, and no less in the people.  only because the Bose (or Priests) would no● suffer us to pass through the street (with the dead corpse) before their Pagod or Temple: so the Master sent for the Skiffe, and conveied the dead body by water to the place aforesaid, we going all ●y land, and met it, and so accompanied it to the place of burial, the Purser going before, and all the rest following after, the coffin being covered with a Holland sheet, and upon that a Silk quilt, we being followed with many of that country people, both young and old. And after the corpse was interred, we returned all to the English house, and there made collation, and so our people returned aboard about ships business. But I had almost forgot to note down, that we had much ado to get any one of these country people to make the grave, that a Christian was to be buried in; neither would they suffer the dead corpse to be conveied by water in any of their boats. The King commanded that all the streets in Firando should be made clean, 
Good obedience.  and channel rows made on either side, to convey away the water, the streets being gravelled, and the channels covered over with flat stones; which work was all done in one day, every one doing it before his own house. It was admirable to see the diligence every one used therein: our house was not the last a doing, the Captain Chinesa (our Landlord) setting men a work to do it.  
The thirtieth, certain Merchants of Miaco came and had sight of all our commodities, and laid out the best Stammel cloth we had, and offered twelve Tais a fathom for it, and so departed without doing any thing. We had extreme winds both day & night, so that we thought another Tuffon had been come; for all the fishermen haled their boats on shore, and every one bond fast the covering of their houses: 
Conjuring cozening Knaves.  for a Bose (or Conjurer) had told the King (a week since) that this tempest would come. Our Chirurgeon being in his pots, came into a house where a Bose was conjuring for a woman, to know of her husbands or friends return from Sea: so when he had done he gave him three pence to conjure again, and tell him when our General would return for this place, which in the end he assured him would be within eighteen days; he said, he heard a voice answer him from behind a wall, both when he conjured for the woman, as also when he conjured for himself.  
The second of October, the Master sent me word that some of our ships company were run away with the Skiffe, 
Octob. 2. 1613. Seven English, viz. five English and two Fleming's which were bound for England run away to the Spaniards.  viz. john Bowles, john Sares, john Tottie, Christopher Euans, Clement Locke, jasper Malconty, and james the Dutchman. I was in way to go to the King to get boats to sand after them, but our Dutch jurebasso, (entertained for ships use) came running after me, and told me our people were on the other side, making merry at a Taphouse: which speeches caused me to return to the English house, and to get a boat for the Master to go look them out: but they proved to be others; namely, William Marinell, Simon Colphax, and john Dench, who had hired a Boat, and were gone over to an other Island, because they could not have swinge to walk by night in Firando. So in the mean time, our Runaways had the more time to run away.  
This night about eleven a clock, the old King's house on the other side the water was set on fire, and quite burned down in the space of an hour. I never saw a more vehement fire for the time, it is thought his loss is great; 
The King's house burned.  and as it is said, ●e himself set it on fire, in going up and down in the night with lighted canes, the coals whereof fell amongst the mats, and so took fire.  
The third, I went to visit the old King, giving him to understand by his Governor, that I was very sorry for the mischance happened the night past, and that I pretended to have come my self in person to have helped the best I could, but that I stood in doubt whether my company would have been acceptable, I being a stranger, yet assuring him that he should found me ready at all times, to do him the best service I could, although it were with hazard of my life: he returned me many thanks; saying, the loss he had sustained was nothing. And in returning to the English house, I met the young King going to visit his Grandfather. And before noon we had word, that our Runaways were at a desert Island, some two leagues from F●rando, which I made known to both the Kings, desiring their assistance and counsel, how we might fetch them back again; they answered, that back they would fetch them either alive or dead: yet they would be loath to kill them, in respect we might want men to carry our ship back for England. I gave them thanks for the care they had of us; yet withal gave them to understand, that although these knaves miscarried, yet we had honest men enough to sail the ship for England. In fine, the King made ready two boats full of soldiers to go after them, with full determination to bring them back either alive or dead, which I made known to the Master, who desired very much to go along with them.   

§. II. Lies of or on the Devil, and uproars about fire. Deceit of Nangasack. Suspicions, Feasts, Spanish Occurrents.  
THe fourth of October, there was report given out, that the devil had answered by their Oracle to their Bose or Conjurers, that the Town of Firando should be burned to ashes this night, so that criers went up and down the streets all night, making such a noise, that I took but little rest; they gave warning that every one should put out their fire, yet God be thanked, the Devil was proved a liar therein: 
Devil a liar, or belied.  for no such matter happened.  
The fifth, the old King Foyne Same came to the English house, where I gave him the best entertainment I could: he also told me, that our Fugitives could not escape taking, and that he had sent out two other men of war after the two former. And as I was talking with him about these matters, there came a Cavelero, and brought him a Letter from the Emperor's Court, and said, that our General would be here at Firando within eight or ten days; for that the Emperor had dispatched him away before his coming from thence.  
The King told me, that the Governor (or King) of Langasaque, called Bon Diu, would be here at Firando to morrow, telling me it were good our ship shot off three or four Pieces of Ordnance as he passed by. This Governor is the Empresses brother. And there is an other japan Governor, or King, in Town, of a place called Seam.  
The seventh, our Master, M. james Foster returned from Langasaque, and had brought the Skiffe with him, but all the men were gotten into Sanctuary in the Town, so that he could not come to speech any one of them. I was informed, that Miguell our jurebasso dealt doubly both with the Master and myself: for I sent him along to be linguist, and assist the Master, and diverse japans came to me, telling me, that he both spoke with our people, and gave them counsel to absent themselves. Once I did perceive how the world went, and doubted the privy conveyance of our people, which was like to ensue, if this Bon Diu the Governor were not extraordinarily dealt withal: whereupon a Present was laid out.  
Afternoon, the Bon Diu passed along the street before our English house on foot, he being accompanied with the young King (who gave him the upper hand) with above five hundred followers after them. I went out into the street, and did my duty to them, and the Bon Diu stood still when he came to the door, and gave me thanks for the Ordnance were shot off at his passing by our ship. I desired pardon of his Greatness, if I had neglected my duty hitherto, which was by means of the small acquaintance I had in the Country, but that I meant to visit him at his lodging, or aboard his juncke, before he went; he answered me, I should be very welcome. So it was dark night before he came to his lodging. At which time I carried the Present abovesaid, which he accepted of in very good sort, offering to do our Nation any good he could at the Court, whither he was now bound, or else where. And so of his own accord, he began to speak of our Fugitives, ask me if he brought them back again, whether they should be pardoned all for his sake for this fault. I answered him, it was not in my power to pardon them, but in our General, which no doubt (except it were one or two, which were the chief authors of this and other evils which deserved punishment) that the rest might easily go free. He said, that his desire was for pardon for all in general, without exception. I answered, that I knew our General would be contented with any thing, his Greatness and the two Kings of Firando would desire. To conclude, he told me, that if I would give it under writing of my own hand, in faith of a Christian, that all in general should be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the General to confirm the same at his return, that then he would sand to Langasaque for them, and deliver them into my own custody: otherways he would not meddle in the matter, to be the occasion of the death of any man. I said I was contented with any thing it pleased his Greatness to command, and so to give the said writing under my hand, provided all our men might be brought back. And so I returned to the English house, the Dutch coming after with an other Present, but we were before them.  
The eight, Semidone passing by our door, told me that Bon Diu had a Brother in company, which expected a present, although it was not fitting it should be so much, as his Brothers. So upon advice with others I laid by a present for him, as followeth; & going to deliver it, the Flemings were before me with another, Captain Brower himself being with it. He accepted very kindly of the present, offering his assistance to our Nation, either at Court, or in the Country. And soon after he came to the English House himself, accompanied with many Cavaliers, where they looked on all our Commodities, yet he went away and bought nothing, but gave me a small Cattan, and I gave him two Glass Bottles, two Galley-pots, and about half a Cattee of great Cloves, picked out from the rest of purpose, he being desirous to have them for Physical matters, as he told me. I made him and his followers a collation, and so they departed content. And soon after Bon Diu, & the two Kings sent a Cavaleero to me, to have me to give it in writing under my hand, that our Runaways should not receive any punishment for this fact, so by counsel of others I condescended thereunto, and made a Writing in promise and faith of a Christian, they procure their pardon for this time of the General; if I had not done this, out of doubt, we should never have got them again, but the Spaniard would have conveyed them to the Manillies or Maluccoes, I not doubting but the General will allow of what I have done. An● presently after this man was gone I had word, that the Bon Diu, and his Brother would go aboard to visit our ship, so I sent some banqueting stuff aboard, and went myself and met them, where they were entertained in the best sort we could, and Bon Diu gave me two Cattans for a present, and so they departed with seven Pieces of Ordnance shot off for a farewell. But forthwith his Brother returned aboard again, desiring to have one of the little Monkeys for his Brother's children: so I bought one of the Master Gunner, cost me five Rials of eight, and sent him to Bon Diu, and being ready to go ashore, he was desirous to have me g●e along with him in his Boat, which I did, he having three Pieces of Ordnance for a farewell, which as I understood afterwards, was much esteemed off of both Brothers, and being ashore he would needs accompany me home to our English House, which I was unwilling of, yet he would of force do it. So I made him collation again in Captain Adam's chamber: and so he and the rest departed well contented, (as it seemed) I offering to have accompanied him back to his lodging, but he would not suffer me. And late at night Foyne Same the old King sent a man to me to know the particular of the presents given to both the Brothers, and put it down in writing, but for what occasion I know not. And I forgot to note down how Bon Diu went to the Dutch House to wash himself in the new Hothouse, and from thence it was that he came aboard our ship.  
The ninth, Bon Diu sent one of his men to me to give me thanks for his kind entertainment aboard, and by the same Messenger sent me two Barrels of Miaco Wine for a Present. And soon after his Brother sent another man with two Barrels of japan Wine, with the like ceremony: both of them being very earnest to have a Prospective Glass, and in the end I found an old one of Master Eatons, but soon after he returned me the said Glass with thanks, not desiring at all to have it.  
The tenth, two of the Governors' sons of Langasaque (I mean another Governor which dwelleth in the Town) came to see our English House, they are Christians. I entertained them in the best sort I could, and shown them our commodities, and after made them collation and gave them Music, Master Hownsell and the Carpenter by chance being here: and as we were at it, old Foin the King came stealing in upon us, and did as the rest did, and seeing the King and these Langasakians together, I willed our jurebasso, to put out a word for the speedy sending back ●f ou● Runaways: which they all promised, provided, that they should be pardoned for this fault, as I had formerly promised, which now again I acknowledged. The old King desired to have a piece of English Beef, and another of Pork, sod with Onions and Turnips, and sent to him to morrow.  
The eleventh, I sent Migell our jurebasso to the old King, with the Beef and Pork accommodated as aforesaid, with a bottle of Wine, and six Loaves of white Bread: he accepted of it in very kind part, having in his company at eating thereof, the young King his Grandchild, and Nabison●, his Brother, with Semidone his Kinsman.  
The twelfth, I went to visit both the Kings, and found old Foin asleep, but spoke with his Governor, 
A great Feast among the Pagans' began this day, it being told me it was like a Lent, or Pasques of the Papists.  and from thence went to the young King, and spoke with him himself: they gave me thanks for the kind entertainment I gave unto these strangers; which they took as done unto themselves. And towards night the old King sent to visit me, and to tell me he understood these people which are departed, had taken away certain commodities from me, and paid me what they themselves tho●ght good, and not that which I required, I returned him answer, that it was true that they had done so, but I know not whether it were the custom of this Country or no; for that I was given to understand they used the like course both with Chineses and portugals at Langasaque, and that that which they had taken from me, was not worth the speaking of. I was answered, that although they did so with the Chineses at Langasaque, which were a people de●ended not to trade into japan, yet could they not do so to Strangers that had free privilege to trade, especially here in this place where these fellows had no command nor nothing to do. I replied, I would come and speak with his Highness myself, and inform him of the truth: and in the meantime returned humble thanks, for the care he had to use justice to Strangers as well as home-born. 
B●n Dius Brother injurious to the English and Dutch.  Captain Brower sent me word that they had taken diverse sorts of commodities from him, and paid him what they list for it: he also sent an empty Bottle, desiring to have it filled with Spanish Wine, for that he had invited certain Strangers, and had none.  
The thirteenth, I heard three or four Guns, or Chambers go off, 
A China Iun●ke for Langasaque.  which I thought had been done to entertain the King at the Dutch House: but they were shot out of a China juncke, which passed by this place, and so went for Langasaque, and presently after the old King sent for me to come to dinner to the Dutch House, and Master Eton with me, and to bring a Bottle of Wine. Master Eton had taken Physic and could not go, but I went: we had a very good Dinner at the Dutch House, the meat being well dressed both after the japan and Dutch fashion, 
Dinner with the Dutch.  and served upon Tables, but no great drinking. The old King sa●e at one Table, accompanied with his eldest Son, and both the young King's Brothers (for the young King himself was not there, sending word he was not well) at the other Table. First, sat Nabesone the old King's Brother, and then myself, and next me Semidone, and then the old King's Governor, and next him Zanzebars Father-in-law, and diverse other Cavaleeroes on the other side. Captain Brower did not sit at all, but carved at Table, all his own people attending and serving on their knees, and in the end, he gave drink to every one of his guests, with his own hands, and upon his knees, which seemed strange to me, and when they had dined, all the Nobles went away, and Captain Brower would needs accompany me to the English House. I asked him why he served these people upon his knees, they sitting at Table: he answered me it was the fashion of the Country; and if the King himself made a Feast, he did the like for the more honour of his guests. And before night the old King Foin came to the English House, and visited all parts, and made collation, staying an hour talking of one thing and other.  
The sixteenth, I was given to understand that two Christians were come from Langasaque, so I went to their lodging to see what they were, as also to understand some news from our men (or Fugitives) I found the one of them to be a 
* George Peter●son a Flush.  Fleming borne in Flushing, (as he told me) and the other an Italian borne in the 
* Daman Ma●yn a Venetian.  Duchy of Venice. They told me that our seven men (or Runaways) were conveyed away secretly in a small Bark, which is gone for Macoro, and that they were run to get passage in our ship to return into their Countries, they told me Master Adams knew them well. And they were very desirous to have gone immediately aboard our ship, there to have remained, because they were Seafaring men. The Fleming having served the Spaniard three and twenty or four and twenty years, and came a Master's Mate from Agua pulca for the Manillias' or Ph●llippinas, they had good store of money, and would have sent it aboard our ship, or have brought it to the English House: but I told them that in our General's absence I durst not presume to give them entertainment. Yet notwithstanding, I would do them any favour I could at his return, and so sent Migell our jurebasso to the King to let him understand, that two such Strangers were come to Town to seek passage in our ship, they being no Spaniards, nor yet Subjects to the King of Spain. The King returned me answer, that if they were such as I said they were, they were welcome: but if they were castilians, or portugals, he would permit none to stay in this place, his reason is, for that the Spanish Ambassador hath procured order from the Emperor of japan, that all Spaniards which are to be found in his Empire, shall retire themselves into the Phillippinas', but these being no Spaniards; are out of that number.  
The seventeenth betimes, the two strangers came to me, desiring me to accompany them to the old King, the better to countenance them; which upon good consideration I did. They told me in the way, that our Fugitives had reported at Langasaque that more would come after them, and not any man of account stay to carry away the ship; the occasion they said was, for that they which had command over them, used them more like dogs than men: adding further, that if but twenty resolute Spaniards would take the matter in hand, with a small Boat or two they might easily take our ship. The old King gave us all kind entertainment, and asked the strangers many questions about the wars betwixt the Spaniards and Flemings in the Moluccas; 

Macow a Town of portugals near the Continent of China.  
Miguell the jurebasso, Capt. Adam's h●s man was suspected of double dealing in this case of the Fugitives: the circumstances, I omit.   the which they said the Spaniards were determined to pursue very hotly, and to that effect had great forces prepared. They also told the King, they thought verily all our Fugitives were secretly conveyed from Langasaque seven days passed in a Soma, that departed from thence for Macow: but the King would not believe them, saying, it was not possible that such a man as Bon Diu, having passed his word to bring them back, should be found to be false of his promise. In fine, he was very well contented, that these two strangers should stay here, and go along in our ship, if it pleased the General to carry them. So the poor men returned to their lodgings wit● much content: and told me in the way, that we might make account we had not lost all our men, but recovered two, that would remain as faithful to the death, as the othrrs had proved false. Adding further, that we needed not to wish any worse revenge to our Fugitives, than the bad entertainment they were sure to have of the Spaniards, coming bore and beggarly as they did, in such base sort.  

An Eclipse of the Moon.  The eighteenth, there was a great Eclipse of the Moon this night, it began about eleven of the clock, and endured from the beginning to the end 〈…〉 hours', it was quite darkened.  
The nineteenth, at night, about eleven of the clock, a fire began in Firando, near unto the young King's house, 
Fire in Firando.  the wind being at North-east, which if it had so continued, most part of the Town had been burned: but the wind fell variable South-easterly, and in the end calm: yet notwithstanding forty houses were burned to the ground; and had not our English men bestirred themselves lustily, many more houses had gone to wrack, for the fire took hold three or four times on the other side the street, where our English house was, but they still put it out, and were very much commended of the Kings, and all other in general. The old King Foin came on horseback to our door, and wished us to put all things into the Gadonge, and daub up the doors, and then it was out of danger. Captain Brower, and some of his people, came very kindly to the English house, to have assisted us by land or water, if need had been: it cannot certainly be known how this fire began, but there is speeches amongst the japans, that there will be a greater fire than any of these, it being told them by the Devil and their Conjurers: God grant it be not done by some villainous ill minded people, thinking to rob and steal what they can lay hold on, in time of such trouble and confusion.  
The twentieth in the morning, I went to the Dutch house to visit Captain Brower, and to give him thanks for his friendly visitation and assistance the last night. And towards night Harnando the Spaniard, and Edward Marks, returned from Langasaque, but could not come to sight of any of our Runaways, yet it is certain that they are in Langasaque. And a Portugal or Spaniard, a great man in Langasaque about Sea-matters, told Edward Marks that we should have none of these men back; but to the contrary, if all the rest would come, and leave the ship empty, they would give them entertainment: yea, and that which was more, if they would bring away the ship and all, they should be the more welcome. The japan, which the King sent to accompany Edward Marks and Harnando, and to look out our people, would not let Edward Marks budge out a doors in the space of one night and half a day after they were arrived there at Langasaque, He going abroad himself, and the Spaniard Harnando lying at another place. So I doubt some legerdy-maine betwixt them two, and am now out of all hope to have any of our people come back. I blamed the jesuits, and the old King liked well of my speeches: and told me he would take such order hereafter, that none of our people should be carried to Langasaque, except they stole away our ship-boats, as the others did: of which I advised the Master, Master james Foster: and so an Edict was set out, that no man should carry or convey away any of our people, without making it known unto me, and telling the King thereof.  
The three and twentieth, I was given to understand of a great Pagan Feast that was to be performed this day, and that both the Kings, with all the rest of the Nobility, accompanied with diverse strangers, 
Solemn Feast, the manner thereof.  met together at a Summer-house, set up before the great Pagod, to see a Horse-race: I think there was not so few as three thousand persons assembled together, as I esteemed in viewing of them. Every Nobleman went on horseback to the place, accompanied with a ro●t o● Slaves, some with P●kes, some with Smallshot, and others with Bows and Arrows: the Pike-men were placed on the one side of the street, and the Shot and Archers on the other; the midst of the street being left voided to run the race: and right before the Summer-house (where the King and Nobles sat) was a round Buckler of straw hanged against the wall, at which the Archers on horseback running a full Career, discharged their arrows, both in the street and Summer-house, where the Nobles sat; that neither the Present which we sent, nor we could have entrance: And so we passed along the street, beholding all, and returned another way to the English house. And late at night Zanzebars wife's brother came to the English house, and brought me a Present of a haunch of Venison, and a basket of Oranges: Zanzebar himself did accompany him. And about ten of the clock in the night, the Captain Chinesa (our Landlord) came and knocked at the door, telling me that the King had given express command, that every house should have a Tub of water ready on the top of their houses, for that the Devil had said the Town should be burned this night: 
The Devil again a liar, if the Knaves belied not their Master.  yet he proved a liar. But for all that, we got a great Tub of water on the top of our house, which held twen●ie buckets of water: and men did run up and down the streets all night, bidding every one look to their fire, that it was strange and fearful to hear them.  
The four and twentieth, this report of burning the Town being still current, and every one making provision to prevent it, I made ready fifteen buckets, which cost six Condrins a piece, and filled them full of water, and hanged them up in the yard, and set another great Tub by them full of water, besides that w●ich stood on the top of the house; and gave order to make a couple of ladders, to carry water to the top of the house, and had formerly provided nine empty wine-barrels full of tempered clay, to daub up our Gad●nge doors, if need should require, God defend us from any such necessity. Three or four men did run up and down the stre●tes all night, making a horrible noise, that every one should have a care thereof; that it was bot● strange and fearful to hear them.  
The five and twentieth, the Captain Chinesa our Landlord, being sick, sent for a piece of Pork, which I sent him, and presently followed after myself to visit him, and carried him a small bottle of Spanish wine, and while I was there, Semedone and our Guardians father in law came likewise to visit him.  
The King sent me word by Miguell our jurebasso, that he had a bad opinion of Harnando Ximenes our Spaniard, and that he went about to have run away when he was last at Langasaque: but that I know is not so, for he had free liberty to go when he would, without running away. Another complaint was also made of him, that he was a common Gamester, and had brought on diverse to play, and got their money: which report I do rather believe then the other; and I found by experience, these people are no friend, neither of Spaniard nor Portugal, and love them of Langasaque the worse, because they love them so well. And I had almost forgotten to note down, 
A shame to belie the Devil so often.  that the night passed ill disposed people had thought to have fired the Town in three places, and in one place set a house on fire, but it was soon put out, and no hurt done; but the party that did it was not found: out of doubt it is nothing but a villainy of these Conjurers and other base people, which are given to the spoil, hoping to get or steal away something when the Town is on fire.  
The six and twentieth, Master Melsham being very sick, Zanzebar came to visit him, and put him in mind to take the Physic of this Country, 
Bonze Physician.  and that it would presently stop his Flax; and brought a Bonze or Doctor with him, to administer it: Master Melsham was very desirous to take it, but that first our Chirurgeon should see it: and so he gave him two pills yesterday, two in the night, and two in the morning, with certain other feeds; but for aught I could see, it did him no good at all: God sand him his health. All our waste-clothes, pendants, Brass shivers, and other matters were sent aboard, and the ship put in order to receive the General. Another house was set on fire the night passed by villains, but soon put out, and no hurt done. Our night-criers of fire do keep such a horrible noise (without form or fashion) that it is impossible for any man to take rest.  
The Captain Chinesa being sick, sent for some spiced Cakes, and a couple of wax candles which I sent him, as I had done the like heretofore. Master Melsham now being weary of his japan Physic, returned to our Chirurgeon, Master Warner. Whereat Zanzebar and his Doctor took pepper in the nose.   

§. III. A strange Comedy acted by Kings and Nobles: Preventions for Night-cries and fires; Return of the General from Court.  
THe thirtieth day, the Captain Chinesa (our Landlord) came unto me, and told me of a general Collection which was made throughout every house in the Town, to sand presents of eatable commodities to the Kings, 
Another Feast with a Comedy.  for the more honour of a great Feast they have to morrow, with a Comedy or Play: and so by his counsel (with advice of others) I ordained two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted Hens, a roasted Pig, a small quantity Ruske, and three boxes banqueting stuff, to sand to their Feast to morrow. And before night the young King sent one of his men unto me, to furnish them with some English apparel, for the better setting out their Comedy, namely, a pair of Stamel-cloath breeches. I returned answer, I had none such, nei●her did know any other which had: notwithstanding, if any apparel I had wo●ld pleasure his Highness, I wo●ld willingly give it him. And within night both the Kings sent to me, to bring Master Foster, the Master, and be a spectator of their Comedy to morrow.  
The one and thirtieth, before dinner, I sent our Present aforesaid to the Kings by our jurebasso, desiring their Highnesses to pardon the Master and myself, and that we would come to them some other time, when there were less people: but that would not serve the turn, for they would needs have our company, and to bring Master Eton along with us; which we did, and had a place appointed for us, where we sat and saw all at our pleasures: and the old King himself came and brought us Collation in sight of a●l the people: 
junketting.  and after Semidone did the like in the name of both the Kings; and after diverse Noblemen of the King's followers, made us a third Collation. But the matter I noted most of all, was their Comedy (or Play) the Actors being the Kings themselves, with the greatest Noblemen and Princes. 
Their Play, in which the Kings themselves were Authors, with their greatest Nobles.  The matter was of the valiant deeds of their Ancestors, from the beginning of their Kingdom or Commonwealth, until this present, with much mirth mixed among, to give the common people content. The Audience was grea●, for no house in Town but brought a Present, nor no Village nor place under their Dominions, but did the like, and were spectators. And the Kings themselves did see, that every one, both great and small, did eat and drink before they departed. Their acting Music and singing (as also their Poetry) is very harsh to us, yet they keep due time both with hands and feet. Their Music is little Tabers, made great at both ends, 
Their acting, song and music.  and small in the midst, like to an Hourglass, they beating on the end with one hand, and strain the cords which go about it, with the other, which maketh it to sound great or small as they list, according their voices with it, one playing on a Phife or Flute; but all harsh, and not pleasant to our hearing. Yet I never saw Play wherein I noted so much, for I see their policy is great in doing thereof, and quite contrary to our Comedies in Christendom, ours being but dumb shows, and this the truth itself, acted by the Kings themselves, to keep in perpetual remembrance their affairs. The King did not sand for the Flemings, and therefore I accounted it a greater grace for us. At our return to the English house, I found three or four Flemings there, one of them was in a japan habit, 
Cushma. Corea.  and came from a place called Cushma, within sight of Corea. I understand, they sold Pepper, and other Commodities there, and I think have some secret trade into Corea, or else are very likely to have. I hope, if they do well, we cannot do amiss, M. Adam's being the man that put them forward unto it, and no doubt will be as forward for the good of his own Country, as for Strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captain Brower, and saw the two men which came from Cushma, 
Dutch jealousy  and did but ask him from whence they came; whereat Captain Brower was angry, telling him he would give him no account thereof. And towards night, I understood that two Spaniards were come from Langasaque, and lodged at Zanzibars, and sent for our jurebassa to come to them; but I would not let him go so soon. After, Zanzibar and they came to the English house, the one of them being Andres Bulgaryn, the Genowes, which passed by this place the other day; and the other is called Benito de Palais, and is Pilot Maior of the Spanish ship, which was cast away on the Coast of japan, and is the same man which came from Langasaque, to visit M. Adams at his being here. They told me they were come of purpose to visit their friends; namely, myself first of all, with many other words of compliment, and then entered into speeches of our Fugitives; saying, it was not the Fathers (as they call them) which kept our people secret, or went about to convey them away; but rather they of Langasaque themselves, 
Langasaque bad people.  who they reported to be very bad people. In fine, I stood in doubt that these fellows are come of purpose, to inveigle more of our people to do as the others have done, and thereof advised the Master, to have a care both to ship and boats, as also to take notice of any such as went about to keep them company: for that it is good to doubt the worst, for the best will save itself.  

November. 1. 1613.  The first of November at night, two houses were set on fire on the other side the water, but fire was soon put out, but the villains that did it could not be found. I sent M. Foster the Master a letter, advising him to take care of ship and boats, as also to look unto the behaviour of our people, for that I doubted these two Spaniards were but come as Spies, to see what we did, and to entice some other of our people to do as the former did. Also, I advised him how I understood the said Spaniards did pretend to invite him to dinner this day; but I wished him to take heed they gave him not a Hig●: he returned me answer, that he esteemed them such as I took them for, and therefore would have a care to the main chance. But soon after he came ashore, and the Spaniards came to the English house, and with much entreaty, got M. Foster, and M. William Eton to go along to dinner with them to Zanzebars, and the other two Spaniards and Harnando did the like. But these two Spaniards came unto me, and bade me tell the Master or any other that went with them, 
Forewarned forearmed.  to take heed they did not eat nor drink any thing, but such as they did see the others taste before them; for that it was no trusting of them, of which I advised both the Master, and M. Eton. Also I sent Miguell our jurebassa, to both the Kings (and other Nobles) to give them thanks for our kind entertainment yesterday, Harnando Ximenes told me that M. Adam's had goods in his hands, belonging to this Pilot Maior the Spaniard, and that his chief coming was, thinking to have met M. Adam's here, and doth mean to attend his coming to have an account of those matters. As also they brought Letters of recommendation from the Bishop, and other Fathers to the other two Spaniards (or strangers) to persuade them to return back to Langasaque: 
Bishop in japan  but I think it is not their determination so to do.  
The second, some villains set an house on fire in the Fish street; and it was soon put out, and the party escaped: and it is generally thought to be some base people or Renegadoes, which lie loitering up and down the Town, and came from Miaco, and three are much suspected, but no proof as yet found against them. But there is order given, to make Gates and Partitions over every street in diverse places, and watch to be kept at each place, and no man be suffered to walk in the night, except he be found to have earnest business. Another villain got into a poor widow's house, thinking to have rob her, but she making an outcry, he fled up into the wood, over against the English house, where the Pagod is; and soon after, the wood was beset round about, 
The Pagod is the Idol, or Idol-temple, or both.  with above five hundred men, but the thief could not be found. At night, as we were going to bed, there was an outcry on a sudden, that thiefs were on the top of our house, setting it on fire; but our ladders being ready reared, both myself and others were not long a going up, but found nothing, but that all our neighbour's houses were peopled on the tops on a sudden, as well as ours. And it is to be thought it was nothing but a false lar●m, given of purpose to see how every one would be found in a readiness. Yet at that very instant there was a house set on fire, but soon quenched, it being a good way from our English house.  
The night past, three houses were set on fire in diverse parts of the Town, but all put out at beginning, so that no hurt was done. So now order is given, to take notice in every house what people are in them, whether strangers or others; 
Order to prevent Fire-knaves, and Night-cryes.  and such as are found to be suspected are to be banished out of the Country; and gates or bars made to shut up the passages or ends of streets, and watch set in diverse places, without crying and making a noise up and down streets in the night, as hath been for a time heretofore without either form or fashion: yet notwithstanding all this, a villain about ten a clock in the night, set a house on fire near unto the Pagod, over against our English house: but he was espied by the watch, who pursued him with all speed, but he got into the wood above the Pag●d, which forthwith was beset round about, with above five hundred armed men, and the old King Foin came in person with many other Noble men, assisted in the pursuit▪ yet I verily think, the villain did run up and down amongst the rest, crying, Keep thief, as well as the best.  
The fourth, the night passed there was fire put in diverse places more, one in the Town and an other in the Country, besides the House near ours, as I said before. Order is now given, to have secret watch in diverse parts of the Town every night, and no man to go out in the night except upon urgent occasion, and then to have a light before them, to the end they may be seen. If this decorum be duly kept, our House burners will play lest in sight. I told the Kings, and others hereof above a week past, and now it is put in execution.  
The fifth, this morning I received two Letter's, the one from Domingo Francisco the Spanish Ambassador dated in Ximonaseque five days past, and the other from George the Portugal: the Ambassador went over Land from thence for Langasaque, and sent his Servant with the Letters, unto whom I shown such Commodity's as he enquired for, and referred him off for others till our General's return writing him a Letter in answer of his, the Copy whereof I kept: his man took liking of two pieces of fine Semian Chowters', and eight p●eces of white Bastas, and paid seven Tais the piece for Chowters', and two Tais the piece for Bastas. There came a Spanish Friar or jesuite, in the Boat with the Ambassador's man & desired to see our ship, 
A jesuite.  which I willed our Master to let him, and to use him kindly, which he did. For as the old saying is, It is good sometimes to hold a Candle to the Devil, etc. Master Eton, Harnando and myself dined with Vnagense, and were kindly entertained.  
The sixth this day about ten a clock, 
Capt. Saris his return from the Emperor's Court.  our General and all his company arrived here from the japan Court, Master Adam's being in company with him. And presently the General sent me wi●h john japan our jurebasso, to visit both the Kings, and thank them for their kindness in so well accommodating him with a Boat, as also for the care they had of the ship, and the rest in his absence, and that he would come on the morrow to visit them, being now weary of his long Voyage. They took this visitation kindly, saying, they would be glad to see him at their Houses. Also certain Merchants of Miaco which came from Langasaque, came to our English House, and had sight of all our commodities, and amongst the rest, took liking often pieces of Cassedy nill, and made price for them at three Tais the piece, which is in all thirty Tais, and so sent them to their lodging, as other Merchants before had done the like, and so returned me money to my content, but these sent me nothing but a Paper, and consigned me to receive my money of Semidone, who was newly gone out of Town on a Voyage, our General meeting him on the way: but I returned these Merchant's word, that I would have my payment of them, or else my Merchandise back again, but they made answer, I should have neither the one nor other; neither would the Host of the House where they lodged pass his word for payment, 
Merchants of Miaco play the Merchants.  so I was forced to go to both the Kings to seek for justice, but first sent word aboard, that if the Boat of Miaco weighed anchor to go away, that they should man out the Skiffe, and stay her, which they did, and made her to come to an anchor again, and in the meantime I spoke to the Kings, but the younger said that Semidone was a man able enough to pay me. And then I answered and asked him, that if Semidone did not, whether he would, and he told me no, and while we were talking of it, old Foin Same came in and told me he would take order that I should have content: yet his order had come ●oola●e, if our Pinnace had not stayed them. So in the end the Host where they did lodge, passed his word for payment.  
Captain Brower and all his Merchants came to the English House to visit our General, 
George the Portugal sent the General a Present of japan Figs and Chestnuts.  and Nobisana sent him a young Pork for a Present, saying, he would come himself and visit him within a day or two.  
Here follow certain Letters, the first sent from the Emperor to the Prince of Orange, the rest from the English in japan, and principally from Master Cock, wherein the japonian Affairs and various Occurrents for diverse years are expressed.  
The Copy of a Letter sent by the Emperor of japan, unto the King of Holland, by the Ship called the Read Lion, with Arrows, which arrived in the Texel, the two and twentieth of july, 1610.  
I Emperor and King of japan, wish to the King of Holland, who hath sent from so fare Countries to visit me, greeting.  
I rejoice greatly in your writing and sending unto me, and wish that our Countries were nearer the one to the other, whereby we might continued and increase the friendship begun betwixt us through your Majesty's presence, whom I imagine in conceit to see, in respect I am unknown unto your Majesty, and that your love toward me is manifested through your liberality in honouring me with four Presents, whereof though I had no need, yet coming in your name I received them in great worth, and hold them in good esteem.  
And further, whereas the Hollanders your Majesty's Subjects desire to trade with their shipping in my Country, which is of little value and small, and to traffic with my Subjects, and desire to have their abiding near unto my Court, whereby in person I might help and assist them; which cannot be as now through the inconveniency of the Country: yet notwithstanding I will not neglect, as already I have been, to be careful of them, and to give in charge to all my Governors and Subjects, that in what places and Havens in what part soever they shall arrive, they shall show them all favour and friendship to their Persons, Ships and Merchandise: wherein your Majesty or your Subjects need not to doubt or fear aught to the contrary. For they may come as freely as if they came into your Majesty's own Havens and Countries; and so may remain in my Country to trade. And the friendship begun betwixt me and my Subjects with you shall never be impaired on my behalf, but augmented and increased.  
I am partly ashamed that your Majesty (whose Name and Renown through your valorous Deeds is spread throughout the whole World) should 'cause your Subjects to come from so fare Countries into a Country so unfitting as this is, to visit me, and to offer unto me such friendships as I have not deserved. But considering that your affection hath been the cause thereof, I could not but friendly entertain your Subjects, and yield to their requests: whereof this shall serve for a testimony, That they in all places, Countries, and Lands under mine obedience may trade and traffic, and build Houses serviceable and needful for their Trade and Merchandizes, where they may trade without any hindrance, at their pleasure, aswell in time to come as for the present, so that no man shall do them any wrong: And I will maintain and defend them, as mine own Subjects.  
I promise' likewise, that the persons which I understand shall be left here, shall now and at all times be held as recommended unto me, and in all things to favour them, whereby your Majesty shall found us as your Friends and Neighbours.  
For other matters passed betwixt me and your Majesty's Servants, which would be too long here to repeat, I refer myself unto them.  
Firando in japan, the tenth of December 1614  
TO this day I have not had time to perfest up my old books of Accounts, by means of the dispatching away our people, some to one place, some to another, and then the new building of our house, and after that the buying of a juncke, 
Trade at Syam.  and repairing of her, which is now ready to departed for Syam, and hath been any time this ten days riding at an anchor at Cochi, a league from Firando, where your ship road at your departure from hence, expecting but affair wind to set forward on her voyage: she is called the Sea Adventure, being about some two hundred Tons, in whom Master Adams goeth for Master, and Master Wickham and Edward Sayer for Merchants, 
M. Peacock slain in Cochinchina.  by means of the death of Master Peacock slain in Cochinchina, and likelihood of casting away Walter Carwaden, returning back from thence, for to this hour we have no news of him, ●or the juncke they went in, as I have at large advised the Worshipful Company, 
jesuites banished.  etc. Since your departure from hence, the Emperor hath banished all jesuits, Priests, Friars and Nuns out of japan, and pulled down, and burned all their Churches and Monasteries, shipping them away, some for Amacau in China, and the rest for Manillias'. Foyne Same the old King of Firando is dead, 

Foyne Same dead.  
Civil Wars in Ia●a●. Osakay.  , and Vshiandono his Governor, and two other Servants cut their bellies to bear him company; their bodies being burned, and ashes entembed by his. Hear are wars like to ensue betwixt Ogu●ho-same the old Emperor, and Fidaia-same the young Prince, son to Tico-same, who hath fortified himself strongly in his Castle or Fortress of Osak●y, having eighty thousand or an hundred thousand men run aways and banished men, mall-contents, which are retired out of all parts unto him, & victualled themselves for three years. The old Emperor himself is come down against him in person with an army of three hundred thousand soldiers, 
Fushma.  and is at the Castle of Fushma: their forerunners have had two or three bicker already, and many slain on each part. All Osakey is burned to the ground, but only the Castle. So Master Eton is gone to Sackey with his goods; yet not without danger, for part of that Town is burned too. 
Ozacay burnt. Sacay.   
Such a Tempest or Tuffon hath lately happened at Edoo, that the like was never seen in that place, 
Most terrible Tuffon.  the sea overflowing all the City, driving the people up into the mountains, defacing and breaking down all the Nobleman's houses, which you know were beautiful and fair. So let thus much suffice for news in japan.  
And now for Sales of our goods: the Emperor took our Ordnance, with a good part of our Lead, and ten barrels of powder, and two or three Broad-cloathes, and a good part of our other Broad-cloathes are sold, namely, Black, Haire-colour, Synamon-colour, at fifteen, fourteen, thirteen, and twelve Tays▪ the Tattamy: but they will not look on a Venice-red, nor a Flame-colour, neither are Stamels in such request as heretofore: they inquire much after white and yellow Broad-cloath. The Hollanders have sold most of their Broad-cloath at base rates, which maketh us to do the like. And for our Cloth of Cambaya, they will not look on our read Zelas, blue Byrams, nor Duttis, which are the greatest part of that you left with us, only some white Bastas are sold at fourteen and fifteen Mass a piece: And Cassedys nill, Alleias, broad Pintadoes, Chader Pintadoes, with such spotted, striped and checkered Stuffs, most looked after, and sold at profit. We have also sold near half our Bantam Pepper for sixty five Mass the Peecull, and all the rest had been gone before now, had it not been for this rumour of wars. I stand in great hope we shall procure Trade into China, by means of Andrea, the Captain China, and two other of his brothers, which labour in the matter, and make no doubt but to bring it to effect, 
Hope of Trade in China.  for three ships a year to come and go to a place near Lanquin, to which place we may go from hence in three or four days, if the wind be good▪ I have written hereof at large to the Worshipful Company, as the like to my Lord Treasurer.  
Some little sickness I have had, but now I praise God it is past. Master Wickham, Master Eton, Master Nealson, and Master Edward Sayer, have all four been very sick, but now well recovered all, except Master Eton, who is troubled with the Flux and a tertian Ague, God sand him his health, for I cannot too much praise that man, for his diligence and pains taken in the Worshipful Companies affairs. jacob Speck, who was thought to be cast away in going from hence to the Moluccas, is now returned to Firando, Captain of a great ship called the Zelandia, with a little Pinnace, called the jaccatra: the cause of his so long missing was, for that the ship wherein he went from hence, passed to the Eastward of the Philippinas, the same way we came, yet by currents and contrary winds (as they say) they could not fetch the Moluccas, but were driven to the Westward of the Island Celebes, and so passed round about it through the straits of Desalon, and so back to the Moluccas, etc. The Chinaes' do much complain of the Hollanders robbing and pilfering their juncks▪ for (as they say) they have rifled and taken seven. The Emperor of japan hath taken some distaste against the Hollanders, for he refused a Present they lately sent up to him, and would not speak to them which brought it: 
Hollanders distasted by Chineis' and japan: Portugall's not accepted.  as he did the like by another Present the portugals sent him, who came in the great ship from Amacau, this year, to Langasaque; he refusing both the Present, as also to speak to them which brought it. You thought at your being here, that if any other ship came out of England, we might cell our Goods without carrying up any Present to the Emperor: but now I found it to be otherwise, for every ship which cometh in must carry a Present to the Emperor, as a custom: neither can we set out any juncke, 
Presents a custom for every ship.  without procuring the yearly Licence of the Emperor, otherwise no japan Mariner dare go out of japan upon pain of death, only our own ships from England may come in, and go out again when they will, and no man gainsay it.  
We cannot yet by any means get Trade from Tushma into Corea, neither have they of Tushma any other privilege, but to enter unto one little Town (or Fortress) and in pain of death not to go without the walls thereof, to the Landward, and yet the King of Tushma is no Subject to the Emperor of japan. We could vent nothing but Pepper at Tushma, and yet no great quantity of that, and the weight is much bigger than that of japan, but sold at a better rate. I am given to understand, that up in the Country of Corea, they have great Cities, and betwixt that and the Sea mighty Bogs, 
Corea Bogges and sailing wagons.  so that no man can travel on Horseback, nor very hardly on foot; but for remedy against that, they have great Wagons or Carts, which go upon broad or flat wheels under sail, as ships do. So that observing Monsons', they transport their goods too and fro in these sailing Wagons. They have Damasks, Satins, Taffetas, and other Silk stuffs made there, as well as in China: it is said that Ticus-same (otherwise called Quabicondono) the deceased Emperor, did pretend to have conveyed a great army of Soldiers in these sailing wagons, to have assaulted the Emperor of China on a sudden in his great City of Paquin, 
Paquin:  where he is ordinarily resident, but he was prevented by a Corean Nobleman, who poisoned himself, to poison the Emperor, and other great men of japan, which is the occasion the japans have lost that, which some two and twenty years passed they had gotten possession of in Corea. james Turner the fiddling youth, left a wench with child here, but the whore, the mother, killed it so soon as it was borne, although I gave her two Taies in plate before to nourish it, because she should not kill it, it being an ordinary thing here. Master Foster, the Master's whistle and chain is found, and Master Adams hath it, and will be answerable unto him for it. I did think to have sent you a japan Almanac in another Letter to the same effect as this, dated the five and twentieth Vltimo, and sent by Sea-aduenture, by way of Syam, but forgot to put it in, yet now cometh here enclosed: I pray you let this Letter suffice to Master George Sa●is your brother and the rest of my loving friends▪ and with hearty Commendations in general, I leave you all to the holy protection of the Almighty, resting always  
Your ever loving friend at command, RICHARD COCKS.  
To the Worshipful THOMAS WILSON Esquire, at his House at the Britaine-Burse, at the Strand, give these.  
SIr, my last unto you was of the first of December 1613. dated in the Isle of Firando in japan; and sent by Captain john Saris, in the ship called the Cloave: wherein I advertised you, how unkindly the Hollanders dealt with us in the Maluccas. Since which time, there is not any matter of moment to advice you of, more than I have touched in another Letter to my good Lord Treasurer. The Hollanders give it out here, That it is very likely our East- India Company of England, and that of Holland shall be joined all in one: which if it prove true, it is thought an easy matter to drive both Spaniards and Portugals out of these Eastern parts of the world; or else utterly to cut them off, or debar them from all Trade. For you will hardly believe how the Hollanders already have daunted the Spaniards and Portugals in these parts, 
Hollanders acts in Moluccas.  especially in the Maluccas, where they daily encroach upon the Spaniards, which are not able to withstand their proceed: 
Spaniards and Portugals fear.  but now stand in much fear, that in short time they will also take the Philippina; from them. Also the Portugals, which trade from Ormus to Goa, and so for Malacca and Macao in China, stand daily in fear to be surprised by them.  
One thing there is, the issue whereof I cannot well conceive: and that is the robbing of the junckes of China, daily practised by the Hollanders in these parts: the goods whereof cannot choose but amount to great matters, 
Hollanders rob the junckes of China.  and suffice to set out and maintain a great Fleet, which is worthy of consideration. And if it should happen, that the King of japan should fall out with the Hollanders, and debar them from Trade into his Dominions, (as it may fall out that he will:) then is it likely the Hollanders will make prize as well of japans as Chinaes'. For out of doubt, their Forces at sea in these parts are sufficient to do what they lust, if they have but a victualling place to retire unto. And they are of late grown very stout, and mock at them, which, all the world knoweth, were their masters and teachers. And it is very certain that they have gotten possession of diverse Fortresses in the Maluccas, and those parts: yet on my knowledge the people of those parts do rather incline to the Spaniards, then to them: although at the first, they were glad of their arrival, by means of the intolerable pride of the Spaniards. But now time telleth them, that the Spaniard brought them store of Rials of plate; and in their proud humours were liberal, which was easy for them to do, 
Hollanders sea force.  in respect they had wherewithal to do it. But the poor Hollanders, which serve in these parts for soldiers, both by sea and land, have such bore pay, that it will hardly found them clothing to their backs, and meat for their bellies: Their Commanders allege, that all the benefit which happeneth, either by reprisal or conquest, is for the States, and Winthebbers, as they call them. So that what will come of this in the end, is hard to judge.  
But letting these matters pass, I am verily of opinion, that, if it be not for the misdemeanour of the Hollanders, we shall obtain a Trade in China: for our demand is but for three ships a year to come and go; 
jesuits play the Factor's Agents, and Beggars in these parts, as by all ●ndian relations m●y appear. Fame of the English in the remote East.  and only to leave Factors sufficient to do the business, without bringing in any jesuits or Padres, as they term them, which the Chinaes' cannot abide to hear of, because heretofore they came into these parts in such numbers to inhabit, that now they will not endure it, and were always craving and begging without shame, which is a common saying among the Pagans'.  
One thing there is, which putteth me in good hope, and that is the good report and fame, which our English Nation hath gotten in these parts, since our Arrival: which, as I am given to unéerstand, is come to the knowledge of the Emperor of China: and how the chief King of japan hath received us, and granted unto us very large privileges. As also, how that the English at all times, have held the Castilians, as they call them, to hard meat, both by sea and land. These things the Chinaes' themselves tell me: and that the Emperor and other great men in China, delight to hear reports of our Nation. But I had almost forgotten to note down, how some China Merchants put out a question to me, to know if we had a trade in China, whether the King of England would debar the Hollanders from robbing and spoiling of their junckes? Which question was doubtful unto me: yet I answered them, that his Majesty would take such order, that the Hollander should not misuse them.  
Of late here is come news from Edoo, a City of japan as big as London, wherein the chief of the Nobility of japan have beautiful houses, 
Force of Tempests in japan.  that by means of an exceeding Tuffon or tempest, all or the most part of them are defaced; the whole City being overflowen with water, and the people forced to fly up into the mountains, a thing never heard of before: and the King's Palace being stately builded in a new Fortress, the tiles being all gilded on the outside, were all carried away with a whirlwind, so that none of them are to be found. The Pagans' attribute it to some Charms, or by Conjurations of the jesuits lately banished: but the Papist japonians do rather ascribe it to the punishment of God, for the banishing of such holy men.  
Another matter there is, which I thought good to advertise you of, and that is of a disaster lately happened to us in Cauchin-China: 
Ill success of some English in Cauchin-China.  To which place we sent a quantity of goods and money, to the value of seven hundred and thirty pound sterling, as it cost in England. Master Tempest Peacock, and Master Walter Caerwarden, going for Merchants in a japan juncke, carried the King's Majesty's Letters of England, with a Present of worth for the King of Cauchin-China, and arrived at their Port of Discharge, called Q●inham: delivered his Majesty's Letters, and the Present, which were taken in g●od part, and they entertained with kind speeches, and large promises▪ The Hollanders seeing we adventured to that place, would needs do the like, and took fraught in other junkes, and were likewise well entertained at first. But in the end, Master Peacocke and the chief Merchant of the Hollanders, going on shore, both in one boat, to receive certain sums of money of the King for broad-Cloath, and other Commodities sold him, were treacherously set upon in the water, and their boat overturned, they being killed in the water with harping irons like fishes, with their Interpreters and other followers which were japonians: Walter Caerwarden being aboard the juncke, escaped and came away. But from that day to this, we can hear no news neither of him, nor of the junke, wherefore we fear he is cast away.  
The common report both of the Chinas' and japans is, that the King of Cauchin-china did this, to be revenged on the Hollanders, for burning a Town of his, and putting his people to death without mercy. The original grew, from a great quantity of false Dollars or Rials of eight, 
Perfidy revenged.  sent to Quinham by the Hollanders certain years past; and there put away for Silks, and other China stuffs, with the Merchants of that place. But the falsehood of the money being espied, they laid hands on the Holland Factors, and I think, some one was put to death in revenge: whereupon the Holland ships coming on that Coast, ●●nded their men, and burned a Town, putting Man, Woman, and Child to the sword. This was the chief occasion (as report goeth) that this mischance is happened now; M. Peacock being slain, because he was in company with the Hollanders. Here enclosed, I sand you a japan Almanac, whereby you may see their order of Printing, Figures, and Characters. And so I leave you to the holy protection of the Almighty. Resting always  
Your Worships to command, RICHARD COCK. From Firando in japan. December 10. 1614  
December 5. 1615.  
SIr, I received a Letter from you by the hands of Captain Copendall▪ Captain of the Hosiander, which arrived here in japan the twenty ninth of August, 1615. wherein I understood of your safe arrival at the Cape Bona Esperanza homeward bound● wherein your Worship gave me to understand, of the loss of some of your Company; yet I make no doubt, but by the grace of God, you are safely arrived in England long before this time. I sent you a Letter, dated the last of November, 1614 by the Hollanders ship called the old Zealand, wherein I gave you to understand of the death of M. Peacocke, and Walter Carwarden betrayed in Cauchinchina, which was not a little grief to us all besides the loss of the Companies goods. This last year past, M. Wickham, M. Adams, and myself, being bound in a juncke which we bought for Siam, having great storms and foul weather, sprung leaks in her, and were fain to bear up for the Land's Leuckes, where we stayed so long, and could not stop our leaks, we lost our Monson, and came to Firando again. This year we have trimmed her again, and at this present ready to set sail again for Siam. My greatest hope in these parts is, that we shall have a trade into China, for we have great possibilities, and I make no doubt but ere long, to see a Factory established there, by means that the Captain Cheny and his brothers have made. We have had here the last Summer great troubles of Wars, betwixt the Emperor and Fida●a Sama, which we do not know whether he be slain or fled, but the Emperor hath got the victory, with loss of men of both sides, the sum of four hundred thousand. 
Forty thousand japonians lost in Civil wars.  Thus having no more news to writ, I commit you to the protection of the Almighty. From Firando in japan.  
Your Servant always to command, EDMOND SAYER.  
Firando in japan. December 4. 1616.  
Worshipful Sir, my humble duty always remembered: having so fit an opportunity, I could not choose but trouble your Worship with these few lines, I being but newly arrived here in Firando, of a hard and tedious Voyage from Siam, which went in a junke of the Right Honourable Companies, M. Adam's being Master, and myself Factor in her, having bought more goods than we could lad, we freighted an other junke for japan: M. Benjamin Fairy being principal of the Factory of Siam, thought it fit for me to go in this junke for japan, for the safeguard of the Worshipful Companies goods: wherein I took my Voyage, the year being far spent, that we were from the first of june, to the seventeenth of September, between Siam and Shachmar, with much torments and fowl weather, having lost twenty of our men with sickness and want of fresh water. The greatest occasion of this first, was for want of a good Pilot, for we had a China Pilot, which had no understanding of Navigation: for when he was out of sight of the Land, he know not where he was, nor what course to take: then he falling sick, was not able to creep out of his cabin, I being forced with the small skill I had, to do my best, and with the help of God brought the junke safe to Shachmar, where we arrived the seventeenth of September, having but five men able to stand on their legs, coming so late to Firando, that I could not go this year to Siam, but the Companies junke is gone with M. Wil Eton, and two English Pilots, whose names are Robert Burges, and john Burges.  
Your Worship's servant till death, EDMOND SAYER.  
Firando in japan. February 15. 1617.  
Captain Saris, My last Letter unto you, was the fifth of january, 1616. sent by way of Bantam, in the ship Thomas, which went from hence that year, with an other small ship called the Advice: in which Letter I wrote you at large, of all matters which occasion then offeered: as also of the receipt of two Letters of yours, the one dated in London the twenty fourth of November, 1614 and the other the fifteenth of August, 1615. Since which time the ship Advice is returned again into japan, and arrived at Firando, the second of August last passed. By which conveyance I received a Letter from the Honourable Company, dated in London the thirtieth of january, 1615. Wherein they writ me, etc.  

Capt. George Barkeley.  There are some which can tell you, that Captain Barkely lying on his death bed, escaped a scouring of losing six thousand Rials of eight; and had he died before it was found out, paid out for Custom of Pepper, it may be some other man might have had the credit of paying it. It is a common Proverb, that it is a small matter for men which lie at Bantam, to be rich if they live but a little time: for as the old saying is, No man dieth without an heir.  
We have been this year again, before the Emperor of japan, but cannot get our Privileges enlarged, but trade only at Firando and Langasaque, and our English shipping to come for Firando only.  
M. Edmond Sayer went this last year for Cochinchina, with a Cargeson of some one thousand eight hundred Tays Goods and money: 
Trade in Cauchinchina unlucky.  and being ready to come away, was cozened of six hundred and fifty Tays by a China & others, of whom he had bought Silk for the Worshipful Company, and weighed out the Money, attending to receive the Silk, the Money lying by till it came, he and an other being in the room where it lay: but those false people made a hole through the Cane-wall, and stole out the Money, they not seeing when it was done. I am sorry for the mischance, but he hopeth to recover it again this year, having left a man to follow the suit, and returneth back this Monson in a China junke, with a Cargeson of two thousand Tais in Plate to bestow in Silk, and one Robert Hawley goeth with him for mortality's sake, and M. William Adams goeth Pilot for the Chines. God sand them a prosperous Voyage, and to recover the money lost.  
Our junke, the Sea Adventure, made an other Voyage the last year to Siam, M. William Eton going Merchant in her, and is returned again in her thither this year, God sand them a prosperous Voyage.  
The Hollanders sent a Fleet of ships the last year from the Moluccas to the Manillias', to fight with Spanish Fleet: but they kept in for the space of five or six months, so that the Hollanders made accounted they durst not come out at all: and therefore separated themselves, to look out for China junkes whereof they took and rifled some say twenty five juncks, 
Fight of Hollanders and Spaniards.  others say thirty five: once they took great riches, and all under the name of Englishmen. But in the end, the Spanish Fleet came out, and set upon five or six of their ships, burning and sinking the Admiral, and two other Holland ships, the rest escaping: but the Spaniards separating themselves to seek out the Hollanders, the Vice admiral of them fell with two fresh Hollanders on the morning, who fought with her all day, and made her to run on ground, and set herself on fire, because the Hollanders should not take them: the which two ships, and one of them which was at former fight, came after to Firando, with two other great Hollanders from Bantam, to look out for the Amacau ship, but miss narrowly of her, so that five great Holland ships, the lest of them as big as the Clove, came into japan this year, one of which, called the Read Lion (which was she which rid by us at the Moluccos) was cast away at Firando in a storm, with a China juncke they brought in for Prize, but all the Merchandise recovered, although wet. The Emperor letteth them make good price of all. They sent away the Black Lion for Bantam, a ship of nine hundred Tons, full laden with Raw Silk, and other rich China stuffs. Another, called the Flushing, of seven or eight hundred Tons, is gone for the Moluccas, full laden with provision and money: and the Sun, a ship of six or seven hundred Tons, with the Gallias of above four hundred Tons, are left to scour the coast of China, to take what booty they can, and return the next Monson: the Gallias is gone out already, but the Sun attendeth the going out of the Amacau ship from Langasaque, to be doing with her. She was going out heretofore, but coming in sight of the Gallias, (the wind serving her) returned into Langasaque again, so I think she will hardly go out this year: 
Hollanders wronging the English name.  and as I said before, they have rob all the Chines in the name of Englishmen, which hath done much hurt to our proceeding, to get trade in that place; so that we were forced to sand new supplies, to give the Governors in China to understand, that they are Hollanders which did it, and not Englishmen. In fine, I have advised the Worshipful Company at large of all, of which I make no doubt but you will hear: And so I commit you to God, resting  
Your loving Friend assured at command, RIC. COCK.  
The Copy of my Letter the last year, I sand you here enclosed.  
A piece of another Letter of M. Cocks.  
There came two Friars in that ship as Ambassadors from the Viceroy of new Spain, with a Present for the Emperor, but he would neither receive the Present, nor speak to them which brought it, but sent M. Adams to tell them, they should avoid out of his Dominions, he having formerly banished all of their coat, and remained still in the same opinion. It is said, that Fidaia Same had promised the jesuites entrance again, if he had got the victory, and been settled in the Empire, which if it had taken effect, out of doubt both Hollanders and we had been turned out of japan. And therefore better as it is.  
Also, the last year when we set out our junke, we entertained a Spaniard, called Damian Marina, and was the same man which thought once to have gone along with you, in Company of George Peterson. This Damian was a good helm man: and therefore entertained, and an other Spaniard, called juan de Lievana went with them as a Passenger: but the junke losing her Voyage, they returned to Langasaque, where soon after arrived the Carrack from Amacau; and understanding that these two men had gone in our shipping, they laid hands of them, and put them in chains aboard the great ship, condemning them to death, as Traitors to their Prince and Country in serving the English their enemies. Which coming to my knowledge, I took their defence in hand, and by authority from the Emperor got them set at liberty, to the great spite and hearts grief of both Spaniards and Portugals, these two men going Passengers in the Hosiander for Bantam, etc. We have had extreme troubles in japan, by means of these wars, in posting or transporting of our goods from place to place, to save it. I long to hear from you of your safe arrival, etc.  
M. Adams is gone again in the junke for Siam, accompanied only with M. Edmond Sayer; and M. Nealson is very sick, but M. Wickham, and M. Eton well: I pray you deliver the enclosed to my brother.  
Yours, most assured at command, RICHARD COCK.  
Naugasaque in japan, the tenth of March 1610.  
IT is now almost three years last passed since I wrote your Worship any Letter, and is by means of the unlooked for & unruly proceed of the Hollanders against our English Nation in all these parts of the World, not sparing us in these Kingdoms of japan, 
Hollanders abuses of the English in those parts, are here published for knowledge of the Eastern Affairs, and Occurrents, as it is meet in a History. But neither were these Nationall but personal Crimes, and done in time and place of pretended Hostility, and now I hope satisfaction is or sha●l ●e m●de. Neighbourhood of Region▪ Religion and Customs; are easily violated by Drink, Covetousness & Pride, the three ●uries th●t raised th●se Combubustions. This History hath related the worth of many Worthy Hollanders; if it yields a Close-stool for Westarwood (as E●●●●ments rather than true Dutch) or a Grain-tub or Swil-●ub for some brave Brewers and Boars, that imbrued with Nobler blood than themselves have, prefer their brutish passions to God's Glory, Religion, and public Peace, let it be no imputation to the Nation (which I love and honour) but to such ba●er spirits as have (like scorbutical humours in these long Voyage●, and their longer peace and want of wont employments) been bred as Diseases to their, and infections to our body. My intent is to present others with their Acts, myself with Prayers that all may be amended.  contrary to the large Privileges which the Emperor of japan hath given us, that the japans should not meddle with us. But these Hollanders this year having seven ships great & small in the Harbour or Port of Firando, have with sound of Trumpet proclaimed open War against our English Nation, both by Sea and Land to take our English ships & goods, and kill our persons as their mortal Enemies, which was done by one Adam Westarwood, their Admiral or Lord Commander (as they term him) and openly proclaimed aboard all their ships. Also they came to brave us before our own doors, and picking quarrels entered into our House, thinking to have cut all our throats, yet wounded but two persons, and had it not been for the assistance of the japanesses our Neighbours, which took our parts, they had killed us all, they being a hundred Hollanders to one Englishman: and not contented with this, they took our Boat going out about our businnesses, wherein there was one Englishman which they carried Prisoner into their own House, threatening to have killed him, putting him in great danger of his life, by means of a Company of drunken Consorts which were about him, threatening him to stab him with their Knives. The young man's name is Richard King and son to Captain King of Plymouth. And besides this, two other of our Barks going besides their ships within the Town and Harbour of Firando, they bent a Piece of Ordnance against them, which took false fire, but they shot at them with Muskets, but miss the Englishmen, and killed a japan: Yet for all this there is no justice executed against them by the King of Firando, although the Emperor hath commanded him to do it.  
Also may it please you to understand, that two of these ships which they brought into Firando this year, are English ships which they took from Englishmen in the Indieses, as also they took two other this year from them, riding at an anchor in the Roads of Patania, where we have a factory, and not doubting any such matter: in which broil, they killed Captain 
* This john jordaine is said in the time of t●●●tie to have been treacherously slain.  john jordaine, our Chief Precedent for the right Worshipful Company in the Indieses, with diverse others, and carried the ships and goods quite away, but six of the Mariners which were in the English ships which they took, escaped from them and came to the English House, they sending to me to have them sent back again: unto whom I answered, I would first see their Commission, how they durst presume to take our shipping and goods, and kill our King's Majesties faithful Subjects as they did: so than they went to the Tono or King of Firando; desiring to have their 
* And who w●s the happy instrument of th●●r delivery, from that which they accounted slavery, but the English?  English slaves (as it pleased them to call them) delivered unto them, but they had answer, they must first demand them of the Emperor, and look what he ordained should be fulfilled. Yet in th● mean time, they held not the Englishmen to be slaves unto them. This was the chief occasion which made them to pick quarrels against us, to have killed us all, but I hope in God, his Majesty by the Solicitation of our right Honourable, and right Worshipful employers, will not suffer his true and loyal Subjects to loose their shipping, lives and goods, in such order as they ●●e by such an unthankful and thievish Rabbie of them, which are assembled together in these parts of the World, who make a daily practice to rob and spoil all both friends and foes, and I trust that you yourself will be a Solicitor in this so just a cause, against so common an Enemy.  
This Adam Westerwood their Lord Commander, set my life at sail, offering fifty Rials of eight, to any one that would kill me, 
unchristian, uncivil, inhuman, imm●ne, Devilish Impiety.  & thirty Rials for each other Englishman that they could kill▪ but hitherto God hath preserved me and the rest in this place, although they wounded two or three, yet they are not dead. And this proceed of their Lord Commander, was told me secretly by some of their own people (willing me) and the rest to take heed of ourselves. They also informed me of the Noble Parentage of their Lord Commander Westerwood, telling that his Father is a Close-stoole-maker at Amster●am, or thereabouts, and the best of their Captains either Shoemakers, Carpenters, or Beere-brewers Sons, God bless such an Honourable and Worshipful Generation, I mean, God bless me from them. And so to make an end of this matter, I was this year above at the Emperor's Court at Miaco, to make complaint of the abuses offered to us within his Dominions, contrary to the Privileges his Majesty had given us, and I had very good words and promises that we should have justice, and the Tono or King of Firando commanded to see it performed, but as yet nothing done, although I have many times earnestly sued for it.  
And at my being at Court, and at the Emperor's Palace, Portugals and Spaniards being there at the same time, to do their duties to the Emperor, as they do every year when shipping cometh. There was a Hollander in the Court, 
Brags of a Hollander.  (which had lived in japan almost twenty years, and speaketh the japan Language well) this fellow, in my hearing and others, began to extol their King of Holland, to be the greatest King in Christen●ome, and one that held all the others under, he little thinking that we had understood what he said: but I was not behind hand to tell him that he needed not to lie so loud, for that they had no King at all, in Holland, but were governed by a Court, or rather they governed him. But if they had any King at all, in whom they might boast it was the King's Majesty of England, who hitherto had been their Protector, otherways they had never bragged of their States, at which speeches, both Spaniards, Portugals, and others did laugh apace, and so the Hollanders mouth was stopped, etc.  
And now for news in these parts, may it please you to understand that this Emperor is a great Enemy to the name of Christians, 
Persecution.  especially japans, so that all which are found are put to death, I saw fifty five martyred at Miaco, at one time when I was there, because they would not forsake their Christian Faith, & amongst them were little Children of five or six years old burned in their mother's arms, Crying out, jesus receive their souls. Also in the Town of Naugasaque, there was sixteen more martyred for the same matter, whereof five were burned and the rest beheaded and cut in pieces, and cast into the Sea in Sacks of thirty fathom deep: yet the Priests got them up again, and kept them secretly for Relics. There is many more in Prison in diverse other places, as also here, which look hourly when they shall die, for very few turn Pagans'. Also this last year before Christmas, the Emperor hath displaced one of the greatest Princes of japan, called Frushma Tay, of sixty or seventy Mangocas, and turned him into a Corner, in the North parts of japan, where he hath but a small portion in respect of that was taken from him, and this must be do or cut his belly. It was thought there would have been much trouble in japan about it, 
●●ushma destroyed.  for all Frushma Tayes Subject's were in Arms, and meant to have held it out to the uttermost, having fortified the City of Frushma, and gotten provision into it for a long time, but the Tay himself and his Son being in the Emperor's Court, he commanded them to writ to their Vassals, to lay down their Arms and submit themselves to the Emperor's pleasure, or else forthwith to cut their bellies. So life was sweet unto them, and all rendered unto the Emperor, and those pardoned which had taken up Arms in the defence of the Tay. And the Emperor hath given his Dominions being two Kingdoms, to two of the Emperors own Kinsmen, and now this year the Emperor hath pulled down his Castle at Frushamy, which I think was f●●re bigger than the City of Rochester, a very beautiful and gallant thing, wherein I saw him this year, and all the stones are carried to Osackay, and that old ruinated Castle which Ticus Samma built, 
Tidaia Samma son of Tico Sama.  and Og●sha Samma pulled down, must now be built again, three times bigger than it was before, so that all the Tones or Kings, have each one their task set them to do at their own proper charge, not without much grudging, they having leave after so many years, to return to their own Lands, and now on a sudden, are all sent for again to come to the Court, which angreth them not a little, but they must, ●●ll they will they; in pain of belly-cutting. Yet at this very instant, here is a secret muttering, that Fidaia Samma the Son of Ticus Samma is alive; and in the Dares House at Miaco but I think it hath been reported diverse times heretofore that he was alive, and in other places but proved untrue, yet here are some rich Merchants at Miaco, hereat present, which are afraid, and are ready to go up on a sudden, for fear the Emperor should burn Miaco, if it be true, he be alive, and out of doubt if he be alive, it may turn the Emperor's Estate upside down, for he is no Marshal man, but a great Politician: once, howsoever it be, it cannot be worse for us than it is, &c And as I advised you in my last, of the pulling down of all the Churches in japan, yet there were some remnants standing in Naugasaque till this year, and the Monastery of Misericordia not touched, neither any Churchyard nor Burial place, but now by order from the Emperor all is pulled down, and all Graves and Sepultures opened, and dead men's bones taken out, and carried into the Fields by their Parents and Kindred to be buried elsewhere. And streets made in all their places, where both Churches or Churchyards were, except in some places, where the Emperor hath commanded Pagods to be erected, and sent Heathen Priests to live in them, thinking utterly to root out the memory of Christianity out of japan. For there were certain places a little without the City of Naugasaque, where diverse Fathers and other Christians were martyred, in the time of Ogosha Samma, where their Parents and Friends had planted green Trees, and set up Altars near each Tree, unto which place many hundreds went every day to pray, but now by command from the Emperor, all the said Trees and Altars are quite cut down, and the ground made even, such is his desire to root out the remembrance of all such matters.  
And in Anno 1618. in the months of November and December, here were two Comets seen over all japan, the first rising in the East, being like a great fiery beam rend to the Southwards, 
Comets which appeared also in these patts.  and there within the space of a month vanished away. The other did also rise just East, being a great blazing Star, and went North-wards, and within a month vanished quite away about the Constellation of Charles-wayne, or Vrsa Maior. The Wissards in these parts do prognosticate great matters thereof, but hitherto nothing of moment hath happened, but the deposing of Frushma Tay, aforesaid.  
But I am ashamed to writ you the news the Portugals and Spaniards report, 
Ex vn●ue Leonem. You may guess of their Tales of Miracles at home & abroad, by this.  and some of them have showed me Letters to verify it, and is of a bloody Cross seen in the Air in England, against which an English Preacher speaking in the Pulpit was strooke damn, which Miracle, as they term it, caused our King's Majesty to sand to the Pope, to have some Cardinals and Learned men to come into England, for that he meant all England should turn Roman Catholics. I pray you pardon me for writing such fopperies which I do, to the intent to have you laugh a little, yet I assure you, here are many Portugals and Spaniards, will not be persuaded to the contrary. I know not what else to writ, but I hope by the next shipping which cometh for this place to come towards England, where God grant I may found you in good health, etc.  
Your Worships at command, RICHARD COCK.  
To the Right Worshipful Sir Thomas Wilson, etc.  
I have here added for the Readers profit and delight this Map of japan, published by I HONDIUS.  
   

CHAP. FOUR Observations of WILLIAM FINCH, Merchant, taken out of his large journal.  

§. I. Remembrances touching Sierra Leona, in August 1607. the Bay, Country, Inhabitants, Rites, Fruits and Commodities.  


This should have followed next after Master Hawkins, with whom he went into the Mogolls Country, if I than had had it. But better a good dish, ●hough not in d●est place of serui●e, than not at all neither is he altogether borne out of due time, which comes in due place (whiles we are yet in India) and in time also, before the Mogoll affairs received any later access or better maturity: and for that circumstance failing, thou shalt found it supplied in substance, with more accurate observations of Men, Beasts, P●a●●ts, Cities, Deserts, Cast●es, Buildings, Regions Re●igions, then almost any other, as also of Ways, Wares, Wars.  
Christianity at Sierra Leona. Their apparel. They are also Gallants and fashion-mongers.  
Towns and houses.  
Their householdstuff and riches.  
Their Arms. Their feature and conditions.  
Circumcision.   THe Island which we fell with, lieth some ten leagues to the South of the Bay, the latitude is eight degrees, it hath no inhabitants, nor did I learn the name. It hath some Plantans, and by report good watering and wooding for ships. Some league from the shore is a dangerous breach of a rock, scarcely at high water to be discerned. The Bay of Sierra Leona is about three leagues in breadth. On the South is high land, full of trees even to the Seaside, having diverse Coves, in which we caught plenty and variety of fish. On the further side of the fourth Cove is the watering place, of excellent water continually running: at which place, on the rocks, we found the names of diverse English men which had been there; amongst the rest, of Sir Francis Drake, which had been there seven and twenty years before, Thomas Candish, Captain Lister, with others. About the midst of the Bay, right from the third Cove lieth a sand, near about which, is not above two or three fathom; in most places else eight or ten close to the shore. It floweth East Southeast, and higheth six or eight foot, a strong tide of ebb; the latitude eight degrees and a half North.  
The King keepeth his residence in the bottom of the Bay, and is called by the Moors, Borea, or Captain, Caran, caran, caran. He hath other petty Kings under him, whereof one, called Captain Pinto, a wretched old man, dwelleth at a Town within the second Cove: and on the other side the Bay, Captain Boloone. Boreas' Dominions stretch forty leagues into the land; he hath tribute of Cotton-cloath, Elephants teeth and gold: he hath power to cell his people for slaves, (which he proffered unto us) and some of them are by Portugal Priests and jesuits made Christians, and have a Chapel, wherein are written in a table, such days as they are to observe holy. The King, with some about him, are decently clothed in jackets and Breeches, and some with hats, but the common sort go naked, save that with a Cotten girdle about their waste, they cover their privities; the women cover theirs with a Cotton-cloath, tacked about their middles and hanging to the knees, wrapped round about them; the children go stark naked. They are all, both men and women, razed and pinked on all parts of their bodies very curiously, having their teeth also filled betwixt, and made very sharp. They pull off all the hair growing on their eyelids. Their beards are short, crisp, black, and the hair of their heads they cut into allies and cross paths; others wear it jagged in tufts, others in other foolish forms; but the women shave all close to the flesh.  
Their Towns consist of thirty or forty houses, all clustered together (yet each hath his own) covered with ●eed and enclosed with mud-walls, like our hovels or hog-sties in England, having at ●he entrance a mat in stead of a door, locked and bolted, not fearing robbery, where the household holds correspondence to the house. In stead of a carved bedstead, they have billets of wood laid overthwart, upon which, in stead of a featherbed, they spread a mat or two. Some are so proud, that they have their (Arras) hangings also of mats about the walls, yet most about their beds betwixt them and the wall. Their other furniture, is two or three pots of earth to keep water in, and to boil such meat as they can get, a gourd or two to fetch Palme-wine, and a half go●rd for his quassing cup, earthen dishes for their loblolly, a basket or two by the walls for his Maria to gather cockles, with a snapsack for himself made of rinds of trees to carry his provant, with his Tobacco and Pipe, and thus is their house furnished. When they go abroad each weareth one of those snap-sackes on his shoulder, wherein he carrieth his provision and Tobacco (which in no wise must be long from his mouth) with his do-little sword by his side, made by themselves of such iron as is brought them; having also his bow and quiver full of poyson-arrowes, pointed with iron in form of a Snakes-sting, or else a case of javelins or Darts, pointed with iron of a good breadth and sharp; and sometime with both. They are big and 〈◊〉 set me●, strong and courageous, of a civill-heathen disposition. They keep themselves for●●e most part unto their own wives, of whom they are not a little jealous. I could not learn ●heir Religion what it is: they have some Images, yet know there is a God above: for w●en we asked them of their wooden Puppets, they would lift up their hands to heaven; ●ore they knew not: but how soever it comes to pass, their children are all circumcised. They are very just and true, and theft is punished with present death. When any dieth, a little thatched shed is set over his funeral hearse, under which in earthen pots they continually keep fresh water, 
Funeral.  and in earthen platters set diverse meats, sticking about them some three or four bones.  
To the South of the Bay, some forty or fifty leagues distant within the Country, 
Their food.  inhabiteth a very fierce people which are man-eaters, which sometime infested them. The Moors of Sierra Leona feed on Rice, of which they have no great quantity, sowing only what is needful, in places near to their houses, where they have burnt up the wood, not having otherwise so much free ground: they sow also another little seed which they call Pene, of which they make bread, not much unlike to Winter-savory seed. They have some few hens about their houses, but no other flesh, except sometime they get a Fawn of the wild Deer, running in the Mountains (not many) or some fowl. They feed also upon Herbs, Cockles, Oysters, 
Oysters on trees.  whereof they have great store growing on the rocks and trees by the seaside, but of a flash taste. They take much good fish with waves and other devices. They feed also much on roots, and plant about their houses many Plantan-trees, Gourds, Potatoes, Pompions and Guinne-Pepper. But Tobacco is planted about every man's house, which seemeth half their food: 
Tobacco-pipe●  the bowl of their Tobacco-pipe is very large, and stands right upward, made of clay well burnt in the fire. In the lower end thereof they thrust in a small hollow cane, a foot and half long, thorough which they suck it, both men and women drinking the most part down, each man carrying in his snap-sack a small purse (called Tuffio) full of Tobacco, and his Pipe. The women do the like in their wrappers, carrying the Pipe in their hands. Unto their Tobacco they add nothing, but rather take from it: for I have seen them straining forth the juice of the leaves, being green and fresh, before they cut and dry it (making signs that otherwise it would make them drunk) then do they shr●●d it small, 
Little fl●sh.  and dry it on a sherd upon the coals. We beheld in a certain Island near (and no where else) half a dozen of Goats, but could not get a tail of one all our time.  
They have innumerable sorts of fruits, growing wild in their woods; whole woods of Limmon trees, especially a little on this side the watering place near the Town, 

Fruits. Woods of Limmons.  
Palmito wine.   and some few Orange trees. Their drink is for the most part water; yet the men devour much Palmito wine, which they call Moy, giving little or none to the women. It is strange to behold their manner of climbing these trees, which have neither boughs nor branches, save only on the top, being also of great height and bigness: with a with he graspeth his body and the tree together, and so bearing back his body, and lifting up his with before him, he feet it up with such speed and certainty, coming down again also so orderly, bringing his gourd full of wine on his arm, that it was admirable. They have diverse sorts of Plums, one like a wheaten Plum, 
Plums.  wholesome and savoury: a black one also, as big as a Horse-plum, much esteemed, having an aromatic savour: Mansamillias' like to a wheaten Plum, very dangerous, as are likewise the boughs of the tree, full of sap, perilous to the sight, if it should happily fly in. They have Beninganions about as big as a Limmon, reddish on the rind, very wholesome: another fruit called Beguill, as big as an apple, with a rough knotty skin, which being pared, it eateth like a Strawberry, being like it also in colour and grain, of which we did eat many: there is store of wild grapes in the woods, of a woody and bitterish taste. They eat the nuts roasted which fall from the Palmito tree: they use small store of Pepper and grains, this in Surgery, that in Cookery. They have certain fruits growing six or eight together on a bunch, each as long and big as a man's finger, of a brown yellowish colour, and somewhat downy, containing within the rind a certain pulpie substance of pleasant taste: I know not how wholesome. There grow in the woods trees like Beeches, bearing fruits like Beans, 
Beane trees of venomous nature, wherewith they poison their arrows.  of which I observed three kinds: one great and tall, bearing a cod like a Beane-cod, which hath in it four or five square Beans, almost like the seed of a tamarind, enclosed with a hard pill like a shell, within which is a yellow kernel, a dangerous poison used by the Negroes, to enuenome their arrows; they call the fruit Ogon. The second is less, his cod crooked byas-wise, of a thick rind, six or seven inches in the bending, and half so much in breadth, containing five large beans of an inch long. The third is large, hath short leaves like the former, the fruit much bigger, on a strong woody stalk, thick and massy, a little indented on the sides, nine inches long, and five broad: within which are five long beans, larger than the other, called by them Quenda, which they affirm also to be dangerous.  
I saw Trees like Willows, bearing fruits like Pease-cods. They have a fruit called Gola, which grows up further in the Country, enclosed in a shell; it is hard, reddish, bitter, 
Carob trees. Cola, a fruit of much esteem.  about the bigness of a Wal-nut, with diverse corners and angles: this fruit they much set by, chewing it with the rind of a certain Tree, then giving it to the next, and he having chewed it to the next, so keeping it a long while (but swallowing none of the substance) before they cast it away, to which they attribute great virtue for the teeth and gums, these Negroes being usually as well to●●hed as Horses. This fruit passeth also amongst them for money, 
Potatoes. Cotton.  this happie-haplesse-people knowing none other. They plant also Potatoes, and higher within Land, Cotton, called ●nnumma, whereof with a Spindle they make a good Thread, and wove it artificially, making cloth thereof a ●●arter broad, to make coverings for their members, and being sewed together, 
Cambe, a wood to dye Red.  jackets and Breech. They have another Wood called Cambe, wherewith they die their Purses and Mats read. 
Limon Tree.  The Limon Tree much resembleth a Crabtree, and is exceeding full of prickles, carrying a slender leaf like a Willow, abounding with fruit as our Crabtrees, beginning to ripen in August, and continuing on the Trees till October; whither they bear twice a year I know not.  

Plantain Trees or Reeds.  The Tree which beareth Plantans is of a reasonable height, the body about the bigness of a man's thigh, and seemeth to be an annual Plant, and in my judgement might better be accounted amongst Reeds than Trees; the body not being of woody substance, compact of many leaves, wrapped close one upon another in manner of an Artichoke stalk, adorned with leaves in stead of boughs from the very ground, which are for the most part about two else long, and some ell broad, having a very large rib in the middle thereof. The fruit is a bunch of ten or twelve Plantans, each a span long, and almost as thick as a man's wrist, somewhat crooked or bending inwards, growing on a leavy stalk on the mids of the Plant, at the first green, growing yellow as they ripen, and tender: the rind being stripped off, the substance within is also yellowish, pleasant in taste. Beneath the fruit on the same stalk hangs down a leavy tuft, sharpe-pointed, which seemeth to have been the flower, which I know not whether it hath any seed or no. They call this fruit Bannanas, 
Bannanas.  and have reasonable plenty: they are ripe in September and October: we carried some to Sea green, which lay six weeks in ripening.  

Guinny Pepper.  Guinny Pepper is not plentiful, it groweth in the Woods wild, a small Plant like Privet, or P●icke-wood, adorned with little slender leaves, bearing a small fruit like unto our Barbary in form and colour, green at f●rst, turning as it ripeneth, read; but not growing in bunches as Barberies, but here and there two or three together about the stalk: they call it Bangue. Of their Pene whence they make their bread is spoken, 
Millet or Panike.  a small slender herb like grass, the stalk full of Seed, not enclosed with any husk; the same I think which the Turks call Cuscus, the Portugals Yfunde.  
The Palmito Tree is straight high, knotty (only in the rind) the wood of a soft substance without boughs, 
Palmito Tree.  except in the top, those also seeming rather Reeds than boughs, being all pithy within, enclosed with a hard rind: the leaf long and slender in manner of Sword grass, or the flag of Calamus: the boughs are from the body of the Tree some yard or better in length, beset on both sides with sharp and strong prickles, standing like the teeth of a Saw, but longer. It beareth a small fruit like to an Indian Nut, as big as a Chestnut, enclosed in a hard shell, and streaked with threads on the outsides, containing a kernel of a hard horny substance without taste. The people eat them roasted, and call the Tree T●bell, and the fruit Bell. The manner of extracting the Wine is this: they cut off one of the branches within some span of the head, a little opening the place by incision, and thereto make fast the mouth of a guord, which in four and twenty hours will be filled with a clear whitish water, distilling from the Tree of good relish and strong, wherewith the people will be drunk.  

Oyster Trees.  There grow likewise within the Bays great store of Oysters on Trees, resembling Willows in form, but the leaf broad and of thickness like Leather, bearing small knops like those of the Cypress. From this Tree hung down many branches, (each about the bigness of a good walking flicke) into the water, smooth, lithe, pithy within, overflown with the tide, and hanging as thick of Oysters as they can stick together, being the only fruit the Tree beareth, begotten thereof, as it seemeth, by the Salt-water.  

Fishes.  Fishes they have many of ordinary kind, and some which seemed to us extraordinary: Mullets, Rays, Thorne-backes, Old-wives with beetle Brows, Fishes like to Pikes, Gar-fish, Cau●llios (like Mackerel) Sword-fish with snouts a yard long, toothed on both sides like the teeth of a Saw, Sharks, Dog-fish; Shark●rs, like a Shark, but having a snout flat and broad like a Shovell; Shoemakers, having on each side the mouth pendants like Barbels, and grunting like Hogs, etc. We catched in an hour six thousand of a kind, like Bleakes.  
Of Fowls are Pelican's, white, as big as Swans, with a large and long bill; Hearnes, Curlews, 
Fowls.  Boobies, Oxe-eyes, with diverse strange kinds of water-fowles. On Land are great numbers of grey Parrots, as also store of Guinny Hens, which are very hurtful to their Rice. This is a beautiful Fowl, about the bigness of a Pheasant, with particoloured feathers. I saw also among the Negroes many Porcupine Quills, with other strange Fowls in the Woods, whereof we knew not the names. There are store of Monkeys leaping to and fro the Trees, Lions, 
Wild beasts.  Tigers, Ounces on the Mountains; here are Elephants but no store; we saw but three, for they are further within Land. The Negroes told us of a strange beast (which the Interpreter called a Carbuncle) often seen, 
Carbuncle, a beast strange, if true.  yet only by night, having a stone in his forehead, incredibly shining and giving him light to feed attentive to the lest noise, which he no sooner heareth, but he presently covereth the same with a ●lme or skin, given him as a natural covering, that his splendour betray him not. The Commodities here are few, but are further up, viz. Gold and Elephants teeth, which at certain times of the year, the Portugals get of them for 〈◊〉 Salt, Beads, Bells, Garlic, French Bottles, Copper Kettles; low-prized Knife's, Hats, L●nen chequered like Barber's Aprons, Latin Basins, edge-tools, Iron bars, and sundry spec●us trifles, but for your Toys they will not give Gold in this place but Victuals.  
This diligent Observer hath taken likes pains touching Soldania, but because we tou●● there often, and have already given many Relations, we will double the Cape, and take a little view with him of Cape Saint Augustine.   

§. II. Of Saint AUGUSTINE and SOCOTORA, like Observations, with other notes taken out of his journal.  
THis place is rather a Bay then Cape or Point, not having any land, 
S. Augustine.  much more bearing out then the rest, it lieth in twenty three degrees, thirty eight minutes of South latitude, hath variation fifteen degrees forty minutes, having on either side breaches, which make it easy to be discerned, lying some league from the Main West South-west. Right from the Bay is deep water to Seaward, but when you are entered, the ground is so sheluie, that you shall have one Anchor aground on the North in twenty two, and your other in above sixty fathoms, and in some places more inward, not two foot at a low water, 
Sheluy ground  and over that, deep again near the shore, yet all soft Ozie ground. The land within a mile or two is high, stony, barren, full of small Woods. In the bottom of the Bay run two Rivers, 
Two Rivers.  the Land about them sunken, sandy Land: forth these Rivers, came so strong a fresh, that the flood never stills them, although it floweth at lest two fathoms, wherewith the water is thick and muddy. Great store of Canes come down, of which we had seen some store, twenty or thirty leagues off at Sea. It lieth open to a Northwest wind, 
The fishes.  we caught here Smelts of a foot long, and Shrimps of ten inches. The best fishing is on the sandy shore of the low Land, near which the Natives catch many with strong Nets. A ledge of Rocks trending alongst, breaks off the force of the Sea. Within the Woods, we found on the low Land, infinite numbers of water Melons, which yielded good refreshing: the Rivers nothing, save hurt to one by an Allegator, the water not also very good, but wooding plenty.  
The place seemeth not very populous. We saw not at any time above twenty together: 
The people. Nea● nakedness.  the men are comely, lusty, tall and wel-set, of a tawny colour, wearing no apparel, but a Girdle made of rinds of Trees to cover their privities: the hair on their beards black, and reasonable long; on their head, likewise, which they pleat and frizzle very curiously, neither have they bad smells on their bodies. Behind on their Girdles are many Trinkets, fastened with Alligators teeth, some hollow to carry Tallow to keep their Darts bright, which are their chief Weapons (of which each carries a small bundle) and a fair Lance artificially headed with Iron, 
Weapons.  and kept as bright as Silver. Their Darts are made dangerously with holes on each side backward. They carry about them certain Knives, like Butcher's Knives, artificially made. They therefore regard no Iron, nor will barter for any thing but Silver, for which we bought a sheep for twelve pence, a Cow for three shillings and six pence, they asked Beads into the bargain, for which yet alone they would give nothing, save a little Milk brought down in gourds, excellent sweet and good.  
Their cattle have great bunches on their fore shoulders, like a Sugarloaf in fashion and quantity, which is a grisly substance, and good meat; their beef not lose, like that of Soldania, 
Their cattles.  but fast and good, little differing from English, as also their sheep, which have tails weighing twenty eight pounds a piece, therefore usually cut off from the Ewes, lest it should hinder their breeding. In the woods near about the River, is great store of beasts, as big as M●nkies, ashcoloured, with a small head, long tail like a Fox, garled with white and black, the fur very fine. 
Strange beasts. Capt. Keeling in his journal calls it the Beautiful beast. Bats huge. Fowls.  We killed some with Pieces, not being able to take them alive. There are Bats as big bodied almost as Coneys, headed like a Fox, with a hairy fur in other things like Bats. We killed one, whose wings extended an ell in length: their cry is shrill and loud. Here are Hernes plenty, white, black, blue, and diverse mixed colours; many bastard Hawkes; birds of infinite variety of colour, having for the most part crests on their heads, like Peacocks. There are store of Lizards and Chameleons, which agreed to Pliny's description; only it is air, that they live of air without other meat: for having kept one aboard but a day, we might perceive him to hunt for flies, 
Chameleons, they eat flies.  in a very strange manner. Having espied her setting, he suddenly shoots a thing forth of his mouth (perhaps his tongue) loathsome to behold, the fashion almost like a Bird-bolt, wherewith he takes and eats them, with such speed, that a man can ●●arsly discern what he doth; even in the twinkling of an eye. In the woods on the hills are many great Spiders, which spin their webs from tree to tree, it being very excellent strong silk of a yellow colour, as if it were died by art. 
Spider's silk weavers.  I found also here great Worm's, in manner of our Grubs, with many legs, which are enclosed within a double cod of white silk, hanging on the trees.  
There groweth great store of herb Aloes, and also Tamerind trees by the water's side. Here was also store of a very strange Plant, which I deem a wild Cocoanut, 
Strange trees.  seldom growing to the height of a tree, of a shrubby nature, with m●ny long prickled stalks, of some two yards long. At the end of each foot-stalke, 〈…〉 ●afe about the bigness of a great Cabbage leaf, s●ipt round half the leaf, like sword grass. From the tops thereof amongst the leaves, come forth many woody branches, as thick set commonly with fruit as they can stand, one by another (I have seen forty together clustering on one branch) about the bigness of a great Katherine pear, and like it in colour being ripe, at the first greenish, fashioned almost like a sheep's bell, with a rind bearing forth near the head, flat at the top, and smooth; within which rind is contained a hard substance, almost like the Coco-nut-shel, in which is included a round white kernel, of a hard gri●●ly substance, yet to be eaten: and within that (for it is hollow) is about a spoonful of pleasant sweet water and cool, like milk, or that rather of the Cocoanut.  
H●re groweth also another as big as a Pear tree, thick set with boughs and leaves, like those of the Bay-tree, bearing a great football fruit (such is the round form) sticking to a strong 〈…〉 by certain seams into four quarters. The rind of it being cut green, yields a clemmie substance, savouring like Turpentine. The rind is very thick, with which I found diverse parcels p●●ked together, almost like the substance that groweth on trees, but harder, rather like a piece of brown woody Agarike, being thirteen in number, couched neatly together, within each of which is contained another great kernel of a darkish white colour, hard, bitter, and unpleasant of taste.  
In Socotora, the Guzerats and English build them houses for the time of their stay, sleight with stone● (the whole Island seemeth nothing else) and pieces of wood laid overthwart, 
Socotora.  covered with Reed and Date branches to keep out the Sun, for rain in that time they fear not. About the head of the River, and a mile further into the land, is a pleasant Valley replenished with Date-trees. On the East side is Dibree a little Town, little inhabited, except in their harvest of Dates. In this Valley the wind bloweth with such violence in june and july, 
Dib●ee.  that it is strange; yet within a flight shot off towards the Town of Delisha, 
Strange winds  over against the r●ad, you shall not have a breath of wind. 
The King of Cushem in Arabia ha●h here four Iles. Irmanas two. Abba del curia. Socolora.  About an hundred years since, this Island was conquered by the King of Caixem (or Cushem, as the Arabs pronounce it) a King of no great force, able to make two or three thousand soldiers: he hath this, and the two Irmanas, and Abba del curia subject to him. The two Irmanas, or two Brethrens, are stony, small, barren, having nothing but Turtles or Tortoises, not inhabited. Abba de la curia is large, hath st●re of Goa●es, and some fresh water, not above three or four inhabitants, as we were certified. The King's son Amor Benzaid resideth at Socotora, which he ruleth during his father's pleasure. They have trade to the Isles of Comoro, and to Melinde, for which he hath here two good Frigates, wherewith they fetch Rice and Melo from the main, which is their chief food.  


The Arabs there.  
Their arms.   The Arabians h●re are in manner slaves to the Snakee or Prince, are all soldiers, and attend on him when he commands; some of them are shot. Moreover, every of them wears a kind of woodknife, or crooked dagger on their left side, without which they dare not be seen abroad. They have also thin, broad, painted Targets. Their dagger handles and chapes, the better sort set forth with Silver, the other with Read Latin. They are tawny, industrious, civil in gesture: the women are some of them reasonable white, 
Persons.  much like to a Sun-burnned country maid in England. The men are of stature like ours, well proportioned in their limbs, wearing their hair most of them long, 
Apparel.  binding a cloth or Turban about the same like the Turks, and a cloth wrapped about their middles, which hangeth down to their knees; not wearing usually other apparel, except sometimes a pair of sandals on their feet, fastened with thongs; carrying their sword naked on their shoulders, or ha●ging from the shoulder in the sheath by a strap, or else on their arm; and thus they march up and down. They love Tobacco, but are loath to give any thing for ●t.  
divers of them fling a Pintado or other cloth in manner of an Irish mantle over their shoulders, and others make them shirts and surplesses of white Calico: some wear a pair of linen breeches under, 
Their women.  like the Guzerates. But their women go altogether in these smocks hanging down to the ground, of read, blue, or for the most part of a light black colour, being died Calicoes: and over their heads they put a cloth, with which (when they lust) they hide their faces, making very dainty to be seen, yet are scarcely honest. And though the men be very poor, and have but to defend necessity, yet their women (whereof some keep four, five, or six, as many as they are able) are so laden with Silver, 
Gallantry.  and some also with some Gold, that I have seen one not of the best, which hath had in each ear at lest a dozen of great Silver rings, almost like Curtain rings, with as many smaller hanging in them: two Carcanets or chains of silver about her neck, and one of Gold bosses; about her wrists, ten or twelve Manillias' of Silver, each as big as one's little finger, but hollow, one about another, on one arm: almost every finger laden with rings, and the small of her legs with silver rings like horselockes. And thus adorned, they cannot stir, but they make a noise like Morris-dancers. They are kept closely by their jealous husbands. They delight in Crystal, Amber, or Coral beads, but ha●e little to buy them, but will either beg them, or make a swap with you in private. 
Their children  The young children (except of a few of better sort) go naked till they come to some age. They are married at ten, or twelve years old. They call themselves Musselmen, that is, Catholics, or true believers, according to their false faithless faith of M●homet: yea they allege this reason for themselves (let jesuite-catholikes acknowledge their own) the great multitude of them, 
Popish argument of faith.  and the small number of us, all the world, say they, being of our Religion, and but a handful of yours. 
Their diet.  They eat their meat on a Mat spread on the ground, but neither use Spoons nor Knives (hands are the elder) in unmannerly manner: they drink usually water, yet in secret can be content to be drunk with wine. They make in the time of year some wine of Dates, pleasant and strong.  
Thus much for the conquerors. They call the conquered Caffars (misbelievers, 
The Native Socotorans.  or if you will heretics) and subject them to great slavery, insomuch that some remain in the Mountains, living in a wild liberty like beasts, the other not suffered to have any weapons. They are well shaped, more swart than the Arabs, wear nothing on their heads, wear their hair long, I suppose never cut, staring as if they were frighted. About their middles they wear a cloth wrapped about them, made of Goat's hair, or course wool, woven by themselves, on their feet slight sandals. Their women go all in smocks of coloured Calico, or course cloth hanging to the ground; on their heads usually nothing: in imitation of the Arabs, 
Gallant fashions.  have Manill as of earth painted or of iron, about their arms and legs, beads in stead of Karkanets, painting their faces with yellow and black spots, loathsome to behold. For Religion, they are mere Heathen all of them, 
Religion and life, most miserable if the Arabs their enemies be to be credited.  as the Arabians certified us, observing no rites of Marriage, but use their women in common. Their natural language is much different from the Arabic, which yet the most learn. They live very miserably, and many of them are famished with hunger. Flesh they are not permitted to kill, so that they are forced to live of fish which they take at Sea, and by their share of Dates, not having wherewith to buy Rice, except with the use of their women's bodies to the Gazerates, while they remain there. Such as have the keeping of the Cattles, maintain themselves with the milk.  
I could learn of no Merchandise the Island yields, but Aloes, Sanguis Draconis, and Dates, and as they say, on the shore of Aba del curia, black Ambergreese. Of Aloes, 
Their merchandise.  I suppose they could make yearly more than Christendom can spend, the herb growing in great abundance, being no other than Semper viwm, in all things agreeing to that description of Dioscorides, in seed, 
Aloes or semper-viwm, the time and making thereof.  stalk, etc. It is yet all of a read pricklie sort, and much chamfered in the leaves, so full of a rosinivyce, that it is ready to break with it. The chief time to make it, is when the winds blow Northerly, that is, about September, and that after the fall of some rain, which being then gathered, they cut in small pieces, and cast into a pit made in the ground, well cleansed from filth and paved: there it lieth to ferment in the heat of the Sun, whereby it floweth forth. Thence they take and put it in skins, which they hung up in the wind to dry, where it becometh hard. They sold us for twenty Rials a quintal, which is an hundred and three pound English: 

A hundred & three▪ or a hundred and two pound, five ounces and a half.  
Dates two harvests.  
Wine of Dates   but we were after told, that they sold to others for twelve, which considering the abundance and easy making, may be credible. Their Date trees bear fruit twice a year; one harvest was in july whiles we were there. It is a principal part of their sustenance, pleasant in taste: and when they are through-ripe, are laid on a heap upon a skin lying sloping, whence distilleth a liquor, received in earthen pots placed in the earth, and is their Date-wine, reserved for drink, wherewith they will also be drunk. Those dates being thus drained, they take out their stones, and pack them hard into a skin, which will so keep long. Another means to preserve them, is by cutting before they are through ripe, and taking out their stone, to dry them: these are the best of all, and eat as if they were candied: whole they will not keep. In harvest time in every Valley where these trees grow, the King hath a Deputy which seethe all gathered, 
Harvest and division.  and brought to a certain place (none daring to touch a Date upon pain of death without order, or severe punishment) where he divideth them in three equal parts; one for the King, one for the Arabs, and the third for the Caffars: which are after distributed severally, but not alike to each.  
This Island hath store of Civet cats, which the Caffars take in the Mountains with traps, 
Civit Cats.  and cell them for twelve pence a piece to such as will buy them. Flesh is dear, ten Rials of eight a Cow, one Goat, or two sheep for a Rial of eight; their cattles good and fast flesh, 
Cattles and victuals.  like English beef: their Goats large and good flesh, their sheep small, like our English sheep, bearing course wool: of Goats and Sheep they have great abundance. They make very good butter, but it is always soft like Cream, at four pence or six pence a pound, Goat's milk at three pence a quart, store of Hens, but five for a Rial of eight, or twelve pence a piece. In the whole Island are not above one or two Horses, very small of the Arabian breed, and some Camels. At Delisha they take much good fish, Lobsters and others. On the Strand groweth cotton Plants, but few: ther● groweth also amongst the stones a shrubby Plant, with thick, round, green leaves, as big as a shilling, with a fruit like Capers (of which it is a kind) called Eshac, eaten in Salads. 
Eshac a kind of Capers.  Oranges there are few and dear, exceeding sweet Basil: and on the shore many fair shells are found, with cuttle bones, and peerle Oystershels, which the people affirm to drive thither: for there are none found, yet shells abundant.  
They are beggars, buy what they can, beg what they may, yet give fair usage. Their best entertainment is a China dish of Coho, a black bitterish drink, made of a berry like a Bay berry, 
Coho. Other notes and remembrances.  brought from Mecca, s●pped off hot, good for the head and stomach. And thus much for his discourses of these places, to which I thought good to add these notes taken out of his journal.  
November the twenty ninth, 1607. in thirty four degrees, we saw a monstrous overgrown Whale coming up close under our stern, 
A huge Whale.  and spouting water in great quantity, having much trash grown about his head which we judged to be Limpets, and other Shellfish. At ●is going down he turned up his tail, which we deemed near as broad as our after Deck, estimating him to be at the lest one hundred tons in weight.  

Barrenness▪ A strange tr●e.  In Socotora at our first landing, the people having received before injurious dealings from the Portugals, (which, they said, had carried some of them away) were all ●edde from us for fear to the Mountains. Their Town which they had left is built of stone 〈◊〉 covered with Rafts and Palme-branches, with artificial doors and wooden locks. near the Sea side stands their Church enclosed with a wall in manner of a Churchyard▪ within it a couple of Crosses and an Altar, with Frankincense, Wood and Gum. They said (when we came to speech) that this was not Socotora but Abba del Curia, which we after found false, we walked up two or three mile, not seeing so much as a sprig of green grass, but many Date trees, and one other tree very strange, about the height of a man, or little better, great at the root, and less and le●e toward the top where it ended almost piked; the trunk smooth, not covered with bark, ●●●ting forth in the top some branches of a Cubite long voided of leaves, bringing forth Reddish flowers, which after change into a fruit first green, in form and bigness not unlike to the Date: within which is contained many small whitish kernels, bitter, as are also the branches, full of ra●sinous substance. Whether this be the Myrrh I leave to better judgements. They also saw another 
* Of these Churches and of this whole Island, See john d' Ca●tro. For they were in times past Christians, which (as all other not of their Faith) the Mahometans call Cassars: but rude and brutish, the easier pray to these Arabs.  Church with a Cross on the top of it.   

§. III. Occurrents in India touching the English, Dutch, Portugals, and the Mogul's dealing with the English.  


Surat. He never calls C. Hawkins, Lord Ambassador, but C. Hawkins. For he, Master Canning and Master Edward's had no such Commission, but only Letters from his Majesty, and orders from the Company, etc.  
The danger which men of War occasion to their Countrymen, honest Merchants, especially amongst remote and Ethnic people, I add not the scandal of their Religion and Country. Portugal treachery and hostility.   TThe eight and twentieth of August, 1608. Captain Hawkins with the Merchants and certain others landed at Surat, where the Captain was received in a Coach, and carried before the Dawne. We had poor lodging allotted us, the Porters lodge of the Custom house: whither the next morning came the Customers who searched & tumbled our Trunks to our great dislike, which had yet brought ashore only necessaries. We were invited to Dinner to a Merchant where we had great cheer: but in the midst of our Banquet sour sauce, for he was the man that had sustained almost all the loss in a ship that Sir Edward Michelborne took. The Captain also of that ship dined with us. Which when it was there told us, the Captain answered that he never heard of such a matter, and rather judged it done by Flemings: but they said, that they knew certainly that they were English, deploring their hard fortunes, and affirming that there were Thiefs in all Countries: nor would they impute that fault to honest Merchants. This speech somewhat revived us. The day after, Mede Colee the Captain of that ship aforesaid invited us to Supper.  
The second of October, we embarked our goods and provision, gave Shek Abdelreheime a Present, and got dispatch to departed: the Customers denying leave, till they had searched the ship whether she had discharged all her goods, to ship any new; but meeting with Frigates they supposing them Malabars, durst not adventure their own River. These Frigates were Portugals, which desired one to come talk with them, and Master Bucke rashly doing it, they detained him, and after (I and Nicholas Vfflet being ashore) Master Marlowe and the rest began to flee; the Cockson would have fought, which he would not permit, but running a ground through ignorance of the Channel, they were taken going on the sandy Island by Portugal treachery, and the fault of some of themselves, nineteen with Master Bucke: but the Gin put off the Pinnace, and notwithstaning the Portugal Bullets, rowed her to Surat. Four escaped by swimming and got that night to Surat, besides Nicholas Vfflet and myself, near twenty miles from the place. Yet had we resisted, we wanted shot, and in number, & armour they very much exceeded us. The fourth, the Captain of the Frigates sent a reviling Letter to the Governor of the Town, calling us Lutherans and Thiefs, and said we were Fleming's and not English; charging him (on continuance of their friendship) to sand aboard the Captain with the rest of us: which Abdelreheime not only denied, but in the Mogul's name commanded him to tender the goods and men.  
The fifth, came a Captain of one of the Frigates which used peremptory words, and before the Governor stood upon it that the King of Spain was Lord of those Seas, and that they had in Commission from him to take all that came in those parts without his Pass.  
The thirteenth, the Governor called all the chief Merchants of the Town upon their conscience to value our cloth (before carried to his house) which they did at a fare under rate, the Governor affirming that he must and would have it, the Captain denying his consent.  
On the sixteenth, we were forced to accept for some of our cloth in their hands, promise' of a little more, 
Iniustce cloaked.  and were permitted to carry away the rest: causing us to leave fifty pieces, and fourteen Devonshire Kerseys for the King, with nine and twenty other Kerseys; and fifteen clotheses for Shek Ferred, keeping also the four clotheses which we reserved for Presents for the King. We were otherwise molested by a contention betwixt Shek Ferred and Mocrow Bowcan (or Mocreb Can) about the Customhouse, that we could not get our goods from thence. We heard that the Portugals sold our goods for half that they cost: Our men were sent to Goa.  
The fifteenth of December, came Mo. Bowcan with a jesuite Padre Peniero; 

Peniero the Iesui●e.  
jesuitical Humanity, Divinity and Preaching. R. Careless had long lived with the Portugals.  
M. Bowcans' injustice. War 'twixt Dutch and Portugals at Malacca.   to this our Captain shown kindness for hope of his men; to the other he gave Presents: both dealt treacherously in requital, the jesuite (as it was reported by Mo. Bowcan himself) offering a jewel which he said was worth two hundred thousand Rials to betray us. This day came to us R. Careless an Englishman, who had long lived amongst the Portugals, from whom he now fled for fear of punishment for carrying necessaries to the Dutch at Muselpatan, desiring to be entertained, which we did with much circumspection.  
The seven and twentieth, Mo. Bowcan desired great abatements upon our cloth, or else he would return it, and (will we nill we) abated two thousand seven hundred and fifty Mamudies, before he would give us licence to fetch up the rest of our goods to make sales. Myself was very ill of the bloody Flux (whereof Master Dorchester died) of which that Englishman Careless, (next under God) recovered me. I learned of him many matters, as namely of the great spoil done the last year to the Portugals by the Hollanders, who lying before Malacca with sixteen ships, enclosing the Town with help of other Kings by Sea and Land; news was carried to the Viceroy, then before Achen accompanied with all the Gallants of India) having with him a very great Fleet of Ships, Galleys and Frigates, and four thousand Soldiers, being commanded by the King to take Achen, and there to build a Castle and appoint an Alphandira; and thence to go and spoil jor and chastise the Moluccas for giving the Hollanders traffic, being minded to root out the Holland name in those parts, for which purpose came two thousand Castilians from the Manilias.  
Andrew Hurtado then governed within Malacca, and sent word of their present distress, 
Andr. Hurtado.  upon which the Viceroy weighed from Achen (which otherwise had been spoilt) whereof the Dutch General advertised, got his men and Artillery aboard, and went forth to meet him; where after a long and bloody fight, with much loss on both sides, the Dutch departed, enforced to stop the leaks of their Admiral, likely otherwise to perish. The Portugals let slip this opportunity, and fell to merriments and brags of their Victory, not looking any more for the Hollanders, who having stopped their leaks at jor, 
Port. defeated.  new rigged and returned upon the Portugals, whom they found disordered and feasting ashore, where they sunk and burned the whole Fleet, making a cruel execution: and had not the Viceroy before sent six ships on some other service, they had been all here utterly extinguished. After this fell such sickness in the City, that most of them died, amongst which the Viceroy was one: and shortly after the Governor of the Spaniards in the Moluccas, so that their strength was laid in the dust, and the Archbishop made and yet 
* 
At the time when this was written, which is to be observed in all this journal.  
Malabars' annoy the Port, New Fleet dispersed.   remaineth Viceroy.  
This last year the Malabarres vexed the Portugals, and took or sunk of them at times, sixty sail or more.  
This year also was expected a Viceroy to come with a strong Fleet, to drive the Hollanders out of India.  
This Fleet consisted of nine ships of War, and six for the Voyage: they were separated in the calm of Guinea, and never met together after. Two of them came to Mosambique, where they were fired of the Hollanders, who also much distressed the Castle, but could not take it: and the time of the year requiring their departure, they set sail for Goa, to the number of fifteen ships and one Pinnace, where they road at the Bar, challenging the great Captain Andrew Hurtado, who durst not visit them. Another of that Voyage having advice that the Hollanders road at the Bar, put to the Northward, where they presently landed their money and goods and set fire of their ship, to save the Dutch a labour: and lastly, the Soldiers fell together by the ears for the sharing of the money. This Fleet departing from Goa sailed alongst the Coast of Malabar, spoiling and burning all they could meet with. There was report of leave given them by the Samorine, to build a Castle at Chaul.  
This month here was also news of an Ormus ship taken by the Malabarres, 
Ormus ship taken.  and three Frigates: and shortly after of a Fleet of twenty five Frigates from Cochen, whereof sixt●ene were taken and burnt by the Malabars, which the rest escaped, if miserable spoil be an escape: also of fifty Frigates and Galiots of the Malabars spoiling on their Coast.  
In january, came other news of thirty Frigates which put for Diu richly laden, taken by the Malabars, being at this time Masters of these Seas. They are good Soldiers, and carry in each Frigate one hundred Soldiers, and in their Galiots, two hundred.  
The first of February, the Captain departed with fifty Peons, and certain Horsemen▪ About this time was great stir touching the Queen Mother's ship, which was to be laden for Mocha: the Portugals then riding at the Bar with two and twenty Frigates, threatened to carry her to D●●: at length they fell to compounding, the Portugals demanding an hundred thousand Mamudies for her Ca●tas or Pa●●e, and after twenty thousand, at last taking one thousand Rials and odd money, with diverse Presents, which the Mogolls were fain to give them. Mo. Bowcan gave me fair words, but the Devil was in his heart, he minded nothing less indeed then payment of his debts, seeking also to deduct some, others imbeselled, striking off by new accounts seventeen thousand of one and forty thousand. I thought he meant to shifted, if he could, and pay nothing, secretly departing the Town, owing much to certain Banians, who must get it when they can: at last I got his Cheet for some, though with great abatements, esteeming half better secured, then to endanger all.  
The six and twentieth of March 1609. it was here reported that Malacca was besieged with thirty ships of Holland, 
Malacca again besieged.  in succour of which the Viceroy assembled all these his Northern Indian forces, appointing Andrew Hurtado General, being the more crank, by news of a New Viceroy with fourteen sail to winter at Mosambique. Mean while a ship of Cambaya which had been at Queda, came for Goga, which the portugals finding without Cartas, made prize of. The Customers at that time by new prices and reckonings, 
Portugals take prise all ships which sail without their Pass.  sought to make prize in great part of us. I was also in the beginning of April taken with a burning Fever, which drew from me much blood, besides ten days fasting with a little Rice: and after my Fever, miserable stitches tormented me. The next month I was visited again with a burning Fever.  

He st●ll c●ls the Mogul's father, the Amber (others use to leave out the article) and so in others.  The twelfth of May came news that Melik▪ Amber, King of Decan, had besieged the City of Aurdanagar (which had been the Metropolitan of that Kingdom, conquered by the Acabar) with two and twenty thousand horse, and that after diverse assaults, the Mogolls made show to deliver up the City, upon condition that he would withdraw his army some four or five 
* A Cousin or Course is a mile and half English.  Co●e from thence, that they might pass with more assurance with bag and baggage: which being done, they suddenly issued forth with all their forces upon the vnprouided enemy, and made a great slaughter, but feared he would be revenged on those parts which were less able to resist. The Canchanna gathered great forces, and demanded of Surat three hundred thousand M. towards the charge, sending also for the Governor, an expert Decan Soldier.  
The twentieth of june, came news of the arrival of five ships at Goa, and of the Viceroys Death, 
Andrew Hurtado Viceroy.  whereupon Andrew Hurtado was chosen Viceroy, being the only stay left of all those parts, and reported a brave soldier. He presently gave order for shipping to be built, intending after the breaking up of winter to make a bolt or shaft with the Hollanders, which were now reported to lie before Malacca with eighteen ships. The Portugal ships in the way had met with one of this Town, and finding her without Cartas, brought her with them as prise for Go●, where on the Bar she was cast away; whereupon the Governor for Canchanna, and the Customer for Mo. Bowcan seized on Tappidas the owner, a Ba●ian, for money owing to them, whereby also we lost his debt to us, for which we may thank the Portugal.  

Great wars of and with Mogolls.  The twentieth of july, Shakstone Selim commanded Can Channa and Manisengo, two great Commanders of his, to invade all the Kingdoms from hence to the South, even to Cape Com●ri; for which a huge army was assembling. In resistance of whom, three great Kings were combined, the King of Decan (whose chief City is Genefro) the King of Visapor, and the King of Golcunda (who●e chief City is Braga●adar) who also gathered great forces, making head near Bramport, upon the Mogolls Frontiers, expecting the breaking up of winter, both armies lying abroad in Tents.  

Ascension lost.  In August I received flying news of an English Pinnace at Gandove, which departing thence, was again forced thither by three Portugal Frigates: I supposed that it might belong to some of our shipping, which standing for Socatora, might not be able to fetch in, and so be forced to fall on this Coast; 
The Hopewell.  which proved accordingly, it being the Ascensions Pinnace, wanting water, wood, and victual, the Master, john Elmer, with five men and two boys. The Master and four of the Company came hither on the eight and twentieth, but I had no small a●oe with the Townsmen of Surat, for bringing them into the Town, they taking them from me, pretending we were but allowed Trade, indeed fearing the portugals, till I should sand to the N●b●● four course off, 
Portugal domineering.  fearing force: to which evil, was added a worse of the portugals coming into the Ri●er with five Frigates, and carrying away the Pinnace, weighing also the two Falcons, which they had cast by the board: and yet a worse report came the fifth of Septemb. of the casting away of the As●e●sion, the company about seventy persons being saved, which the next day came to Surat, but were forced by the Town to lie without amongst the trees and tombs, I being not able to procure leave for the General himself (notwithstanding diverse letters of recommendation which he brought from Mocha, 
Note what Gospel the jesuits preach for converting Infidels.  besides letters from the King himself) into the Town. Such is their slavish awe of the portugals, two jesuits threatening ●●re, faggot, and utter desolation, if they received any more English thither. That which I could do, was to sand them refreshing, and carry them to the Tanke, where they were conveniently lodged, yet amongst tombs, till the Governor appointed them a more convenient-place at a small Aldea two Course off, and with much ado got leave for Master Rivet, Master jordan and the Surgeon, to come hither to provide necessaries for the rest. I had other trouble by the disorder and riot committed by some of them, especially one Thomas Tucker, which in drink had killed a Calf, 

Sacrilegious Calfe-slaughter: Calvish devotion of the Bania●s. This marriage of Captain Hawkins, some say was ●ut as a trick on him by false friends and the cause of his disrespect with the Mogoll. He tells otherwise himsel●●.  
Badur descended of the Cambayan King● a bad neighbour to those parts.  
Description of Surat.  
The Castle.   (a slaughter more than murder in India) which ma●e me glad of their departure, fifteen staying hehind sick, or unwilling to go for Agra: and some returned again.  
The sixth of October, came Letters from Captain Hawk●ns, importing his marriage with the daughter of an Armenian: and others in the latter end of the next month, for my coming to Agra. In December, we stood much in fear of Badur his coming upon Surat, he lying within two days journey, with six hundred horse and many foot: for which cause the Governor cess all men with the entertainment of soldiers, setting upon my head ten men. I went to him, and told him that I had twenty English at his command, for which he thanked me, and freed me of further charge. During this time, the Banians were forced to labour to barricado all the streets of the City: great watches were appointed at the gates, certain pieces drawn from the Castle, and from Carode Garrison fifty horse, which had not sufficed, had not the Governor of Amadanar sent one thousand horse, and two thousand foot to our succour: upon news of which forces, Badur withdrew to his Holds. Two years before our coming, had this man sacked Cambaya, whereof his Grandfather had been King.  
The eighteenth of january, I departed out of Surat towards Agra, willing yet to leave some notice thereof before I leave it. The City is of good quantity, with many fair Merchant's ho●ses therein, standing twenty miles within the land up a fair River. Some three miles from the mouth of the River (where on the Southside lieth a small low Island over-flowed in time of Rain) is the Bar, where ships trade and unlade, whereon at a spring tide is three fathom water. Over this, the Channel is fair to the City side, able to bear vessels of fifty tons laden. This River runneth to Bramport; and from thence, as some say, to Musselpatan. As you come up the River, on the right hand stands the Cas●le well walled, ditched, reasonable great and fair, with a number of fair pieces, whereof some of exceeding greatness. It hath one gate to the Greenward, with a drawbridge and a small Port on the River side. The Captain hath in command two hundred horse. Before this lieth the Medo●, which is a pleasant green, in the midst whereof is a Maypole to hung a light on, and for other pastimes on great Festivals. On this side, the City lieth open to the Green, but on all other parts is ditched and fenced with thick hedges, having three gates, of which one leadeth to Variaw, a small Village, where is the ford to pass over for Cambaya way. Near this Village on the left hand, lieth a small Aldea on the River's bank very pleasant, where stands a great Pagod, much resorted to by the Indians. 
Indian Idol.  Another Gate leadeth to Bramport, the third to Nonsary, a Town ten cose of, where is made great store of Calico, having a fair River coming to it. Some ten cose further lieth Gondoree, and a little further Belsaca, the frontier Town upon Daman. 
A fair Tanke or Pond.  Hard without Nonsary gate is a fair Tank sixteen square, enclosed on all sides with stone steps, three quarters of an English mile in compass, with a small house in the midst. On the further side are diverse fair tombs, with a goodly paved court pleasant to behold: behind which groweth a small grove of Manga trees, whither the Citizens go forth to banquet. Some half cose behind this place, 
Stock worshippers of a stock or tre●.  is a great Tree much worshipped by the Banians; where they affirm a Dew to keep, and that it hath been oftentimes cut down and stocked up by the roots, at the Moors command, and yet hath sprung up again. Near to the Castle is the Alphandica, where is a pair of stairs for lading and unlading of goods: 
Customhouse.  within are rooms for keeping goods till they be cleared, the custom being two and an half for goods, three for victuals, and two for money. Without this gate is the great Gondoree or Bazar. Right before this gate stands a Tree with an Arbour, whereon the Fok●ers (which are Indian holy men) sit in state. Betwixt this and the Castle, on the entrance of the Green, is the market for horse and cattles. A little lower on the right hand over the river, is a little pleasant Town, Ranele, inhabited by a people called Naites, speaking another language, 
Naites, nau●a.  and for the most part Seamen: the houses are fair therein, with high steps to each man's door, the streets narrow: they are very friendly to the English. Hear are many pleasant Gardens, which attract many to pass there their time: and on the trees are infinite number of those great Bats, 
Great Bats, their nature.  which we saw at Saint Augustine's, hanging by the claws on the boughs, making a shrill noise. This fowl the people say, engendereth in the ear; on each wing it hath a hook, and giveth the young suck.  
The Winter here beginneth about the first of june, 
Winter.  and dureth till the twentieth of September, but not with continual reinss, as at Goa, but for some six or seven days every change and full, with much wind, thunder and rain. But at the breaking up, cometh always a cruel storm, which they call the Tuffon, fearful even to men on land; 
Tuffon. Monsons.  which is not alike extreme every year, but in two or three at the most. Monsons' here for the South, serve in April and September, and for Mocha in February and March: from the South, ships come hither in December, january and February, and from Mocha about the fifth of September, after the reinss: from Ormus for the Coast of India in November. But none may pass without the portugals Pass, for what, how much, and whither they please to give licence, erecting a Custom on the sea, with confiscation of ship and goods not showing it, in the full quantity, to the taker and examiner.   

§. FOUR His journey to Agra: Observations by the way, and there; and of the Decan wars there.  

Comuariaw. Mutta. Carode.  THe second of january, I departed from Comuariaw (a small village three Cousin from Surat) to Mutta a great Aldea 7c. 21.8c. to Carode, a great country Town, by which on the North runneth Surat River. It hath a Castle, with two hundred horse Pa●ans good soldiers, twenty two to Curka 12c. it is a great Village with a River on the South side. 
Curca. Became. Necampore. Badurs holds.  In the way 7c. is Became, a Castle with a great Tanke, and a pleasant Grove, 23.10c. to Nacampore a great Town under the Pectopshaw. In this way on the right hand beginneth a great ridge of mountains, which come from Amadanar-wards, near which Badur keepeth, holding diverse strong holds thereon, that the King with all his force cannot hurt him. These Mountains run to Bramport: 
Wild Elephants. Dayta. Badur.  on them are bred many wild Elephants, 24. to Dayta, 8c. a great Town. In the midway you pass a stony troublesome River. This Town hath a Castle, and is almost encompassed with a River, seated in a fertile soil. 25. to Badur, 10c. a filthy town and full of thiefs: here is made much wine of a sweet fruit called M●wa, but I found it not wholesome, except it be burnt. This Town is the last of note in Pectopshaws Land, who is a small King or Raiaw, a Gentle, keeping on the top of inaccessible Mountains, which begin at Curka▪ and extend many Courses. He holdeth two fair Cities, Salere, and the other Muliere, 
Salere and Mulere, Cities of Berropsha. Castles impregnable.  where the Mamudees are coined, each having two mighty Castles, which have way to them but for two men abrest, or for an Elephant at most to get up; having also in the way eighty small Fortresses dispersed on the Mountains to guard the way. Upon the top of these Mountains is good pasture, and abundance of grain, fountains running thence into the Plains. The Acabar besieged him seven years, and in the end was forced to compound with him, giving him Narampore, Dayta, and Badur, with diverse other Aideas, for the safe conducting of his Merchants alongst this Plain; so that he now remaineth this King's friend, sends Presents yearly, leaves one of his sons at Bramport, for pledge of his fealty. He is said to have always in readiness four thousand Mares of a strange breed and excellent: 

Breed of horse rare.  
Nonderbar▪ Lingull. Sindkerry.   and one hundred Elephants. 26.7c. to Nonderbar a City, short of which are many Tombs and houses of pleasure, with a Castle and a fair Tanke. seven and twenty to Lingull, 10c. a beastly Town, with thievish inhabitants, and a dirty castle; a deep sandy way near the Town. 28.10c. to Sindkerry, a great dirty Town. In the way the Governor of Lingull (with others as honest as himself) would have borrowed some money of me, but seeing it prove powder and shot, gave over, and we drew on our Carts without trouble. On the further side of Sindkerry runneth a River of brackish water, with drinking whereof, I got the bloody flux, which accompanied me to Bramport. 29.10c. to Taulneere, 
Taulneere.  a thievish way, the Town fair, with a Castle and a River, in time of rain not passable without Boat. 30.15c. to Chupra, a great Town. I rested two days by reason of rain, in which time came the Governor of Nonderbar with four hundred horse, 
Chupra.  without whose company I could not have proceeded without danger, Can-Canna having been beaten, and retired to Bramport, after the loss of the strong and rich Town of joulnapore, whereupon the Decanes grew so insolent, 
joulnapore.  that they made roads into this way, and spoilt many passengers.  

Rawd. Mukom, stay for refreshing. Beawle. Ravere. Bramport. Badurpore.  The second of February, 6c. to Rawd, a country Village. The unseasonable thunder, wind and rain, with my disease, almost made an end of me: which made us make Mukom the third and fourth, the fifth to Beawle 10c. a great town, with a fair castle, 6. stayed by foul weather, 7.16c. to Ravere, a great Town, 8.10c. to Bramport, where I pitched my Tent in the Armenians yard, not being able for money to get an house, the Town was so full of soldiers. Some 2c. short of this City lieth Badurpore, a fair City, and betwixt these two Cities, the Camp of Can-Canna under Tents, 2c. in length (having some fifteen thousand Horse, two hundred fair Elephants, an hundred pieces of Ordnance of all sizes) on the North side. On the other side, within twenty or thirty course, 
The Tents and compass of both sides.  lay Amberchapon, an Abashed, and General of the King of Decans' Forces, with some ten thousand of his own cost, all brave soldiers, and some forty thousand Decanee: in so much that the City of Bramport had certainly been lost, had not the Prince Saltan Peruis, and Raiaw Manisengo, come instantly down with great forces. For at this time he had sent to the Can-Canna to yield up the City upon composition, deeming him not able to hold it against him.  
This City is very great, but beastly, situate in a low, unwholesome air, a very sickly place, caused especially by the bad water: 
Description of Bramport.  On the North-east is the Castle on the River's bank (coming from Surat) large and well fortified. By the Castle's side in the River lieth an Elephant of stone, so lively, that a living Elephant coming one day to drink, ran against it with all his force, 
Atificiall Elephant.  and broke both his teeth. The head is painted read in the forehead; and many simple Indians worship it. Some two Cousin forth of the City, is Can Cannas' Garden called Loll bage; the whole way thereto being under shady trees very pleasant. Within it are diverse fair walks, with a stately small Tanke standing square between four trees, all shaded and enclosed with a wall; at the entrance without, a fair Banqueting house built aloft between four trees.  
I rested to the twelfth, for recovery (which God sent) under my Tent. Two days after my coming came news of the sacking of Ravere, 
Ravere sacked.  by fifteen hundred Decan Horse with other places near thereto, we blessing God for our safe arrival, the way now not passable with one thousand Horse. I was here certified also by an Armenians Letters, of a great overthrow given to the Portugal Armada upon the Mallabar Coast, consisting of fifty Frigates and two Galleys, 
Portugal loss.  which being dispersed with foul weather, were suddenly out of diverse creeks assailed by the Malabars, which was attended with spoil, fire, taking the rest fleeing. On the twelfth I road to visit the Prince, and on the thirteenth, gave him a Present, found him courteous, promising what I desired. The Prince had with him twenty thousand Horse, and three hundred fair Elephants, and with him, Asaph Can with some three thousand, and Emersee Rastein late King of Candbar, with some thousand old Soldiers. And during my abode in the Camp, came also Raia Manisengo with ten thousand Horse, all Resboots, and near a thousand Elephants: so that all the Plains for a great distance were covered with Tents very brave to behold: with the Army came diverse great Boats for the transportation of forces ●uer waters. The Prince removing I returned to Bramport: and on the six and twentieth, he being advanced 3c. towards the Enemy, I went to him to take my leave, where news came of the overthrow of certain of Manisengos forces.  
The first of March, the Governor of Bramport departed for Agra, and I with him 12 c. to Bar a great Village, stony & steep way, being the passage over the great ridge of Mountains which come from Amadavarwards. 
Barre●.  About some 4c. of this way lieth the strong and invincible Castle of Hassere, seated on the top of a high Mountain, large and strong, 
Hassere a strong and strange Fort.  able to receive (as is reported) forty or fifty thousand Horse. And on the top are many fair Thanks and good pasture grounds. It hath had in the days of Badur Shakstone late King thereof, some six hundred Pieces of Ordnance. The Acabar besieged it a long time, circling it on all sides, and at length took it by composition. For it is said, that there bred such an innumerable sort of Emmets or other small Worms in all the waters, that the people swelled and burst with drinking thereof: which mortality caused him to compound and deliver it, being by mere humane force invincible. The third, 11c. to Camla, a small Aldea, stony, troublesome way. The fourth, 
Camla. Magergom. Kergom. Berkul.  to Magergom 4c. a great Aldea, bad way. The fifth, 10c. to Kergom a great Village, steep way. The sixth, 13 c. to Berkul a small Village. The seventh, 8c. to Taxapore a small Town. At 2c. on this way, you pass a fair River called Neruor which comes from Baroche: upon the Bank is a pretty Town and fair Castle, and under it the Ferry place. To pass over with Camels is a way a C. lower on the left hand, where is an over-fall, and not above three foot in the passage, but near a mile over. The eight, 5c. to Mandow, 3 c. whereof is up a steep stony Mountain, having way but for a Coach at most. 
Mandow the Rivers of the old Town.   
This ridge of Mountains extendeth North-east and South-west. On the top at the edge of the Mountain standeth the gate or entrance of the City, over which is built a fair Fort and House of pleasure; the walls extending all along the Mountain's side for many Coses. On the left hand at the entrance some two or three miles distant, on the top of a picked Mountain standeth a strong Fort, and in other places dispersed some ten or twelve more. For 2 c. or better within this gate the City is ruined all save only Tombs and Meskites, which remain in great numbers to this day, with some tottered walls of great Houses. The old City is from gate to gate 4 c. long North and South, but East and West ten or twelve Coses: and yet to the Eastward of all lieth good pasture ground for many courses. Aloft on this Mountain are some sixteen fair Thanks here and there dispersed about the City. That which is now standing is very fair, but small in comparison of the former, 
The present described.  with diverse goodly buildings all of firm stone, and fair, high gates, that I suppose the like not to be in all Christendom. At the entrance on the South within the gate of the City now inhabited, as you pass along on the left hand, stands a goodly Meskite, and over against it a fair Palace, wherein are interred the bodies of four Kings, with exceeding rich Tombs. By the side thereof standeth a high Turret of one hundred and seventy steps high, built round with Galleries and Windows to every room, all exceeding for goodly Ports, Arches, Pillars; the walls also all interlayed with a green stone much beautifying. On the North-side where I came forth lieth a piece of a foot and an half bore in the mouth, but the breech was in the ground. The gate is very strong with a steep descent; and without this six other, all very strong, with great walled places for Courts of Guard between gate and gate. On this side is also a small Port, but the way thereto is exceeding steep. All alongst on the side also runneth the wall, with flankers ever here and there among; and yet is the hill so steep of itself, that it is not almost pos●●ble for a man to climb up on all ●oure to any part of it. 

The first of name th●t took it was C●n Iohn ● P●●an who built the Turret, and lieth buried in the Pal●ce adjoining with three of his Successors.  
This City was built by an In●ll●n some thousand years ago. Luneheira.   So that to man's judgement it is altogether invincible; and yet was taken partly by force, partly by Treason by Hamawne, this man's Grandfather, for●ing Seic Shakstone Selim whose Ancestors had conquered it from the Indians some four hundred years ago. This Shakstone Selim was a very powerful King of Dely, and once forced Hamawne to fly into Persia for aid; from whence returning with Persian forces, he put him again to the worst; who yet held out against him all his life time, as also a long time of Ecabars' Reign, flying from one Mountain to another. Without the walls of the City on this side, the Suburbs entered 4c. long, but all ruinated, save certain Tombs, Meskits and goodly Serays, no man remaining in them.  
The way exceeding stony and bad at 4c. end lieth Luneheira, a small Saray where we pitched the ninth. Between this and the ruins about 3c. of the way, is a goodly Tanke enclosed with stone, and a banqueting house in the midst: On the South whereof are fair houses of pleasure now ruinated, from whence goeth an arched bridge to the banqueting house in the Tanke.  
Some half a Cousin beyond Luneheira on the right hand, are four or five fair Thanks with a great Pagode, 
Dup●lpore. Ouglue.  a very pleasant place. The tenth, to Dupalpore 14c. good way, a small Town. The eleventh, to Ouglue a fair City twelve long Coses. This Country is called Malua, a fertile soil, abounding with Opium. Here the Cousin or Course is two miles English. The twelfth, 
Conoscia. Opium.  we made Mukom. The thirteenth, to Conoscia, 11c. good way, a little Village. I enquired the price of Opium. They give the head three scratches, from whence issue small tears, at the first white, which with the cold of the night turneth reddish, which they daily scrape, not without infinite trouble, the head being very small and yielding little. The fourteenth, 
Sunenarra.  to Sunenarra 8c. way much stony and thievish, a people called Graciae, inhabiting the hills on the left hand, which often ungraciously entertain Caravans. A hundred of them had done the like to a Caffila now, had not our coming prevented. It is a small Town, short of which is a great Tanke full of wild fowl▪ 
Pimpelgom.  The fifteenth, 10c. to Pimpelgom a ragged Aldea. At 4c. end of this way lieth Sarampore, a great Town with a Castle on the South-west side, with a fair Town-house. Here are made fair Turbans and good linen. Short of this Town we met Caun john a great Minion of the Kings with ten thousand horse, many Elephants, and Boats carried on Carts, going for Bramport. On the way also we passed diverse of Manisengos men, he having in all some twenty thousand, so that it was deemed there were one hundred thousand Horse assembled.  
The sixteenth, 7c. to Cuckra, a great Country Town abounding with all sorts of Grain, 
Cuckra. Berroul. Delout. Burrow.  Victual and Mewa Wi●e: at 4c. lieth Berroul a great Aldea. The seventeenth, 12c. to Delout, a great Aldea, the way for the five last Coses thievish, hilly, stony, the other pleasant Plains. The eighteenth, 7c. to Burrow a small Town, but plentiful of Victual, except flesh which is scarce all this way; the way dangerous. The nineteenth, 7c. to Sukesera a small ragged Town. 
Sukesera. Syrange.  The twentieth, to Syrange 9c., a very great Town, where are many Betele Gardens. The one and twentieth and two and twentieth, we make Muckom. The three and twentieth, to Cuchenary Saray 8c. The four and twentieth, to Sadura 5c. The five and twentieth, to Collebage 7c. The six and twentieth, 
Collebage. Qual●res. Cipry.  12 c. to Qualeres', a pretty small Town encompassed with Tamarind and Manga Trees. The seven and twentieth, to Cipry seven of Surat Couses a mile and an half way thievish, stony, full of Trees, a Desert passage: a walled Town, fair Houses covered with Slate. Two nights before some sixty or seventy Thiefs (mistaking for a late passed Caravan) assailed in a dark night one hundred and fifty Potan Soldiers, and fell into the pit they digged for others, 
Norwar.  ten being slain and as many taken, the rest fled. The eight and twentieth, to Norwar 12c. a Desert rascally way full of Thiefs. In the Woods sat diverse Chuckees to prevent robbing, but the Fox is often made the Gooseheard. One pretty neat Meskite and in one place at the foot of the gate, a few poor Inhabitants we saw in this day's journey, and nineteen fair Saraies ruinated.  
The Town at the foot of the hill, hath a Castle on the top of a stony steep mountain, with a narrow stone causey leading to the top some mile or better in ascent. 
Strong Castle.  In the way stand three gates very strong, with places for Corpse du guard. At the t●p of all is the fourth gate, which leads into the Castle, where stands a guard, not permitting any s●rang●r to enter without order from the King. The Town within is fair and great, with a descent thereto; being situate in a Valley on the top of a Mountain very strangely. As it is reported, this cliff is in circle some 5. or 6c. and walled round with Towers and Flankers here and there dispersed, without treason invincible. This hath been the gate or border of the Kingdom of Mandow, and hath been beautiful, and s●ored wi●h Ordnance, but now is much gone to ruin. The twenty ninth to Palacha 7c. the thirtieth to Antro, 
Antro. Gualere. A strong Castle.  a great Town 12c. the thirty one to Gualere 6 c. a pleasant City with a Castle. On the East 〈◊〉 is on the top of a steep piked hill, a ruinous building where diverse great men have been interred. On the West side is the Castle, which is a steep craggy cliff of 6 c. compass at lest (diverse say eleven) all enclosed with a strong wall. At the going up to the Castle adjoining to the City, is a fair Court enclosed with high walls, and shut in with strong gates, where keeps a strong guard, not permitting any to enter without public order. From hence to the top, leads a stone narrow causeway, walled on both sides; in the way are three gates to be passed, all exceeding strong, with Courts of guard to each. At the top of all at the entrance of the last gate, standeth a mighty Elephant of stone very curiously wrought. This Gate is also exceeding stately to behold, with a goodly house adjoining, whose walls are all set with green and blue stone, with diverse gilded Turrets on the top. This is the Governors' lodging: where is place to keep Nobles that offend (he is said to have three such Noble-Prisons or Castles, this, and Rantimore 40c. to which are sent such Nobles as he intends to put to death, 
Rantimore:  which commonly is some two months after their arrival, the Governor then bringing them to the top of the wall, and giving them a dish of milk, which having drunk, he is cast down thence on the Rocks. The third is Rotas, 
Rotas.  a Castle in the Kingdom of Bengala, whither are sent those Nobles which are condemned to perpetual imprisonment) from whence very few return again. On the top of this Mountain of Gualere, is very good ground, with three or four fair Thanks, and many other fair buildings. On the Town side are many houses cut out of the main Rock, for habitation and sale of goods. On the Northwest side, at the foot of the hill is a spacious meadow, enclosed with a stone wall, within which are diverse gardens and places of pleasure, fit also to keep horses in time of war. This Castle was the Gate or frontier of the Kingdom of Dely, bordering on Mandow, and is near a mile of ascent.  
The first of April 1610. to Mendaker 9c. the second 10c. to Doulpore. Within 2c. of the Town, you pass a fair River called Cambere, as broad as the Thames, 
Mendaker. Doulpore.  short of which is a narrow passage, with hills on both sides, very dangerous. The Castle is strong, ditched round, and hath four walls and gates one within an other, all very strong, with steep ascents to each, paved with stone; the City is inhabited most-what with Gentiles. The Castle is three quarter's of a mile through, and on the further side hath like Gates to be passed again. 
jaiow, Agra.  The third to jaiow 9c. the fourth to Agra 9c. In the afternoon, the Captain carried me before the King. I here found at my coming, Captain Thomas Boys, with three French Soldiers, a Dutch Engineer, and a Venetian Merchant with his son, and a servant, newly come by land out of Christendom.  
In May and part of june, the Town was much vexed with fires night and day, flaming in one part or other, whereby many thousands of houses were consumed, besides Men, Women, 
Terrible fires at Agra.  Children, and Cattles, that we feared the judgement of Sodom and Gomorrha upon the place. I was long dangerously sick of a Fever; and in june the heat so exceeded, that we were half roasted alive. june the twenty eighth, arrived Padre Peniero, an arch-knave (a jesuite I should say) who brought Letters from the Viceroy, with many rich Presents, tending only to thwart our affairs. 
See how Merchants speak the jesuites, when jesuites play the Merchants  In this time, Mo. Bowcan was complained of by the Captain to the King, who commanded Abdel Hassan the chief Vizier to do justice; but birds of a feather will fly together, and Mo. Bowcan partly mis-reckoned, partly turned us over to a Bankrupt Bannian; so that of thirty two thousand five hundred one M. and an half due, he would pay but eleven thousand: neither would he pay that present.  
In july, came news of the ill success of the King's forces in Decan, who being within some four days journey of Amdananager, hoping to raise the siege thereof, were forced through famine and drought, to make their retreat for Bramport, whereupon the City, 
Amdananager lost to the Decan.  after much misery endured, was lost. This army consisted of one hundred thousand horse at the lest, with infinite numbers of Camels and Elephants: so that with the whole baggage, there could not be less than five or six hundred thousand persons, insomuch that the waters were not sufficient for them; a Mussocke of water being sold for a Rupia and yet not enough to be had▪ 
Peril of huge armies.  and all victuals at an excessive rate. For the Decan army still spoilt the Country before them, and cut betwixt them and supplies for victualling them out of Guzerate and Bramport, daily making light skirmishes upon them, to their great disadvantage, that without retiring the whole army had been endangered. At their return to Bramport, there were not to be found thirty thousand horse, with infinite number of Elephants, Camels, and other Cattles dead. This Month also came news of the sacking of Potana, a great City in Purrop, 
Potana sacked.  and surprising of the Castle where the King's Treasure lay, the Citizens flying without making resistance. But upon this Cavalero, presently came a great Ombra adjoining, and took him in the Castle. The Citizens returning, he sent twelve of the chief of them to the King, who caused them to be shaved, and in women's attire, to be carried on Asses through all the streets of Agra, 
Punishment of Cowardice.  and on the next day (as it is said) cut off their Heads.  
All this Month also was much stir with the King about Christianity, he affirming before his Nobles, that it was the soundest faith, and that of Mahomet lies and fables. 
Christianity seemed to be affected by the Mogul.  He commanded also three Princes, his deceased brother's sons, to be instructed by the jesuites, and Christian apparel to be made for them, the whole City admiring. And yet at the same time, Abdel Hassans' judgement was, that it was not justice to pay debts to Christians, in Mo. Bowcans' case, whereof again we had reference from the King to him, perhaps on like ground, as some Europaeans think it lawful to make price of the goods and ships of Ethnikes, eo nomine, therefore setting out men of war, so to make the Christian Name, not as an ointment poured out, that the Virgin souls may be converted, and love Christ, but as filthy matter running out of rotten hearts and poisoned lips, yea, with force and arms, to exoccupate the Kingdom of Christ in those parts: at lest, let reform Professors reform this Man-of-warre-Profession against innocents, that the Name of God through them be not blasphemed among the Gentiles. But to return to this dissimulation (as since it hath to the world appeared) those three Princes were Christened solemnly, conducted to Church by all the Christians of the City, 
Three Princes christened. English colours displayed before the mogul.  to the number of some sixty horse, Captain Hawkins being in the head of them, with S. George's colours carried before him, to the honour of the English Nation, letting them fly in the Court before Shakstone Selim himself. The eldest was named Don Philippo, the second Don Carlo, the third Don Henrico: and on the ninth of September, was christened another young Prince, the Acabars' brothers son's son, by the name Don Duarte, the King giving daily charge to the Fathers for their instruction, that they might become good Christians.  

Portugal's afraid to come too late.  October the twelfth, we were certified by Letters of M. jourdaine from Surat, that thirty Frigates of the Portugals were cast away on the bar of Surat, hasting before the winter was broken up, to catch more English; many of the men escaped, and were glad to beg relief at the English door.   

§. V Descriptions of Fetipore, Byana; the way thither; of the Nill or Indigo, and of diverse Mogoll affairs, Cities, and Castles.  
THe first of November, I was sent to buy Nill or Indigo at Byana. I lodged that night at Menhapoore, 
Saray is a kind of public Inn. See Stell and Crowder.  a great Saray, 7c. by which is a Garden, and Moholl or summer house of the Queen Mothers, very curiously contrived. The second at Cannowa, 11c. at 4c. end, is a Moholl of the Kings. And at every coz end from Agra, is erected a stone pillar for 130c. to Asmere, where lieth interred the body of a great Moorish Saint, called Hoghee Mondee, 
Asmere, a child-giving Saint.  whereto the Acabar wanting children, made a foot-pilgrimage to beg for issue, and caused a pillar at each course to be set up; and a Moholl with lodgings for sixteen great women at every eighth course alongst, and after his return obtained three sons.  
At 7 c. on this way, and 12c. from Agra, is seated the famous city of Fetipore, built by the Acubar, 
Fetipore described.  and enclosed with a fair stone wall, which yet standeth fresh, having four fair and strong Gates, it being some three English miles betwixt gate and gate. In the midst it is all ruinated, lying like a waste desert, and very dangerous to pass through in the night, the buildings lying waist without inhabitants; 
Ruins.  much of the ground being now converted to Gardens, and much sowed with Nill and other grain, that a man standing there, would little think he were in the midst of a city.  
To the entrance of the gate from Agra, some course in length upon a stony ascent, lie the ruins of the Suburbs; as also without the South-west gate for two English miles in length, many fair buildings being fallen to the ground: and on the left hand are many fair enclosed Gardens, three miles alongst from the city. At the entrance of the North-east Gate, is a goodly Bazar (market place) of stone, 
The Bazar.  half a mile long, being a spacious straight-paved street, with fair buildings on either side. Close within the gate is the Kings Saray, with large stone lodgings, but much ruined. At the head of this street stands the King's house and Moholl, with much curious building: and on the further side hereof, upon an ascent, stands the goodliest Meskite of the East. It hath some twenty four or thirty steps of ascent to the Gate, 
Fair Meskite:  which is one of the highest and fairest (I suppose) in the whole world: on the top are a number of clustering pinnacles, curiously disposed. The top of this Gate may be plainly seen eight or ten mile's distance. Within is a goodly spacious court, very curiously paved with free stone, about six times the largeness of London's Exchange, with fair large walks alongst the side, more than twice as broad, and double the height of those about the Burse of London, the pillars upholding them, being of one entire stone: and round about are entrances into many goodly rooms, neatly contrived. Opposite to the Gate toward the further side, stands a fair and sumptuous Tomb, artificially inlaied with mother of Pearl, and enclosed with a grating of stone curiously carved. Over head is rich pargeting and painting. 
Calendar is an order of Moorish Votaries. Badwater.  Herein lieth the body of a great Calendar, at whose cost the whole Meskite was builded. Under the court yard is a goodly Tanke of excellent water; none other being to be had through the city, but brackish and fretting, by drinking whereof was caused such mortality, that the Acubar before it was quite finished, left it, and removed his seat to Agra, so that this goodly City was short lived, in fifty or sixty year's space being built and ruinated.  
It was at the first called Sykary, which signifieth, seeking or hunting; but after the Acabar was returned from his Asmere Pilgrimage, and was father of this Shakstone Selim, he named it Fetipore, that is, a Town of content, or place of Hearts desire obtained. 
Fetipore interpreted.  The North Northwest side of the City, without the walls, is a goodly Lough for 2. or 3c. in length, abounding with good fish and wild fowl; all over which groweth the herb which beareth the Hermodactyle, 
Hermodacty●us described.  and another bearing a fruit like a Goblet, called Camolachachery, both very cooling fruits. The herb which beareth the Hermodactyle, is a weed abounding in most Thanks near Agra, spreading over all the water; the leaf I observed not, but the fruit is enclosed with a three cornered shell, of a hard woody substance, having at each angle a sharp picked pricking point, and is a little indented on both the flat sides like two posterns. The fruit being green, is soft and tender, white and of a mealish taste, much eaten in India, being exceeding cold in my judgement: for always after it, I desired Aquavitae. It is called by the people Singarra. The other beareth a fruit in manner of a Goblet, flat on the top, and of a soft greenish substance, within which a little eminent, stand six or eight small fruits like Acorns, divided from each other, and enclosed with a whitish film, at the first of a russettish green, tasting like a Nut or Akorne; in the midst is a small green sprig naught to be eaten.  
Cannowa is a small country Town, round about which is made very good Nill, 
Cannowa.  by reason of the fastness of the soil, and brackishness of the water: it maketh yearly some five hundred M. Ouchen 3c. distant makes very good; besides which, no Town but Byana itself, compares with this. I remained here to the two and twentieth and three and twentieth. 6c. to Candere, 
Candere. The Kings Moholls described.  a roguish dirty Aldea. At 2c. on this way, is one of those Moholls, before mentioned. It is a square stone building: within the first gate is a small court, with a place for the King to keep his Darsany, and two or three other retiring rooms, but none of note. Within the second court is the Moholl, being a foure-square thing, about twice as big, or better, than the Exchange; having at each corner a fair open Devoncan, and in the midst of each side another, 
Devoncan is a Hall.  which are to be spread with rich carpets, and to sit in to pass the time: And betwixt each corner and this middlemost, are two fair large chambers for his women (so that each Moholl receiveth sixteen) in several lodgings, without doors to any of them, all keeping open house to the King's pleasure. Round by the side goeth a fair paved walk, some eight foot broad: and in the midst of all the court stands the King's chamber, where he like a Cock of the game may crow over all. At Candere I remained till the eight and twentieth, and returned to Bachuna, 4c. back in the way.  
The twentieth of December, I went to Byana 8c. a back way thorough the fields. 
Byana.  This city hath been great and fair, but is now ruinated, save two Sarayes and a long Bazar, with a few straggling houses, many fair ones being fallen, 
Ruins.  and many others not inhabited (except by rogues or thiefs) so that many streets are quite desolate. On the Northwest some three or four cose off, are the ruins of a King's house, with many other fair buildings: the like ruins are to be seen on the South-west side, over against a Town called Scanderbade, in like distance upon the height of the rocky mountains: the way leading up is a narrow steep stony causeway, not to be passed on horseback, some quarter of a mile the ascent: the entrance is thorough a small wicket, passing the lips of the mountains in a narrow gut. On the right hand, upon the very edge, stands a pleasant building, where are diverse Tombs: from each side, the way may be made good with stones against millions of men. Passing a mile hence on a fair causeway, you come to the King's house, sometimes fair, now ruinated, where a few poor Googers remain in the ruins. Many Tombs and Monuments yet remain. At the foot of the hill toward Scanderbade, 
A strong Fort.  is a pleasant Valley enclosed with a wall, and therein many gardens of pleasure. This City hath been in ancient times the seat of a great Potane King, and hath had the walls extending on the cliffs 8c. in length, in those places where is any possibility of getting up, the rocks otherwhere over-hanging: the fortifications on the other side I saw not. It hath been a goodly city, inhabited now only with Googers, which are keepers of cattles, and makers of Butter and Cheese. From hence notwithstanding all this strength, did the Acabar force Shakstone Selim the Tyrant, and then laid it waste, as he hath done Mandow, and most of the strong holds which he took. The country which affordeth that rich Nill which takes name of Byana, is not above twenty or thirty cose long.  
The herb Nill, groweth in form not much unlike Cives or Cich-pease, 
Description of Nill or Indigo.  having a small leaf like that of Sena, but shorter and broader, and set on a very short foot-stalke, the branches hard and of a woody substance like unto broom. It usually groweth not above a yard high, and with a stalk at the biggest (which is at the third year) not much exceeding a man's thumb. 
The growth and variety of the Herb.  The seed is included in a small round cod about an inch long, resembling Foenigraecum, save that it is more blunt at both ends, as if it had been cut off with a knife. It carrieth a small flower like that of Hearts-ease: the seed is ripe in November, and then gathered. The herb once sown dureth three years, being cut every year in August and September after the reinss. That of one year is tender, and thereof is made notee, which is a weighty Reddish nill sinking in water, not come to his perfection: that of the second year is rich, and called Cyeree, very light and of a perfect Violet colour, swimming on the water: in the third year the herb is declining, and this Nill is called Catteld, being a weighty blackish Nill, the worst of the three. This herb being cut the month aforesaid, is cast into a long cistern, where it is pressed down with many stones, and then filled with water ti●l it be covered, 
Their making of Indigo.  which so remaineth for certain days, till the substance of the herb be gone into the water. Than they let the water forth into another round cistern, in the midst of which is another small cistern or centre: this water being thus drawn forth, they labour with great staffs, like batter or white starch, and then let it settle, scumming off the clear water on the top: then labouring it afresh, and let it settle again, drawing forth the clear water, doing this often, till nothing but a thick substance remain; which they take forth and spread on cloth, to dry in the Sun: and being a little hardened, they take it in their hands, and making small balls, lay them on the sand to dry (for any other thing would drink up the colour) this is the cause of the sandy foot. So if rain fall, it looseth his colour and gloss, and is called Aliad. Some deceitfully will take of the herb of all three crops, and steep them altogether, 
To know good Indigo.  hard to be discerned, very knavishly. Four things are required in Nill: a pure grain, a violet colour, his gloss in the Sun, and that it be dry and light, so that swimming in the water, or burning in the fire, it cast forth a pure light violet vapour, leaving a few ashes.  
About the sixth of january, the King being on hunting, was assailed by a Lion which he had wounded with his Piece, 
The Great mogul in danger of a Lyon.  with such fierceness, that had not a Captain of his, a Resboot, Tutor of the late baptised Princes interposed himself, thrusting his arm into the Lion's mouth as he ramped against his Majesty, he had in all likelihood been destroyed. In this struggling, Sultan Corom, Raiaw Ranidas, and others came in, and amongst them slew the Lion, that Captain having first received thirty two wounds: whom therefore the King took up into his own Palanke, with his own hands also wiped and bound up his wounds, and made him a Captain of five thousand horse, 
His thankfulness.  in recompense of that his valorous loyalty.  
The King's manner of hunting is this: about the beginning of November, accompanied with many thousands, he goeth forth of his Castle of Agra, and hunteth some thirty or forty Course round about the City; 
King's manner of hunting.  so continuing till the end of March, when the heat drives him home again. He causeth, with choice men, a certain wood or desert place to be encircled, so contracting themselves to a nearer compass, till they meet again; and whatsoever is taken in this enclosure, is called the King's Sikar or game, whether men or beasts; and whosoever lets aught escape, without the King's mercy, must lose his life. The beasts taken, if man's meat, are sold, and the money given to the poor: if men, they remain the King's slaves, which he yearly sends to Cabull, to barter for horse and dogs; these being poor miserable thievish people that live in woods and deserts, little differing from beasts.  
This Month, the King was providing more forces for Decan, notwithstanding the Decan●es required his peace, offering to restore what they had taken▪ Caun Asom was sent General, and with him twenty thousand horse, accompanied with Matrobet Caun another Great Captain, together with infinite treasure. With these forces went john Frenchman, and Charles Charke, entertained in his service for the wars. 
This Ch. Charke I have spoken with since in London after diverse year's service. journey to Labour. Indians idolatry.   
january the ninth, I departed from Agra for Lahor to recover debts, and carried twelve carts laden with Nil in hope of a good price. The places I passed were Rownocta twelve courses, Badeg Sara 10. Acabarpore 12c. formerly a great city, still famous for the Antiquities of Indian Gobins or Saints. A little ●hort of this place, is a fair Deury enclosed with a stone wall, in which is a Devoncan, and round about a little distance in vaults (or cloisters) are to be seen many Pagods, which are stone images of monstrous men fearful to behold, but adored by the Indians with flowers and offerings. Houdle 13c. At the entrance of the Saray is a fair fountain three stories, and one hundred steps. Pulwooll 12c. Ferreedabade 12c. Dely 10c. On the left hand is seen the carcase of old Dely, 
* 
Dely. There are said to ●ee four Delyes within 5c. the eldest built by Raze, who by his Pond or Magicians counsel tried the earth by an Iron stake▪ which he pulled outbloody with the blood of a Snake, which his Pondesaid was sign of good fortune.  
The last of his race was Raze Petrary, who after seven times taking a Po●an King, was at last by him taken and slain. He began the Potan Kingdom. They came from the mountains between Cand●ha● and Catull. The s●cond built by Togall Shakstone, a Potan King. The third little of note. The fourth by Shersh●s●●●m, where is that Tomb of Hamaron.   called the nine castles, and fifty two gates, now inhabited only by Googers. A little short is a stone bridge of eleven arches, over a branch of Gemini: from hence a broad way shaded with great trees, leading to the sepulchre of Hamaron this King's Grandfather, in a large room spread with rich carpets, the Tomb itself covered with a pure white sheet, a rich Semiane over head, and a front, certain books on small trestles, by which stand his Sword, Tuck, and shoes: at the entrance are other Tombs of his Wives and Daughters. Beyond this, under like shaded way you come to the King's house and Moholl, now ruinous. The City is 2c. between Gate and Gate, begirt with a strong wall, but much ruinated, as are many goodly houses: within and about this City are the Tombs of twenty Potan Kings, all very fair and stately. The Kings of India are here to be crowned, or else they are held Usurpers. It is seated in a goodly plain, environed with goodly pleasant Gardens and Monuments.  
Nalero is hence 14 c. about 2c. without Dely, is the remainder of an ancient Mole or hunting house, b●lt by Sultan Berusa a great Indian Monarch, with much curiosity of stone-worke: with and above the rest, is to be seen a stone 
* A stately Obeliske with Greek or Hebrew inscriptions, as some affirm, supposed to be set there by Alexander.  Pillar, which passing through three stories, is higher than all twenty four foot, having at the top a Globe, and a half Moon over it. This stone they say, stands as much under the earth, and is placed in the water, being all one entire stone, (some say Nasordengady a Potan King would have taken it up, and was prohibited by multitude of Scorpions, and that it hath inscriptions.) In diverse parts of India the like are to be seen, and of late was found buried in the ground about Fettipore a stone pillar of an hundred cubit's length, which the King commanded to bring to Agra, but was broken in the way, to his great grief. 
The stone of Indiae.  It is remarkable, that the Quarries of India, specially near Fettipore (whence they are carried fare) are of such nature, that they may be cleft like logs, and sawn like planks to ●eele chambers, and cover houses of a great length and breadth. From this Monument is said to be a way under ground to Dely Castle. Now here remain only Googers, and there are store of Deer. We saw in the way the reinss of diverse places, and near the same, the reinss of a wall 20c. in circuit, being a Park for game. Some part of this way was thievish, and some report being given out of the King's death, many R●g●es with that false alarm were abroad: we met the Fosder of Dely with some 2. thousand horse and foot in their pursuit, who burned their Towns, & took them and theirs whatsoever he could get: and the next day at breakfast we were like to be surprised by thiefs.  
G●nowre 14 c. Panneput 14c. at the entry whereof was placed a Manora, with the heads of some hundred thiefs newly taken; their bodies set on stakes a mile in length. Carmall 14c. the way thievish, where but for our piece language we had b●en assaulted. On the Northwest extend Mountains near to Lahor from hence, with snow on the tops. Tanassar 14c. here is a Castle, a goodly Tanke, and by it Pagods, much reverenced by all the Gentiles throughout India. 
Pagods.  near it also are the Sal-armoniake pits. 
Sal-armoniake pits.  Shabad or Goobade 10c. Amballa 12c. H●llowa Saray 14c. Syrinam 7c. it hath a fair Tanke with a Summer-house in the midst, to which leads a Bridge of fifteen stone arches very pleasant. From hence is a small River cut to the King's Garden a corpse distant, with a causeway of forty foot bread, planted with trees on both sides to it. The Garden is four square, each square a cose in length, or better, enclosed with a Bricke-w●ll, 
The King's garden. Some say it was made, An. Dom. 15●0.  richly planted with all sorts of fruits and flowers, rent yearly (as I was told) for f●fty thousand Rupias: crossed with two main walks forty foot broad, and eight high, with ●a●er running alongst stone channels in the midst, and planted on both sides thick with fair Cypresses: one of these cawseys is also paved with pe●●e curiously inter-wrought. At the crossing stands an eight square Mohol with eight chambers for women, in the midst thereof a fair Tank; over these eight other rooms, with fair Galleries round about: on the top of all a fair ●ounter; the whole building curiously wrought in stone, with fair painting, rich carving, and pargeting: and on two sides two fair Thanks in the midst of a fair stone chounter, plan●ed round with Cypress trees: a little distant is another Mohol, but not so curious.  
From hence we passed to Dorapy 15c. Pulloceque Saray 13 c. Nicoder 12 c. Sultanpoore 11c. Fetipore 7c. a Saray built (if it were finished) by Shakstone Selim, in memorial of the overthrow given Sultan Cusseroom his eldest son: the occasion whereof was this. Shakstone Selim upon some disgust took arms in his father's life time, and fled into P●●rop, 
The cause of the quarrel 'twixt ●he Mog●ll and his eldest ●on●e.  where he kept the strong Castle of Alobasse (but came in some three months before his father's decease) whereupon Acabar gave the Crown to Sultan Cusseroom his son. But after Acabars' death, Selim by his friends, seized on the Castle and treasure, and his son fled for Lahor, where he gathered some twelve thousand horse all good soldiers and Mogul's, possessing the Suburbs twelve days, and proclaimed King in the Kasse, and his Father in the Castle. In this place he gave battle to Strek Fereed, and distracted his three hundred horse, and put them to the sword: to the second of him came Melec Ale Cutwall (the King b●ing some 20c. behind) with some two hundred horse, beating up the King's dr●mmes, and gluing a brave assault, shouting God save King Sel●●, upon which the Prince's soldiers fa●rted and fled, the Prince himself fleeing only with five horse, and got 30c. beyond Lahor for Cabull, which if he had gotten, he would ha●e put his father to further trouble: but being to pass a River where he gave Mohors of Gold, the Boatman grew in distrust, and in the midst of the Channel leapt overboard, and swam to the shore, where he gave notice to the Governor of the Town adjoining, who presently with fifty horse came down to the River, where the Boat was still floating, embarked himself in another, and saluted him by the name of King, dissemblingly offering his aid, and inviting him to his house: 
The Prince taken.  which the Prince accepting, was locked up with his Company and guarded, till he had sent the King word, who sent G●rmaunabeg to fetch him fettered on an Elephant. From hence his Father proceeded to Cabul, punishing such as he found tar●●e in this revolt, carrying his son with him prisoner, and returning by this place where the battle was fought (as some say) caused his eyes to be burned out with a glas●e; others say, only blindfolded him with a napkin tying it behind, 
Of 〈◊〉 enlargement, etc. you shall rea● after in Sir T. Ro●s journal. Two ●e●ipore●.  and sealing it with his own seal, which yet remaineth, and himself prisoner in the Castle of Agra. All alongst on both sides the way from Cabul to Agra, a reasonable distance, the King cau●ed trees to be planted to shade the way, in remembrance of this exploit, and called this place ●●tipoore, that is, hearts content, as ye before heard of the City, which for his birth was named so by his Father Accubar: these as any decay, must by the people's toil be supplied.  
From hence to Hugh M●h●ed● 10c. Cancan●a Saray 12c. Lahor 7c. where I arrived February the 〈◊〉. On the twenty eighth, arrived here a Persian Ambassador allied to Shakstone Abash, 
Gelole a Traitor ●o two 〈◊〉.  with a grea● Caravan accompanying him. I by them learned, that the way to Ca●d●har was now 〈◊〉, the wa●r●s being ended, which the Tink●● Gelole had caused, who the former year had fled to the Persian with some ten thousand Turks, and had obtained some jaggere near thereto, whereof he purposing to make himself King, was overthrown, and being sent for by the Persian, refused to come, till deluded by promise of a marriage, he was got to the Court, and there lost h●s head. We heard also of the Persians' taking from the Turk, the strong Castle of Curds, after a years siege, with other Asian and European news.   

§. VI Description of Lahor, and of the King's house there: how the Mogolls entered India: Of diverse strong holds, strange Beasts, and Plants; f●nd Superstitions: Of the Ways, Thiefs, Outlaws, Cities, Buildings, adjoined and intermixed: Princes not subject: Agra and Echebars Sepulchre described.  
LAhor is one of the greatest Cities of the East, containing some 24c. in circuit by the ditch which is now casting up about it, and by the King's command, now to be enclosed with a strong wall. In the time of the Potans it was but a Village, Multan then flourishing, till Hamawn enlarged this. The Town and Suburb is some 6c. thorough. The castle or Town is enclosed with a strong brick wall, having thereto twelve fair gates, nine by land, and three openings to the River: the streets fair and well paved, the inhabitants most Baneans and handicrafts men; 
The houses.  all white men of note lying in the Suburbs. The buildings are fair and high, with brick and much curiosity of carved windows and doors: most of the Gentiles doors of six or seven steps ascent, and very troublesome to get up, so built for more security, and that passengers should not see into their houses. 
The River Ravee.  The castle is seated on Ravee, a goodly River which falleth into Indus, down which go many Boats, of sixty ton or upwards, for Tatta in Sinned, after the fall of the rain, being a journey of some forty days alongst by Multan, Seetpore, Buchur, Rauree, etc.  
This River cometh from the East, and runneth Westerly by the North side of the City: upon which within the Castle is the King's house, 
The King's house described.  passing in at the middle gate to the River-ward. Within the City on the lefthand, you enter thorough a strong gate; and a Musket shot further another smaller, into a fair great square court, with Atescanna for the King's guard to watch in. On the lefthand, thorough another gate you enter into an inner court, where the King keeps his Darbar, and round about which court are Atescanna's also for great men to watch in. In the midst there stands a high pole to hung a light on. From hence you go up to a fair stone jounter or small court, in the midst whereof stands a fair De●oncan, with two or three other retiring rooms, wherein the King sits out all the first part of the night, commonly from eight to eleven. On the w●lles is the King's Picture sitting crosslegged on a chair of State: on his right-hand Sultan Peruése, 
Pictures.  Sultan Caroone, and Sultan Timoret, his sons: next these, Shakstone Morat, and Don Shakstone, two of his ●rothers (the three baptised before spoken, were sons of this later) next them Emersee Sheriff, eldest brother to Caun Asom (of whom it is reported his estate to be such, tha● of one hundred chief women which he kept, he never suffered any of their clothing after their first wearing to be ever touched by any s●ranger, but caused them to be buried in the ground there to rot: as also that he always had in service five hundred Massalgees, in so much that whensoever he went from court to his house in Agra, which was at lest a corpse, no man removed foot with his torch, but stood all alongst to his house) next this man, Emersee Rostene, late King of Candhar, 
The Pictures on the wall of the Princes or great men.  then Can Canna (which signifies Prince of Cans) than Cut●ùp Caun, Raiaw Manisengo, Caun Asom, Asoph Caun, Sheck Fereed, Kelish Caun, and Raiaw juggonat (who at his death has seven of his friends that burned themselves with him, besides one of his sisters, and a brother's child.) On the left hand of the King stands Raiaw Bousing, who beats away flies, than Raiaw Ramdas, who holds his sword, Cleriff Caun, Caun john, jemana Lege or Mawbet Caun, Mocrow Bowcan, Raiaw Bossow, Raiaw Ransing, Maio Kesso, and Lala Bersing. Note also that in this Gallery, as you enter, on the right-hand of the King, over the door is the Picture of our Saviour; opposite on this lefthand of the Virgin Mary. This Devoncan is very pleasantly seated, overlooking the Ravee.  
From hence passing thorough a small entire to the West, you enter another small court, where is another open Chounter of stone to sit in, covered with rich Semianes. From hence you enter into a small Gallery, at the end of which, next the River, thorough a small window, the King looks forth at his Dersanee, to behold the fights of wild beasts on the meadow by the River. On the wall of ●his Gallery is drawn the Picture of the Acabar sitting in his S●ate, and before him Shakstone Selim his son, standing with a Hawk on his 〈◊〉, and by him Sultan Cusseroom, Sultan Peruis, Sultan Coroome, his three sons: at the end is a small Devoncan, where the King useth to fit▪ behind which is his lodging chamber, and before it all open into a paved court, alongst the right-hand whereof runneth a small Moholl of two stories, 
The Moholls.  each containing eig●t fair lodgings for several women, with Galleries and windows looking to the River, and to the court. All the doors of these chambers are to be fastened on the outside, and none within. In the Gallery where the King useth to sit, are drawn overhead many Pictures of Angels, 
Pictures of Angels and Banian Dews.  with Pictures of Banian Dews, or rather Devils, intermixed in most ugly shape, with long horns, staring eyes, shag hair, great fangs, ugly paws, long tails, with such horrible difformity and deformity, that I wonder the poor women are not frighted therewith. Within this court is a pleasant Devoncan and lodgings, and the way to another Moholl for the King to pass, but none other.  
Now to return to the former court, where the Adees or Guard keep their watch, there is also on the left hand the new Derbar, beyond it another small court with Atescanna, and passing thorough another gate, a fair large square Moholl, called the new Moholl, 
Large Moholl for two hundred women.  of that largeness that it may lodge two hundred women in state all several. Likewise returning to the great court, passing right on, you enter another small paved court on the left hand, and into another Moholl, the stateliest of the three, contrived into sixteen several great lodgings, each having fair lodgings, a Devoncan (or Hall) a small paved court, each her Tanke, and enjoying a little world of pleasure and state to herself; all seated very pleasantly upon the River. Before the Moholl of Sultan Casserooms mother, is placed an high pole to hung a light on, as before the King, for that she brought forth his first son and heir. In the midst stands a goodly Gallery for the King to sit in, with such ugly Pictures overhead as before. At the end are drawn many portraitures of the King in state sitting amongst his women, one holding a flask of wine, another a napkin, 
Pictures of his women and their offices.  a third presenting the Peally, behind one pankawing, another holding his sword, another his bow, and two or three arrows, etc.  
Before this Gallery is a fair paved court, with stone gratings, and windows alongst the water's side; at the end a fair marble jounter, convexed overhead, looking over the River, beneath it a Garden of pleasure; behind, the King's lodgings very sumptuous, the walls and ceilings all over-laid with pure gold; and round alongst the sides, about a man's height, some three foot distant are placed fair Venice Looking-glasses, three and three each above other: and below the these alongst the walls, are drawn many pictures of this man's Ancestors, as of Acabar his Father, Hamowne his Grandfather, Babur his great Grandfather, who first set foot into India, with thirty of his Nobles, all clad like Kalendars or Fookeers, 
Babur first conqueror: his stratagems.  which so came to Dely to Secanders' Court then reigning, where by his very countenance he was discovered, yet found mercy, and returned upon his oath not to attempt any thing during the said Secanders reign; which he performed: but after this death, he sent his son Hamawne upon his Successor Abram, from whom he took the whole Kingdom. Yet at length rose up a great Captain of the Blood-royal in Bengala, who fought a great battle with Hamawne near Ganges, put him to flight, and so closely followed him, that he drove him forth of the Kingdom to the Persian Shaw; of whom he obtained new Forces (with whom came Byram, Caun Canna his father, for General) and reconquered all living after that in security. This King dying, left Acabar very young, appointed Byram Caun Protector, whom the Acabar, coming to years, cast off, and on a Roomery or Pilgrimage to Mecca, as is said, made away with him. His son Can Canna or Caun, of the Caunees, doth also much curb Shakstone Selim the King, with his friends and Allies, being able to make better than an hundred thousand horse. Shakstone Selim affirmeth himself to be the ninth lawfully descended from the loins of Tamerlane the Great, being the Great-grand-child of Babur, King of Cabull. 
Tamerlane.   
But to return to the entrance of this Moholl, passing forth of that court thorough a strong gate, you enter into the City again; this house and appurtenances of Mohols being at the lest two English miles in circuit. On the East-side of the Castle hard without the wall, is the Garden of Asoph Caun, small, neat, 
Asoph Caun his Garden.  with walks (planted with Cypresse-trees) diverse Thanks and jounters: as you enter, a fair Devoncan supported with stone pillars, with a fair Tanke in the midst, and in the midst of that, on four stone pillars, a jounter for coolness. Beyond are other Galleries and walks, diverse lodgings for his women neatly contrived; and behind, a small Garden, and Garden-house. In the midst of the Garden is a very stately jounter with fair buildings overhead, and a Tank in the centre with large and goodly Galleries alongst the four sides thereof, supported with high stone pillars. Adjoining to this is a Garden of the Kings, in which are very good Apples, but small, Toot white and read, Almonds, Peaches, Figs, Grapes, Quinces, 
Apples, with fruits and flowers.  Oranges, Limmons, Pomgranats, Roses, Stock-gellow-flowers, Marigolds, Wall-flowers, Ireos, Pinks white and read, with diverse sorts of Indian Flowers.  
On the Westside of the Castle is the Ferry to pass over to Cabul (and so to Tartary or Cascar,) a very great roadway, and the further side of the River is a goodly Country. Infinite numbers of Gardens full of rarity exceeds, two or 3c. in length. Passing the Sugar Gonge is a fair M●skite built by Shecke Fereed▪ beyond it (without the Town, in the way to the Gardens) is a fair monument for Don Shakstone his mother, one of the Acabar his wives, with whom it is said Shakstone Selim ●ad to do (her name was Immacque Kelle, or pomegranate kernel) upon notice of which the King ca●led her to be enclosed quick within a wall in his Moholl, where she died: and the King in toke● of his love, commands a sumptuous Tomb to be built of stone in the midst of a foure-square Garden richly walled, with a gate, and diverse rooms over it: the convexity of the Tomb he hath willed to be wrought in works of gold, with a large fair jounter with rooms overhead. Note that most of these monuments which I mention, are of such largeness, that if they were otherwise contrived, would have room to entertain a very good man, with his whole household. Without the Dely Droware, where the Nolat or great Drum beats, is a goodly straight street, about three quarters of a mile long, all paved; at the end of which is the Bazar, by it the great Saray, besides which are diverse others, both in the City and Suburbs, wherein diverse neat lodgings are to be let, with doors, locks and keys to each. Hence to the North-east lieth Ambere, the place of hospitality: from hence to the Southeast the habitation of diverse loving, etc.  
The seventeenth of May, came news of the sacking of Cabul by the Potan thiefs, which kept in the Mountains, 
Anno 1611. Cabull sacked by thiefs.  being eleven thousand foot, and one thousand horse, the Governor thereof being at Gelalabade about other affairs, & the Garrison so weak, that they were able only to maintain the Castle. In six hours they spoilt the City and retired with great booty. The King for better awing of these rebels, hath placed twenty three Ombraes betwixt Lahor and Cabul, and yet all will not serve, they often sallying from the mountains, robbing Caravans and ransacking towns. The eighteenth of August, arrived a great Caravan from Persia, by whom we had news from an Armenian, which had served M. Boys, of the French Kings death, and of affairs betwixt the Turk and Persian; he having destroyed the country about Tauris, razed the City, and filled up the wells to hinder the Turks army: 
Tauris razed.  the Merchants by this means (to our grief) not daring to adventure beyond Candhar.  

Of diverse ways in the Mogul's Kingdom, to and from Lahor and Agra, and places of note in them.  

Relation of the way from Lahor to Cabull, beyond Cabull 60c. run mountains, at the foot of which lieth the way to Cascar.  FROM Lahor to Cabull passing the Ravee at 10c. stands Googes Seray: beyond which 8c. Emenbade, a fair City: thence to Chumaguckur 12c. a great town: to Guzurat 14c. a fair City of great trade: at 7c. of this way you pass the River Chantrow, near a corpse over: to Howaspore 12c. to Louvre Rotas 15c. a City with a strong Castle on a Mountain, the Frontier of the Potan kingdom to Hattea 15c. to Puckow 4c. to Raulepende 14c. to Collapanne 15c. to Hassanabdall 4c. a pleasant Town with a small River, and many fair Tanks, in which are many fishes with gold rings in their noses hung by Acabar, the water so clear, that you may see a penny in the bottom: to Attock 15c. a City with a strong Castle, by which Indus passeth in great beauty: to Pishore 36c. to Alleek Meskite 10c. the way dangerous for rebels, which are able to make ten or twelve thousand men: to Ducka 12c. to Beshoule 6c. to Abareek 6c. to Aleboga 9c. by which runneth Cow, a great River, which comes from Cabul: (way still thievish) to Gelalabade 4c. to Loure-charebage 4c. to Budde-charbag 6c. to N. mla 8c. to Gondoma 4c. to Surcrood 4c. a Saray, with a small River which looks read, and makes to have a good stomach: to Zagdelee 8c. to Abereek 8c. to Dowaba 8c. a great mountain in the way 4c. ascent: to Butta Cauke 8c. to Camree 3c. to Cabul 3c. 
Cabull.  It is a great and fair City, the first seat of this Kings great Grandfather, with two Castles and many Sarayes. 20c. beyond is Chare-cullow, a pleasant fair City, and 20c. beyond Gorebond, a great City bordering upon Vsbeke. 150c. beyond Cabul is Taul Caun, a City in Buddocsha.  

Cascar. you're Chaun.  From Cabull to Cascar, with the Caravan, is some two or three months journey. It is a great kingdom, and under the Tartar. A chief City of trade in his Territory is you're Chaun, whence comes much Silk, Purslane, Musk, and Rheubarb, with other Merchandise: all which come from China, 
China.  the gate or entrance whereof is some two or three months journey from hence. When they come to this entrance, they are forced to remain under their Tents, and by licence sand some ten or fifteen Merchants at once to do their business, which being returned, they may sand as many more. But by no means can the whole Caravan enter at once.  


Of this see my Pilg. l. 4. c. 12. §. ●.  
Goes his travel from Lahor to Cabul and China Cassimere.   From Lahor to Cassimere the way is as in Cabull way to Guzerat: from thence North, or somewhat Easterly withal 16c. to Bimbar; to joagek Hately 14c. to Chingesque Hately 10c. to Peckly 10c. to Conowa 12c. thence 8c. you ascend a mountain called Hast Caunk Gate, on the top of which is a goodly plain, from whence to Cassimer is 12c. thorew a goodly Country. The City is strong, seated on the River Bahat, the Country is a goodly Plain, lying on the mountains, some 150c. in length, and 50c. in breadth, abounding with fruits, grain, Saffron, fair and white women. Hear are made the rich Pomberies which serve all the Indians. This Country is cold, subject to frosts and great snows, near to Cascar, but separated with such mountains, that there is no passage for Caravans: 
Imp●ssible Mountains.  yet there cometh ofttimes Musk, with Silk and other merchandise this way by men, and goods are fain to be triced up, and let down often by engines and devices. Upon these mountains keeps a small King called Tibbot, who of late sand one of his daughters to Shakstone Selim to make affinity.  
Nicholas Vphet made another way from Agra to Surat, by Fetipore, Scanderbade, Hindoine, Cheningom, 
Another way from Agra to Surat.  Mogoll Saray, Nonnigong at the foot o● a Mountain, which with others adjoining, are held by two Raiaws of no note. Opposite to these on the left hand, begin the mountains of Marwa, which extend near Amadaver. Upon these mountains stands an impregnable Castle, called Gur Chitto, 

Gurchitto an impregnable Castle.  
Rana Pope of the Resboates or Indian Gentiles.   the chief seat of Rana, a very powerful Raiaw, whom neither Potan, or the Acabar himself could ever subdue: which comes to pass by reason that all India hath been Gentiles, and this Prince hath been, and still is esteemed in like reverence by them, as the Pope of Rome by the Papists. And for this cause the Raiaws, which have been sent against him, frame some excuses that they may not indamage much his Territories, which extend hence alongst Amadaver way an hundred and fifty great corpses, and in breadth toward Ougen 200c. enclosed for the most part with inaccessible mountains, and fortified well by art in places accessible. He is able to make twelve thousand good horse upon any occasion, and holds many fair Towns and goodly Cities. The way followeth by Gamgra, 
Prigonies are Lordships.  Charsoot (chief seat of Raiaw Manisengo his Prigonies) Ladaney, Mousalde, Banderamde.  
Asmere, seated upon the top of an inaccessible Mountain of 3c. ascent, 
Description of Asmere before the Mogoll made it his Royal residence.  being a Fort invincible: the City at the foot not great, enclosed with a stone wall, ditched round, the buildings reasonable fair; without the walls are many Antiquities, amongst which some 2c. toward Agra is a very fair Tanke. This place is only famous for the Sepulchre of Hoghee Mundee, a Saint much respected by the Mogul's, to whom (as is said before) the Acabar made a Romery on foot from Agra to obtain a Son. Before you come to this Tomb, you pass three fair Courts, of which the first containeth near an acre of ground, paved all with black and white Marble, wherein are interred many of Mahomet's cursed Kindred: on the left hand is a fair Tanke enclosed with stone. The second Court is paved like the former, but richer, 
Esteem of a Mahometan S. Hoghee Munde.  twice as big as the Exchange in London; in the midst whereof hangs a curious Candlestick with many lights. Into the third you pass by a Brazen gate curiously wrought; it is the fairest of the three, especially, near the door of the Sepulchre, where the pavement is curiously interlayed: the door is large and inlaid with Mother of Pearl, & the pavement about the Tomb of interlaid Marble; the Sepulchre very curiously wrought in work of Mother of Pearl, and Gold, with an Epitaph in the Persian Tongue. A little distant stands his seat in a dark obscure place, where he sat to foretell of matters, and is much reverenced. On the East-side stand three other Courts, in each a fair Tanke; on the North and West stand diverse fair houses, wherein keep their Sides or Churchmen. Note, that you may not enter any of these places but barefoot.  
From hence the way lieth to Cairo, 
Pagodes. jelowre a strong Castle.  Mearta (which hath a stone Castle with many fair Turrets, a fair Tanke, and three fair Pagodes richly wrought with inlaid Works, adorned richly with jewels, and maintained with rich Offerings) Pipera, jouges gong Settrange, Canderupe, jeloure, (this last is a Castle, seated on the height of a steep Mountain, 3c. in ascent, by a fair stone causeway, broad enough for two men to pass abreast. At the first Cousin end is a gate and place of Arms: there the causeway is enclosed with walls on both sides, and at the 2c. end is a double gate: at the 3c. stands the Castle where you must enter three several gates, the first very strongly plated with Iron, the second not so strong, with places over it to throw down scalding Lead or Oil: the third strongly plated with Pikes, sticking forth l●ke harping Irons. Betwixt each of these gates are spacious Courts for Arms, and within the further gate is a fair Portcullis. Being entered on the right hand stands a fair Meskite, with diverse Devoncans adjoining, both to do justice, and to take the Air. On the left hand stands the Governors' house on the height of the hills overlooking all.  
A flightshot within the Castle is a fair Pagode built by the Founders of the Castle, Ancestors of Gidney Caun which were Indians. He turned Moor, and bereft his elder Brother of this hold by this stratagem. He invited him and his women to a Banquet, which his brother requiting with like invitation of him and his, 
Cunning treachery. A Dowly or Dowl is a Chair or Cage wherein they carry their Women on men's shoulders.  in steed of women he sends choice Soldiers well appointed and close covered, two and two in a Dowl; who being entered after this manner, possessed themselves of the Ports, and held it for the Great Mogoll, to whom it now appertaineth, being one of the strongest seated Forts in the world. Some half Cousin within the gate is a goodly Tanke four square, cut directly down into the Rock, affirmed to be fifty fathom deep, of clear and good water. A little further is a fair Plain shaded with many goodly trees, beyond which on the top of a little piqued Mountain, is the Sepulchre of King Hassward, while he lived a great Soldier, since his death a great Saint, honoured in these parts. Here lie also interred two sons of Gillould a Potan King of Dely: near to which is a wall which divides the Castle near a Cousin in circuit, 
A huge Snake.  (the whole Castle being about 8c. in compass) nigh whereto is said to keep a huge Snake of five and twenty foot long, and as big as a man in the waste, which the people will by no means hurt, holding it a good fortune; for it hurts no man, but keeps amongst the bushes and briars of this piqued Mountain. This Castle is called the Gate or Frontier of Guzurate. From hence you come to Mudre, 
Billmall a great City.  Billmall (the foundations of whose ancient wall, are yet seen) they have been 24c. in circuit, many goodly Thanks also going to ruin, by one of which is the Founder's Sepulchre, whither the Indians resort to worship: From hence to Amadabade, is a deep sandy Desert Country. Rodeapore in this way hath many Sepulchers, (I let pass it and the rest.)  
Amadabade or Amadavar is a goodly City, and situate on a fair River, 
Amadavar described.  enclosed with strong walls and fair gates, with many beautiful Turrets. The Castle is large and strong, where resideth C●un Asom his Son, the Viceroy in these parts. The buildings comparable to any City in Asia or Africa, the streets large and well paved, the Trade great (for almost every ten days go from hence two hundred Coaches richly laden with Merchandise for Cambaya) the Merchant's rich, the Artificers excellent for Carving, Paintings, inlaid Works, imbroydery with Gold and Silver: at an hour's warning it hath in readiness six thousand Horse; the gates perpetually strong guarded, none suffered without licence to enter, nor to departed without Certificate. 
Baedur, whose Progenitors were Kings of Guzurat.  The cause of this is Badurs' Neighbourhood in his strong hold, within 50c. of this City to the East, where Nature with some help of Art and Industry hath fortified him against all the Mogolls power; and whence some four years since (proclaiming Liberty and Laws of good fellowship) he sacked Cambaya with a sudden power, combined by hope of spoil, of one hundred thousand men, which for fourteen days continued possessors there and sharkers. There is also betwixt this and Trage a certain Raiaw on the Mountain's able to make seventeen thousand Horse and Foot, 
Two other Raiawes which stand out. An excellent race of horses.  the people called Collees or Quullees, keeping in a Desert Wilderness which secures him from Conquest: and on the right hand is another able to make ten thousand Horse, holding in a Desert Plain a Castle impregnable; whose Land is subject t● Gidney Cauns government, but these seven years he hath denied him Tribute, and stands on his defence. This Raiaw is said to have a Race of Horses not equalled in all the East, each valued at fifteen thousand R. reported to be much swifter than the Arabian, and able to continued with reasonable speed a whole day without once drawing bit; of which he is said to have one hundred Mares. From Geloure to this City is all a sandy, woody Country, full of thievish beastly men, and of Mankind, Savage Beasts, Lions, Tigers, etc. 30 c. about this City is made Nill called Cickell, of a Town 4 c. from Amadavar, not so good as that of Biana.  
Cambaya is hence 38c. sandy, woody, thievish way: it stands by the Sea, encompassed with a strong brick wall, 
Cambaya.  the houses high, and fair, the streets paved in a direct Line with strong gates at the end of each, 
Monkeys.  the Bazar large: about the City are such infinite numbers of Monkeys, leaping from house to house, that they do much mischief, and untyling the houses, are ready to brain men as they pass in the streets with the stones that fall. On the South is a goodly Garden with a Watchtower of an exceeding height; on the North are many fair Thanks. It is the Mart of Guzurat, and so haunted by the Portugals, that you shall often find two hundred Frigates at once riding there. 
Port. Frights. Violent tide called the Boar.  It aboundeth with all sorts of cloth and rich Drugs. The Bay is 8 c. over, dangerous to pass by reason of the great Boar which drowns many, and therefore requires Guides skilful ●f the tides: in the neape tides is least peril. Thiefs also, when you are over the Channel▪ are not a little dangerous, forcing you (if not the better provided) to quit your goods, or in long bicker, betraying you to the tides fury, which comes so swift that ten to one you escape not. Four Coses beyond this Bay is joumbeser, now much ruined, and from thence eighteen to Boroche, 
Boroche. A Mine of agates.  a woody, dangerous passage, in which are many wild Peacocks. Within 4 c. of Boroche is a great Mine of agates. It is a fair Castle seated on a River twice as broad as the Thames, to the mouth of which is hence 12 c. Here are made the rich Baffatas, in fineness surpassing Holland Cloth, for fifty Rupias a Book, which containeth fourteen English yards, and are not three quarters broad.  
Hence to Variaw 20c. a goodly Country and fertile, full of Villages, abounding with wild Date Trees, 

Tarry or Taddie, a strong Wine.  
Polle Medomy a Moor Devil or Saint. Pilgrimage to him. Miracles as true as—   which generally are plentiful by the Seaside in most places, whence they draw a liquour called Tarry or Sure, as also from another wild Coco-tree called Tarry, 3 c. hence is Surat.  
In a Town between Boroche and Amadavar, lieth a Great Saint of the Moors called Polle-Medomy much resorted to out of all places of India, for wealth, children, or what else they desire. divers in the way go with great chains on their legs, and with their hands chained together, and their mouths locked up, (only opening them for food) and when they come before him in this manner of their humble devotion, they affirm that presently their chains and locks fly open, not one returning in vain; if themselves be not vain in their hopes, and in these and other like affections, which waiting on lying Vanities, forsake their own judge.  
From Agra to Cannowes is 130c. East, the City great and unwall, seated on an ascent, and the Castle on the height well fortified: 
Certain places of note in the Country of Purrop. Cannowes. Ganges his beginning and greatness. Lacanowes'. Oude.  at the foot whereof anciently Ganges took his course, but hath now broken a passage thorough the Valley some 4c. distant, notwithstanding as yet a small branch remaineth there. Ganges is within his bounds three quarters of a mile broad, but with great reinss sw●ls over his barks, covering the whole Vale near 10c. It hath thirty Rivers of note which fall into it, as doth he himself into the Gulf of Bengala. In it are innumerable Alagaters or Crocodiles, there called Murgurmach. It hath eighteen fair branches. Thence to Lacanowes' is 30c. a Town of great traffic for Linen and other Merchandise. To Oude from thence are 50c. a City of ancient note, and seat of a Potan King, now much ruined: the Castle built four hundred years ago. Hear are also the ruins of Ranichand Castle and Houses whi●h the Indians acknowledge for the great God, saying, that he took flesh upon him to see the T●masha of the World. 
Holy▪ holy place and Indian Fails.  In these ruins remain certain Bramenes, who record the names of all such Indians as wash themselves in the River running thereby; which custom they say, hath continued four lacks of years (which is three hundred ninety four thousand, and five hundred years before the World's Creation.) Some two miles on the further side of the River is a Cave of his, with a narrow entrance, but so spacious and full of turnings within, that a man may well lose himself there, if he take not better heed; where it is thought his ashes were buried. Hither resort many from all parts of India, which carry from hence in remembrance certain grains of Rice as black as Gunpowder, which they say have been reserved ever since. Out of the ruins of this Castle is yet much Gold tried: here is great Trade, and such abundance of Indian Asse-horne, 
Indian-Asse-horne.  that they make hereof Bucklers, and diverse sorts of Drinking Cups. There are of these Horns, all the Indians affirm, some rare of great price, no jewel comparable, some esteeming them the right Unicorn's Horn.  
From Oudee to Acabarpore 30c. some 30c. from whence lieth Bonarce the principal Mart of Bengala goods. From Acab, to jounpore 30c. seated on a small River, over which is a bridge with Houses like London Bridge, but nothing so good. The Castle hath been a seat of the Potan Kings, there yet remaining two fair Meskites, with many other ancient Monuments: the houses are like those of Amadavar, the circuit some 8. or 10c. Hence come excellent sweet Oils, Carpets, Hang embroidered with Silk, all sorts of fine Linen, etc.  
Thus much from Agra to jounpore this way: from thence (returning that way to Agra) to Alabasse is 110c. 30c. all which are thorough a continual Forest. 

The return from jounpore another way to Alabasse to Agra.  
Alabasse Castle A mighty Castle.   The Town and Castle stand on the further side of Ganges pleasantly seated, called anciently Pray, and is held one of the Wonders of the East. divers Potan King have sought to build here a Castle, but none could do it, till Acabar laid the foundation and proceeded with the Worke. It stands on a Point or Angle having the River Gemini on the Southside falling into Ganges. It hath been forty years a building, and is not yet finished, neither is like to be in a long time. The Acabar for many years had attending this work by report twenty thousand persons, and as yet there continued working thereon some five thousand of all sorts. It will be one of the most famous buildings of the World. In this Castle Shakstone Selim kept when he rebelled against his Father. The outward walls are of an admirable height, of a read square stone, like Agra Castle, within which are two other walls nothing so high. You enter thorough two fair gates into a fair Court, in which stands a Pillar of stone fifty Cubits above ground (so deeply placed within ground that no end can be found) which by circumstances of the Indians, seemeth to have been placed by Alexander or some other great Conqueror, who could not pass further for Ganges. 
Alexander's Pillar.  Passing this Court you enter a less, beyond that a larger, where the King sits on high at his Dersane to behold Elephants and other Beasts to fight. Right under him within a Vault are many Pagodes, being Monuments of Baba Adam, and Mama Havah, (as they call them) and of their Progeny, with Pictures of Noah and his Descent.  
The Indians suppose that Man was here created, or kept here at lest for many years, 
Mon. of Adam and Eve, and of the Creation. Pilgrimage & Holy-water.  affirming themselves to be of that Religion, whereof these Fathers were. To this place resort many thousands from all parts to worship: but before they approach these Relics, they wash their bodies in Ganges, shaving their heads and beards, thereby deeming themselves cleansed from all their former sins. Out of this Court is another richly paved where the King keeps his Derbar; beyond it another whence you enter into the Moholl, large, divided into sixteen several Lodgings for sixteen great Women with their Slaves and Attendants: in the midst of all, the King's Lodgings of three Stories each containing sixteen rooms, in all eight and forty Lodgings, all wrought overhead with rich Pargeting and curious Painting in all kind of Colours. In the midst of the lowest story is a curious Tanke.  
In this Moholl is a Tree which the Indians call the Tree of Life (being a wild Indian fig Tree) for that it could never be destroyed by the Potan Kings and this man's Ancestors, 
Strange Tree▪  which have sought to do it by all means, stocking it up and sifting the very earth under it to gather forth the sprigs, it still springing again, insomuch that this King lets it alone seeking to cherish it. This Tree is of no small esteem with the Indians. In the water's side within the Moholl are diverse large Devoncans, where the King with his Women often pass their times in beholding Gemini, paying his Tribute to Ganges. Between them and the water's side at the foot of the wall is a pleasant Garden shaded with Cypress Trees, and abounding with excellent fruits and flowers, having in the midst a fair Banqueting House, with privy stairs to take Boate. From hence in October or November when the great Frost is past, you may pass by Boats for Bengala; but the passage is dangerous: 4c. down are two Castles opposite on the Banks, Harrayle and Gussee, seated on two hills raised by industry, built by the Potans.  
From Alabasse to Menepore is 20c. alongst the River Ganges. 
Menepore.  At 2c. on this way is a sumptuous Tomb for this King's first Wife, Mother to Sulian Cusseroon, and Sister to Raia Manisengo, who upon the news of her Sons revolt poisoned herself. From hence passing Ganges is a more direct way to jounpore.  
To Chappergat is 12c. here is one of the fairest Sara●es in India, 
Chappergat. A fair Saray.  liker a goodly Castle then a Inn to lodge strangers, the lodgings very fair of stone with Locks and Keys able to lodge a thousand men: a man can scarce shoot from side to side with an Arrow; near to it is a fair br●dge both built by one man: the way perilous for Thiefs. 
Itay. Face worshipped.  Itay is thence 12c. anciently the seat of a Potan King but now ruined. On the height of the hill cut steep down, is seated a strong Castle double walled, having at the entrance the figure of a man's face which the Indians much worship pouring abundance of Oil upon it. To Amedipore is 43c. a plentiful Country full of good Sara●es for Caravans. Much Indigo called Cole of a gross sort is made in th●s way, which is spent in India, or transported for Samercand, Cascat, and those parts, none passing into Christendom, except mixed with that of Biana. Hence to Agra is 7c. passing Gemini close to the City.   

Lands lying Easterly from Lahor with their Lords.  
ALongst the Ravee Easterly, lieth the Land of Raiaw Bossow, whose chief seat is Tem-mery, 
Tem-mery.  50c. from Lahor. He a is mighty Prince now subject to the mogul, a great Minion of Shakstone Selim. Out of this, and the adjoining Regions, come most of the Indian Drugs, growing on the Mountains, Spikenard, Turbith, Miras, Kebals, Gunlack, Turpentine, Costus, etc. This Raia confines the King's Land Easterly. Bordering to him is another great Raiaw, called Tulluck-Chand, whose chief City is Negercoat, 80c. from Lahor, and as much from Syrinan, in which City is a famous Pagod, 
Negercoat.  called je or Durga, unto which worlds of people resort out of all parts of India. It is a small short Idol of stone, 
Idolatrous pilgrimage, and cruel devotions.  cut in form of a man; much is consumed in offerings to him, in which some also are reported to cut off a piece of their tongue, and throwing it at the Idols feet, have found it whole the next day (able to lie I am afraid; to serve the father of lies and liars, how ever) yea some out of impious piety here sacrifice themselves, cutting their throats, and presently recovering: the holier the man, the sooner forsooth he is healed, some (more grievous sinners) remaining half a day in pain, before the Devil will attend their cure. Hither they resort to crave children, to inquire of money hidden by their parents, or lost by themselves, which having made their offerings, by dreams in the night receive answer, not one departing discontented. They report this Pagan Deity to have been a woman (if a holy Virgin may have that name) yea that she still life's (the Devil she doth) but will not show herself. divers Moors also resort to this Peer. This Raia is powerful, by his Mountain's situation secure, not once vouchsafing to visit Shakstone Selim.  
On this Raiaw Easterly confineth another, called Deccampergas, a mighty Prince, his chief seat Calsery about an 150c. from Agra, his Country held 500c. long, North and South 300c. broad, 
Calsery.  populous, able to raise upon occasion five hundred thousand foot, but few or no horse; the Land plentiful in itself, but sends forth little.  
To the Eastward of this Raiaw, betwixt jemini and Ganges lieth the Land of Raiaw Mansa, a mighty Prince and very rich, reported to be served, all in vessels of massy gold: his Country 300c. long, and one hundred and fifty broad, his chief seat Serenegar: the Mountains called Dow Lager, 
Serenegar. Dow Lager.  upon which in time of Winter falls such extreme Snowes, that the Inhabitants are forced to remove into the Valleys. Yet do I not think that any of these Lands extend Northerly above forty degrees, but the height of the Mountains causeth this extremity of cold. This Raias' Land extendeth within some 200c. of Agra, 
Extremity of cold.  part within 50c. of Syrinan, very plentiful.  
On the further side of Ganges lieth a very mighty Prince, called Raiaw Rodorow, holding a mountainous Country, his chief seat Camow; his territories extend 400c. long, and not much less in breadth, 
Camow.  abounding with grain, have many goodly Cities: thence cometh much Musk, and here is the great breed of a small kind of Horse, called Gunts, a true travelling scalecliffe beast. 
Gunts, a race of horse to climb hills.  This Prince is puissant in foot, but hath few Horse or Elephants, the mountains not requiring the one, and the cold excluding the other: his Lands thought to reach near China.  
To the South of this Raia, thwart the streams of Ganges, is seated another, Raia Mugg. very powerful in horse, foot, and Elephants. In his Land is the old rock of natural Diamonds, 
Rock of Diamonds.  which yields him no small benefit. His Lands extend East, somewhat South 700c. from Agra. Beneath him amongst the streams of Ganges, keepeth a Potan Prince of the Dely-Kings race, whom the King cannot subdue, by reason of the streams and Lands of Ganges. He confineth upon Purrop, and makes often inroads upon the King's lands, enforcing Shakstone Selim to maintain a frontier army. Hence to the mouth of Ganges, all is the King's land: only in the mouth, the Portugal Outlaws hold a small Fort, and do much mischief, living in no form of subjection to God or man. 
Port-outlawes.   
On the further side of Ganges, is the mighty King of Arracan, enjoying a large territory, and infinite numbers of small Barks. Eastward from him is the Kingdom of Siam; behind it Oua and jangoma. Between Tanassar and Arracan is the Kingdom of Pegu; the Land now lieth waste. 
See of Pegu Flo●i● his Relation before.  To the South is the Kingdom of Queda, Malacca, etc. On the Sea-coast of Beugala, this King hath two chief Ports, Ougolee (tyrannised by the Portugals) and Pipilee, passing which, and the Land of Orixa, you enter into the Lands of Goloconda, on whom Shakstone Selim maketh wars, and hath forcibly taken much of his Land. His chief Port is Masulipatan, and his Royal seat Braganadar and Goloconda, that late builded. Alongst the sea side toward the Cape, is the mighty King of Bezeneger, under whom the Portugals hold Saint Thome and Negapatan, but are not suffered to build a Castle. But I let pass these neighbouring Indieses, and return to Agra, the Mogul's royal residence.  
Agra hath not been in fame above fifty years, being before Acabars' time a Village, who removed (as you have heard) from Fetipore for want of good water. 
Description of Agra, and the Castle.  It is spacious, large, populous beyond measure, that you can hardly pass in the streets, which are for the most part dirty and narrow, save only the great Bazar and some few others, which are large and fair. The City lieth in manner of a halfmoon, bellying to the land-ward some 5c. in length, and as much by the River's side▪ upon the banks, whereof are many goodly houses of the Nobility, pleasantly overlooking Gemini, which runneth with a swift current from the North to the South, somewhat Easterly into Ganges. 
The Castle.  Upon the bank of this River stands the Castle, one of the fairest and admirablest buildings of the East, some three or four miles in compass, enclosed with a fair and strong wall of squared stone; about which is cast a fair ditch, over it draw-bridges. The walls are built with bulwarks somewhat defensible, regalled with a counterscarp or front without, some fifteen yards broad. Within this are two other strong walls and gates. To the Castle are four gates, one to the North, by which you pass to a Rampire with great pieces, another West to the Bazar, called the Cichery gate, within which, over against the great gate, 
Seats of justice.  is the Casi his seat of Chiefe-Iustice in matters of law, and by it two or three murderers very great (one three foot in the boar, and fifteen long) of cast brass. Over-against this seat is the Cichery or Court of Rolls, where the King's Viseer sits every morning some three hours, by whose hands pass all matters of Rents, Grants, Lands, Firmans, Debts, etc.  
Beyond these two gates you pass a second gate, over which are two Raiaws in stone 
* 
It is said that they were two Brothers Resboots▪ Tutors to a Prince their Nephew, whom the King demanded of them. They refused, and were committed, but drew on the Officers slew twelve, and at last by multitudes oppressing were slain, and here have Elephants of stone, and themselves figured.  
Singsters or whores attending. Some say they are there as a Court of guard of women, of which are here two or three hundred daily by succession.  
Tessillam is a gesture of humiliation. The King's Derbar.  , who were slain in the King's Derbar before the King's eyes, for being overbold in speech, they selling their lives bravely, in remembrance of which they are here placed. Passing this gate, you enter into a fair street, with houses and munition all alongst on both sides. At the end of this street being a quarter of a mile, you come to the third gate, which leads to the King's Derbar, always chained, all men, but the King and his children, there alighting. This gate is to the South called Acabar Drowage, close within which is the Whore's child, many hundreds of which attend there day and night, according as their several turns come every seventh day, that they may be ready when the King or his women shall please to call any of them to sing or dance in his Moholl, he giving to every one of them stipends according to their unworthy worth.  
The fourth Gate is to the River called the Dersane, leading into a fair Court extending alongst the River, in which the King looks forth every morning at Sunrising, which he salutes, and then his Nobles resort to their Tessillam. Right under the place where he looks out, is a kind of scaffold whereon his Nobles stand, but the Address with others await below in the Court. Here also every noon he looketh forth to behold Tamashan, or fight of Elephants, Lions, Buffles, killing of Dear with Leopards; which is a custom on every day of the week, Sunday excepted, on which is no fight; but Tuesday on the contrary is a day of blood, both of fight beasts, and iusticed men, the King judging and seeing execution. To return to the third Gate, within it you enter into a spacious court with Ates●anna's round about like shops or open stalls, wherein his Captains according to their degrees, keep their seventh day Chockees. A little further you enter within a rail into a more inward Court, with in which none but the King's Addees, and men of sort are admitted, under pain of swacking by the Porter's cudgels, which lay on load without respect of persons.  
Being entered, you approach the King's Derbar or Seat, before which is also a small Court enclosed with rails, covered over head with rich Semianes to keep away the Sun; where aloft in a Gallery, the King sits in his chair of State, accompanied with his Children and chief Vizier (who goeth up by a short ladder forth of the Court) no other without calling daring to go up to him, save only two Punkaws to gather wind. And right before him below on a scaffold is a third, who with a horse tail makes havoc of poor flies. On the right hand of the King, on the wall behind him, is the picture of our Saviour; on the left, of the Virgin. Within these rails none under the degree of four hundred horse are permitted to enter. On the further side of this Court of presence, are hanged golden bells, that if any be oppressed and can get no justice by the King's Officers, by ringing these bells when the King sits, he is called, and the matter discussed before the King. But let them be sure their cause be good, lest he be punished for presumption to trouble the King. Here every day between three and four a clock, the King comes forth (and many thousands resort to do their duties, each taking place according to his degree) where he remains hearing of matters, receiving of news by letters read by his Vizier, granting of suits, etc. till shutting in of the Evening, the drum mean while beating, 
Of his Elephants yearly presenting of his Treasures in this Castle, etc. see Capt. Hawkins former relations. Of other things, see that which follows in Sir T. Roes journal.  and Instruments playing from a high Gallery on the next building opposite: his Elephants and Horses passing by in brave fashion, doing their Tessillam, and being perused by Officers to see if they prospero. In the Castle are two high turrets, over-laid with pure massy gold, which may be seen from fare, one over his Mohol, the other over his Treasury. After his going in from the Derbar in the Evening, some two hours after he comes out again, sitting forth in a small more inward Court, behind the other, close to his Moholl, into which none but the Grandes, and they also with tickets to be renewed with every Moon, are permitted to enter, where he drinks by number and measure, sometimes one and thirty, and running over, mixing also among, severe judicatures. From this Court is his privy passage into a curious Garden, and to his Barge, by which he often passeth the River to an other Garden opposite. It is remarkable, that both in Court, and here in these Gardens, no Courtiers or Gardeners are tied to attendance, but by their seventh days turn.  
Some add, 
* A written book entitled, A discourse of Agra, and the four principal ways to it. I know not by what Author, except it be Nic. Vphlet.  that the City hath no walls, but a ditch round about, not broad, and dry also: adjoining to the ditch without the City are very large suburbs. The City and suburbs are one way seven mile in length, three in breadth. The Noble men's houses and Merchants built with brick and stone, flat roofed, the common sort of mud walls, covered with thatch, which cause often and terrible fires. The City hath six Gates, the adjoining River Gemini being broader than the Thames at London, on which are many Boats, some of one hundred Tons, but these cannot return against the stream. Most of the Noble men's houses are by the River's side. From Agra to Lahor six hundred miles, the way is set on both sides with Mulbery-trees.  

Description of Acabars Tomb.  King Acabars Sepulchre is 3c. distant from Agra in the way to Lahor, nothing near finished as yet, after ten year's work. It is placed in the midst of a fair and large Garden, enclosed with brick walls, near two miles in circuit; is to have four Gates (but one of which is yet in hand) each, if answerable to this foundation, able to receive a great Prince with a reasonable train) alongst the way side is a spacious Moholl for his father's women (as is said) to remain and end their days in deploring their deceased Lord, each enjoying the lands they before had in the King's time, by the pay or rents of five thousand horse the principal, so that this should be to them a perpetual Nunnery, never to marry again.  
In the Centre of this Garden stands the Tomb four square, about three quarters of a mile in compass. The first enclosure is with a curious rail, to which you ascend some six steps into a small square Garden quartered in curious Thanks, planted with variety of sweets: adjoining to which is the Tomb, rounded with this gardenet, being also four square, all of hewed stone, with fair spacious Galleries on each side, having at each corner a small beautiful Turret, arched over head, and covered with various Marble. Betwixt corner and corner are four other Turrets at like distance. Here within a fair round coffin of Gold, lieth the body of this Monarch, who sometimes thought the World too little for him. This Tomb is much worshipped both by the Moors and Gentiles, holding him for a great Saint. Some ten or twelve foot higher, you ascend by stairs to another Gallery, (like, but narrower, to the former, as are also the rest that follow) containing only three of those Turrets between corner and corner. Here in the midst is his Wardrobe for a memorial. The third story hath but two of those middle Turrets on a side: the fourth one: the fifth hath only the corner Turret, and a small square Gallery. The Tomb was not finished at my departure, but lay in manner of a coffin, covered with a white sheet, interwrought with Gold flowers. By his head stands his Sword and Target, and on a small pillow his Turban, and thereby two or three fair gilded books. At his feet stand his shoes, and a rich Basin and Ewer. Every one approaching near makes his reverence, and puts off his shoes, bringing in his hand some sweet smelling flowers to bestrew the Carpets, or to adorn the Tomb.  
At my last sight thereof, there was only over head a rich Tent, with a Semiane over the Tomb. But it is to be inarched over with the most curious white and speckled Marble, and to be seeled all within, with pure sheet-Gold richly inwrought. These four last Turrets also enclosing the Sepulchre, are of most rich curious Marble, & the ground underfoot paved with the like. There are in continual work about this and other buildings about it, the Moholl and Gate, not so few as three thousand. The stone is brought from a rich Quarry near Fetipore, which (we have said) may be cut in length and form, as Timber with ●awes, and Planks and ceilings are made thereof.     

CHAP. V The ninth Voyage of the Indian Company to the East Indies, in the james, whereof was Captain M. EDMUND MARLOWE of Bristol, and the Master JOHN DAVY, which wrote this journal.  

February 1611  THe tenth of February, 1611. we departed from the Downs upon our Voyage. The thirteenth at night we anchored within the I'll of Wight, where we stayed till the one and twentieth of the same Month, and then set sail and turned out at S. Helen's point. The same day at noon we had Dunnose North from us three leagues off, the Dragon before us, and the Hos●ander and the Solomon put in the Needles.  

April 11. 1612. They cross the Equinoctial.  The eleventh day of April, 1612. by observation we were under the Equinoctial line: and in longitude from the Meridian of the Lizard, six degrees twenty minutes West. This night the variation was five degrees thirty seven minutes from North to the East. The twenty seventh, the variation of the Needle was fourteen degrees seven minutes. This day at noon we were in latitude by observation, nineteen degrees forty minutes: the longitude from the meridian of the Lizard, eleven degrees twenty four minutes West. These twenty four hours we sailed two leagues South by East. Here we saw an Island Southeast from us fourteen leagues. This Island I saw when I was with Sir Edward Michelborne. This Island is like Coruo. The latitude is twenty degrees thirty minutes: the longitude eleven degrees thirty minutes West from the Lizard. 
This seemeth to be the Isle de M●rtin Vaz.  The variation of the Needle fourteen degrees thirty minutes. This Island riseth ragged▪ upon the Easter end standeth a little pike, but the Island is round like Coruo. East North-east from this Island is another Island or two in sight, seven or eight leagues off.  
The seven and twentieth of june, at nine of the clock at night, we saw the Land of Saint Laurence, in latitude by judgement four and twenty degrees eight minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, five and twenty degrees no minutes. The variation was fifteen degrees, and ten minutes.  
The eight and twentieth, in the morning the variation of the needle was fifteen degrees, no minutes, in four leagues of the shore, between the headland of the Bay, and the Lands before the Bay, is no ground in seventy or eighty fathoms.  
This night we anchored in the Bay of Saint Augustine, in five fathoms by the South-land. 
They anchor in the Bay of Saint Augustine.  This day we weighed and came in by the River with the ship. The one of our anchors lay in five and thirty fathoms, and the other in ten fathoms. You may ride in shoalder water off each side, if you will: for this channel of deep water is but narrow. Here no Sea can come to hurt you, because the Shoalds and Land break it off. It may well be called an harbour, for the goodness of the place. We spent twenty days in this Bay.  
The eighteenth of julie, in the morning we set sail for Bantam, 
julie 18. They departed from the River of Saint Augustine.  and we steered off West by north from the river to go to the northward of the Lands. An● in this course you have no ground with the lead; for it is all steep home to the shore of the other side; for when you have twenty fathoms within the Lands, you are hard by the stones: but by the Lands and shoalds is fair shoalding from seven to thirty fathoms, and no ground, the gut between the hills being East by South from you, you go right into the road, or East.  
The eighteenth, at noon we were in latitude three and twenty degrees, five and forty minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, two and twenty degrees, eight and fifty minutes East, and two leagues of the next land. Hear the land is all white by the water's side.  
The nineteenth, 
They sail toward ●antam by the outside of the I'll of Saint Laurence.  in the morning the variation was fifteen degrees no minutes and then the ship was from the nearest land twelve leagues: and the latitude by judgement three and twenty deg. five and fifty minutes. At noon, the latitude by observation four and twenty degrees, one and thirty minutes: and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope two and twenty degrees, two and twenty minutes East. These four and twenty hours we sailed upon a right line South-west by South, twenty leagues. This night the variation was fourteen degrees thirty minutes.  
The four and twentieth of September, in the morning we saw the Isles of Nintam, which are in latitude, one degree, thirty minutes. 
September 24. Isles of Nintam.  The Sound between the two great Lands is eighteen leagues from Priaman, and eleven leagues from the Shoalds before Tecou. Beware you come not near these Shoalds by night, but rather he short three or four leagues till daylight. And then when you see three hommockes, that will rise up like three Lands, have a special care, that you have one at your bolt-spreet end, to give warning of any spots in your way: for there are Corral●ods that you may easily perceive. Your course from this Sound of the two great Lands of Nintam to go for Tecou or Priaman, is East North-east to the ●hoalds aforesaid. But when you come thorough the Sound, keep your lead going: and come no nearer the South great Island then sixteen fathom: for towards the Eastside are Shoalds: and a breach off the Norther-Iland also, as you shall see upon your Larboord-side going in.  
For your better knowing when you draw near the Shoalds of Tecou, set the three hommocks which are like three Lands, but are upon the Main, for it is low land by them: and when you have them North-east and by East, you shall begin to meet with them: and when the said land is North North-east you are passed them. But be very careful every where: for it is all bad ground hereabout before you pass the high land of Manancabo, which is in latitude four degrees, thirty minutes, or thereabout.  
The six and twentieth, we anchored in the road of Priaman; where we found the Thomas: and we stayed there to recover sick men fourteen days. 
They arrive in the Road of Priaman in Sumatra.  And then the Hector and we did set sail for Bantam. The latitude of Priaman is in fifty minutes Southerly. The variation four degrees ten minutes. The Road is behind the second Island in six fathoms: upon which Island you have fresh water and wood. The Bar of Priaman is fast by.  
The eight of October, the ship came down by the Hector, where we stayed for her to go for Bantam, and in the morning set sail. 
October 8.   
The three and twentieth, we came into the road of Bantam with the james and the Hector.  
The fourth of November 1612. we weighed from the road of Bantam, 
They arrive at Bantam. November.  to go for Coromandel, by the strait of Sunda: but the wind and streams were so much against us, that we were forced into the Strait of Sunda again, to fit our ship being much weatherbeaten.  
The eleventh of December, we anchored again by Pulo Panian, 
December 11.  and went to work to rummage our ship to take in ballast.  
The tenth of januarie, being ballasted, watered, and fitted, 

januarie 10. The Strait of Malacca. March.  
They are put back to Bantam.   we set sail for the Strait of Mallaca: but being late in the monson, streams and winds both against us, with much toil to ship and men we plied seventy leagues from Bantam, and could get no farther from the tenth of this moment to the first of March: whereupon our hope was then past for that. And taking advice amongst ourselves, we concluded to water and wood, and so to return for Bantam, and to proceed without Sumatra.  
The eleventh, being fitted with wood and water, we bore up for Bantam the second time.  

june 5. 1613.  The fifth of june 1613 at noon, in latitude 12. degr. no minutes, and longitude from the salt hills, 23. degrees no minutes West. Hear you shall see plainly, that we have been carried with the stream four degrees, thirty minutes, which is ninty leagues. For whosoever he be, that shall sail down from Bantam, 
A special note.  or up, he shall found such uncertain sailing, if he look not well to the variation of the needle, that he may well miss his expectation for the arrival at his Port. For there is neither English nor Hollander, that can found any way how to deal with those streams, but only by the variation: 
They descry the Land.  for that will help much in ten or fifteen leagues, if it be carefully observed. Hear we saw the land, it is so low, that you cannot see it before you see the Pagods or Pagan Churches: and we were when we saw the land four leagues off. You may be bold with your lead in fifteen fathoms by night upon the Coast, and by day in ten fathoms: but take heed you have a sure man at the lead, for it will should suddenly; for after you come to have thirty fathoms, you will come presently to should water, for it is like a well, and the ground Ozie. Your course along the shore is North and by East to Paleacate, and so up to Masulipatan. This land was about Negapatan. 
Negapatan.  Hear we steered North North-east all night, in three and twenty and seventeen fathoms, three or four leagues: the variation thirteen degrees, ten minutes, you shall in twelve degrees of latitude surely see the land.  
The sixth at noon, we anchored in the Road of Paleacate in eight fathoms sand. There is a middle ground, 
They arrive at Paleacate.  where you have but five fathoms, and six, seven, eight, within that again. The marks for the Road are the round Hill by the other hill West Northerly, and the Hollanders Fort South-west and by West, as we road. The variation is thirteen degrees, ten minutes. The latitude thirteen degrees, thirty minutes.  
The eight at noon, we were in latitude fourteen degrees, forty minutes: we sailed since we weighed the last night twenty three leagues, the depths five and twenty and three and twenty fathoms: the course North and by East; but the lead is our guide under God.  
The ninth at noon, in latitude fifteen degrees, thirty minutes. Hear you have the land in sight, but not the high land of Petepoli. These four and twenty hours we sailed seventeen leagues North in fifteen and sixteen fathoms. And this high land is a Pagodie or Pagan Church. You may, if you will, hale in with it into five fathoms, when the hill is North Northwest, but you must go off East for it, for we did so. But beware in going off for a lowness of sand, and come no nearer it than twelve or thirteen fathoms, 
A good note.  till you be surely past it. This high land is from the high land of Petepoli six leagues.  

They Anchor in the Road of Petepoli.  The tenth, we anchored in the Road of Petepoli, in five fathoms sand. This new high Island North Northwest from us, and the platform of Palmtrees upon the Island East North-east, Easterly, and the Bar Northwest and by North from us. All the Sea-cost is low land. The latitude fifteen degrees, two and fifty minutes. The variation thirteen degrees, fifty minutes, perfect and full.  
The nineteenth, in the afternoon we set sail, when the Factory was fitted. The Merchants which we left there, 
A Factory with nine men erected at Petepoli.  were Master George Chausey, and our Purser, with seven men more to keep our house and goods.  
The twentieth calm, you go East Southeast nine leagues, in seven or eight fathoms, and then North Northwest: fear not in five fathoms or less, after you are about the point, for it is low land. 
A great tree, a chief mark for to know the Road.  There is but one great tree bigger than any of the rest to know the Road by, that must you bring West and by North from you, and you shall have three fathoms and a quarter soft Ozie, and ride three miles of the land.  
The one and twentieth, we anchored in the Road of Masulipatan, where we found a ship of Holland: 
They arrive at Masulipatan.  here we were well entertained. Hear we did stay about six months, to wit, until the sixteenth of january: and then we weighed and went for Petipoli, where we arrived the nineteenth of the same, and stayed there to take in the goods and Merchants, till the seventh of February. 
They return from Petepoli for Bantam. They arrive at Bantam. They set out for Patane. june 10. 1614  And then we set sail for Bantam, and kept the same courses which we did before down, all the way up. We arrived at Bantam the twentieth of April 1614 where we stayed till the tenth of june 1614 and then set sail for Patane.  
The tenth of june 1614 at noon, we had sight of the Islands nine leagues from Bantam, our going is from five, six, seven, eight, twelve, fourteen, and so to four and twenty fathoms: at this time our course was North North-east, after you are clear off the Road, the wind from the East Southeast: the latitude Southerly five degrees, four and forty minutes.  
The eleventh, at six of the clock in the morning, we were by the two Lands that lie North from Bantam, in five degrees of latitude by Sumatra, in twenty fathoms, which is the surest course out and home. Hear you must be careful to look well out for two sands, that lie even with the water. From six in the morning we sailed seven leagues North North-east, in sixteen, fifteen, fourteen and thirteen fathoms, and are now from Bantam seven and twenty leagues North and by East nearest, the wind from the East to the South Southeast. From twelve in the night we sailed eleven leagues North, in ten and eleven fathoms Ozie: but when you pass the Riffe, you have hard sand: the latitude four degrees, twelve minutes Southerly. Beware by night, go not without ten fathoms, nor within to the Main to less than six or seven. And so be bold with a sure man at the Lead: for that must be the best Pilot.  
The twelfth, in the morning from eight degrees Easterly, we sailed seven leagues North North-east in eight, seven, six and five fathoms, and are with the second Riffe.  
From the second in the morning to eleven in the morning, we sailed seven leagues North North-east by judgement: but the stream did set so fast in, that we forced to anchor in four fathom and a quarter less: the riff land in sight, but not Lucapara. Hear must especial care be had, when you come with the land off the Riffe, that is, 
The Isle Lucapara.  twelve leagues short of Lucapara, and forty eight leagues from Bantam, that you come not within six fathoms till you see Lucapara, for it is very uncertain ground, full of pits. And for a warning to avoid it, beware you bring not the Riffe land last mentioned South-west and by South, but keep off in seven fathoms, till you see Lucapara, and then you need not fear, for the Island is bold two leagues off, but remember you must leave it to the Eastward of you, and when you see it, fear not five or four fathoms, for that is the depth you may be bold in with the Main of Sumatra, but in the best toward the Island is five and an half, and six fathoms. The stream setteth North Northwest, and South Southeast, it hath six foot water. The flood cometh from the southward, and the ebb from the Northward. The thirteenth, we rid still with very uncertain weather.  
The fourteenth, we came with the Island and Main, and put through between them in five fathoms and an half. And at noon we had Island East North-east a league from us, for so near is the deepest water: then steer North till the point be Northwest and by West in five or six fathoms. The distance is four leagues, keep the Island South Southeast from you, for about it is very uncertain ground.  
Than the next reach lieth North Northwest nearest: but keep Sumatra side, and not Banca, although you have deeper water: for Banca side is Rocks, and sounding depths, Sumatra is Ozie. And you may be bold in this first reach: and you shall have nine, ten, eleven, twelve, eighteen or twenty fathoms, till you come with the high land of Banca, which at Lucapara will show like Lands, then shall you see Lands, 
Banca is a great Island.  besides the great Island of Banca three leagues before you, and Sumatra side fall in with a bite, and all flat ground: wherefore come no nearer than seven, and no farther off then nine fathoms, but rather for advantage hale near unto the flats of Sumatra in six or five fathoms. Here is the Channel and narrowest: here goes tides strongly one way, aswell as the other. The fifteenth, the next reach lieth Northwest by North eight leagues, and we were with it six degrees East.  
The sixteenth, the next reach lieth Northwest and by West, and West Northwest down to Palimbam point: but keep near Sumatra in six or seven fathoms: for Banca side is not good: 
Palimbam point  although it be deeper water, yet there are many Rocks toward the end of the great Island of Banca. This reach is seventeen leagues long to the Town of Palimbam, 
The hill Monpin, upon the Northern end of Banca.  and the hill Monpin is North from you, which standeth upon the Norther end of Banca. Than is the Road of Palimbam South South-west from you: your depth ten fathoms off Sumatra side. The distance between the Island and Sumatra at this end is six leagues in my judgement.  
Keep Sumatra side by night or day in seven fathoms, till you have the Norther end of Banca East Southeast for a Riffe that lieth off the Norther end two leagues: and then will your latitude be one degree, one and twenty minutes Southerly, and four leagues of Banca. But you must altar courses to bring it thus. For when Banca is North-east and by East. Than you must steer North North-east, and North, as Led and discretion shall guide: but go not with less than ten fathoms by night.  
The seventeenth, at noon one degree ten minutes Southerly: 
The I'll of Pulo Tuio.  Here you sail North in eight or nine fathoms Ozie: and here you see that I'll of Pulo Tuio without you. Here by reason we had it calm, we anchored in nine fathoms. Hear the stream did set West South-west and East North-east.  
The eighteenth, here your course is North North-east, seven, eight, nine and ten fathoms. And when you have the two Northermost Lands in the Offing Southeast from you, than is Pulo Sio Northwest and by North. And being thus it hath two hills with a Valley in the midst, and two little Lands by it. And when it is South-west, it showeth round like the Mewstone.  
The nineteenth, this Island hath water and wood, but none Inhabitants. The latitude of this Island is forty minutes South.  
The twentieth, now your depths must be from fifteen to twenty in and off, and your course North to Linga, the land is fair in sight, go not off by any means, rather anchor. Hear is hard ground. 
Linga.   
Now your course to Bintam is North & by West nearest, 
Bintam.  but go not without four and twenty, nor within twenty. And that will bring you in sight of the round hill of Bintam, which hath in latitude one deg. ten min. and is the fairest way. The hill standeth in the middle of the Island.  
The one and twentieth, now your course for Pulo Timon is North Northwest, 
Pulo Timon▪  and North by West having always sight of land, I mean Lands; and your depths are twenty, nineteen, and eigh●eene fathoms, Ozie. The latitude of Pulo Timon is two degrees forty seven minutes Northerly, or much thereupon.  
The two and twentieth, from Pulo Timon to Pulo Capas is thirty six leagues North by West nearest in eighteen, 
Pulo Capas.  nineteen, twenty, and twenty two fathoms. And when you have the Lands West of you, then have you thirty six fathoms close by the Island. If occasion serve you may go between the Lands and the Main in a fair Channel. These Lands are in the latitude of four degrees fifty two minutes Northerly.  
The four and twentieth, from Pulo Capas to the other Lands, which are so many that you cannot tell them, the course is Northwest by North fourteen leagues: and then the Norther end of the Isles is distant from the Souther end nine leagues. The depths are twenty two and twenty four fathoms.  
The five and twentieth, now your course to Patane is West Northwest forty eight leagues: go no further of the land then twenty leagues, nor no nearer, than twelve or thirteen leagues, unless you have occasion to anchor. The Land is bold and high. After you pass sixteen leagues West Northwest, there are no more Lands till you come to Patane, but only one Rock: and you may if you will, go between the Main and it. This Rock is fourteen leagues short of Patane.  
The thirtieth, we anchored in the Road of Patane in three fathoms and an half, where we did ride till the first of August: 
They arrive at Patane. Sangora.  and then set sail for Sangora to trim our ship. This Sangora is a very good place under two Lands, fast by the Main, and from Patane fourteen or fifteen leagues.  
The third of August 1614 we came to an Anchor in the Road of Sangora under the Easter-most Island of the two, 
August, 3. 1614  and there we trimmed our ship well, and came away the ninth of September, arrived at Patane the next day following, where we stayed till the sixth of October, to take in the goods of the Globe, to carry them for Bantam.  
The ninth of October we set sail from Patane, being bound for Bantam; holding the same course back, that we came forth: and the ninth of November we arrived safe at Bantam. We rid there till the seven and twentieth of january, to lad our ships, and to fit all things for our Voyage home for England.  
The nine and twentieth, we set sail from thence: And within some hundred leagues from Bantam homeward bound died our Captain Master Edmund Marlowe, 
They return for England. The death of Capt. Edmund Marlowe.  an excellent man in the Art of Navigation, and all the Mathematics. The first place at which we anchored was the Bay of Saldanha, where we stayed for our Consort the Globe: which arrived there the next day following.  
The nine and twentieth of April 1615. we came to an anchor in the Road, where we stayed till the seventeenth of May. And then being well fitted in both our ships, we did set sail for Santa Helena, where we safely arrived the third of june, and road there till the seventh in the morning. Than we set sail together for England, where, God be praised, we safely arrived the third of August 1615.   

CHAP. VI A Ruter, or brief direction for ready sailing into the East-India, digested into a plain method by Master JOHN DAVIS of Limehouse, upon experience of his five Voyages thither, and home again.  

§. I. Nautical Observation of places betwixt the Lizard and Saint Augustine in the I'll of Saint Laurence.  
FIrst, the Lizard hath in latitude fifty degrees ten minutes. The Cape Finisterre in Galicia hath in latitude forty three degrees twenty minutes, and longitude from the Meridian of the Lizard, two degrees thirty six minutes West. The Island of Lancerota hath in latitude twenty eight degrees, 
Lancerota.  forty minutes, and longitude from the Lizard five degrees twenty four degrees West. The variation of the Compass six degrees six minutes from North to East. And when you are in the latitude of thirty three degrees thirty minutes, and chance to have five degrees twenty minutes of variation, you may assure yourself to be North North-east from the said Island, and your course is South South-west to go with it.  

Grand Canaria.  The Grand Canaria hath in latitude twenty seven degrees forty minutes, and longitude from the Lizard six degrees thirty minutes West. The variation is six degrees from North to East. Likewise in the latitude thirty degrees thirty minutes: when you have five degrees and fifty minutes variation, you have the said Island South and by West from you.  
The Island of Saint Marie, being the Eastermost of the Azores, hath in latitude thirty seven degrees; and longitude from the Lizard fourteen degrees West. The variation of the Compass one degree forty minutes from North to East. But when you are in the latitude of thirty degrees thirty minutes coming homeward, and find five degrees variation, and would see the Lands in your course, go North-east for Saint Marie: but it is better to go more Northerly, and so you shall be sure to see some of them: for the variation is much upon that rate in the North-east course, till you come in with the Lands.  
The latitude of Sal, which is one of the Lands of Cape Verde, is ten degrees thirty minutes, 
Sal.  and longitude from the Lizard twelve degrees twelve minutes. The variation three degrees, thirty minutes from North to East.  
Bonavista is from Sal six leagues. 
Bonavista.  The midway between the Meridian of Cape Verde and these Lands in the latitude of nine degrees, you have two degrees fifteen minutes of variation to the Eastward: and the ne●rer you are to the Main land, the less variation. But when you come in five degrees of latitude, if the Ternadoes do not meet with you before, there you shall begin to have them, which are winds blowing everywhere.  
But if you will pass the Equinoctial, use what diligence you may, 
The best course to pass the Equinoctial Line,  in plying to get from these unhealthful and troublesome winds: but keep yourself so, that you may be but South and by East, or South Southeast from Mai●, because it may be in your mind, that your much going to the Eastward will be a help when you stand over with the general wind. But you may there spend much time, and get little advantage. Now as soon as you have the wind at South Southeast, and are in two or three degrees of the Line, stand away with it. For if you may pass the Line in ten degrees of longitude from the Lizard, your variation will be six degrees ten minutes from North to East, and you shall feel neither the East Southeast stream to hurt you, nor the Northwest and by West stream, that setteth over to the West- Indieses.  
But if the wind do hinder you much, fear not to pass the Line in fourteen degrees of longitude from the Lizard, your variation will be in that place six degrees forty five minutes. And being passed, make your way to the southward as speedily as you may: but if the wind be at East North-east or East, as many times it will be, do not go to the Eastward of the Southeast and by East, although in your mind it were the best course: for if you do, you shall found the wind at Southeast and South Southeast, and it will bring you down to your South course again, although you have spent so much time as in your South course would have carried you without the Tropic into the variable winds way, which is in twenty six or twenty eight degrees.  
For it is great odds, when a man may sail thirty six leagues in four and twenty hours, and will sail but four and twenty close upon a wind. For when you have brought yourself into the variable winds way, it cannot be long before you have a slent to get up to the Cape of Good Hope, where you shall note, that your variation will increase in running South from the Line. For when you come in twenty degrees to the southward, you shall have fifteen degrees of variation, and more to the Westward fourteen. Whereby if you note it well, 

Increase of variation in running southward of the Line.  
The I'll of Fernando de Loronha.   you shall perceive, that in these parts, between the Tropickes I mean, it keepeth no method in Easting or Westing, as it doth without them: as you may see at the Isle De Fernando de Loronha, the latitude whereof is four degrees South, and longitude from the Lizard nineteen degrees twenty minutes West. The variation is there eight degrees ten minutes, from North to East: if you come there to ride, the Road is upon the North-east side, but it is ●ll ground in some place. The depth, nine, eight and seven fathoms water, sandy grounds, with a stone or Rock here and there.  
This land riseth like Paul's steeple, and that land like the steeple will be when you are in the Road South South-west from you. There is much broken ground and Lands by the I'll itself. Hear is good refreshing and good water, but dangerous landing for the Sea to sink your Boats and drown your men.  
The Portugals of Fernamburo have some few Slaves here that make Cotton and keep their Cattles. They have Guiney Wheat there growing.  
The Island of Santa Helena hath in South latitude sixteen degrees, 
The I'll of Santa Helena▪  & longitude from the Lizard four degrees thirty minutes East: and from the Cape of Good Hope twenty three degrees thirty minutes West. The variation is seven degrees thirty minutes from North to East. This Island is one of the best for the bigness thereof for the refreshing of men, that I know in the Sea: it standeth so healthy, and hath so good a Road for Ships, as a man can 〈◊〉. The Road is open to the Northwest side: right before the Chapel you may ride in twel●e, ten, nine, eight, or seven fathoms water, good ground and no danger, but what you see a long the shore.  
The Island is little, but very high land, a man may see it eighteen leagues off. Upon it are all things fitting for a man's comfort, coming with it in distress. If you will see this Island, you have the wind always at Southeast or thereabouts. Therefore keep yourself in the latitude of sixteen degrees ten minutes, or fifteen degrees, and run West upon that height, and you cannot miss it: whether it be day or night you need not fear, but this you may assure yourself, that in your course from the Cape of Good Hope, there is nothing that will wrong you. I mean no stream nor Current. For I have seen that myself three times coming from the Cape the Southeast wind will tak● you in thirty degrees, and sometimes before, and will carry you to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line.  

The Bay of Saldanha.  Saldanha, which is the Bay where we do commonly anchor outward bound, hath in latitude thirty four degrees twenty five minutes, and longitude from the Lizard twenty eight degrees East. The variation thirty minutes from North to East. For the knowing of the land hereabout Saldanha, it is all high land. But commonly when you come from the Westward it is foggy and dark upon it, so that you shall see the breach of the shore, before you can come to make it, or know it. If you see the land when you are in the Offing rise like a Table, and other round hills by it, one like a Sugarloaf; bring this Table East by South, and then stir so see, till you come close under the land, for this course will bring you in with the point of the Souther land going into the Road. Now when you see the point itself, which is low land, you shall see the I'll of Penguin: but keep yourself nearer the point then to Penguin Island, because there are sunken Rocks all toward the Island: keep your Lead going, for toward the point you shall have ground at fifteen fathoms, and then you may be bold to go by it in ten fathoms water. Than the Road is Southeast by East from this point in six fathoms, or five if you list. The Table will be South South-west the middle of it, and the Sugarloaf South-west half Westerly. The worst winds for that Road are from the Northwest to the North-east. Hear is good watering and fresh victuals, when the people come down with it.  
There is fresh-fish in the River to be had at sometime of the tide with a seine: it doth high sometimes five foot water, and sometimes six, sometimes more, and sometimes less.  
Between the Coast of Brasil and this Road the Compass hath twenty degrees variation, and more or less as you are to the Northward or South. For the more you are to the southward, the more you have, and to the Northward the less. But in thirty three degrees thirty minutes, 
The highest variation between Brasil and the Cape of Good Hope.  you have the highest variation twenty one degrees from North to East, & longitude from the Lizard seven deg. thirty minutes, or from the Cape of Good Hope, thirty five deg. thirty minutes West: Now when you come in eleven degrees no minutes of variation, you may assure yourself, if your variation be good, you are three hundred and thirty leagues short: and it will keep a good method in decreasing after the rate of thirty or eight and twenty leagues to a degree: for when you are in two degrees of variation, you shall be eight and forty or fifty leagues short: and when you have forty minutes, and cannot see the land, you are but ten leagues off.  
Now if you can see the Land close by the water's side, before you can see the other high land, the fog hanging upon the shore, and are in thirty four degrees of latitude, you may see white sandy ways close by the water's side, your course is to the point, if they bear East Southeast from you, and being near the shore is North-east. For these white sandy ways are almost three leagues short of that point going into the Road, and fast by the point to the South-west from the said point going for the Road, the two points do lie North-east and South-west. And then the land toward the Cape lieth Southeast and by East, and South Southeast. So likewise the land lieth to the Northward off the Bay North Northwest, and South South-west.  
Penguin Island and this Point lie North and by West, and South and by East.  

Connie Island.  To the Northward of this Island is an Island called Connie Island, and it lieth in latitude thirty three degrees twenty seven minutes, and North Northwest from Penguine I'll. This Cony Ile hath bad ground about it: but you may go between the Main and that Island. If you will anchor, this I'll upon the Westerside hath a dangerous ledge of Rocks lying of it to the Seawar●. The Main all along the shore is bold, but what you may see.  

Chapman's Chance.  Chapman's Chance hath in latitude thirty four degrees ten minutues, and is an Harbour, which lieth within the South-west point under a little Hill like Charing Cross, close hanging by the Seaside of the South South-west-side of the land like a Table, standing in the very bottom of the Bay.  
This is a very good Harbour for the ships: for the main land of the Cape will be shut in upon the Westerside of the land: and there is good ground, and a good depth to ride in, as ten, nine, eight, seven, six, or five fathoms.  
This Harbour is not past ten miles over land to Soldanha from it: and a man may come away with that wind that you cannot come forth withal from Soldanha. Wherhfore when any shall have been there with a ship, they shall better know it. We went not in with our ship, because we were all fit to go about, before we did know it to be a Harbour. For we did suspect it by chance standing in with a scant wind, and being toward night our Captain Master Edmund Marlowe sent one of the Master's Mates in the Pinnace to see whether it were a Harbour or not, having little wind, and by that time he came in with it, the Sun was down, so that he could not see and take that notice he would, for quick returning to the ship.  
Cape Falso hath in latitude thirty four degrees thirty minutes, and is distant from the Cape of Good Hope, nine leagues East Southeast. 
Cape Falso.   
Between these two Capes there is a deep Bay, and before it there is a Rock even with the water; but it lieth near the Cape of Good Hope. In this Bay is the great River called Rio Dolce, that runneth fare up in the Land. There is good refreshing, as the Hollanders report, 
Rio Dolce.  for they have been there with their sh●ps.  
Hear at Cape Falso is no variation that I can found by observing South from it. 
No variation● Cape das Aguilhas.  The Land lieth to the Cape das Aguilhas East Southeast from the Cape of Good Hope, and is distant six and twenty leagues: no danger is to be seen, but a bold shore along the coast. And so it is bold sixty leagues to the Eastward: for so fare I have sailed to the Eastward of Cape Das Aguilhas the land lieth East Northerly for one hundred leagues.  
The very Cape Das Aguilhas hath in latitude thirty four degrees, fifty minutes South, and is very low land. But there is high land to the Eastward of the last named Cape. You may have ground with your Lead in seven or eight leagues of the land, for one hundred leagues East, at seventy, sixty, sixty five, fifty five, fifty, forty fathoms, sandy black ground upon your Lead, which will help you much in coming home if you cannot observe the variation nor latitude. The variation of Cape Das Aguilhas is no degrees thirty minutes from North to West. And at the Cape of Good Hope the Compass is varied from North to East five and twenty minutes. Assoon as you are to the Westward of Cape Das Aguilhas, you shall have Ozie and deep water; whereby you may see that this will help you well in dark weather to know how the lands are from you, and how to hale in with the Cape of Good Hope.  
When you sail into the East- India from the Cape of Good Hope, you must be very careful in your course: for till you come up to have seven or eight degrees of variation, you shall found it sometimes very uncertain, shouts of streams that will set a man sometimes one way, sometimes another as I have often found it to be so, and have had none other means to help myself, but by the variation, which is very sure, if you be careful in observing. 
The great benefit of the Variation.  But after you pass eight degrees of variation, you shall not need to sear the streams, if you be bound to the Eastward, for the streams or tides do set between the variation aforesaid, and the Cape Das Aguilhas.  
Now if you found between the Cape and this variation of seven or eight degrees that you do not altar it to your ship running East; for this is your fittest course, if you be bound for Bantam, or within for any place of the I'll of Saint Laurence, till you come up to the variation aforesaid, as you may chance at five or six degrees, assure yourself you are wrong with it. For the variation will increase by the rate of nine and twenty or thirty leagues, to the I'll of Saint Laurence. I mean these leagues in Easting from the Meridian's, and not the course you sail by, for if you sail North-east and by East, and you shall have thirty six leagues for one degree and half Easting, or longitude, which will altar one degree of variation.  
And the more Northward your course is, the less variation you have, 
Note.  as you shall plainly understand: for in five and twenty of latitude in sight of Saint Laurence, you have sixteen degrees no minutes. And running North by the land to the River of Saint Augustine, you shall have but fifteen degrees in the latitude of twenty three degrees and thirty minutes, which is plain that it is less to the Northward, then to the southward. So likewise up to the Eastward in the latitude of eleven degrees no minutes, the highest variation is twenty three degrees forty minutes. And in the latitude of thirty three degrees no minutes, the highest variation is twenty seven degrees ten minutes, as I have seen and observed myself, and in my judgement in ten leagues Easting and Westing of the same Meridian, as hereafter shall more plainly appear in their due places.   

§. II. A note for finding out of the River of Saint Augustine in Saint Laurence; of diverse small Isles in the way thence to Achen, and of many Ports and passages in and about Sumatra.  
THis River of S. Augustine hath in latitude, twenty three degrees thirty five minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, twenty three degrees twenty minutes East. The variation is fourteen degrees fifty minutes from North to West. But when you go for it, seek the land in the latitude of twenty four degrees twenty minutes, because in the latitude of twenty five degrees ten minutes, there is dangerous falling for Rocks and shoalds, which I have seen. And in this latitude twenty four degrees twenty minutes, you have the variation fifteen degrees forty minutes. The shore bold, but what you see before you. And the coast lieth South and North by a meridian Compass, without counting the variation, or meddling in this place with it, but steer North and North and by East, as discretion will guide you by the land: then coming along the shore in twenty four degrees ten minutes, you shall see a head-land, which hath upon it a round hill of white sand, and is like a Castle, with some few trees by it. This head-land is short of the Bay thirteen leagues, and your course is North and by East and North still, no danger till you see the Isles and shoalds before the Bay: and in the Country you shall see a land rise like unto Westminster Hall, and a gut between two high lands, like Dartmouth. The River is between these two hills: when you come with the Isles and shoalds, and will go into the Northward of them, 
The River of S. Augustine in the I'll of S. Laurence.  you may be bold of the shoalds in seven fathoms, if you will loof in by them, but anchor not by them: for it is bad ground, with Coral that will cut your Cable in sunder, if you ride but little time there; but rather hale East, up for the Channel coming from the River, where you have Ozie by the Main, in twelve, fourteen, or twenty fathoms water: and you shall found deep water in along to the River, till you come fast by the two hills, and Westminster Hall within the point on the West Northwest side. There you may choose your road from twenty fathoms to twelve, eleven, ten, nine, eight, seven, six, or five fathoms. But it is Ozie ground without the two headlands, and sand within. This River lieth from the Isles without shoalds East, and is distant five leagues. Here is good filling of water, and wooding, very good victuals; buy you pay silver: for that they desire most. The people are of a reasonable disposition; but you need not to trust them, nor none else where you come, but stand always upon your Guard, while your Boat go into the River to fill water. You shall have a very good Ox for four shillings, and a Goat for one shilling English, and as good as you have in England. The men of this place are tall and well made.  

The Cape of S. Sebastian.  The Cape of S. Sebastian hath in latitude twenty five degrees forty five minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, twenty five degrees no minutes. The variation of the Compass sixteen degrees forty minutes from North to West. Here upon the Southeast side is a very good place for refreshing, as the Hollanders report, much upon the latitude of twenty four degrees no minutes. It is named Santa Lucia; for as they have reported to me, there is a race of the portugals left there. 
Santa Lucia, a good place of refreshing.  They say the ships ride very secure, and have above nine or eight fathoms water, sandy ground, and an Island or two before it. And this must be much better for shipping bound up or down, than the River of S. Augustine, because it is upon the head of the Island.  

The I'll of S. Mary.  The I'll of S. Marry, upon the East side of S. Laurence, hath in latitude sixteen degrees thirty minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope thirty one degrees no minutes. The variation nineteen degrees fifty minutes from North to West. This Island is inhabited; and there we had Hens, Lemons, and other refreshing, good water; but never a Harbour, all Roads: you may ride off the West side, before a Town of twelve or sixteen houses. The depth of water is twenty fathoms, more or less. The distance from this Island, over to the Main is ten leagues. To the North Northwest, from this Island is a great Bay, that lieth sixteen leagues deep West North West in from the Souther-side of the Bay, there is good riding under a little Island, and in from that upon the Main, there is a River of fresh water. And there is likewise water and wood upon the I'll by the Road, you may ride in twelve, ten, nine, or eight fathoms: but you had need to sue your anchors: for it is so soft Ozie, that your anchors will come home. Here you have Rice in abundance, hens, and some cattles. The people have war, one side of the Bay with the other. Trust these people not too fare for treachery. It is a place of very uncertain and contagious weather, for rain, thunder and lightning, as ever I came in, and very unwholesome▪ for we lost many men here. But if distress urge a man to it, you may unlade a ship, or do any business by the Island, with standing upon your guard, and using the people friendly, as the Hollanders have been driven unto. The latitude of this Bay is, fifteen degrees forty minutes. But if you go with S. Marie first, you cannot miss it: for it is the next Bay upon the Main unto the Island. The name of this Bay is Antongill. 
The ba● of Antongil.  We did ride here in the first East Indian Voyage for the Merchants of London, in the year 1601. from December to March, and then we went for the East Indies.  
The latitude of the Isle de Roque Piz is eleven degrees no minutes, 
The I'll de Roque Piz. The highest variation.  and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, forty one degrees no minutes of the great Circle East. Here in the sight of these two Lands, we had the highest variation of the Compass, which was twenty three degrees thirty minutes. Now South from this place, as near as I can judge by sundry times going up and down, we have likewise the most variation, that is: if you be in the latitude of twenty seven or twenty eight degrees, than you have twenty six degrees no minutes: if you be in thirty three degrees no minutes of latitude, you have twenty seven degrees twenty minutes of variation. And this you may see in my Voyage in the james, begun in February, 1611. and ended the third of August, 1615.  
The Shoalds, called Baixos das Chagas▪ have in latitude six degrees no minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, fifty three degrees thirty six minutes East. 
Baixos das Chagas.  The variation is nineteen degr. fifty min. from North to West. These shoalds are very dangerous. There are three or four Lands and other dry sands: we were twenty four hours upon and among these Shoalds. There is in some places coral, in other some sand; sometimes ten fathoms, and by and by six fathoms: the best water the ships had, was four fathoms: but God be thanked, we had no hurt to any one of the ships. We were clear by keeping the Isle's South South-west from us: for upon the North North-east side it is, that we found the way out. If they had been well laid in our Charts, we had miss them.  
In the Channel of Maldina, the Compass varieth 17. degrees. And at the Cape de Comori sixteen degrees. The Lands of Nicubar, lying off the North end of Sumatra, 
The Lands of Nicubar.  have in North latitude seven degrees ten minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, seventy three degrees no minutes East. The variation is seven degrees five minutes from North to West. If you go with these Isles of Nicubar, as you come from the Westward, when you come within fifty or forty leagues, you shall meet with overfals, or the running of some tides, which will make you mistrust should water: but we found none with o●r Led when we sounded. Many such you shall pass. I think they be the streams coming from the Bay of Bengala. Among these Lands there is no danger, but what you see: you may be bold to water and fit your sel●es here. The people will not come aboard your ship, but will buy and cell in their Canoes. Farther into the Northward are more Lands; as in eight degrees lieth an Island called Ilha de Sombrero, 
Ilha de Somb●ero.  because upon the Souther-side the land is like a hat. Under this Island is good riding; and the people will come to your ship from the other Lands to the Eastward, for there are many Lands.  
Achen, which is a City upon the West Northwest side of Sumatra, 
Achen in Sumatra.  hath in latitude five degrees forty minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope seventy four degrees forty minutes East. And the variation is six degrees twenty five minutes from North to West. You may ride in seven or eight fathoms, or at low water in five or six; it hieth five foot upon the Bar. Your road is to the East ward of the Castle, and a round hill in the Country Southeast from you. The ground is Ozie where you ride. There is h●gh land upon the Westerside of the Town. The hill, which is Southeast of you, is called the hill of Pedir, because there is a Town of that name under it, twenty five leagues from Achen. Before the Road in the Offing are five or six Lands. The Pepper of this place is better than the Pepper of Bantam. At Pedir Pepper is to be had, but little else. The land lieth from the Road of Achen forty or fifty leagues East and West.  
And if you will go for the strait of Malacca, there is no danger till you come to the Eastward of the Isles das jarras, but a fair depth, at twenty five or thirty fathoms water. 
The Isles das jarras.  The tides set as much one way as the other. At these Isles das jarras, you may see the high land of Malacca: but here about Sumatra, is all low land. And your variation here about the Equinoctial is all one, as I said before, when I spoke of the highest, that there is within less variation then without, in the latitude of fourteen or fifteen degrees. For when you have seven degrees fifty minutes in the Offing, you are much upon seven degrees thirty minutes longitude from Bantam. And that distance you are in for longitude from Bantam, when you are under the Equinoctial line, and have six degrees thirty five minutes of variation. So that much upon that rate of thirty one leagues in the Offing of Easting or Westing, will altar one degree of variation, or one degree and an half of longitude; and within you run forty leagues, or two degrees. This I have found by experience both within and without going home from Bantam.  
If you were at Achen, and would sail for Priaman, which is a Town upon the West side of Sumatra, and hath in latitude no degrees fifty minutes South, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope seventy seven degrees forty minutes East: The variation four degrees forty minutes from North to West: The surest way is this. To the Eastward of Priaman there are Lands, in the South latitude of one degree and thirty minutes, which are called the Isles of Nimtam. 
The Isles of Nimtam.  Your course is to go with these Lands, and come not between the main, but keep the Sea, till you see those Lands: keep in one degree twenty minutes of South latitude, and you shall surely fall with the North end of the biggest. Now this great Island being the biggest of the two, is twenty leagues long very near: and there are many little Lands near it. And when you are with this Island, go up by it, for it is the bolder of the two, but have your Lead going now and then to prevent dangers, yet I have found the lest to be ten fathoms water. When you are shut within these Lands, your course is East by North eighteen leagues: but sail not by night, but hell rather, and sail by day. Now although Priaman and this Island do lie East by North, and West by South, yet your best way is, to direct your course East North-east, and North-east by East, among; and than you shall see three hummocks in the main, before you can see the low land; and then having sight of them, you may go in till you see the low land of the Main: but look well about you: 
Should water and banks of stone.  for when these hills come to the North-east from you, there is should water, and banks of stone: but you may borrow of them with your Lead in seven fathoms: then are you six leagues from the road of Priaman, and your course East Southeast, or Southeast by East with your Lead going now and then. For the knowing of the road of Priaman, when you have the hills North and West from you, you shall see many Lands to the southward; but the first will show white, and none of the rest. So that Island lieth West South-west from the road three leagues. And the land in the Country above Priaman is high, and like a Saddle in the midst. This high land beareth from the road North-east and by East. I set it down with this notice, because there are four Lands before the road within which you ride, and may mistrust to go within these Lands, when you come from the West Northwest, because they will not be open, but show like a pair of breeches till you have brought them East North-east from you; then will they begin to open, for there is good going in between them, leaving two on the one side, and two on the other. But come not near that little uttermost I'll by the main; for there is all flat ground. But keep in nine or eight fathoms, till you come with the other three Isles that lie in a row, and then go into the southward of the Norther of these three Lands, and under that Island is the road. 
The road of Priaman.  Wherhfore be bold of it in five or six fathoms, because it is but narrow between that I'll, and the River running from the Town, to wit, much upon the breath of the Thames at Blackewall. Upon this I'll, under which you ride, is a Well made artificially by those that have used to water there. It is a good road when you are in, but more your ship sure. The people here are covetous, and still begging for one thing or other; yet they used us very well, and brought us hens and such victuals as the place affoardeth. Here is good trade from java with junkes, for their Pepper they bring them salt, which is very scant upon this side of the Island. And about September and October there cometh every year a Guserate with Cotton cloth to serve this side of the Island, 
St●re of Gold in Sumatra. Storax.  and ladeth away Pepper, and carrieth away some Gold: for Gold is more plenty there, then Silver, as we might plainly see by the Countrie-people: for they are very desirous of Rials of eight. Here is some Benjamin to be had, and very good Storax, with other Commodities.  

Tecou.  Tecou is seven leagues from this road, but it is shoaldie water, and ill for ships, because they must ride fare off. But Prawes and such small vessels as the Country people use, are fittest, and will bring all their Commodities unto you into Priaman road, after they know a ship to be there, ten leagues.  

Many Lands are to the South of Priaman.  To the Northward of Priaman there are no Lands three or four leagues off: but to the southward coast is full of Lands along till you come into two degrees and an half or latitude. The coast lieth from Priaman two degrees twenty minutes of latitude South. Your course is South▪ when you set sail from Priaman, you may go within those Lands by the road: because by the Souther Island lieth a should close by the off side: your depth is five and six fathoms. In going down to the Southward, keep the main still, and go not without among those Lands: for it is all ground and shoalds. But sail not by night, till you come into the latitude of two degrees thirty minutes. For as you pass by the high land, that is distant from the road of Priaman thirteen leagues, it is very dangerous: keep yourself in twenty or thirty fathoms water off the main, and look well about you when this high land cometh toward the East. Between that gut of high land as you pass like Dartmouth, is the Town of Celledai. I have had by going near those Lands here, about thirteen leagues from the aforesaid road, but four fathoms water, and have seen the stones, under the ship, and have gone but little in again toward the main, and have had sixteen fathoms, and twelve fathoms water: wherefore there is no fear by the main land, keeping your Lead going: then being clear off these Lands, your course is South and by East by the main, till you come to two degrees thirty minutes: and then the land lieth to three degrees ten minutes Southeast, and then Southeast and by South to four degrees, and so to five degrees no minutes by the same course.  
The land is very high and bold here in five degrees, no minutes. In five degrees and thirty minutes lieth the Isle of Engano, 
The I'll of Engano.  but there is no anchoring by it; for I have sought to anchor, but it is rocks and deep water. But if you have any occasion, you shall found in the latitude of four degrees, 
A very good road.  ten minutes, a very good road under an Island fast by the main, where you may ride in seven fathoms, and no danger but what you see, but may boldly turn into the Road, if the wind ●e at Southeast, Ozie ground. Hear you may have wood and water, if you have need: But beware, two leagues West South-west from this Island, it is very dangerous should in the sea, the water breaketh much upon it; wherefore keep in by the Island, and give the point a birth: but you cannot go between the main and this Isle with a ship, because it is narrow and shoaldy water. This Road or Harbour is named by the Country people, Celebar: 
Celebar.  we did ride here with Sir Edward Michelborne thirteen days, to do some business. You shall never with a Southeast wind miss some junckes of java, or of some other place riding there. The land to the Northward in the country is high, but by the seaside reasonable, not very low neither. This high land in five degrees, twenty minutes, is called Manancabo, and is extraordinary high. 
Manancabo.  The course alongst the shore is South Southeast, Easterly, till you come to see a little Island fast by the main, that lieth in six degrees, no minutes, or much thereupon. Hear you shall see a round hill in the country East from you, which will be North, when you come with the three Isles by the point of Sumatra, that lie East one from the other. 
The salt hills.  Than shall you have the Salthills East and by South from you, when this hill is North, and the distance from the three Islands lying East and West, to the three salt hills, which are three Islands, that lie South and North one from another, to be ten leagues. The Land of Sumatra, from the little Island to the other three Islands, lieth East Southeast, and is distant four leagues. This land is not very high, but in the country it is high land. The depth by this land is four and fifty fathoms; and by the three East and West Islands, there is sixteen fathoms water; and further up, you have thirthie fathoms, when the round hill is North from you. Now you must understand, that ●eere as you go upon the Coast of Sumatra, are more Islands than a man can number. But if you will go into t●e Road of Marrough, you may boldly bear in among those Islands that lie North-east and by East, 
The Road of Marrough.  till you come to the main land of Sumatra, where you shall have twenty or thirty fathoms, and no danger, but what you see. Now when you come in with the main four leagues West South-west from this Head-land, which is called Marrough, you shall have all to the Northward of you low land, and many Islands; but you must go East Southeast unto the Head-land of Sumatra: for this Road of Marrough is along the shore from the three little Islands fast by the main, till you come almost to the point that maketh the Strait of Sunda, you may anchor in twenty or twelve fathoms water, Ozie ground, a fair birth off: There is good refreshing, and Rivers all along the shore. The land is very high here in from the Road. But if you come with the three Salt hills or Islands, that lie South and North one from the other, which are distant, as I said before, from the three East and West Islands by Sumatra ten leagues, and would go for this place of Marrough, steer in with the high land North, when you are to the Eastward of the South Salt hill, and you go right with it; for the land above it is like a barn, and none thereabout like it: you may be bold every way hereabout, for there is no danger, but what you see with your eyes, no where without the straits mouth. In the very strait or narrow between Sumatra and java side, which you will, if you go to the Westward of the three South and North Islands, you need not fear, although you see three rocks stand three mile's West from the Salt hill; for you may come fast by them, or put between any of those Islands, 
Three Rocks three miles W●st ●rom the salt hil●s.  the depth will be much about twenty or thirty fathoms. The course from the Head-lan● of Sumatra, w●ere the three East and West Islands are, is East North-east with the Point or Head-land of Sumatra, that maketh the straits entry. The Coast of java l●eth from the Point of Talimbam down to seven degrees almost of Southerly latitude; where are many Islands on this side, 

The lying of ●ome part of the Coast of Ia●a.  
The Souther salt hill is in eighty one degrees 〈◊〉 longitude from 〈◊〉 Cape of Good Hope.   South-west and North-east, and you have ground with the lead at thirty or forty fathoms, in some place: But a little without the Point of Palimbam you may anchor in twelve fathoms, Ozie ground. The latitude of the Southeast salt hill, is six degrees, ten minutes: The longitude from Cape of Good Hope eighty one East, the variation three degrees, twenty minutes. These salt hills stand nearer java than Sumatra by two leagues, you may see both Manes at one time, if it be clear, and you be in the midway. The land of java is high within the country, and low by the waterside. The stream in the Strait setteth twelve hours one way, and twelve hours the other, but most strongly; for you cannot bear a head with a hard gale at some times: wherefore go off on one side, and anchor, it maketh no matter on which. But if you chance to go in by Sumatra side, keep nearer Sumatra by a good deal, then to the Islands, till the Islands be East and by South from you, for there is a rock under water, which breaketh at low water, 
A rock under water.  that lieth West and by North from the Island. Sumatra is bold, to you can keep off the land; and so is java side also. The way to Bantam, when you are about the Point of Palimbam, is by the land East Southest, and Southeast and by East, with your lead going till you see a flat Island c●lled Pulo Panian, 
Pulo Panian.  which is distant from the Point of Palimbam nine or ten leagues. When you come to this Island, you may go without it, or within it at your pleasure: but keep your lead going, and come not nearer than five or six fathoms off that Island. Than if you look in upon the main, you shall see a round hill in the country bearing South, or between that and South South-west. This hill standeth right over the Town of Bantam: if you have it South South-west from you, go in with that course, till you come to see five Islands together, right from Pulo Panian. Your Road is by these five Islands called Pulo Lima, 
Pulo Lima.  where you may ride in what depth you will under four fathoms, Ozie ground. It higheth five foot water in the Road. Wherhfore when you choose to ride, remember the Tide, for otherwise you may be on ground at low water. 
The variation is three degr● i● Bantam Road●.  The variation in the Road is three degrees from North to West. Hear are many Islands in this Road round about you.   

§. III. The way from Bantam to the Strait of Palimbon, upon the East-side of Sumatra, of Banca, Bintam, straits of Sincapura, and Sunda, with other places.  
WHen you weigh from Bantam Roade, you go North-east by East four or five fathoms, till you come with the point of the main, where it cometh to bear Southeast by South, you have very should water upon that spit of hard ground. Wherhfore keep off betime: before you come near in four or five fathoms, there is a good big, Island on your North Northwest, as you go from Bantam, which you may leave on your larbord side in going from the aforesaid Town, and your depths are five or six fathoms. Hear will the land toward the Strait make like an Island, because, you have lost sight of the low land. Hear in your North North-east course, 
A long bed of small Islands.  you have a long bed of small Islands in your way, and low withal, but bold: for there is eighteen or twenty fathoms water among them, Bantam bearing South-west by South Westerly from these Islands. Their latitude is from five degrees, to five degrees, thirty minutes.  
When you are at the Norther end of these Islands, go North North-east and North over for the Coast of Sumatra: and in your course your depths will be thirteen, twelve, ten, nine, eight, seven, 
Sumatra.  six, five, four and a half fathoms; and than you shall see the low land of Sumatra, the trees I mean, and your ground under your lead will be Ozie. The latitude about three degrees, thirty minutes South. Now when you come in with a riff of hard sand hereabout, and have in your North and by West course four fathoms and an half: 
Note.  Note it well, and hale off again East North-east into your old depths, which are from ten to seven fathoms or five of Sumatra, your course North by West, and North Northwest, to hold the coast from five to ten fathoms. But go not without ten fathoms neither by night nor day; for the Coast is bold in six fathoms. But if you go from Bantam North, 
A should.  you must look very carefully about for a should, that lieth in that course from the aforesaid Town of the Road, till you have sight of the two Islands upon the Coast of Sumatra, that lie three leagues from that main land; and than you have no more Islands by Sumatra, till you come in three degrees of South latitude; and there shall you fall with Lusapara-falsa, 
Lusapara-falsa.  which is the first of those four Lands, at the South South-west end of Banca. And look out very well for them, in going your North by West course, as the depths will guide you from five or six, to nine or ten fathoms, Ozie ground. When you have sight of these four Islands, you shall see much broken ground by them, and among them very should water. Hear likewise you shall see two round homockes of a good height: and though they seem to you to stand upon the main of Sumatra, 
The Isle of Banca.  yet they do not so, but upon the Island of Banca. The aforesaid four Islands have three degrees, no minutes South latitude. When you come to have these Islands East from you, your shoalding will be five and four fathoms, and your course North, and North by West, till you have the Southermost Isle Southeast by East from you. Than you go North North-east by Banca, in eight and seven fathoms, for the Island of Banca is steep. When you come with these Islands, keep Sumatra side for the bolder side: the channel is in breath three miles. Now in edging to the other side, you shall go from eight fathoms into three fathoms. Than have you hard ground on that side, and Ozie ground on Sumatra side. This course of North North-east, is but one reach or three miles, before you go North again. Hear at the narrow the Tide setteth North and South, and runneth twelve hours one way, and twelve hours the other. When you are passed the banks or shoalds by these Islands, your depths are ten and nine fathoms: than you sail three leagues North by the land. The next reach lieth North by West, and the depth in the best is fifteen fathoms. And when you draw near to the high land upon the North side of the Island of Banca, your course is North Northwest, and the best depths twenty fathoms. It is very flat and should here upon Sumatra side. This course of North Northwest, and Northwest by North, continueth nine leagues. Than you sail twenty leagues Northwest by West, the depth will be four and twenty fathoms. The latitude in this course, is one degree, eight and thirty minutes South. When you have the North-end these Islands Southeast by South from you, it will show like broken Islands. But as you go, keep off the main, because it is should still. Your next course is North ten leagues, in ten, nine, eight and seven fathoms. Hear you have sight of three or four Islands, to the Northwards of the great Island, but no sight of the main land. The latitude here is one degree, five minutes South. Than your course is North-east by North, with a round Island, and other little Islands by it. This round Island is like the Monston of Dartmouth, the depths ten, nine, eight, and seven fathoms, and latitude about forty minutes South. 
Pulo Sio:  This Isle is called by the Country people Pulo Sio, but Linscot calleth it Pulo Powe. Hear you may have water and wood, if you need. Than your course is to go without Linga from hence North Northwest, 
Pulo Linga.  and the depth is fifteen or sixteen fathoms: and the distance from Pulo Sio to Linga, is thirteen leagues. At the Souther end of Linga are many Islands; and there are at the Norther end also many. 
Linga lieth under the Equinoctial Line.  This Island of Linga lieth under the Equinoctial line, as we found by observation, where the Charts make it to lie almost a degree in South latitude. It is full of Islands and sunken grounds hereabout. Hear we found the tide to run South Southeast, and North Northwest. The depth in the offing is twenty fathoms, Ozie ground: your course is North by West fifteen or sixteen leagues, where you shall see eight other Islands. But in your going beware of the tide, 
Eight Islands.  and keep in fifteen or sixteen fathoms water, and Ozie ground: the latitude of these eight Islands is fifty minutes North. Hear you may likewise have wood and water among these Islands. These Islands and sancken grounds continued to one degree, ten minutes of North latitude: the Tide runneth twelve hours, the flood from the Northward, and ebb from the Southward, the depth twenty fathoms. Hear along by these Islands is fourteen fathoms, till you come up to the Isle of Bintam, 
The Isle of Bintam.  which hath in latitude one degree, ten minutes North, upon the Southeast side of this Island is bold shoalding from fourteen to nine fathoms, yet hath a round hill in the midst of it, and it is a greater Island, than any that is near it: upon the Easter point I came over in seven fathoms: the Tide of the Norther side setteth West by North. And when you are passed this Easter point, you are open of the Strait of Sincapura. 
The Strait of Sincapura.  Hear the Tide setteth East from the Strait of Sincapura. Thence you go North-east and by North seven leagues, with a strong stream against you, for an Island called Pulo Tinge, upon the Coast of jor, in latitude two degrees, twenty minutes North, you may see the round hill of Bintam even with the water, 
Pulo Tinge.  for their distance twenty leagues, and the course is North by West. Hear we saw an Island called Pulo Timon: 
Pulo Timon.  and the other Islands by it are called Pulo Lore, leaving two round hills upon it. And Pulo Tinge, where we road, hath a piked hill upon it. Their latitudes are two degrees, thirty minutes, and two degrees forty minutes.  
The Coast of jor is bold from Pulo Tinge. When you have made the Strait of Sincapura, 
jor.  and would go for jor, your course is Northwest by West. But beware of the Current, you may be bold in sixteen, eighteen, twenty, or five and twenty fathoms, and good ground to anchor.  
From Pulo Sio steer Southeast for an Island called Pulo Paccadoure, 
Pulo Paccadoure  distant from Pulo Sio eleven leagues, in latitude one degree no minute's South. It is a ragged Island, and hath by it two little Lands. The depth is fifteen fathoms. Be sure to keep in that depth, and you shall go without danger. From this ragged Island your course is Southeast by East nine leagues, to an other Island called Pulo Pagadure, and your depths are fifteen or sixteen fathoms. 
Pulo Pagadure▪  In that course be very careful: for Banca upon this side is all Rocks and breaches, in some places eight or nine leagues off, and so it is without you again all bad ground. Than from this Island your course is Southeast by East, to an Island called Pulo Calasai, or the Mariner's Island: and their distance is forty leagues: when you see this Island of Mariners, lie short of it, 
Pulo Calasai.  because you cannot anchor by it for fowl ground. Your depth from this Island to the other is fifteen fathoms. From this Mariner's Island, you may see the high land upon Banca bear West by North from it, and is distant fifteen leagues. 
Banca.   
The head of Banca lieth from this I'll South-west by West nine leagues. Sail not by night by any means when you see this Island: for if you go never so well by your Compass, the streams will deceive you, and put you to the Eastward of an Island called Chinabata. 
Chinabata.  Your course is to go between Banca and these Lands; because it is all Rocks to the Eastward like steeples. This I'll of Chinabata and Pulo Calasai, lie South and North one from the other, and are distant thirteen leagues. Your course between Banca and Chinabata is South South-west: look to the stream, and borrow of Banca in this place in twenty or twenty five fathoms. The distance between them is ten leagues. The Rocks in the Offing are called Pulo Pelican. From which strait to the coast of Sumatra, the course is South-west by South, till you have shoalding off the main. And go as you did outward from Bantam, keeping the shoalding of Sumatra in seven or eight fathoms, till you draw near the strait of Sunda.  
I have hereunto added like Nautical observations, I suppose, written by Thomas Clayborne, leaving the censure and use to the more skilful. He entitleth them,  

Certain principal Notes, gathered by mine own experience, in my three Voyages into these parts: wherein the true course, and distances, with shoalds and rocks is showed: and on which side you may leave them: as hereafter followeth. 
Note▪   
THe Souther-most Salt hill lieth in six degrees no minutes of South latitude; and if you be bound for Bantam, you may go betwixt the Salt hills, or on either side of them, if need be: but most men go to the South of them. If you be South from the Southermost Salt hill, about two leagues, or less, your best course to Palimbam point, is between the North-East by East, and the East North-east. The distance betwixt the Salt hills and that point twenty leagues. In that course you shall leave the Island that maketh the straits of Sunda on the Larboard side, and that Island is five leagues short of Palimbam point. From Palimbam point your course is East Southeast about three or four leagues with Pulo Pangam: then leaving that Island on your Larboard side, and being clear of it, you must steer East Southeast, about two leagues more: then South South-west, and South by West about one league, and that will bring you into Bantam road, where you may come to an anchor in three fathoms, soft Oze.   

Certain Notes from Bantam Road to the Lands of the Maluccaes', with the course and distances: as hereafter followeth.  
FRom Bantam road North-east by North two leagues, than East by North, and East North-east two leagues, and that will bring the low point to the Eastward of Bantam Bay, South from you about one league: but come no nearer that point then three fathom; then East, and East by North four leagues, and then you shall have fourteen fathom, and shall be near five Lands, with white sand without them, and a Ledge of Rocks East from them about half a mile; these you must leave to the North-wards of you. From these Lands your course is East Southeast, with the Eastermost Island of jacatra. From the Eastermost Island of jacatra, which is the Norther-most from this Island, your course is North-east by East four or five leagues, than East thirty leagues; then look out for a sand that lieth about three leagues from the Main, and if it be clear weather, you shall see a low Island to the North of you, but you may go either between the Island and the sand, or between the sand and the Main: but the best way is to go three leagues to the Southward of the Island. Than East by South and East seventy leagues, and that will bring you in sight of Madura. Note, if you be four or five leagues from the West end of Madura, you shall have thirty three fathom; and being five leagues of the Easter end, you shall have forty one or forty two fathoms. All alongst this coast, you shall have Ozie ground. From the West end of Madura, your best course is to steer East by North, while you have brought yourself in the latitude of six degrees: and then keep yourself in that latitude if it be possible, and so (by God's help) you shall go clear between the shoals of Celebes, and another shoal that lieth South South-west from the shoals of Celebes. The Southermost point of the shoals of Celebes lieth in six degrees. From the South point of the shoals of Celebes, your course is East North-East with the straits of Celebes: the distance between them is thirty leagues. From the straits of Celebes to Ternata, the principal Island of the Maluccas, upon a strait line, the course is North-east, distant about two hundred leagues.  
If you be minded to go for the Moluccas, then from the straits of Celebes, your course is North-east by East, and North-east thirty leagues, and that will bring you into a strait between two lands, namely, Celebes and Cambyna: the distance between these two lands is five leagues: in the middle between them, 
Note.  you shall have thirty eight fathoms, sandy ground. But this is to be noted, when you come between these two Lands, you cannot sail by night: for it is dangerous, 
The straits of S. Thomas.  while you be clear of the straits of S. Thomas, distant from this place aforenamed twenty leagues: so that you must go upon several courses, as hereafter followeth.  
First, North-east by North six leagues, than North North-east eight leagues, than East and East by North ten leagues, and this will bring you into the straits of S. Thomas, which straits you shall hardly perceive, until you come very near them: for they are narrow, and one land shooteth in an other. The going through is East about one league, and the lest water you shall have in running of that league, is eleven or twelve fathoms. In running of those twenty leagues afore-named, you shall be land-locked, and shall see six or seven sands dry with the rimme of the water, most of them will be on your Larboard side: but this course aforenamed (by God's help) will carry you clear of them all. From the straits of S. Thomas, your course is North-east by East, and East North-east fourteen leagues, and that will carry you into the Sea, but not out of the sight of land: then North North-east thirty eight leagues; and then look out for a small Island, and a shoal that lieth North Northwest from that small Island. You must bring that small Island East from you about two leagues, or seven miles: then steer North by East, and North North-east five leagues, than West Northwest, and Northwest by North two or three leagues, than North-east by North four or five leagues, and that North-east by North course, will carry you between two shoals, that lie in two degrees no minutes South latitude. The distance between them is not one mile, and they are dry at low water: you shall have fourteen fathom between them. When you are clear of these shoals, and are within one league of that land, 
The straits of Bengaia.  which that North-East by North course doth carry you unto, than you must steer East Southeast about two leagues, than North-east by East with the straits of Bengaia, which lie in one degree twenty minutes to the South of the Equinoctial: this strait lieth. North-east by North, 
Machian.  and so you must go through.  

Bachian.  From the straits of Bangaia to Machian, the course is North-east by East distant seventy two leagues. Bachian lieth in no degrees thirty minutes to the North of the Equinoctial, and being near this Island, if it be clear weather, you shall see all the Clove Lands, which show like high piked hills in the midst of them. You may steer with any of them at your pleasure, if wind and weather serve: for there is no danger lying near them.   

Notes of Botun.  
BOtun is a great Island, and an high land, the longest part of it lieth North North-east, and South South-west. Upon the North North-West part or end of the Island, there is a River of fresh water. If a man be at the Norther end of Botun, and be minded to sail to the King's Town, his course is between the South by West, and South South-West, and so shall sail along the land twenty leagues, as it were up a River, betwixt two lands, Botun to the Eastward, and Cambyna to the West, distance between them four leagues, in some places but three, in some places but two leagues, and in some very narrow.  
In this course afore-named, nine leagues short of the King's Town, there is a shoal, 
A dangerous should.  not very big, yet dangerous, and dry at a low water. Now to know when you are near it, you shall see a round hill upon Button, near the water side: that hill and the shoal lie East by North, and West by South one from the other; you must leave that shoal on your Larboard side. From this shoal, your course is still between the South by West, and South South-West, to go with the narrow straits, four miles short of the King's Town: this Strait is one league through, and about half a mile broad, the course is South South-West through, and it is no great matter for the course in that place, so you keep the ship in the middle, which is best: for there is no riding in the narrow, by reason of the swift Tides that run there. He that goeth through, must take his Tide with him to drive him through, for (lightly) there is never any wind there, the land is so high over the Masts on both sides. But you may anchor two leagues short of this narrow, and ride well (by God's help) in thirty fathom sand. So, when you be through this strait, you must steer South South-west one league, to go clear of a point of land that you must leave on your Larboard side; and being clear of that point, you must hale up South Southeast about four miles, if the wind will give you leave, and then you may come to an anchor in eight and twenty fathom, hard sand, near a flat Island.  
Than you shall see the Town of Botun, upon the side of an hill, from you about one league. The Road of Botun lieth in five degrees fifteen minutes of South latitude. 
The road of Botun is in five degrees fifteen minutes of South latitude.  From Botun road West South-West four leagues, than South-West, and South-West by South five leagues, than West by South and West thirty leagues, and that will bring you to the straits of Celebes.  
From the straits of Celebes to the Island of Banda upon several courses, as followeth: First, East seven and thirty leagues, than East by South fifteen leagues, the North-east half a point to the Northward, about seventeen leagues, and that will bring you into the latitude of five degrees ten minutes, and then your best course is East North-east, with Buro, distance between that and Buro sixty three leagues. 
Buro. Amboyno. Banda.  From the South part of Buro to the South part of Amboyno, are eight and twenty leagues. From the South part of Amboyno to Banda, the course is East South East distance about thirty leagues. Banda lieth in four degrees forty minutes. Your going in is between the high Mountain called Gunappi, and the great Island of Banda, the hill being on your Larboard side, and the great Island on your Starboard side.     

CHAP. VII. A journal of the tenth Voyage to the East-India, with two ships, the Dragon, and the Hosiander (accompanied with the james and Solomon, but those for other Voyages) and in them three hundred and eighty persons, or thereabout: Written by Master THOMAS BEST, chief Commander thereof.  

§. I. Observations in their way to Surat.  

February 1. 1611.  THe first of February, 1611. we set sail from Gravesend, and anchored in Tilbury Hope.  

March 22.  The two and twentieth of March, at noon latitude observed fifteen degrees, twenty minutes, At two of the clock in the afternoon fair aboard Maio. Bonavista and Maio lie South-west by South, 
Maio.  distant some twelve leagues. Note that the North Northwest, and the North part of Maio is all foul ground; and due North from the high homockes, 
A great ledge of Rocks.  there lieth a great ledge of rocks from the land, some five or six miles off: and a mile without the rocks you shall have twenty fathoms water. On the Westside of the Island you may borrow in twelve or fifteen fathoms, till you come into the Road, where we anchored in four and twenty fathoms.  
The eight and twentieth in the morning, we came close by an Island, the latitude of it is twenty degrees, thirty minutes, and longitude from the Meridian of Maio, one degree, fifty minutes East. We did not land upon it, but came within two or three miles of it. I take it there is hardly anchoring to be found: there may be some refreshing in it; wood there is, and there may be water: for on the Souther part of it there is a fair plain plot, and it was very green: we could not find ground coming within two or three miles of it. From this Island East North-east, 

Another Island. Two or three high white rocks.  
june 28. They dep●rt from Saldanha.   some seven or eight leagues lieth another Island: and from the first Island East by South, or East Southeast, lie two or three high white rocks, some four or five leagues off.  
The eight and twentieth of june, we all set to sea: we stayed in Saldanha Road one and twenty days, and bought for the three ships nine and thirty Beefs, and an hundred and fifteen sheep, with a little brass, which we cut out of two or three old kettles: The sheep we bought for small pieces of thin brass, worth some penny or three half pence a piece: the Beefs with the brass ●ut off kettles, to the value of twelve pence for a Beef. It is a place of great refreshing: for besides the Beef and Mutton, there is great plenty of good fish, and fowls of many sorts, great store of fat Deer, but we could kill none, very excellent Rivers of fresh water, and an healthful and good air. I landed eighty or ninety sick men, and lodged them in Tents eighteen days, and they all recovered their healths, save one that died. From the seventh of june, till the day of our departure from Saldanha, being the eight and twentieth of june, we had nothing but fair weather; the Sun very warm, and the air very sweet and healthful. We were an hundred leagues East from Cabo das Aguilhas, 
Note.  before we found any current, and then found it strong.  

July 31. The Isle de juan da Nova.  The one and thirtieth of july, Latitude observed seventeen degrees, eight minutes, and longitude twenty degrees, seven and forty minutes, the wind at South, fair weather. At four in the afternoon, we saw the Island de juan da Nova from us East Southeast, distant four leagues, in bigness, so much as we saw, (and I think we saw all of it) for length some three or four miles, very low, and riseth like rocks; off the West-end, a mile or two from it, we saw a breach, but we could not get ground with an hundred and thirty fathoms, sounding with our Pinnace or skiff: the latitude of it is seventeen degrees, no minutes, very certainly observed, and in our judgements well laid in our plaits, both for latitude and longitude: it is a most sure sign of being near this Island de juan da Nova, 
Signs of the Isle de juan da Nova.  if you found or see great store of fowl; from having the Island North-east to Southeast, we saw much fowl, some white, their wings topped or painted only with black, and some black fowl.  

August 1.  The first of August, North North-east thirty leagues, latitude fifteen degrees, one and forty minutes, longitude one and twenty degrees, two and twenty minutes.  
The second, North-east by North one quarter North, six and twenty leagues, latitude fourteen degrees, five and thirty minutes, longitude one and twenty degrees, eight and fifty minutes.  
The third, North-east by North, one quarter North two and twenty leagues latitude observed thirteen degrees, five and thirty minutes, and longitude from the Cape twenty two degr. thirty minutes, the wind at South Southeast, partly calm. 
Note.  Note that coming this course from the Isle juan da Nova, we have not met with any Currents: whereby it is evident that the Current which runneth to the South-west, very strongly aboard the Main, from the latitude of fourteen degr. South, doth not run in the offing twenty leagues from land. At four in the afternoon we saw land East North-east, and North-east by East from us, some twelve leagues off; having on the Easter-part of it a very fair Sugarloaf hill. This I'll is called Mal-Ilha, 
Mal-Ilha one of the Isles of Comoro.  and is one of the Isles of Comoro. Also at the same time we saw the Island Comoro bearing of us North Northwest and North by West high-land.  
The fourth, at six in the morning, we were fair aboard the South Southeast end of Mal-Ilha, and haling in with the hand to have found some place to anchor in, when we were some eight or nine miles from the shore, we saw the ground under the ship; 
Shoald-water.  but not less than eight or ten fathoms water: the Hosiander being two miles within us, she finding not less than four or five fathoms, but her Boat was in three fathoms. Than we sent off both our Pinnasses, which kept shoalding on a Bank of eight, ten, and twelve fathoms, being from the Bank half a Cables length, no ground in an hundred fathoms. At the North-end of this Mal-Ilha there is a fair big Island high land, and may be some five or six miles about; and from this little Island to the main land of Mal-Ilha, may be some eight or nine miles, full of rocks, two of them of good height. 
A great Ledge of Rocks.  Now the Bank or ledge of Rocks, for so it is, lieth all along the Westside of Mal-Ilha: and continueth until the little high Island (before mentioned) bear Southeast of you, and then it endeth. Hear I had sixteen fathom, fair white sand, fishing ground. And thus being at the North-end of this Ledge, and the little Island bearing Southeast, you may steer in with land, keeping the Island fair aboard: and within the rocks or broken ground and Mal-Ilha, you shall see a Bay, wherein there is good anchoring. The Dutch shipping hath been there six or eight sail of them together: That year they were here, when they assaulted Mozambique, 
Six or eight ships of Holland at Mal-Ilha.  two of my men now in my ship, were then in the ships. Now to the Eastward of you, as you come in from the Bank or Ledge of Rocks, you have likewise a great should, and the offermost end of it lieth from the little Island North-east, or North-east by East, but from the Island at lest five or six miles, and no ground between, that we could found, in forty or fifty fathoms. In fine, all the North-side of Mal-Ilha is very dangerous: but the channel mentioned, without danger: for we stood in as fare as the little Island: but the wind being fair Southerly, we could not lead it in. For I would have anchored in the Bay if I could have got in; for a mile to the Westward of the Bay is a Town, the people good, and great refreshing; as Beefs, Goats, Hens, Lemons, Coco Nuts, of each great store; and good water. The aforesaid Fleet of Hollanders, in this place, recovered the healths of four or five hundred men in five weeks. In those parts there is no place of greater refreshing than this. Now the best way to come to this place, is to come by the Southeast side of the Island. Mal-Ilha hath latitude twelve degrees, thirty minutes, and longitude three and twenty degree, two minutes; Variation fifteen degrees, twenty minutes. This Island is well named Mal-Ilha, for it is the most dangerous of any place that ever I saw: 
Mal-Ilha nex● to Comoro.  it is the next to Comoro, on the Southeast side of Comoro, and is distant some twelve or fourteen leagues.  
The first of September, at the breaking of the dawning▪ we saw the land East from us, some three or four leagues off. When we saw the land, 
September 1, Sight of land.  I was short of my reckoning eighty or ninety leagues: which I judge to proceed of some Current from the Coast of Melinde, setting to the East: neither from the latitude of Socatora to Daman could we see the Sun, to know that variation.  
The third, at seven in the morning, we commanded two Boats of the country, by shooting four pieces to them, to come aboard of us: and they told us that the Church, and Castle, and Town which we saw, and now did bear of us Southeast by South, was the Town of Daman. Out of these two Boats I took two men, which undertook to carry the Dragon to the Bar of Surat, with promise that they would not bring me into less than seven fathoms water.  
The fifth, a Boat of Surat came aboard of us with jaddow the Broker, which had served Captain William Hawkins three years, and Sir Henry Middleton the time of his being here; and the Customers brother, and three or four others. All which continued with us till the seventh day. And then at four in the afternoon we came to an anchor at the Bar of Surat: 
They arrive at the Bar of Surat.  the Bar hath latitude one and twenty degrees, ten minutes. Variation sixteen degrees, twenty minutes, or sixteen degr. seven and twenty min. Hear I came to an anchor in eight fathoms and a quarter at high water, and at low water six fathoms and an half nepe tides: but in the spring tides it would rise here in the offing, for so have I found, three fathoms, and three fathoms and a half.  
The eleventh, Thomas Kerridge came aboard, and signified their kind entreaty, and much welcome to the people, and brought with him from the justice and Governor of Surat, a Certificate under their Seal for our quiet and peaceable trade and intercourse with them, and also a Letter of relation written by Sir Henry Middleton, which he left with the Mocadan of Swally. The same day we returned him again with Hugh Gittins.   

§. II. Their Acts with the Mogul's Subjects, and fights against the Portugals: settling a factory, and departure to Achen.  
THE thirteenth of September, sixteen Sails of Portugal Frigates put into the River.  
The two and twentieth it was determined by counsel, that we should sand a Post to Agra to the King, so signify our arrival, and to require his answer certain, Whether he would permit us trade, and to settle a factory. Otherwise to departed his Country.  
The thirtieth, this morning I heard of the taking of Master Canning the Purser, and William Chambers: whereupon I caused the Guzurat ship to anchor fast by me, thereby to stay her, till I might see and hear how all stood on land. Also we stayed a Bark of Rice, being informed that it belonged to the Portugals of Bassare: and from Bassare she came. In fine, I took out of her twelve or fourteen Quintals of Rice, and gave them thirteen pence a quintal for it. After I had the ship, I wrote to the chief on land, that they should sand me all my men, with the value of all the goods which I had landed; which being performed, I would then deliver their ship wi●h all their people, and gave time till the fift of October to return me answer: by which time if they did not, than I would dispose of ship and goods at my pleasure. Some ten of the chief men of the ship I took into my ship: in the ship there being some four hundred men, or four hundred and fiftie·  
The sixth, Medi joffer came aboard accompanied with four chief men, and many others. He brought me a great Present. He came to entreat of Trade, and release of the ship which I held.  
The tenth, I left the Bar of Surat, and came to the Road of Swally, and anchored in eight fathoms at high-water. It is from the Bar of Surat some ten or twelve miles North. The seventeenth; the Governor of Amadavar came to the waterside. The nineteenth, I landed having aboard of my ship four men for pledges. 
The Governor of Amadavar came to Swally.  The one and twentieth, I concluded with the Governors and Merchants for trading with them, and settling a factory in any part of their Country.  

The Articles agreed upon, and sealed by the Governor of Amadavar, and the Governor of Surat, and four principal Merchants, and to be confirmed by the Seal and Firm of the Great Mogoll within forty days after the former sealing, or else to be voided; for the settling of Trade and Factories in the Cities of Surat, Cambaya, Amadavar, Goga, or in any other part or parts of this Country within the Great Mogul's Dominions. Witnessed under our hands and Seals, the one and twentieth of October, 1612.  
1 INprimis, that all which concerneth Sir Henry Middleton be remitted, acquitted and cleared to us: that they shall never make seizure, stoppage, nor stay of our Goods, Wares and Merchandizes to satisfy for the same.  
2 That they shall procure from their King the great Mogoll at their proper cost his grant and confirmation of all the Articles of agreement under the great Seal of his Land, and shall deliver the same unto us for our security and certainty of perpetual amity, commerce and dealing with them within forty days after the sealing hereof.  
3 That it shall be lawful for the King of England to keep and continued his Ambassador at the Court of the Great Mogoll during the time of the said peace and commerce, there to compound and end all such great and weighty Questions, as may any way tend to the breach of the said peace.  
4 That at all times upon the arrival of our ships in the Road of Swally there shall be Proclamation in the City of Surat three several days together, that it shall be free for the Country people of all sorts to come down to the water side, there to have free trade, dealing and commerce with us.  
5 That all English Commodities shall pay custom, according to the value or price that it beareth at the time that it is put into the Customhouse, after the rate of three and an half the hundred.  
6 That all petty and Pedlerly ware be free of Custom, provided that it exceed not in value ten Rials of eight.  
7 That we shall have ten Manu for our Manuda carried from the waters side to Surat: and after the same rate back again: and for Carts we are to repair to the Moccadam of Swally to sand for Surat, and at Surat to repair to the Broker for Carts down again.  
8 That if any of our men dye in those parts, that then neither the King, nor Governor, nor under Officer shall make title or challenge to any thing that to the dead belonged, nor demand fees, nor any kind of Taxes, nor Customs.  
9 That if all our men die here in these parts, between the times of the coming of our ships, that then by some Office thereto appointed just and true Inventory, notice, and knowledge be taken, of all such moneys, Goods, jewels, Provisions, Apparel, and what else to our Nation belongeth: and the same shall safely preserve and keep, and deliver to the General, Captain, or Merchants of the first ships that shall after here arrive: and to receive a discharge from the General, Captain, or Merchants, to whom such Goods and moneys shall be delivered.  
10 That they secure our men and goods upon the Land, redeeming all such both goods and men as shall happen to be taken upon the Land by the Portugals: and shall deliver both men and goods again to us free of all charges, or the value of our goods and men instantly.  
11 That as in all Kingdoms there are some Rebels and disobedient Subjects; so in our Nation there may be some Pirates, and Sea-rovers, which may happen to come into these parts, and here may rob and steal: if any such shall happen, then will not we by our Trade and factory here be liable or answerable for such goods so taken, but will aid them with our best means that are so grieved, by justice to our King, for redress and restitution unto them.  
11 That all such provisions of victuals as shall be spent during the time that our ships shall remain here in the Roads of Surat and Swally, shallbe free of Custom: provided, it do not amount unto above a thousand Dollars in Money.  
13 That in all Questions of wrongs and injuries that shall be offered unto us, and to our Nation, that we do receive from the judges and those that be in authority, present and speedy justice according to the quality of our complaints and wrongs be done us, and that by delays we be not put off, and wearied either by time or charges.   
The fourteenth, I landed the Present for the Great mogul, and brought it to the Tent of the Governor of Amadavar, who took notice of the particulars: also of our King's Letter to their King to advertise their King thereof. Which done, I returned the Present to my ship again, according to agreement with the said Governor. For I had told him, that unless their King would confirm the Articles concluded on, and likewise writ our King a Letter, I would not deliver the Present, nor our King's Letter: for if he refused so to do, than was he not a friend, but an enemy, and to the enemy of my King, I neither had Letter nor Present. Also the same day, the former finished, I delivered our Present to the Governor of Amadavar, and another to his son.  
The fourteenth of November, 1612. the Cafila of Frigates came in sight of us, some two hundred and forty sail. I had thought they had come to fight with us: but they were the Fleet of the Merchant men bound for Cambaya. And every year there cometh the like Fleet, all Portugals from the South Coast, to wit, from Goa, Chaul, etc. to go to Cambaya: and from thence they bring the greatest part of the lading, which the Caracks and Galleons carry for Portugal. By which may appear the great Trade that the Portugals have in these parts. 
Notice of four Galleons. The fight between four Portugals Galleons and us. Of these fights see a larger Relation in my Pilgrimage, lib. 5 cap. 7. § 4. The Portugals had four great Galleons and some twenty six Frigates. They lost in these fights their quondam credit and one hundred and sixty, or as others five hundred men. And English Trade settled maugre their foroe. Nathaniel Salmon of Leigh, was Master of the Hosian ler.   
The seven and twentieth, I received Letters from Master Canning and Edward Christian: both signified of the coming of four Galleons to fight with us, and that they were ready, riding at the Bar of Goa, the fourteenth of November.  
The nine and twentieth, Master Canning came aboard: and the Portugal Fleet coming in sight of us yesterday, drew near up with the flood: and at two in the afternoon I did set sail, and at four I was about two Cables lengths from the Vice-admiral, fearing to go nearer for want of depth, and then I began to play upon him both with great and small shot, that by an hour we had well peppered him with some fifty six great shot. From him we received one small shot, Saker or Minion into our Main Mast, and with another he sunk our long Boat: now being night we anchored, and saved our Boat, but lost many things out of it.  
The thirtieth, as soon as they day gave light, I set sail and steered between them, bestirring ourselves with our best endeavours, putting three of their four ships on ground on the sands thwart of the Bar of Surat.  
At nine I anchored. This morning the Hosiander did good service, and came through also between the ships, and anchored by me, upon the flood the three ships on ground came off: we set sail, they at anchor, and came to them, and spent upon three of them, one hundred and fifty great shot: and in the morning some fifty shot: and at night we giving the Admiral our four Pieces out of the stern for a farewell, he gave us one of his Prow Pieces, either a whole or Demiculuering, which came even with the top of our Forecastle, shot thorough our Davie, killed one man, to wit, William Burrell, and shot the arm of another.  
This day the Hosiander spent wholly upon one of the ships, which was on ground, and from the enemy received many shot, 〈…〉 which killed the Boatswayne Richard Barker. Night being come we birthed ourselves 〈…〉 mile's from them, and anchored: and at nine of the clock they sent a Frigate to us, which being come near, came driving right on the half of the Hosiander: 

This Frigate was sunk with the shot, as Mr. Salmon the actor was author unto me, and eighty of her men were taken up drowned.  
December. 1. 161●.  
The portugals give over the fight.  
Madafeldebar.   and being discovered by their good watch, they made to shoot at it; the first, caused it to set sail; the second went thorough their sails, and so they took their leave. Their purpose, doubtless, was to have fired us, if they had found us without good watch.  
The first of December, 1612. we road, they not coming to us, nor we to them: they might without danger of the sands have come to us, not we to them. This day I called a Counsel, and concluded to go down to have a broader channel, hoping also that the Galleons would follow us. The second, we went down some six or seven leagues, but they followed us not. The third, at flood we plied up again, and anchored fair in sight of them.  
The fourth in the morning, we weighed, and stood away before them. In the afternoon they gave us over, and stood in with the land again: and at night we directed our course for Diu.  
The fifth 〈◊〉 night, we anchored some four or five leagues to the Eastward of Diu in fourteen fathoms, fair aboard the shore.  
The ninth, we came to Madafeldebar, and anchored in eight fathoms. It is from Diu some ten or eleven leagues, and lieth nearest East and by North, a fair Coast, no danger but that you see: your depth, if near Diu, fifteen, sixteen, when halfway, twelve fathoms, than ten and nine, not less: it is a fair sandy Bay; and on the Westside of the Bay is a River that goeth fare into the Country: and this place is some five or six miles short to the Westward of the Isles of Mortie. The fifteenth in the morning, we departed from Madafeldebar, to go to Mohar, only to discover the Bay: because some that were there in the Ascension, reported it to be a good place to winter in. At four of the clock in the afternoon, we anchored in the Bay of Moha; which is from Madafeldebar nine or ten leagues, 
Moha, or Mova, or Mea.  East North-east. Having found the Coast and channel very good, depth ten fathoms; no danger, but what you see. I sent our Pinnace on land, where presently we had twenty good sheep, at three shillings a sheep, the best we had this Voyage.  
The sixteenth in the morning, I sent our Pinnace on land, where we found few people, but the ruins of a great Town.  
The seventeenth in the morning, the General of the Camp sent to me four men, to entreat me to sand unto him one of my men, that he might talk with me.  
The one and twentieth Ilanded, and had much conference with the General of the Camp: he much desired that I would landlord two pieces of Ordnance, making many and great promises of favour to our Nation; but I refused him. He presented me with a horse and furniture, and two Agra Girdles: And I presented him a Vest of Stammel, two Pieces, two Bottles of Aquavitae, and a Knife. The two and twentieth, we saw the four Galleons coming toward us, and at nine at night they anchored within shot of us.  
The three and twentieth in the morning, by Sun, we weighed, and began with them, and continued fight till ten or eleven. Than they all four weighed, and stood away before the wind, and so went from us: for they sailed large, much better than we: we followed them two or three hours, and then anchored. This day I spent upon them an hundred thirty three great shot, and some seven hundred small shot. In this fight john Hackwel was killed with a great shot. The four Galleons anchored from me some two leagues.  
The four and twentieth, by Sun rising, I weighed and went to the four Galleons, and by eight began our fight, and continued it till twelve. And this day shot two hundred and fifty great shot, and one thousand small shot. By this time both sides were weary, and we all stood into the sea, and steered away South by East. The four ships following of us, at two or three of clock they laid it about and anchored. Now I began take knowledge of our powder and shot, and found more than half of our shot spent, and of the Hosianders, having now spent on the four ships six hundred, five and twenty great shot, and three thousand small shot. Being from the land some four or five leagues, 
Six hundred and five and twenty great shot spent on the four Galleons, and three thousand small sho●.  we met with a sand, whereon there was some two or two fathoms and an half, and it lieth from Moso Southeast, or thereabout, the end of the said sand. I went over it in nine fathoms: and then were the two high hills, which are over Goga nearest North of us. Upon this sand was the Ascension cast away. The shoalding is something fast. Between the land and this sand is nine and ten fathoms. We continued steering South, with an ebb. At low water we anchored in eight fathoms, the tide setting at East North-east, and West South-west, by the Compass. At twelve at midnight I weighed, wind at North Northwest, and steered South Southeast, depths twelve and fourteen fathoms. At four steered East Southeast. At six steered East still twelve fathoms, half a fathom more or l●sse. At nine we met with a bank, seven fathoms, five or six casts, then presently ten, twelve, fourteen. Than the wind shortened on us: we lay Southeast. And about twelve saw the land of Daman East Southeast. The high land to the Southward of Daman Southeast by East. And being over this sand, we had presently fourteen, fifteen, seventeen, twenty fathoms. At two, being high water, we anchored in seventeen fathoms, fair in sight of land, Daman East Southeast. The highest land to the Southward, Southeast by South. At eight at night, we set sail half tide, calm, still fifteen and sixteen fathoms, anchored all the ebb.  
The six and twentieth, at nine of the clock in the morning, we set sail, in the afternoon anchored off the Bar of Surat.  
The seven and twentieth in the morning, we were three or four miles short of Swally, and about twelve of the clock we anchored in the Road of Swally. In the afternoon Thomas Kerridge and Edward Christian came aboard.  
The sixth of February, the Firma came to Swally, as a private Letter: 
February 6.  therefore I refused to receive it, being jealous it was a counterfeit; requiring the chief men of Surat to come down and deliver it to me, with those rights that to it belonged.  
The eleventh, the Sabandar, his father in law Medigoffer, and diverse others came to Swally, 
I received the great mogul his Firma for confirming of peace, and settling a Factory in Surat, etc. Anthony Starkie sent over-land for England, he was poisoned and his India● by two Friars in the way. He leaveth these Coasts, shaping his course for Sumatra and java. Basaim. Chaul-Dabul.  and delivered it to me, with profession of their King's love to our Nation.  
The fourteenth, we landed all our cloth, three hundred and ten Elephants teeth, and all our Quicksilver. The Galleons came within some three or four miles of us.  
The sixteenth, I landed Anthony Starkey, to traverse home over-land for England, with Letters and advertisement of our good success.  
The seventeenth, I received all my goods from Surat: at night I set sail, taking my leave of these coasts: it fell calm, and I anchored. Note that in the Land of Cambaya it floweth Southwest and North-east.  
The eighteenth, I set sail again, came fair by the Galleons. They all weighed and followed me some two or three hours, and then we departed without shooting a shot on either side ..  
The nineteenth, thwart of Basaim we took three Malabars, which had nothing in them: we took a Boat from one of them.  
The twentieth, still we were fair aboard some five leagues off, and came along the shore in fourteen, eighteen, twenty fathoms water. At night we were fair overagainst Chaul, seeing both Town and Castle.  
The one and twentieth in the afternoon, we were fair aboard Dabull, and here were aboard three junckes, all of Calicut, laden with Cokers.  
The two and twentieth, the Hosiander in the morning sent her Boat unto two junckes. At twelve of the clock we were at the rocks, which lie at the Northward of Goa, 
Goa.  ten or eleven leagues, and lie from the Main six or eight miles. Two or three of these rocks are higher than the hull of any ship. At six we were thwart of Goa, which is easily known by the Island, which lieth at the mouth of the River, and upon the Island a Castle. From Daman till you come to Goa, the shore is very fair, no danger, and fair shoalding, not without sixteen or seventeen, nor within ten fathoms: good anchoring all the Coast. And all this Coast from Daman to Goa, lieth nearest South and North, we steered along the Land.  
The four and twentieth, we saw a Fleet of Frigates, some sixty or eighty sail▪ 
A Fleet of Frigates.  bound to the Southward: here Norther latitude thirteen degrees, half a minute. The high land by the water's side left us; and the land began to be very low, and fair shoalding sixteen or seventeen fathoms, some three or four leagues off. In the afternoon we came into a Bay, 
A prize taken.  where all the Frigates, and three or four Galleys were, and fetched out a ship laden with Rice: all the portugals fled in their two Boats; and also there were two Frigates aboard of her, so that all good things they carried away with them.  
The five and twentieth, we romaged our prize, finding nothing but Rice and course Sugar, of which we stored ourselves, and took out both high masts, and what firing we could, and at night sunk her, taking out of her all the people, twenty or five and twenty, all Moors.  
The six and twentieth, we met with a little Boat of Maldina, laden with Cokers, bound for Cananor, into which I put all the people of the prize; only eight I kept for labour, 
Cananor:  one of them a Pilot for this Coast. At twelve we were thwart of Cananor, latitude eleven degrees.  
The seven and twentieth, we were shot a little past Calicut, and were thwart of Pannaire, 
Calicut.  at noon latitude ten degrees, thirty minutes.  
The eight and twentieth in the morning, we saw Cochin, 
Cochin.  which maketh itself by the Towers and Castle: and in latitude nine degrees, forty minutes, or thereabout. Note that from Goa to Cochin, we never had above twenty fathoms, being sometime four or five leagues from land: and being three, four and six miles off ten or twelve fathoms, from latitude eleven degrees, 
Shoaldings.  thirty minutes to Cochin, very low land by the water's side; but up in the Country all along high land. Note that short of Cochin four or five leagues, 
Marks of land.  you shall see a high land in the Country, somewhat like a table, but rounding aloft. And to the Northward of this round hill, high long hills or mountains. All this day we ran within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, twelve fathoms.  
The nine and twentieth, calm, latitude eight degrees, some six leagues off, 
They anchored before Beringar, a place of great refreshing.  no ground in forty or fifty fathoms.  
The thirtieth, we anchored in fifteen fathoms, some six and twenty leagues short of Cape Comori, against a little Village: and presently six or eight Canoes came aboard, and brought us all provisions, water, Hens, Cocos, etc. The name of this place is 
* 
Our Mariners usually call it Bring joha.  
February 1.   Beringar: the King's name Travancar.  
The one and thirtieth, all the day the people came to us with Hens, and other victuals.  
The first of February, the people came with provisions, and the King sent a messenger to me, to know whether I would trade with him: which if I would, he offered to lad my ship with Pepper and cinnamon.  
The fourth, the people still came to us with provisions. At two of the clock in the afternoon, we set sail from Beringar: all the night I anchored.  
The fifth in the morning we set sail, being fair aboard Cape Comorin: and here met with a fresh gale of wind at East by North, which split our fore-top-saile and main bonnet, yet a Canoa with eight men came aboard me, three or four leagues from land: in the afternoon came another Canoa. Hear we were troubled with calms and great heat, many of our men taken sick, myself one of them. The eight, we came again into the Road of Beringar.  
The Thirteenth, we set sail from Beringar. Note that this place giveth good refreshing, with plenty of water, and the people harmless, and not friends with the Portugals. From this place to the Cape, all the people that devil by the water's side are Christians, and have a Portugal Friar or Priest that dwelleth among them. All the night we anchored some four of five miles from the two rocks, which lie off the Cape in eighteen fathoms. The two rocks lie five or six miles from land.  
The fourteenth in the morning, I set sail, wind at East, and plied to windward: we have a little current to the Southward. Note that the Coast of Malabar, even from Daman to Cape Comorin is free of danger, 
Variation at Cape Comerin, fourteen degr. latitude seven degrees, thir●ie minutes. And longitude from the Cape of Good Hope fifty six degrees, thirty min. A very dangerous sunken rock.  and fair shoalding on all the Coast from Cochin to the Cape: more neal sixteen, eighteen, twenty fathoms fair by the land: and five or six leagues of no ground after you come within five and twenty or thirty leagues of the Cape. The variation at Daman is sixteen degrees, thirty minutes. And half way to the Cape, it is fifteen or thereabout: and here at the Cape it is fourteen. And the Cape hath latitude North seven degrees, thirty minutes. In the afternoon, we ran off open of the Cape, and found much wind at East Southeast, which gave no small hope of going to the Eastward, till the end of the Monson, which will be the fifth of April, or thereabout, as the Indians report. So I bore up and anchored four or five leagues within the Cape, in twenty fathoms, fair by the two rocks. Right off from these two rocks, lieth a sunken rock, which is very dangerous, and is some two miles without the foresaid two Rocks. If you come within twenty fathoms, you shall be in danger of them: but safe and free of danger, is not to come within four and twenty or five and twenty fathoms. Hear we stayed nine days.  

The Isle of Ceylon.  The eight and twentieth in the morning, at six of the clock, we saw the Isle of Ceylon, East Southeast, of some eight or nine leagues: little wind at South, latitude observed seven degrees North. At four of the clock, we were fair aboard the land, depths thirteen, fifteen, sixteen fathoms. At eight stood off till day: little wind at South, being from the land five or six leagues, no ground in sixty or seventy fathoms.  

March 1. Columbo in six degrees, thirty minutes.  The first of March, all the morning becalmed: in the afternoon a Sea-turne at Northwest and West. At six of the clock, we were fair aboard Columbo, the latitude whereof is six degrees, thirty minutes, or near thereabout, dephts four and twenty, five and twenty fathoms, three leagues off.  
The twelf●h, we stood in with the land, and anchored in four and twenty fathoms, wind at Southeast and South. I sent my Boat on land, four leagues to the North of Punta de Gall: and after some stay, a woman came to talk with an Indian, that went out of our Boat: she told him that we should have there no provisions: but said she would go and tell the men; which we desired. Afterward two men came to my Indian, and told him, that we should not have anything there, for that our Nation had sometimes taken a Boat of theirs: but it was the Hollanders, and not our Nation.  
The fourteenth in the morning, at six of the clock, the Southermost point of Ceylon, called Tenadare, whose latitude is five degrees, thirty minutes, and lieth from Punta de Gall, East Southeast, some ten or twelve leagues, bore East North-east some five leagues off.  

A sand lying some two leagues of the shore.  The seventeenth, we were near to one of the sands that Linscot writeth of: it lieth from the land two leagues. We had five and twenty fathoms when we stayed: upon the land right against this sand is a high Rock like a great Tower. The land lieth here East North-east.  

Captain Best his entertainment at Achen.  
THe twelfth of April at noon, we came to an anchor in the Road of Achen, in twelve fathoms; 
April 12. They anchor in the R●●d 〈…〉 K●ngs Pre●ent.  but you may ride in ten or eight fathoms. Your best road is, to the Eastward of the Castle, and River's mouth. The thirteenth, I landed the Merchants, the King not being in Town. The fifteenth, the King came, and sent his Chap to me for my landing, brought by an Eunuch, and six or eight more, and also the Xabandar. To whom we gave an hundred and twenty M●m. With them the same day I landed: and two hours after my landing, the King sent me Present in victuals: I having presently upon my landing sent the King two pieces: for the custom is, at landing to present the King with some small thing, and he requiteth it by several dishes of meat.  
The seventeenth, the King having sent an Elephant with a basin of Gold for our King's letters, I road to the Court accompanied with forty of our men, all admitted into the King's presence▪ and after many compliments, the King returned the Letter unto me, for to read it: 
Our King's letter re●d to the King of Achen.  and so the substance of it was delivered unto him in his own language. The contents pleased him very well. The day well spent, the King told me, he would now show me some of his pleasures; and caused his Elephants to fight before us: and after six of them had fought, than he caused four Buffles to fight before him, which made a very excellent and fierce fight. Their fierceness was such, that hardly sixty or eighty men could part them, fastening ropes to their hinder legs, to draw them asunder. And after them some ten or twelve Rams, which likewise made a very great fight, and so continued till it was so dark that we could not see any longer. The King presented me with a banquet of at lest four hundred dishes, with such plenty of hot drinks, as might have sufficed a drunken army. Between nine and ten at night, he gave me leave to departed, sending me two Elephants to carry me home; but I road not on them, they having no coverings on them.  
The eighteenth, I went to the Court again, the King so appointing; where we began to treat of the Articles formerly made by his Grandfather, and M. james Lancaster. And coming to the matter of having all goods both brought in, and carried out free of custom, we ended, without concluding any thing.  
The nineteenth, the Ambassador of Siam came to visit me, 

The Ambassador of Siam came to visit me.  
Of this you may read in M. Floris his journal. English broad clotheses well sold in Siam. Gold of less esteem than the value thereof in Siam. Hollanders called or calling themselves English.   telling me of the three Englishmen that came to the King of Siam, and of their great entertainment, and joy of their King to receive a Letter from the King of England: and that it was some thirty Months since. They also told me how joyful their King would be, if our shipping came to his coasts; telling me what great quantities of cloth of Portugal, which is English cloth, would cell in their Countries. The colours most in request, stammel and reds, with some others, as yellows, and other pleasing light colours, as at Surat. They also told me that their King had made a Conquest over the whole Country of Pegu, and so is now the greatest King of this Oriental part, except the King of China, and hath under him twenty six petty Kings; and in the wars is able to make six thousand Elephants. Their coin is all Silver. Their Gold is less esteemed than the value thereof. In their Country is great store of Pepper, and raw Silk. He saith, that the Hollanders have their Factories, whom they call English, at Patane, which is an excellent Port: the entrance twelve and fourteen fathoms. Likewise Siam is a good Port, and is nearer unto the King's Court then Patane. Those that do go to the City of the King, always come to this Port of Siam. And from this Port of Siam to the King's Court, is some twenty days journey by land. I moved the Ambassador for his Letter to the King, which he promised me, and also for his Letter to the Governors of Ports, in favour of our Nation, when we should come upon those coasts. And lastly, changed coins with him, giving of our English coin, and receiving the King's coin of Siam. I had after this, often intercourse with these Ambassadors.  
The twentieth, I went to the Court, but spoke not with the King: whereupon I sent to the King's Deputy, and complained of my dishonour, and of some abuse by the Xabandar offered unto me. He promised that I should have present redress▪ and that he would inform the King thereof: which accordingly he performed the same day. The twenty one, the King sent two Officers unto me, to signify that at all times I might repair unto his Court, with free access, and pass all the Gates without stop, or attending for his Crest, and likewise removed the Xabandar, and appointed me the Gentleman, whom the King sent Vice-Embassadour into Holland, to attend, and accompany me at all times to the Court, and elsewhere at my pleasure.  
The four and twentieth, I wrote unto the Court, and had access unto the King, who gave me all content, and promised the ratifying of all the Articles, formerly agreed upon by his Predecessor, and M. james Lancaster. So after diverse compliments, he took leave, and sent me home presently after my return an Elephant to attend me, 
A sign of most honourable esteem.  and to carry me whither soever it pleased me to travel. And this is a sign of the honourablest esteem that they hold of the parties to whom they sand their Elephants: for none may have an Elephant, nor ride on them, but those whom the King doth honour.  
The second of May, the King invited me to his fountain to swim, and I was with him; it being some five or six miles from the City, 
May 2. 1613.  and he sent me two Elephants to carry me and my provision; and having washed and bathed ourselves in the water, the King presented me with an exceeding great banquet, with too much Rack, all to be eaten and drunken as we sat in the water; all his Nobles and great Captains being present. Our banquet continued from one of the clock till towards five: at which time the King released me; and half an hour after all strangers, and presently after followed himself.  
The foureteenth, certain portugals came into Achen, which came from Malacca with an Embassage from the Governor to this King. The wind short, they landed three leagues to the Eastward of the Road of Achen. 
Edward Christian Captain of the Hosiander.  This day I sent the Hosiander to seek the Bark which came from Malacca, making Edward Christian Captain in her. The seventeenth in the morning, the Portugal Bark was brought unto me aboard the Dragon. But before she came aboard, the King sent two Messengers to me, to desire me to release both her, and that which might be in her: which I refused to do: answering, that I would not release her, until I had seen both the Bark and that which was in her: but willed them to tell the King, that in honour of him, whatsoever he required, I would do for him. Afterward the Bark came, and by Edward Christian I was informed, that there were some four or five fardels in her, and that nothing was meddled withal, that was in her. Wherein being certified, I came on land, and found my Merchants to be at the Court, who by and by after came in, informing me of the King's great displeasure, for taking the Portugal Bark in his Port, protesting by his god, That he would make them all prisoners, if the Bark were not released. The King having intelligence of my coming on land, presently sent for me. And on the way to the Court, as I was going, I met a Gentleman that came from the King, to desire me to release the Bark. But I told him, I would first speak with the King. In fine, I came to the Court, and presently was brought before the King: where after much discourse, at the King's request, I gave him the Bark, and all that was in her, with which he was much pleased, 
Captain Best honoured with a Noble title by the King.  and gave me an honourable title, to wit, Arancaia Puto: which signifieth, The honourable White man, requiring his Nobles to call me by the same name. And further, to acknowledge his thankfulness to me, he sold me his Benjamin at mine own price; namely, at twenty Tails the Bahar, it being worth thirty four and thirty five, professing by general terms his love, and much esteem of me, willing me to ask whatsoever I would of him. I required only his Letters of favour unto Priaman, which he most willingly promised. Of his Mangoes, whereof himself did eat, he gave me to eat, and likewise to carry to my lodging, and so I took leave and departed.  
The seven and twentieth, Malim Gavy came to Achen, by whom I received Letters from our Merchants at Surat, 

Letters from Surat, with the Copy of the Great Mogul's Firma.  
june. 1613.   and also a Copy of the Kings Firma, sent them from Agra, bearing date the twenty fifth of january, and the seventh year of the Great Mogul's reign, confirming all that was passed between the Governor of Amadavar and me.  
The seventeenth of june, 1613. came there a Merchant of the Hollanders into Achen from Masulipatan, and had been eight months on his journey. He told us of the death of Captain Anthony Hippon, who died in Patane, and of M. Brown Master of the Globe, who died in Masulipatan, and that they had been evil dealt with at Masulipatan.  
The four and twentieth, I received of the King his Present for the King of England; namely, his Letter, a Cryse or Dagger, an Hasega, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and eight Camphire dishes.  
See this Letter transcribed, as a rarity for the Reader, out of M. Copelands' journal, which was Minister in that Voyage, and followeth in the next Chapter.  


july. 1613. The factory of the Hollanders destroyed in jor.  
He departeth from Achen.   The third of july, the King's Armada arrived, and had been but twenty days from the coast of jor to Achen. In jor they took the factory of the Hollanders, and made a prey of all their goods, and brought hither prisoners of the Hollanders some twenty or twenty four. The seventh, I received the King's Letter for Priaman, and the Chap for my departure. The twelfth, I took my leave in Achen, and came aboard.  
The thirteenth in the morning, I set sail, and coming near the great Westermost Island, open of the Northermost gut; in the same I'll we found fair shoalding twenty fathoms, clean ground, sand, a good birth from the land. This depth with clear ground continued almost to the end of the Island: so that on the East side of this Island, there is very good anchoring, and on the Island great store of wood. But being near the great Island, to the Eastward of this, we could get no ground: between these two great Lands is the best and safest course, going on or out to the road of Achen. Likewise, to the Eastward of the Eastermost Island, but that is out of the way. Note, that from the twelfth of April to the midst of june, we had much rain, seldom two days without rain, with gusts and much wind. From the fifteenth of june, to the twelfth of july, very much wind, very sore stresses, always at South-West, and West South-West, and West.    

§. III. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman: their going to Bantam, and thence home.  
THe third of August, we were in sight of Priaman, nine or ten leagues off, it bearing from us North-east by East, 
Priaman.  it showing with two great high hills, making a fair swamp or saddle between them both. We saw also Tecoo the high land on it: it is not more than half so high as Priaman land, 
Tecoo.  and riseth something flat. Than we saw also the high land of Passaman, which lieth some seven or eight leagues to the Northward of Tecoo, even midway between Passaman and Priaman, 
Passaman.  which Mountain is very high, and riseth like Monte Gibello in Sicily.  

They arrive at Tecoo.  The seventh in the afternoon we came to Tecoo, and anchored on the East side of the three Lands in seven fathoms. The Souther-most I'll boar West South-west. The middlemost West North-West. The Northermost North, and half East a mile from the Lands.  
The ninth, I landed my Merchants; and in the afternoon I landed with the King of Achens Letter. The eleventh, I called a Counsel for sending the Hosiander for Priaman with the King's Letter, which departed the next day, and returned the eighteenth, and was sent to Bantam.  
The five and twentieth, there came in a juncke of Bantam, the Owners Chinese. They confirmed unto me the death of Sir Henry Middleton, 
Death of Sir H. Middleton. The Trade perisheth.  with the loss of most of the men of the Trades Increase, and Main Mast which broke with forcing her down to carine her, and that now she was gone from Pulo Panian to Bantam: that three hundred Chinese died in working on her.  
The eight and twentieth, my Boat and men returned from Passaman, having been well entreated, and brought with them the Scrivane of the place to deal with me: with whom I dealt and went through.  
The fourteenth, the Governor called me on Land, being set with all the chief: I came to him, and after much talk agreed for the price of Pepper: Money, eighteen Dollars the Bar. Lastage, eight pence the Bar. Canikins, thirty the Bar. Seilars, thirty five the Bar. They indented for Presents to sixteen great men.  
The thirtieth, Henry Long came from Passaman, and gave me knowledge of the sickness of Master Oliver and diverse others dead, whereupon I sent my Shalop to fetch both him and all other of my men away, and to surcease my factory there.  
The one & twentieth of October, the Hosiander returned. The Merchants from Bantam wrote to me that they had ready seventeen thousand bags of Pepper: all which, if it pleased me to come thither, I should have, or as much thereof, as should seem good unto me, at thirteen Dollars the Timbane. Out of these and many other considerations, I presently called a Counsel: wherein we concluded that the Dragon should go for Bantam; and the Hosiander should stay in the Road of Teco, upon the sale of Surat goods: all which being put aboard of her, I departed from the Road of Teco the thirtieth of October.  
In this Road I had stayed eleven weeks, and bought one hundred and fifteen or one hundred and twenty tons of Pepper, and buried of our men five and twenty. All which either died, or contracted their deaths at Passaman, and not at Teco. And certainly, 
Passaman is a very contagious place.  had we not attempted trading at Passaman, they had been either all, or the greatest part of them now living. Therefore I do with all our Nation never to attempt the sending of our men to Passaman. For the Air is so contagious there, and the water so evil, that it is impossible for our people to live there.  
The thirtieth, in the afternoon I set sail from Teco: 
He departeth from Teco.  at six at night we were thwart of the offermost of the three Lands; all night we steered South South-west.  
The eleventh of November, 
They arrived in the Road of Bantam.  we arrived in the Road of Bantam in four fathoms one quarter less. The twelfth, I called the Merchants aboard, and concluded on the price of Pepper at thirteen Dollars the Bahar: which is six hundred pound of our weight.  
The fourth of March at eight at night I set sail from Saldanha, having bought here with a little Copper, which at ten pence the pound might be worth some three pound ten shillings, four hundred ninety four Sheep, four Beefs, nine Calves. On the day of our coming to Sea the people brought us more than we could buy, or knew what to do withal. We brought to Sea eighty Sheep, two Beefs, and one Calf.  
The four & twentieth North Northwest half West till nine, ten leagues & an half. Than West till six in the morning twelve leagues. 
They saw Santa Helena.  Than we saw Sancta Helena from us West Northwest some eight or nine leagues off. I found the latitude of it to be sixteen Southerly. Also we observed at noon: and it hath longitude from the Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope, twenty two degrees. At three of the clock we anchored in the Road right against the Chapel.  
While I was at Saint Helena, 
Another Road at Santa Helena, better than the former.  I sent my Boats to the Westward to found a shorter way to the Limon Trees, and to bring down Goats and Hogs with more ease. For from the Chapel to the Limon Trees is a most wicked way: and even a day's work to go and come. In fine, in seeking they found some three or four miles to the South-west a fair Valley, which leadeth directly up to the Limon Trees. It is the greatest and fairest Valley from the Chapel; and either the next or the next save one from the South-west point from the Chapel: 
The best water  Hear in this Valley is better water, and more clear, then at the Chapel, the Road all one for ground and depth. Hear at this Valley it is much better being then at the Chapel, both for getting of all provisions, and for watering. It is from the Chapel some three or four miles, and is from it the fourth Valley or Swampe: and from the Point to the Westward of it, the second. So that you cannot miss of it. It is here much better riding then at any other place on the Island. From this place you may go up to the Limon Trees, and down again in three hours. Hear we got some thirty Hogs and Pigs, and some twelve or fourteen hundred Lemons. In eight or ten days a man may here get two hundred Hogs, and many Goats, lying on land of purpose to kill them. The variation is here seven degrees thirty minutes.  
The fourth of june 1614 we saw the Lizard North from us, some four or five leagues off. And now our longitude from the Cape of Good Hope was twenty seven degrees twenty minutes, 
The Lizard.  and two degrees carried by the Current. So tha● the difference of longitude between the Cape of Good Hope and the Lizard is twenty nine degrees twenty minutes, or very near thereabout.  
Note, that this day three months at night I did set sail in the road of Saldanha: yet notwithstanding our short passage, having been from Santa Helena but two months and nine days, the one half or more of our Company are laid up of the Scurvy: and two dead of it. Yet had we plenty of victuals, as Beef, Bread, Wine, Rice, Oil, Vinegar, Sugar; and all these without allowance. 
Coming suddenly out of long heat into the cold, seems 〈◊〉 be a great cause of the Scurvy.  Note, that all our men that are sick, have taken their sickness since we fell with Flores and Coruo. For since that time we have had it very cold, especially in two great storms, the one with the wind a● North and North North-east: The other with the wind at South-west. From the Cape of Good Hope to the Lands of Flores and Coruo, I had not one man sick. The variation four or five leagues off, the Start is nine degrees thirty minutes, little more or less.  

They arrive in the Thames.  The fifteenth, we came into the River of Thames, it being that day six months since we came from Bantam in java.  
Blessed be God.    

CHAP. VIII. Certain Observations written by others employed in the same Voyage, Master COPLAND Minister, ROBERT BONER Master, NICHOLAS WITHINGTON Merchant.  

§. I. Remembrances taken out of a Tractate written by Master PATRICK COPLAND Minister in the former Voyage.  
IN the Tropickes are seldom or no storms, but a smooth Sea with soft gales: flying fishes are frequent as big as a small Whiting: they fly twice the length of a ship. Turnadoes (gusts within two degrees of the Line) 'cause all things, specially clothes, to smell. They had ninety or a hundred sick, the rest weak, before they came to Soldania.  
The Bay of Soldania and all about the Cape is so healthful and fruitful, as might grow a Paradise of the World; it well agrees with English bodies, for all but one in twenty days recovered, 
Commendations of Soldania.  as at the first day they set forth. They had then in june, Snow upon the hills, the weather warmish. The Country is mixed, Mountains, Plains, Meadows, Streams, the Woods as if they were artificially planted for order. There is free stone to build with, plenty of fish and fowl, wild Geese, Partridges and Ducks, Antilopes, Dear, Rivers. They had thirty nine Beefs, one hundred and fifteen sheep for a little Brass cut out of two or three old Kettles. For the sheep worth one penny, or one penny half penny the piece; the Beefs twelve pence. The people are loving, afraid at first by reason of the unkindness of Dutch (which came there to make train Oil, who killed and stole their Cattles) and at our return more kind: 
Their persons and their apparel.  of middle size, well limmed, very nimble and active. They dance in true measure all naked, only wear a short Cloak of sheep or Seal skins to their middle, the hairy side inward, a Cap of the same, and a kind of Rat's skin about their privities; some had a Sole on their feet tied about; their necks were adorned with greasy Tripes, which sometimes they would pull off and eat raw. When we threw away their beasts entrailss, they would eat them half raw, the blood loathsomely slavering: Bracelets about their arms they had of Copper or ivory, with many Ostrich feathers and shells.  
The women's habit is as the men's. They were shamefaced at first; but at our return homewards they would lift up their Rat-skinnes and show their privities. Their Breasts hung to the middle, their hair curled. Copper with them 〈◊〉 Gold; Iron, Silver; their Houses little Tents in the field, of Skins, movable at pleasure, their Language with doubling the tongue in their throat. There is a high hill, called the Table, over-covering all the adjoining Territories one hundred miles. 
The Table. Porcupins Quills.  Some went and discovered many Bays and Rivers. The Negroes behaved themselves peaceably at Sinon, yet seem of little or no Religion, they cut their skins like Baal's Priests, one seemed (by making price) to be Commander.  
The Guzerates, took sea-coal to carry for a wonder to the mogul. The Portugal Fleet was two hundred forty sail of Frigates, Merchants bound for Cambaya, which furnish the Carracks, four Galleons, with twenty five or twenty six Frigates. The Admiral was Numo de Ancuna. When the Sabandar persuaded him to keep between us and shore; he answered proudly, 
Portugal pride.  that he scorned to spend a week's provision on his men in hindering us, being able to force us to yield in an hour. They had all read colours displayed. After three fights, they manned a Frigate, 
The first fight.  with six or seven score best men to fire us, which were all sunk.  
Medhaphrabads is now ruined by the Mogul's wars, which sometime hath been a fair City, and walled. Here was a Castle kept by the Ratspuches, 
Medhaprabads.  in which at that time a strong Rebel to the Mogoll, was besieged by the Nabob, with fifty or sixty thousand people in his Campe. The Nabob had a stately and spacious Tent, covered above with Cloth of Gold, beneath spread with Turkey Carpets. The General would not stir till he had taken the Castle. He sent a horse, and two Vests wrought with Silk and Gold to our General, and four Vests for four other. They have store of good Grapes, yet none but Rasin wine.  
The three and twentieth and four and twentieth of December, in view of the whole Army we had a second fight, and forced them first to cut their Cables, and then flee from us, 
The second place of fight.  being better of sail than we.  
I road to Surat in a Coach drawn with Oxen (which is most ordinary, 
M. Copelands' journey hence over-land  though they have store of goodly horses) here in the way was the goodliest Spring and Harvest together that ever I saw; the Fields joining, one green as a Meadow, the other yellow as Gold, ready to be cut: their grain Wheat and Rice; they have excellent bread. All along were goodly Villages, full of Trees yielding Taddy, like new sweet wine, much strengthening and fatting. Surat hath stone and brick houses fair, square, flat-roofed, goodly Gardens, with Pomegranates, Pomecitrons, 
Taddy or Palme-wine.  Lemons, Melons, Figs, continuing all the year, with curious springs of fresh water: the people are grave, judicious, neat, tall, goodly clothed in long white calico or Silk robes.  
The Sabandar assured us, that we had killed of the Portugals above three hundred and fifty: we heard after that there were spoilt and killed above five hundred. The General sent Letters by land, and the Messenger with his Indian were poisoned by two Friars homewards: but a second Letter was delivered to a Mariner, which came to their hands.  
The twelfth of April, they anchored in the road of Achen, where the King welcomed our men. The Arancaia came riding in a Tent on an Elephants back, 
Anno 1613.  with two or three of the King's boys (for he is attended with Boys abroad, Women within) holding a Basin of Gold, to receive the King's letter. Our General followed with forty or fifty men. After the Letter and Present delivered, the King told us we should see some of his Pastime, and called for his Cocks, which after they have fought about once or twice, they take them up, bathe them, pick their feathers, and sow up their wounds. After an hour thus spent in cockfighting: his Rams fought very fiercely; then his tame Elephants more cruelly: then his Buffles most stomackfully. Finally, our Antilopes wherewith our General had presented him, whose fight best pleased him. He all this while drinks Tobacco in a Silver Pipe; given by his Women which are in close room behind him. After this Supper was served in by young Boys of fourteen or fifteen years in Swasse (a mettle half Copper half Gold.) This Supper continued from seven till almost twelve, in which we had four hundred dishes with hot drinks. The next day the Kings sent the General an Elephant to ride on, and appointed one of his chief Arancaias to attend him always. They had continual free access granted, without the Kings Creese (which is used as a Sceptre) and promise' to ratify the Articles agreed upon by his Predecessors, and Sir james Lancaster.  
The second of May, all Srangers were invited to a banquet six miles off, for which purpose two Elephants were sent for our General. Here were all the dishes brought by water, the boys holding the dish with one hand, and swimming with the other: so did they carry the strong drink also, whereof when they had tasted (which they must of all) they threw the rest into the River. It continued from one till five. In it were five hundred dishes well dressed. Our General (weary with sitting by the King thus long in the water) was dismissed an hour before the rest. The Captain of the Dutch house, taking there his bane, either with hot drink, or cold sitting so long in the water, soon after died.  
The Second of june, they were entertained with a fight of four Elephants, with a wild Tiger tied at a stake, which yet fastening on their Trunks and legs, made them to roar and bleed extremely. This day we were told, that one eye of a Noble man was plucked out, for looking on one of the King's women washing in a River. Another Gentleman wearing a Shash, had his head round cut so fare as that was too large. Some he is said to boil in scalding oil, some are sawn a pieces, others their legs cut off, or spitted alive, or empaled on stakes.  
The twenty fifth, was before the King a fight of wild Elephants, 
Elephants:  which would quickly kill each other, but that some tame are made fast to them, which draw them back, sometime eighty or an hundred men helping. They se● one wild between two tame to tame them. He sent the King a Letter, for painting and writing most stately, a Creese, etc. for a Present.  
The Letter is thus Englished.  
PEDUCKA SIRIE SULTAN King of Kings, renowned for his Wars, and sole King of Sumatra, and a King more famous than his Predecessors, feared in his Kingdom, and honoured of all bordering Nations: in Whom there is the true Image of a King, in whom reigns the true method of Government, form as it were of the most pure Mettle, and adorned with the most finest colours; Whose Seat is high, and most complete, like to a Crystal River, pure and clear as the Crystal Glass: From whom floweth the pure stream of Bounty and justice: whose Presence is as the finest Gold, King of Priaman, and of the Mountain of Gold, viz. Solida, and Lord of nine sorts of Stones, King of two Sombrieroes of beaten Gold, having for his Seats mats of Gold, his furniture for his Horses and Armour for himself, being likewise of pure Gold. His Elephant with teeth of Gold, and all Provisions thereunto belonging: his Lances half Gold, half Silver, his small shot of the same; a Saddle also for an other Elephant of the same Mettle: a Tent of Silver, and all his Scales half Gold half Silver. His Vessels for bathing of pure Gold, his Sepulchre of Gold (whereas his Predecessors had all these half Gold half Silver) his services complete of Gold and Silver. A King, under whom there are many Kings, having taken the King of Arrow: All the Country of Priaman, Tecoo, Barouse, being subdued by him, is now under his Command: Seventie Elephants, and much Provisions carried by sea, to make his Wars at Arrow, where God gave me more Victory, than any of my Predecessors.  
This Great King sendeth this Letter of Salutation to JAMES, King of Great Britain, viz. England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, To signify the great content he hath received by his Highness' Letter, delivered by the hands of Arancaia Pulo, Thomas Best his Majesty's Ambassador, at the receipt whereof, his eyes were surprised with a Celestial brightness, and his spirits ravished with a Divine joy: the opening thereof rendered a savour more fragrant than the most odoriferous Flowers, or sweetest perfumes in the World. For which cause, I the great King of Sumatra, do profess myself to be of one heart, of one mind, and of one flesh with the most Potent Prince JAMES K. of England, and do earnestly desire that the League begun, may be continued to all Posterities. And herein I take my greatest Felicity, there being nothing in the World more pleasant or joyful to me. And for a Testimony of my desire, that the League and Amity begun may be continued betwixt Us, I have returned this Letter unto your Majesty, making also my Prayers unto the Great GOD for the continuance of the same. And it shall be my greatest Honour, to receive Memorial from so Great a Potentate, and so remote a Nation. And for a Pledge of my Love, and Honour, and continuance of Our League, I sand your Majesty a Creese wrought with Gold, the Hilt thereof being beaten Gold, with a Ring of Stones, an Assagaya of Swasse, half Copper half Gold, eight Purs●an Dishes small and great, of Camsire one piece of souring stuff, three pieces of Calico Lawn: Which your Majesty accepting as from a Brother, I shall rest satisfied, and much honoured. And so with my Prayers to the Great GOD, Creator of Heaven and Earth for your Majesty's long life, with Victory over your enemies, and Prosperity in your Land.  
Given at our Palace of Achen, the 1022. year of Mahomet, by the account of the Moors.  
This King of Achen is a proper Gallant man of War, of thirty two years, of middle size, fall of spirit, 
Description of the King and Court.  strong by sea and land, his Country populous; his Elephants many, whereof we saw one hundred sixty, or one hundred eighty at a time, his Galleys and Frigates carry in them very good Brass Ordnance, Demicanon, Culverin, Sakar, Minion, etc. his building stately and spacious, though not strong; his Court at Achen pleasant, having a goodly branch of the Main River about and through his Palace, which branch he cut and brought six or eight miles off, in twenty days, while we continued at Achen. Sumatra is very Mountainous and Woodie: the people courteous: wept at our departure, leaving little without his chop. Stranger's may neither come at him, nor departed from him. He desired the General to commend him to the King of England, and to entreat him to sand him two white women. For (said he) if I beget one of them with child, and it prove a Son, I will make him King of Priaman, Passaman, and of the Coast from whence you fetch your Pepper: so that ye shall not need to come any more to me, but to your own English King for these Commodities. july the twelfth we took leave of Achen.  
The ninth of August they went on shore at Tecoo: here they stayed eleven weeks, bought one hundred twenty Tun of Pepper, 
The air and water at Passaman naught.  buried twenty five men, which got their death at Passaman, for Tecoo is healthful. Pepper grows most at Passaman, and the Country about.  
I have thought good also here to add a word or two taken out of the journal of Nathaniel S●lmon, Master of the Solomon.  

The Sabandar counselled the Admiral Nunha del Cunha, to 'cause his Frigates to ride betwixt the shore and us, so to keep us from watering, which he refused: yea, M. Canning (which had been taken by them) was delivered at our house in scorn, they professing this their only fear and care, lest we should run away. The three that were driven a ground had there perished, but for their Frigates. 
jan. 3,  Out of the fire-Frigat were taken up eighty four men drowned. The Dragon in these fights hath spent six hundred thirty nine great shot, and we three hundred eighty seven.    

§. II. Notes taken out of M. Robert Boners journal, who was then Master in the Dragon.  
THe first of February, having received in all provisions for so long a Voyage, we set sail from Gravesend, and the same day at ten of the clock we anchored in the Hope. 
Departed from Gravesend. The general wind blowed betwixt East Southeast, & Southeast, Ternadoes.   
April the thirteenth, we had the general wind. Note that you shall seldom meet with the general wind, till you come in two or three degrees to the southward of the Line, and then, when you come to meet with the Ternadoes, (as you shall be sure to meet them in two or three, and sometimes in four degrees to the Northward of the Line: you must be very diligent to ply to the southward) for therein lieth the main of your good or bad passage, and likewise for the health of your men, or they are very unhealthful, and for passing the Line, order it so by your course from Maio, that you may pass the Line betwixt seven and ten degrees of longitude from the Lizard. But covet not to come within six degrees, for fear of the calms upon the Coast of Guinea, 
This endangered and much hindered the Dragon and Hector in the third Voyage, as you may read ●n the Relations thereof.  and not without ten degrees of longitude from the Lizard, if it be possible, for fear of meeting with the West Northwest stream, that sets alongst the Coast of Brasil, and so into the West- Indieses. And so passing the Line in seven, eight, or nine degrees to the Westward of the Meridian of the Lizard, you shall not fear the flats of Brasil. For the general wind will blow at the East Southeast, and at Southeast; so that you shall make a South South-west way commonly, and so keep the ship good full, that she may go through, for there is loss of time, in hawking of the ship cross by the wind, therefore give her a fathom of the sheet.  
Note, he that comes out of the Sea, bound in for the of Bay of Soldania, let him keep himself between thirty three degrees fifty minutes, and thirty four degrees twenty minutes of latitude, so shall you be sure not to come much wide of the Bay. If seeing the land you found it high, than you are to the South-west-ward of the Bay; if low sand hills, then know that you are to the Northward of the Bay of Soldania. 
Soldania▪  But falling with the high land to the southward of the Bay, which is betwixt the Cape and the Bay, the land lieth North Northwest, and South Southeast from the Cape seven leagues, and then it trents away North-east and South-west, towards the point of the Sugarloaf, some four leagues: and from this point of the Sugarloaf lieth Penguin Island, but keep fair by the point: for two miles from Penguin Island lies a shoals: it is from the point to the Island some seven or eight mile's North and South, and so borrowing on the said point, at eight or nine fathom, your course Southeast, and East Southeast, until you bring the Table South South west, and the Sugarloaf hill South-west and by West, and so you may anchor in six and an half or six fathom, as you will, and then will the point of the land by the Sugarloaf bear from you West Northwest, and Penguin Island North Northwest some three leagues off, and the point some two miles off. The latitude of the Bay of Soldania, I mean of the point going in, is thirty four degrees five minutes, the variation of the Needle is forty minutes Easterly: when you come in with the land hereabouts (although it be thick) fear not: for the land is bold within a Cables length.  
I am of opinion that the Current near Cape Das Aguilhas sets Southerly not past fifty or sixty leagues of the land, 
Current near Cape Das Aguilhas.  and therefore being bound to the Eastward haule off the land sixty leagues, after you are to the Eastward of Cape Das Aguilhas, so shall you found no Current. The land lies from the Cape Das Aguilhas, ninety or one hundred leagues East Northerly, and not as in the Cards East North-east.  
Ino de Nova, is a low ragged Island, about four miles in length, lying South Southeast, and North Northwest. This Island hath latitude seventeen degrees thirty minutes, 
Note.  and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope, nineteen degrees forty minutes, etc. We had no ground at one hundred fathom: we can perceive no danger from it, only at the South Southeast end of it lies a small breach about a mile off: therefore fear not to haule in sight of it, being bound this ways, for if you shall haule over for the Main, you shall be mightily troubled with a strong Current setting to the southward, and there are likewise many dangerous banks, whereon many Portugals have lost their ships, wherefore before you haule not much to the Westward of this Isle Ino de Nova, for you may very boldly haule in sight of it without danger, and so shall you not meet with the Current.  
The eight & twentieth day of November, we received a Letter from M. Canning, 
Four Galleons & 30. Frigates.  & our Purser concerning four Galleons of War, with thirty sail of Frigates, which were coming to fight with us. And this day we saw them some two leagues to the southward of the Bar of Surat. This day the Sabandar of Surat came aboard to view us as we judge being a friend to the Portugals, 
Sabander a Spy.  but the more he looked the worse he liked, we having all things ready, etc.  
The nine and twentieth day, at two in the afternoon we set sail, and stood with the four Galleons and Frigates which were come within some two leagues of us. 
This day we began our fight.  The first which we met withal was the Vice-admiral: we gave her such a welcome, as that she was glad to haste unto the rest with all speed: night being near and our long Boat sunk, at our stern with an unluckey shot, we anchored.  

Three of the ships aground.  The thirtieth day, early in the mourning we set sail, and stood with them, and after some hour's sight put three of the Galleons ashore on the offermost sand, and then we stood into deeper water, and anchored: their Frigates were strait aboard the ships aground, and shoared them up with their yards, or else I think they had never come off. Assoon as the Flood came we weighed, but they were afloat ere we could get to them: we fought with them till it was dark, and had one man killed, and another hurt.  
The first day of December, 1612. we road within a league one of the other, always we had thought they would have come to us, we having gone to them three several times, but they are not so hasty, I think they have more mind to go for Goa again.  
The nineteenth day, there came a second Messenger from a great Lord of the great Mogul's from a place called the castelet, which place this great man lies in Camp against, sending our General word that if he will but come thwart that place with his ships to grace him, he will be a sworn friend unto the English for ever. The General hearing that he was a great man in favour with the King, resolved to go spend a day or two with him, to see what his desire was.  
The twentieth day, we anchored thwart of the Camp being close by the Seaside, for the Castle besieged butted upon the Sea, they in the Castle being a company of Rebels and Rovers on the Sea.  
The one and twentieth day, upon the receipt of good caution for his person, our General landed, and at three returned to ship.  
The two and twentieth day, we saw the four Galleons and Frigates again in sight, having been at Diu for more fresh Soldiers, to have a bout more with us. At night they anchored within a mile of us.  
The three and twentieth day by day light, we were under-sail, and stood with the Admiral, and so fought till two of the clock, at which time they cut their Cable, and began to run, the Admiral having received a shot under water: but the help of the Frigates brought her upon the Carine presently, and stopped it, and so for this time fled, all the Camp standing by the Seaside looking on us, within a league or two miles of us. For a great Commander did there just by us besiege a Castle holden by Rebels and Pirates, and were willing Spectators of this Sea-fight.  

Portugal's feign to fly.  The four and twentieth day, we stood with them again, and fought with them till two or three of the clock in the afternoon. They fled, and being light ships and clean, went from us: one man killed, and no more hurt, praised be God for all his mercies. Note, that we have spent six hundred eighty great shot, 
The number of shot spent in our five fights.  and three thousand small shot out of the Dragon, and some sixty Barrels of Powder: their Admiral had thirty eight Pieces, and the rest thirty by ship, very good Ordnance. This night we steered for Surat Southeast, to haule without the sands. South from Mea some six leagues off lies the first spit, on which sand the Ascension was lost.  
The fo●rth day of February 1612. we set sail and stood to the southward, wind at North Northwest.  
The fifth day, being some eight leagues short of Cape Comorin, we met with the wind at East very much wind, so that we plain see there is no going to the East-wards, the Easterly Monson not being done. Hear we anchored at a point of the land, from which point the land trents away East Southeast with the Cape of Comorin, and distant eight leagues: but beware how you come near this point, 
Sunken rocks.  for thwart of it four miles off lies two sunken Rocks close by the edge of the water, and lies in the stream of twenty or twenty two fathoms: wherefore keep off in twenty eight or thirty fathom, and fear them not. But be sure that you keep within thirty five or forty fathom, for the Current sets off South with the Maldines, and being calm some Portugal ships have been driven to the Maldines, and been in great danger. You shall know this point from the which these two sunken Rocks lie, by this. Thwart of the point lie two big Rocks a good height above the water: a league right off from the Eastermost of the dry Rocks lie the two sunken Rocks, where we read, the two dry rocks did bear from us Southeast and by East four miles of the Northermost: here the people will come aboard of your ship every day with provisions as Hens, and Hogs with linnesse in their little Canoes.  
The five and twentieth day at four a clock, the Cape of Comorin did bear North Northwest some four leagues off. 
Note, for the Cape of Comorin, for longitude, latitude, and variation.  Note, that the Cape it sel●e is very low land with two craggy Rocks lying a little from it, but up in the Country, high ragged land; the Cape of Comorin hath latitude seven degrees fifty minutes and longitude from the Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope, fifty seven degrees twenty minutes East. The variation is fourteen degrees thirty minutes Westerly: we have very fair shoalding off from it twenty four fathoms, four leagues of sand, from the Cape the land trents away East North-east.  
I do think that the Gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all the Indieses for W●rmes, and therefore the ships which go for Surat, 
Many worms at Surat.  must have good provision. The Bar of Surat hath latitude twenty one degrees ten minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope fifty three degrees thirty minutes Easterly. Variation sixteen degrees fifty minutes Westerly. Latitude of Swally is twenty one degrees twenty minutes. Variation seventeen degrees no minutes.  
The Road of Achen hath latitude five degrees forty minutes South, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope of seventy three deg. thirty four min. East. 
The latitude, longitude and variation of Achen.  And from the Cape of Comorin about sixteen degrees twenty minutes East. The variation is six degrees thirty minutes Westerly. As you ride in the Road one high great Island will bear North of you, distant some six leagues, and the two other big Lands will bear from the West South-west to the Northwest and by West, anchor hold good: in the Westerly Monson, you shall have many times very much wind, with g●sts of rain, but you shall ride very well: there goes a small Current to the Eastward, and Westward in manner of a tide, but not so certain, and heights and falls some five or six foot water.  
The King loveth our General exceeding well, in so much that he maketh no sport, but he commands some one of his Nobles to go for the Arrankaia Putee, for so hath he named him: so that all the City through is he called by that name, and all our men by the common people very kindly entertained, more than ever any strangers heretofore have been.  
In steering North Northwest from the little Island, which lies South-west and by West seven leagues from Priaman Island, we saw a should bearing from the said little Island Southeast and by South five miles off. We sent our Boat to it, who found it but three fathom Rocks. From this should the Homockes of Tecu bear North and by West: wherefore being bound for Tecu, keep off, so that the Homockes may bear North, or North and by East, and fear not. 
Notes for the Road of Tecu.  The Homockes are two round 〈◊〉 standing upon the low-land close by the Seaside. At two a clock we saw the three little round Lands of Tecu, which Lands you must ride under, they bear of us, North and by East some four leagues off, we steer North, keeping the Lands open on our starboard bow.  
Note, that by good looking out you shall perceive any danger by this: it will show itself in white spots. For otherwise the Sea is of his perfect colour, as in the main Ocean. At night we anchored within two leagues of the two outermost Lands of Tecu in thirty fathoms, the Lands bearing North and by East, and the Homocks' North Easterly.  
Note, the Homockes do stand some three leagues to the Northward of the Lands of Tecu, 
Variation of Tecu is 4. degr. 40. minutes Northeasterly.  there being in all three of them, but the Northermost of the three Homockes doth not show itself so perfectly, as the other do.  
The seventh of August in the morning, weighed and plied in, the wind at the North North-east of the land we see a shoal, bearing from the two offermost Lands of Tecu South-west & by South four or five miles off, right in the fair way. We sent our Boat to it and found it but two fathom & a half, being a Rock of two Cables length long. This is the unluckey Rock whereon the Princely Trade received her destruction, as we understand by those people. 

A ledge of Rocks.  
The Rock whereon the Trades-Increase was bruised.   About eleven of the clock we anchored on the Easter-side of the uttermost Island in nine fathom, soft, Ozie, praised be God. Riding under this outward Island of the three we saw a breach, bearing South half Easterly, and another South and by East some three or four leagues off, which breach as you come for this place, you must leave betwixt you and the shore: wherefore keep this outer Island North and by East, or North North-east, and fear nothing. But beware when you come within two leagues of this Island. For South-west and by South two leagues or five miles off lies the Rock whereon the unhappy Trade grounded. Wherhfore keep this Island North and by East, and upon life fear not, your depth as you come near the Island will be from thirty to ten, nine and eight fathoms soft, Ozie, you shall have nine fathoms within your ships length of either side of the Island.  
The ninth day, some people came aboard: we found them very base and subtle.  
The eleventh day, the Hoziander departed for Priaman, to show them likewise that we have brought the King's Letter of Achen, without the which you cannot trade. Note, that as we ride here upon the Poop, we see the four Lands of Priaman bearing Southeast and by South some seven leagues off.  
This day at nine of the clock we sailed into the inner Road, which is betwixt the Main and the innermost Island, half a mile from the Main, and a Cables length from the Island, your depth four fathom soft, Ozie, our depth in was twenty two foot being half tied, it highes and falls some five or six foot water, the tide, as I perceive, runs twelve hours' North Northwest, and twelve hours contrary. To the Northward of all the Lands in coming in you shall have four fathoms and an half: but keep near the inner Island, for from the Main on that side lies a should. The Lands are all of one bigness, being half a mile a piece in circuit, they will bear from the South-west and by South to the Northwest: your best water is on the Ilan●: dig a Well, and presently water comes. Thus much out of Master Boner; the rest you have before in Captain Best.   

§. III. Extracts of a Tractate, written by NICHOLAS WHITHINGTON, which was left in the Mogul's Country by Captain BEST, a Factor, his Adventures and Travels therein.  
THe eleventh of April, 1612. we crossed the Equinoctial: foul weather eight days together, wind and rain. Soldania sheep are hairy: the B●e●es large, and most lean; the people Negro, woolly pates, flat nosed, very strait o● body▪ the men have but 
* Captain Saris told me that some have two testicles, but those the base, and (as the one stoned gallants affirmed to him) were slaves, the others marked with this note of Gentry.  one stone a piece; the other is cut out when they are young: apparelled with a skin about their shoulders, which reacheth down to the waste, the skin of a Rat●e before their members, another on their bum, else naked: some caps of leather close to their pates, and shoe-soles to their feet, much broader and longer than their feet: their arms very small: Lances with heads artificially made: Bows and Arrows of little or no force: they are very expert in throwing their Darts, wherewith they kill many fish in the Sea: they wear about their necks guts of sheep and oxen, smelling, which being hungry they eat; and would scramble for our garbage like dogs, and eat it raw and foul.  
The six and twentieth of july, they had sight of Saint Laurence. The thirteenth of August, crossed the Equinoctial, temperate weather: on the thirtieth, they saw Snakes in the Sea in eighteen degrees and a half, one and thirty min. white water at nineteen fathoms. The first of September, they saw land. The second, anchor against Daman Town, inhabited and conquered by portugals. The Flux infested them all that remained on land at Surat. Master Aldworth was sick forty days. Strangers here present any Inhabitants of fashion whom he visits; and they return presents. Notwithstanding Sir Henry Middleton taking their ships in the Red-sea, yet they promised us good dealing, considering else they must burn their ships (said Mill jeffed, one of the chief Merchants of Surat) and give over their trade by Sea. Impossible it was to have any trade at Surat, by reason of Portugal Frigates in the River's mouth. Therefore the General repaired with his ships to Swally, whence he might by land go and come without danger.  
The third of October, Sheke Shuffe, Governor of Amadavar, chief City of Guzerat, came to Surat, 
Pride goeth before the fall.  and so to Swally, and agreed upon Articles. Master Canning had been taken by the Portugals, but the Viceroy commanded to set him ashore at Surat, saying, Let him go help his Countrymen to fight, and then we will take their ship, and the rest of them altogether. But the P●rser made and escape, and so came to us on land: Master Canning was set on shore at Surat, according to promise', and so went aboard. And the same day, being the twentieth ninth of October, 

Fleet of Portugals.  
The first fight.   the four Portugal Galleons, with a whole Fleet of Frigates, came in sight. The General, after words of encouragement, met them, and never shot one shot, till he came between their Admiral and Vice-admiral, gave each a broad side, and a volley of small shot, which made them come no more near for that day. The other two ships were not as yet come up; and the Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, 
The second.  and shot not one shot that day. In the evening all came to an anchor in sight of other; and the next morning renewed their fight: the Hosiander bravely redeemed the former days doing nothing: the Dragon driven three of them on ground, and the Hosiander danced the Hay about them, so that they durst not show a man upon the Hatches. In the afternoon they got afloat with the flood, 
The third.  and fought till night; then anchored, and lay still the next day.  
The next day after, the Dragon drawing much water, and the Bay shallow, removed to the other side of the Bay, road at Mendafrobay, where all that time Sarder Cham, a great Nobleman of the Mogolls, with two thousand Horse, was besieging a Castle of the Razbooches (which were before the Mogolls Conquest, the Nobles of that country now living by robbery). He presented our General with a horse and furniture, which he again gave to the Governor of Goga, a Port Town to the West of Surat. 
The last fight.  After ten days stay here, the portugals having refreshed, came thither to our ships. Sarder Cham counselled to flee: but the General chased the Portugals in four hours, driving them out of sigh●, before thousands of the country people, Sarder Cham relating this to the King (after the Castle razed) to his admiration, w●ich thought none like the portugals at sea. The seven and twentieth of December, they returned to Swally, having lost three Sailors, and one man's arm shot off: Portugal's confess of theirs an hundred and sixty, some report three hundred and odd.  

Nicholas Whithington Factor. Master Canning sent to Agra.  The thirteenth of january, I was entertained Factor, and bound to the Company in four hundred pound. The ship departed the eighteenth of january, the Galleons neu●r offering one shot. Anthony Starkey was sent for England. Master Canning was seventy days on the way between Surat and Agra, with many troubles, set on by the enemy, who shot him into the b●lly with an Arrow, and another English man thorough the arm, and killed and hurt many of his Pions. He was cured before his arrival at Agra. Two of his English ●ell ●ut with him and returned, leaving two Musicians only to attend him. The ninth of April he arrived: the tenth presented the King with our King's Letter, and a Present of little value. He asked if our King sent that present: who answered, it was sent by the Merchants. The King graced him with a cup of wine from his own hands, and referred him to Moracke Chan. One of the Musicians died, and was buried in the portugals Churchyard, whom they took up, and buried in the highway: but upon complaint, were compelled by the King to bury him there again, threatening to turn them all out of his Country, and their buried bodies out of their Churchyard.  
After this Master Canning wrote of the fear he was in to be poisoned by the jesuits, 
M●ster Canning poisoned by the jesuits.  and therefore desired that I might come up to assist him; which amongst us at Surat was concluded. The nine and twentieth of May, 1613. he died: and so Master Keridge went the two and twentieth of june. I should have been sent by the way of Mocha to England, but the Master of the ship which went, said it was impossible, except I were circumcised, to come near Mecca.  
The thirteenth of October, 1613. the ship returned, and our Messenger taken, notwithstanding their late pass at the Bar of Surat, by the portugals Armada of Frigates, worth an hundred thousand pound, with seven hundred persons going to Goa. This is like to be their overthrow here, for no Portugal might pass without a surety, nor in, nor out. Merchants of Surat are by this means impoverished, and our goods left in our hands: with which we went to Amadabar. john Alkin which had run from Sir Henry Middleton to the portugals, came now to us, 
Portugal perils.  told us of diverse their Towns besieged by the Decanes, and other neighbouring Moores: in so much that they were fain to sand away many hundreths of Banians, and many others that dwelled amongst them, for want of victuals: three Barks of which came to Surat, and diverse others to Cambaya. Their weakness in fight with us caused all this. Robert Claxon of the Dragon, fled to Portugal for fear of punishment, and came to us with an Almaigne, which had been slave in Turkey. Robert johnson came to the Portugals, and thence intending to us, passing thorough the Decanes Country, was persuaded by another English man, which was turned Moor, 
Fugitives and Renegadoes.  and lived there: and was circumcised, and received seven shillings six pence a day of the King and his diet at the King's table: But eight days after his Circumcision he died. Robert True, the Musician in Agra, not agreeing with Master Kerridge, went to the King of Decan, and carrying with him a Germane for interpreter, offered both to turn Moors. True had in his Circumcision a new name given, with great allowance from the King, with whom he continues. But the German formerly cut in Persia, now thought to deceive the Decan, but was not entertained: he returned to Agra, and serveth a French man, and goeth to Mass again. Robert Claxon also turned Moor, at the Decan Court had good allowance: but not content, came to Surat, and provoked pity with seeming penitence, but getting some forty and odd pounds, under pretence of buying commons, gave them the slip, and returned whence he came. So there are four English with the Decan, and diverse Portugal Moores.  
The seven and twentieth of October, 1613. we received letters from Mesulopatan of Master Gurney, written by Captain Marlo of the james, of their arri●all and trade. 
A description of his journey by land thorough the Mogolls Country, hired shot for guard against thiefs.  From Surat I went to Periano three Course: to Cosumbay a little Village 10c. Barocho 10c. a pretty City on a high hill, compassed with a wall, a great River running by, as broad as Thames; diverse ships of two hundred tons and odd there riding: best Calicoes in the Kingdom, store of Cotton: to Saringa 10c. to Carron 10c. to Boldia a less City than Barocho, but fair built, a strong wall, and three thousand horse under Mussuff Chan: to Wassach a River 10c. where Mussuff was ready to fight with the Razbooches or Radgepoots, that lay on the other side the River: the chief of these of the race of the old Kings of Surat: to Niriand 14 c. a great Town where they make Indigo. To Amadabar 10c. chief City of Guzerat, near as great as London, walled with a strong wall, situate in the Plain by the River side, store of Merchants Moors, Christians, Heathens: Commodities are Indicoes, Cloth of gold, silver Tissue, Velvets (not comparable to ours) Taffetas, Gumbuck, coloured Baffataes, Drugs, etc. Abdalachon Governor, a man of five thousand horse pay. I went from thence to Cambaya, seven course to Barengeo, 
A Course is a mile and halfa English.  where every Tuesday the Cafily of Cambaya meet, and so keep company for fear of thiefs. Hence sixteen course to Soquatera, a fine Town well manned with soldiers. Departed at midnight, and about eight of the clock next morning came 10c. to Cambaya.  
In November, we road to Serkeffe, three course from Amadabar, where are the Sepulchers of the Kings of Guzerat, a very delicate Church and fair Tombs, which are kept very comely, much resort to visit them from all parts of the Kingdom: a course off is a pleasant House, with a Garden a mile about, by the River's side, which Chon Chin Naw, the greatest of the Mogoll Nobility, built in memorial of the great victory which he got of the last King of Guzerat, whom he took prisoner, and subjected his Kingdom, the battle being fought in this place. No man dwells in this house, but a few poor men keep the Or●●yard. We lodged one night in it, and sent for six Fishermen, who in half an hour took us more fish than all our company could eat.  
The eight and twentieth of November, we had news at Amadabar of three English ships arrived at Lowribander, the Port Town of Gutu Negar Tutta, chief City of Sinda. 
Tutta. M●ster Aleworth. was Agent.  A French jesuit at Amadabar made poor, by the Portugals imbarkement, begged of our Agent, who gave him ten Rupias. I was sent thither, and the the thirteenh of December came to Cassumparo, where I overtook a Caphilo, travelling to Radenpare, six days journey on my way, fourteen to Callitalowny, a fair Castle: thirteen 7c. to Callwalla, a pretty Village, which Ecbar gave to a company of women, and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in dancing, etc. they did this in our Caravan, 
A Town of common women.  every man giving them somewhat; and then they openly asked if any wanted a bedfellow. The sixteenth 8c. to Carrya, where is a well manned Fortress: and the eighteenth (ti●l which, for fear of thiefs, we stayed for another Caravan) to Deccanaura, our Camel stolen, and a man slain. The nineteenth 10c. to Bollodo, a Fort kept by Newlock Abram Cabrate, for the Mogoll, who that day came with an hundred sixty nine heads of the Coolies (a robbing people.) The twentieth 13c. to Sariandgo, a Fort. The one and twentieth 10c. to Radempoore, a big Town with a Fort. Hear we stayed to provide us of water and necessaries for our desert journey: and the three and twentieth traveled 7c. and lay in the fields, met a Caravan rob of all from Tutta. The four and twentieth 12 c. dispeeded one of my Pions to Lowribander with a Letter, which promised to do it in ten days; but I think was slain. The five and twentieth 14 c. lodged by a well of water so salt, 
Salt water.  that our cattles could not drink it. The six and twentieth 10c. to such another well, there gave our Camels water, not having drunk in three days.  
The seven and twentieth, 14c. lodged in fields. The eight and twentieth, 10c. to a Village called Negar Parkar. In this desert we saw great store of wild Asses, read Deer, Foxes, and other wild beasts. The nine and twentieth, we stayed and met with an other Caravan, rob within two days journey of Tutta. The thirtieth, we departed from Parkar, which pays a yearly tribute to the mogul: 
Anarchy worst Tyranny.  all hence till Inno, half a day's journey from Tutta, acknowledge no King, but rob and spare at pleasure. When any army of the Mogul's comes against them, they fire their houses, and flee into the Mountains: their houses are made of straw and mortar like Bee-hives, soon rebuilded. They take for custom what they please, and guard Passengers, being loathe any but themselves should have the robbing of them. We traveled 6c. and lay by a Tanke or Pond of fresh water. The thirty one 8c. and lay in the fields by a brackish Well.  
The first of january, we went 10c. to Burdiano, many were sick of this water, we provided us yet of it for four days, and traveled more the second 18c. all night. The third in the afternoon till midnight 10 c. the fourth 12c. Here I fell sick, and vomited by reason of the water. The fifth 7c. and came to three Wells, two salt, one sweetish. The sixth, to Nuraquimire a pretty Town 10c. Here our Raddingpoore company left us. We remained, two Merchants, myself, five of their servants, four of mine, with ten Camels, five Camel-men. This Town is within three days of Tutta, and seemed to us after our Desert a Paradise. We agreed with one of the Ragies or Governors' kindred for twenty Laries (twenty shillings) to conduct us, who departed with us the eighth, and we traveled 10c. to Gundaiaw, where we had been rob but for our guard. The ninth, we were twice set on, and forced to give each time five Laries: we came to Sarruna, 
Sarruna within 14 c. of Tutta. Of these things see M. Peytons' Voyage.  a great Town of the Razbootches, with a Castle, whence it is 14c. to Tutta. We visited the Governor Ragee Bouma, eldest son to Sultan Bulbul (who lately captived by the mogul, had his eyes pulled out, and two Months before this had escaped) now living in the Mountains, and causeth all his kindred to revenge. This Ragee was kind to me as a stranger, ask many questions of our Country, made me sup with him, gave me Wine till he was stared. A Banian here told me, 
Abuse of Sir Rob. Shirley.  how Sir Robert Shirley had been much abused by the Portugals, and Governor at Lowribander, his house fired, men hurt in the night: and arriving at Tutta thirteen day's journey thence, Mersa Rusto used him unkindly. He advised to get this Ragee to guide us, told of the great trade of Tutta, the chief that he had seen, and that a ship of three hundred Tun might come to Lowribander.  
We hired the Ragee for forty Laries with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tutta: and on the eleventh departed from Sarruna 5c. and lay by a River's side. At two in the morning we departed, and he lead us a contrary way, and came about break of day into a Thicket, where he made us unload, 
Treacherous robbery.  than caused us to be bound, and took our weapons from us, suddenly hanged the Merchants and their five men, with their Camels ropes fastened about their necks with a Truncheon; stripped and threw them into a hole they made in the earth. 
Nich. Whithington rob and sent a by-way.  He took from me my horse, and eighty Rupias, sent me and my men 20c. up the Mountains to his brothers, january the foureteenth, where I continued two and twenty days shut up. February the seventh, order came to sand me to Parkar to the Governor of their kindred, 
Robbed again.  to sand me to Radingpoore. But I was rob by them in the way of all my clotheses, and all I had. February the twenty eight, we begged for our victuals, finding the inhabitants charitable: for my horse (which not being worth the taking, they left me) I could get but four Mamoodies, or four shillings: but chancing on a Bannian of Amadabar whom I had known, I was relieved with my men. We were five days between Parkar and Raddingpoore, 
1614  whither I came March nineteenth. I came to Amadabar, April the second, being absent one hundred and eleven days. Thence I went to Brodia, Barengeo thence 16c. to Soquitera, 
Large River.  10. to Cambaya: then the large River 7. course broad, yearly swallowing many hundreds to Saurau. On the other side the River is a Town and Castle of the Razbootches. The sixteenth of April, I traveled 25c. to Borocho: the seventeenth, passed that River, and 10c. to Cassimba: the eighteenth, 13c. to Surat.  
Concerning Sinda, no City is by general report of greater trade in the Indieses than Tutta, the chief Port Lowribander, three days journey from it; a fair road without the River's mouth, clear of Worms, which about Surat especially, and in other places of the Indieses, after three or four Months riding (if it were not for sheathing) would hinder return. The Ports and Roads of Sinda are free. In two Months from hence by water they go to Lahor, and return in one down. There are these Commodities, Baffitas, Stuffs, Lawns, Indigo course, not so good as Biana. Goods may be conveied from Agra on Camels to Bucker twenty days, which is on Sinda River, thence in fifteen or sixteen days aboard the ships. One may go as soon from Agra to Sinde as Surat, but there is more thieving, which the Mogoll seeks to prevent.  
Inhabitants of Sinda are most Razbootches, Banians, and Boloches: in Cities and great Towns, 
Razbootch.  the Governors are Mogul's. The Country people are rude, naked from the waist upwards, with Turbans contrary to the Mogoll fashion. Their Arms, Sword, Buckler, and Lance; their Buckler great, in fashion of a Beehive, in which they will give their Camels drink, and Horse's provender, their horses good, swift, strong, which they ride unshod, most desperately. They back them at twelve Months old. The Mogoll says, the Razbootch knows as well to die as any in the world. They eat no Beef nor Buffoll, but pray to them.  
The Banians kill nothing: 
Banian.  there are thirty and odd several Casts of these that differ something in Religion, and may not eat with each other; but all burn their dead. When the husband dies, the wife shaves her head, and wears her jewels no more, so continuing till death. 
Funerals. Burning of the Rasbut wives.  When the Rasbut dies, his wife accompanies his body going to be burned, in her best array, accompanied with her friends and kindred, and Music, and the fire being made at the place appointed, compasseth the same twice or thrice, bewailing first her husband's death, and then rejoicing that she shall now live with him again, after which, embracing her friends, she lastly sits down on the top of the pile, and dry sticks, taking her husband's head in her lap, and b●ds them put fire, which done, her friends throw oil and other sweet perfumes on her, she enduring the fire with admirable patience, lose and not bound. I have seen many, the first in Surat, the woman but ten years old, and a Virgin, he a Soldier slain in war, from whence his clothes and Turban were brought home. She would needs burn with his clothes; the Governor forbade her, which she took grievously, bidding them put to fire presently, her husband was a great way before: which they durst not, till her kindred entreated, with a Present given, the Governors' licence, to her exceeding joy. The husband's kindred never force this, but the woman's holding it a disgrace else to their family. They may choose, (but few do) but then must shave their hair, and break their jewels, and thenceforth are not suffered to eat, drink, sleep, or company with any body, and so continued till death. If after purpose to burn they leap out of the fire, her father and mother will bind her, and throw her in, and burn her perforce. But this weakness is seldom.  
The Boloches are of Mahomet's Religion. They deal much in Camels; 
Boloches.  most of them robbers by land, and on the River, murdering such as they rob. When I was in Sinda, they took a boat with seven Italians, one Portugal Friar, the rest slain in fight, this was ripped by them for Gold. There are very honest of them in Guzerate, and about Agra.  
Banian marriages are made at the age of three years, and under; sometimes they make mutual promise if two pregnant women prove to have one a male, the other a female. 
Banian marriages.  But always one of their own cast and religion, and of the same trade, as a Barber, etc. When they be three or four year old, they make a great Feast, set the two thus espoused on horseback (a man behind each to hold them) in their best clotheses, accompanied with the Bramen or Priests, and many others according to their state, and so lead them up and down the City where they devil, and then to the Pagod or Church: and after Ceremonies there done, come home, continued certain days feasting, as they are able. Being ten years old they lie together, of which they give this reason, not to leave them wifeless, if their Parents die and leave them Parentlesse. Their Bramen keep their Pagods, and have Alms or Tithes, esteemed marvelous holy, married and follow occupations, good workmen, apt to learn any pattern. They eat but once a day, and wash before and after meat all their bodies, as also after urine or stool.  
john Mild●all 
* See before his Letters.  an Englishman had been employed with three English young men, which he poisoned in Persia, to make himself Master of the goods, but he was likewise poisoned, yet by preservatives lived many Months after, but swollen exceedingly, and so came to Agra, with the value of twenty thousand dollars: tither therefore I went, May the fourth, 1614 from Surat: came to Bramport▪ where Sultan Perues lies, situate in a plain, the River of Surat running by in a great breadth, having a large Castle. Hence to Agra twenty six days, between Surat and Agra are seven hundred courses, 1010. English miles, which I traveled in seven and thirty days in Win●er, wherein it almost continually raineth. From Surat to Bramport is a pleasant and champion Country, full of Rivers, Brooks, and Springs. Between Bramport and Agra, very Mountainous, not passable for a Coach, hardly for Camels; by Mando is the nearest way: there are high hills and strong Castles in the way many, Towns and Cities every day's journey, well inhabited, the Country peaceable, and clear of thiefs.  
Mildnall had given all to a Frenchman, to marry his bastard-daughter in Persia, and bring up an other.  

jesuites.  The jesuites have a very fair Church built by the King, and a house: the King allows the chief seven Rupias a day, and the rest three, with licence to convert as many as they can: which they do, but alas, it is for money's sake. For when by the fact of the portugals, they were debarred of their pay, their new converts brought them their beads again, saying, they had been long without their pay, and therefore would be Christians no longer. The Portugal's not delivering the goods taken in Surat, the King caused the Church-doores to be locked up, as they have continued ever since: so the Padres make a Church of one of their Chambers, where they say Mass twice a day, and preach every Sunday in Persian, first to the Armenians and Moors, after in Portuguese, for themselves, the Italians and Greeks. These told me the particulars of Mildnals goods, who gave all to a French Protestant, himself a Papist, which he denying, was put in prison. After four Months all were delivered.  
The second of March, 1614, ten Galleons, two Galleys, sixty Frigates fight.  
Between Agminere and Agra every ten course (which is an ordinary day's journey) a Seralia, or place of lodging for man and horse, and Hostesses to dress your victual, if you please, paying a matter of three pence for both horse and meat dressing. Between these places (120c.) at every course end is a great pillar erected, and at every ten course a fair house built by Ecbar, when he went on Pilgrimage from Agra to Aggimere on foot, 
Pilgrimage.  saying his prayers at every course end. These houses serve the King and his women, none else. This King lies in Agimere, upon occasion of wars with Rabna a Razboch, who hath now done homage, and peace is between them.  

Ganges.  I road to the River Ganges, two days from Agra. The Banians carry the water of Ganges many hundred miles thence, and as they affirm, it will never stink, though kept never so long. By Agra runs a large river Geminie. 
Agra.  Agra is a huge Town, the wall two course in compass, fairest and highest that ever I saw, well replenished with Ordnance: the rest (except Nobleman's houses, fair seated by the river) ruinous. The anncient royal seat was Fatipoore (twelve course from Agra) now decayed. Between these two, the Sepulchre of the King's Father, to which is none that ever I saw to be compared. And yet the Church of Fatipoore comes near it, builded by Geometry as is the other.  
The four and twentieth of May, 1616. we in our return entered the Bay of Soldania, where were diverse English ships outward bound, the Charles, Unicorn, james, Globe, Swan, the General was Benjamin joseph.  
the fifteenth of September, were arrived at Dover.    

CHAP. IX. The eleventh Voyage to the East-India in the Solomon, begun in the year of our Lord 1611. after the account of the Church of England, and ended in the year 1613. Written by RALPH WILSON, one of the Mates in the said ship.  

February. 1. 1611.  THe first of February 1611. we set sail from Gravesend, being four ships, the Dragon, the james, the Solomon, and the Hosiander; being counted as three several Voyages: the james the ninth; the Dragon and Hosiander the tenth; and we in the Solomon the eleventh. The reason was, because we were directed to several parts of the East-India.  
In our course between the Isles of the Canaries, and the Isles of Capo Verde, we must steer a more Westerly course, then that which the Plaits lay down, without they be Portugal Plaits, which lay it a quarter of a point more than the truth is.  

A new Island discovered in 19 degrees 34. minutes Southerly. Santa Maria d'agosta. The Isle of Martin Vaz.  The seven and twentieth of April, we in Solomon descried an Island in the South latitude of nineteen degrees, four and thirty minutes, and it bore from us, Southeast one third part Southerly, fifteen leagues off. This I'll is a place, which in my opinion yields water, and fish in great abundance: the Sea-fowle were so many, that our people in the galleries of our ship might strike them down, they were so tame. To the Eastward of this I'll lie two Lands more, the one about the bigness of the first, the other a great I'll. By these Isles we found a Current, which setteth to the Northward.  
The eight and twentieth of june, we departed from Soldanha. I would advice them which go forth of Soldanha Bay, with the wind at East, or Southeast, to get off some pretty distance from the land, before they hale up to the Southward: for if they do otherwise, the high land will take their wind from them. And if a man should be becalmed, he should very much be troubled: for most commonly thereabout you shall meet a mighty Western Sea. Secondly, the stream setteth to the shoareward, if the wind have been at the North Northwest, West of South-west. And thirdly, the shore is neald to; so that a man cannot anchor.  
The sixth of October, we met a great Current setting to the Northwards, 
October 6.  when we were within one degree of the Equinoctial.  
The twelfth, we met with a great deal of rubbish, as Canes, Sties, and many other things, which usually are on the shore about Sumatra.  
The sixteenth, drove by our ship rubbish, as Rock-weeds, Canes, branches of trees, the husks of Coco Nuts, and such like.  
The seventeenth at noon, drove by us a bed of rubbish, which was at lest two miles long: it lay North Northwest, and South Southeast, and drove off West South-west.  
The eighteenth in the morning, we descried land, 
They descry Sumatra, Illaba● or Celeber.  which lieth by Celeber in the I'll of Sumatra, which Town of Celeber standeth about three degrees of Southerly latitude.  
The seven and twentieth, we had a Current setting to the Southward. The nine and twentieth, the salt hill, or I'll bore East North-east sixteen or eighteen leagues from us.  
The first of November, at six of the clock at night, we were shot within the salt I'll. 
November 1.   
The second at noon, coming between the Land of java and a ragged I'll, which lieth to the Westward of the point of Palymbam, we met a great tide running out so fast, that we could scarce stem it with a stiff gale of wind. And afterward the wind flaked, so we chopped to an anchor, and then I found that tide to run three leagues and an half in a watch. Hear I have noted, that the tide or stream keepeth no course, but in the day time setteth out, and in the night time in. This day at noon, the point of Palymbam bore North-east by East three leagues of us. From thence to the Road of Bantam is five leagues; South Southeast one third part Easterly. So the longitude of Bantam is an hundred forty five degrees, two minutes. The latitude six degrees, ten minutes. The variation three degrees. This longitude of an hundred forty five degrees, and two minutes, is somewhat to Easterly for the Road of Bantam. But for the first falling with the land, for an hundred forty four degrees is the truest longitude for Bantam from the Island of Flores.  
The eighteenth, nine sails of Hollanders came into the Road, and the other two, 
Excellent refreshing at the I'll Do Mascaren●as.  which went out the day before, came with them to Pulo Panian: they had refreshed themselves at the Isles Mascarenhas, which stand in one and twenty degrees and an half of South latitude. Of which place they gave singular commendations for great plenty of refreshing which they found there.  
The seventh of March, at five of the clock in the afternoon, 
March 7.  in the latitude of twenty degrees, four and thirty minutes, we descried land, which bore North-east, half a point Northerly, nine leagues off: the Southeast part is somewhat high, but falleth down with a low point; the Wester part is not very high, but flat and smooth towards the end of it, and falleth right down. This I'll is very f●ll of shoalds and broken ground, the Souther and Wester parts: 
a I'll discovered in twenty degrees, four and thirty minutes.  for we discovered neither of the other sides. By all likelihood it seemeth to have good refreshing on it: the longitude of this I'll is an hundred and four degrees from Flores, but by my computation an hundred and seven degrees; but in these courses we rely not altogether on our reckonings, using as much diligence for the finding out the true longitude, as possibly we may, it being a main point to give us light to other helps.  
The tenth, we had sight of the jand of Diego Roiz. The fourteenth in the morning, 
The Island of Diego Roiz. The I'll of Cyrne, or Mauritius.  we descried land, which was part of the I'll Do Cirne, which the Hollanders call the I'll of Mauritius. There is an Island that lieth from the main Isle four leagues off; and two other small Isles ten leagues off. We founded a league and a half off, but found no ground at forty fathoms. When you are thwart of the Road, the hill with three pikes will bear Southeast.  
The sixteenth, at six of the clock in the morning, we descried the I'll Do Mascarenhas. 
The Isle Mascarenhas.  There is a breach which lieth four miles off, and lieth three leagues long; and here is very good refreshing. The Isle Mauritius hath longitude ninety nine degrees, latitude twenty degr. fifteen minutes. The I'll Do Mascarenhas hath longitude ninety seven degrees, and latitude one and twenty degrees, no minutes.  
The second of April, 1613. about seven of the clock it began to lighten, 
April 2. 1613.  continuing with such mighty great flashes, as I never saw the like, until eleven, and then it began to rain, or pour down mightily, and on a sudden became flat and calm: and in less than a quarter of an hour, a har● g●le at South-west, blowing for the time, which was not long, as much as it did before, at North-●●st. By these two contrary winds the sea grew so exceeding lofty, that our ship struck into 〈◊〉 sea abaft, as if the galleries would have flown off. About twelve of the clock the wind vee●ed to the South, and on a sudden up at the North-east again. Our sails were split, so as we h●ld till morning.  
The 〈◊〉 of june, we descried the I'll of Ascension. 
june 10. The I'll of Ascension.  This I'll hath shoalds lying on the Wester part, at lea●● two miles off.  
The 〈◊〉 and twentieth, we had a great rippling of the sea, in the seven and twentieth degrees of North latitude, which came out of the Easter-boord like a fresh out of a River, like many 〈…〉 whirlwinds.  

August 6.  The sixth of August we had great riplings or overfals of the Sea.  
The fourteenth day, being in thirty eight degrees fifty nine minutes North latitude, we had great riplings of the Sea; which made a noise, as if water had run out of a sluice: they came out of the North-east.   

CHAP. X. A journal of all principal matters passed in the twelfth Voyage to the East- India, observed by me WALTER PAYTON, in the good ship the Expedition: the Captain whereof was M. CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT, being set out, Anno 1612. Written by WALTER PAYTON.  

§. I. Their coming to Saint Augustine, Mohelia, and diverse parts of Arabia.  
THe seventh of januarie we set sail from Gravesend for the East- India, in the good ship, the Expedition of London, being about the burden of two hundred and sixty tons · which carrieth in her fifty six persons, besides the Persian Ambassador and his followers, who have in number fifteen, which we had order to receive into our ship, to be transported in●o the K●ngdome of Persia, at the costs and charges of the Worshipful Company aforesaid. The names of the Ambassador, and his people, are these. Sir Robert Shirley, the Ambassador. Teresha, his Lady, a Circasian. Sir Thomas powel. Tomasin his Lady. Leylye, a Persian Woman. Morgan powel, Gentleman. Captain john Ward. Francis Bubb, Secretary. john Barbar, Apothecary. john Herriot, Musitioner. john Georgson, Goldsmith and Hollander. Gabriel, an old Armenian. Nazerbege, Scanderbege, Molhter, all Persians'.  
The six and twentieth of April, 1613. in the morning, we fell with a part of the land of Aethiopia, whereunto, close adjoining, is an Island of small compass, called Connie Island, being a very low land, 
Connie Island.  and environed about with many dangerous Rocks, to Seaward: and standeth in the latitude of thirty three degrees, and thirty minutes. The wind taking us short, we were enforced to come to an anchor betwixt this Island and the Main: where we had very good ground in nineteen or twenty fathom water. Here we sent our Schiffe ashore to the Island, where we found Penguins, wild Geese, and other Fowls, & Seale-fish in great abundance, whereof we took for our refreshing, as much as we would. By a carved board, we perceived the Hollanders had been there, who made great store of the ●raine Oil of the Seals, as it should seem, for their necessary spending, outward bound. They left their Implements wherewith they wrought, and a grea● Copper Cauldron, standing upon a Furnace, full of train: all which we left as we found. Thus having spent two days at an anchor, and the wind favouring us to proceed, we set sail from hence for Caput Bonae Spei.  
The thirtieth day, by God's grace, we arrived at Saldanha, where we found riding at an anchor six ships, 
The Bay of Saldanha.  whereof two English, namely, the Hector and the Thomas, the other four were Hollanders: all bound homeward. Here we watered and refreshed ourselves very well, with reasonable store of that Country sheep, and Bullocks, which we bought; and fresh fish which we caught with our Sayne.  
The tenth of May, 1613. the Peppercorn arrived here at Saldanha, also bound homewards. She having been long out, was not very well fitted with necessaries, which we supplied out of our small store, so much as we could spare: who also dispatched and was ready to set sail with the first fair wind, which was, on the fifteenth of May, from whence we set sail all together, out of the Bay, taking our leave each of other, according to the common fashion of the Sea, 
Cape do Arecife. Variation six deg. nine min.  directing our course for Saint Augustine. And in our way we had sight of Cape do Arecife, being part of the main land of Aethiopia; and standeth in the latitude of thirty three degrees twenty five minutes, the Compass varying there six degrees and nine minutes, which was on the four and twentieth of this present.  
The fifteenth of june, we had sight of Saint Laurence Island, and on the seventeenth day, we came to an anchor, by Port Augustine of purpose, to search the sounding and way into the Bay, before we entered; because there was none in our ship well acquainted therewith. 
Port de S. Augustine.  Which being done, we entered and came to an anchor, on the eighteenth day in ten fathom water: but our ship road in forty fathoms. Hear we had wood and water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we took with our Sayne, sufficient to have satisfied half a dozen ships men, if they had been there. But for flesh, we could get none of the Country people, they being as it seemed, fearful of us, who came to us once, and promised to bring us Cattles, the next day in the morning: which, I think, was rather in policy to carry away their Cattles, wherein they employed themselves in the mean time, for they never returned to us again. We marched up into the Woods, with about forty shot, to see if we would have met with any of them, to buy some of their Cattles: but we found none but empty houses made of Canes, 
Houses made of Canes.  where we perceived that people had been not long before, by the fires which were yet burning, and scales of fish which had been broiled thereon. Also we perceived the footing, and tracing of many Cattles, which had been there not long before: so we returned empty as we came. This Port Augustine, standeth in the latitude of twenty three degrees and thirty minutes. The variation of the Compass is fifteen degrees forty minutes. 
Fifteen degr. 40. minutes variation.   
The entrance into this Port resembleth Dartmouth, and to go in there, you must bring that which is called Westminster-Hall, being not unlike, North-east by East of you, and so steer in due East, borrowing a little to the Southside of the Bay, where you shall have sounding thirteen, nine, eight, and seven fathoms water, good ground, till you be shut within the shoal: and then you have deep water, until you come to the Road, and then you have seven, eight, and ten fathoms water. But if you go in too fare behind the hill on your larboard side (which resembleth an old Barn) than you shall have thirty five or forty fathoms. From hence we set sail, on the three and twentieth of this present, directing our course for the Island of Mohelia.  
The third of july 1613. we had sight of an Island called juan, being to the Eastward of Mohelia some nine or ten leagues, and beareth from it East and by South. Also this day we came to an anchor at Mohelia, betwixt broken land (which lieth on the Souther side) and the Island. 

Mohelia Island near unto Comoro.  
Great store of refreshing.   Here we had great store of refreshing and very cheap, for we bought five Bullocks in truck of one Levant Sword: also we bought Goats, Hens, Pines, Cocker Nuts, Plantanes, Oranges, Lemons, and Limbs, for Trifles or little Money. One Rial of Plate we paid for a Bullock, or else ten pieces of four pence halfpenny, and so we bought about forty one head of Cattles, besides other refreshing aforesaid.  
The fifth, the Inhabitants of this Island, are chief Moors: but there are Arabians, Turks and other Nations amongst them, and are in War with the people of juan, and Comora Lands near adjoining. They told us that the King of Mohelia died the same day, that we came into the Road: and Phanehomale his son succeeded in his place, being as yet but of tender years, was to reign under protection of his Mother Queen. His Brother-in-law came down (as chief man accompanied with diverse other men of sort) to speak with us, who bade us very kindly welcome. 
The largeness of the Portugal Tongue.  Both he and many other of the same Island do speak reasonable good Portuguse Language, by reason whereof I had great conference with them, and was resolved in any thing I demanded.  
They build Barks upon this Island, and trade with them, alongst the Coast of Melinde, and Arabia, with slaves and fruits, whereby they furnish themselves with Royals of Plate, and other necessaries. Also I think, they have some Trade with the Portugals, but they will not be a known thereof, because we should not suspect any treacherous dealings amongst them. They told us, that we were very welcome, and that the whole Island was at our command: but if we had been Portugals, they told me, that they would have put us all every man to the Sword. But howsoever, I hold it not good to repose too much confidence in them. The King's Brother shown me a Letter of commendations of the place, left there by an Hollander, which was written in Dutch: and withal desired us to leave another to the same effect, thereby to specify their honest and kind dealings towards us, and to show it unto others of our Nation, which should come thither after us: to which we consented, and I made them a Writing accordingly, which was sealed by the Captain of our ship, expressing therein our good entertainment, and the prices of victuals. But nevertheless, with such a Proviso, that our Nation should not trust them any further than in their discretions they should think requisite for their own safeties. They speak a kind of Morisco Language, which is somewhat difficult to learn, and our continuance there short: so that I only took notice of these few words following, which are sufficient to call for victuals and fruits, when Portuguse Language is wanting; and to speak to any of the Country people, who understand not the Portuguse. viz.  
Gumbey, a Bullock. Buzz, a Goat. Coquo, an Hen. Tudah, Oranges. Demon, Lemons. Mage, Water. Sirrah, a kind of Drink. Quename, a Pine. Seiavoye, Cocker Nuts. Figo, Plantans. Cartassa, Paper. Sinzano, a Needle. Arembo, Bracelets. Soutan, the King.  
This Island standeth in the latitude of twelve degrees ten minutes, 
Mohelia in 12. deg. 10. min.  and in the Road is good ground in forty fathoms water. From hence we set sa●le on the tenth day (having watered, and refreshed ourselves very sufficiently, God be thanked) directing our course for the Island of Socatora.  
The nineteenth, we passed under the Equinoctial line: and on the twenty fifth day, we had sight of land, which we supposed to have been Cape Guardafuy, which lieth at the entrance of the Read Sea: and so thinking to steer for Socotora, found it not. Whereupon we were enforced to bethink ourselves, where to go that we might shelter ourselves from the cruelty of the Winter in those parts, and also to refresh us again. So we determined to sail for the Lands of Curia Muria, the bodies whereof lie in the latitude of about eighteen degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial, 
The Lands of Curia Muria.  over against the waist of Arabia Foelix. In our way, we never had other weather than fogs, which were so thick, that we could not descry half an English mile before us (being a thing usual every year in july, August, and part of September.) In all this time, both the Sun and the Stars were so obscured, that we could not help ourselves any way by observation: but God being our guide, at length we groaped out the land by our lead, well perceiving the colour of the water to be changed white, and many yellow grassy weeds swimming thereon; we sounding still as we sailed, and our first ground was forty three fathoms. So as we neered the land, our sounding lessened to twenty two fathoms, where we anchored in very good ground, but could see no land (although we heard the rut of the shore not to be fare off) until the next day, which was somewhat clear weather. And then we sent our Skiffe ashore, to see if they could discover a place of more security for our ship to ride in: but by reason of the great Seas which came rolling into the Bay, there went so great a siege that they could not come near the shore, and therefore returned as they went: only they had descried a situation of fair houses, built of stone, hard by the Sea side, which proved to be the Cit●e of Doffar in Arabia Foelix. 
Doffar a City on the Coast of Arabia.  When God had sent us a little clea●● weather, we perceived an high Cape land, on the Wester side of the Bay, the which we discovered with our Skiffe (at the second time of her going) to be a very good road for all winds, except from East to the South by East (God make us thankful) for thither we warped in our ship, although with much toil of our men, being distant six or seven leagues from the place where we were.  

August. 3. Resoit a small Village.  The third of August, we came to an anchor in the said road, and went ashore with our Skiffe at a little Village, called Resoit, standing close by the Sea side. The Inhabitants thereof are Arabians, and for the most part fishermen, who gave us very kind entertainment, and told us all concerning the Country, that we desired. Also the chief Governor of Doffar came down to us (whose name is Meir hahamud Madoffar) and bade us very kindly welcome, and presented us with three Bullocks, Sheep, Goats, Sugarcanes, Hens, Plantans, and Coco-ntus, and such like. For requital whereof, we presented him again, with a fine piece of Damask double locked, which was greatly by him esteemed: he desiring our friendship as much, as we desired his, and gave us licence forthwith to come ashore when we would. Also he gave order to have a Market kept at this little Village of Resoit, purposely for us to buy any kind of victuals which the Country did afford. Their cattles are both dear and lean, and their fresh water is very scarce and bad, and very hard to come by: so that we were enforced to hire people to bring it down to the sea side in skins, paying therefore twenty four shillings sterling, for every five pipes filling. Before our departure from hence, Meir hahamud Madoffar desired us to leave a writing of commendations in his behalf, specifying the good and kind entertainment we had received there; which was granted: and I made it in parchment, begun with great letters, the effect whereof being correspondent to the other writing, before left at Mohelia, also signed by the Captain. And the Governor sent us three notes, by him signed, to the end we might sand them in several ships, if they should happen to come upon that coast (as we did perforce) whereby he might know our ships from others, and to give them entertainment accordingly. This Cape Resoit standeth in the latitude of sixteen degrees, 
Sixteen degrees, thirty eight min.  and thirty eight minutes, to the Northward of the Equinoctial line, and is good anchorage, in five and an half or six fathoms water.  
The eight and twentieth, we set sail from hence, directing our course for the coast of Persia. still coasting alongst the Arabian shore: for there were our chiefest hopes fixed, in setting the Lord Ambassador ashore. By reason of the 
* For Captain Hawkins coming away in distaste, and denied trade, the English wronged by the mogul in often breaking promise (as before is showed) forced ●rade at the Read Sea on his Subjects: which after (lest the Sea and Merchandizing should be shut up to them) procured the Privileges obtained by Captain Best, especially seeing the English able to withstand the Portugals, whose sea-forces held the Guzerats in Marine subjection, and made them afraid of trading with Englishmen. The I'll de Macyra, in 20. degr. 10. min. variation. Cape 〈◊〉.  news, and advices we heard and received at the Cape Bona Esperanza, our expectations were frustrated, both of Surat, Dabull, and all other parts thereabouts.  
The second of September, we sailed close by an Island, lying alongst the Arabian shore called Macyra, the body of which standeth in twenty degrees thirty minutes, North latitude, the variation of the Needle being twenty degrees ten minutes.  
The fourth day, we passed the Eastermost part of the Arabian land, called Cape Rasalgat, standing in the latitude of twenty two degrees, and thirty four minutes, and nineteen degrees twenty minutes variation.   

§. II. Their coming on the Persian Coast: the treachery of the Baluches.  
THe tenth of September, crossing the Gulf, we had sight of the Coast of Persia, 
Septemb. 10.  our ship being in the latitude of twenty five degrees and ten minutes: the variation of the Compass eighteen degrees thirty minutes: and being some seven leagues o●f from the shore, we sent our Skiffe with Sir Thomas powel, accompanied with two of the Ambassadors Persians', together with Albertus our Linguist, of purpose to discover the Country, and to seek some convenient place to landlord his Lordship. 
Tesseque a small Village. Baluches.  Where when they came to a little Village, called Tesseque, they spoke with Camel men, and others of the Country people, by whom they understood, that that Country was called Getche Macquerona, and the inhabitants Baluches: all living under the government of one King, named Melicke Meirza, whose chief residence was some five or six days journey from hence, at a Port called Guader. And they further told them, that all that Country of Macquerona, paid yearly Tribute unto the King of Persia. Also they understanding our intents to landlord the Ambassador, told us, that by Melick Meirza his conveyance, his Lordship should have safe conduct from Guader in nine days to Chirman, and from thence to Spahaun in Persia, in eleven days. So we sailed alongst the Coast, and sent our Skiffe again ashore on the eleventh of this present, with Sir Thomas powel and others, accompanied as before, both to inquire further of the Country, and to see if they could hire a P●lot to direct us for Guader; because we knew not how the Coast did lie. And they lighted on a place called Pesseque, about one days journey from the other place before; 
Pesseque.  where we found the like news and reports of these people to agreed directly with the former; all commending the Port of Guader to be our best place of landing. Whereof we being very glad to hear, presently set down our determinations, with God's leave, to sail thither with all the speed we might, although we had no Pilot. And in our way, on the thirteenth of this present in the morning, we espied coming from the Eastward, two great Boats called Teradas, 
Two great Boats called Teradas.  sailing alongst the shore towards Ormus: whereupon, to the end we might have a Pilot out of them, we manned our Skiffe sufficiently, of purpose to bring them to our ship (if entreaty did fail) perforce; yet without any intent to have offered them the lest discourtesy, or to have sent them away ungratified. But when our Skiffe came up to them, in stead of answering our men's ha●les, they woven our Skiffe to Leeward with a naked Sword. Wherhfore our men thinking to fear them, and to make them amain their sails, shot off a piece at random towards them; for answer whereof, they discharged another piece at our Skiffe, with half an hundred of arrows to boot: which our men perceiving, plied all their Muskets at them again: but our Skiffe not able to hold way with them sailing, was constrained to leave them, and return to our ship again, with one man very dangerously hurt with an arrow in his breast, although after recovered. Now we aboard perceiving our Skiffe to be too weak, and returning again without them, presently hoist out our long boat, and sent her after them; we following with our ship so near to the shore as conveniently we might with safety. For it imported us much now to speak with them, whereby we might avoid the spreading of their scandalous reports of us, in that Country; which might have frustrated our chief hopes in landing the Ambassador there, being the place whereon we most depended, especially considering how destitute we were of any other place, if this should fail, by reason aforesaid. So our long Boat fetching the Teradas up, drove them into a Bay, from whence they could not escape; which strooke such a fear into them, that they desperately sailed so fare into the Bay, that one of them was cast away upon the shore; 
One of the Teradas cast away.  and the other near upon following, had not our men saved her from the breach thereof. All the Baluches for the most part leapt overboard, whereof some of them narrowly escaped drowning: and other taken in again by our men, were brought with the Terada aboard our ship, being only nine Baluches left of about twenty six. Who when they came aboard, perceiving them to be of Gu●der, we told them, 
Only nine Baluches saved▪  that we were sorry for the loss of their other Terada, and that we meant them no harm; but only to speak with them, whereof they were glad to hear (for th●y thought we had been as merciless as themselves) imputing their losses unto their own follies. Than we told them, that we were bound to Guader, to landlord a Persian Ambassador there, and that we would entreat the Master of the Boat, whose name was Noradim, to pilot our ship thither, and we would content him for his pains. To which (knowing himself not to be freed by denial) he yielded, conditionally that we would let the Terada and his men proceed in their Voyage for Muscat, which we thought not 〈◊〉, for f●●re of clamours and news to be spread about the Gulf, of our being there amongst the Portugals: but rather to carry the Terada with us to Guader, thereby to make manifest our good dealings towards them. The P●lot perceiving himself to be urged between fear and friendship, in the end agreed; of whom we made very much, and in our way to Guader had mu●h conference wi●h him and his men, both concerning the state of the Country and King▪ and touching the passage of the Ambassador into Persia, through the same. Their answers▪ reports, and speeches all concurring with the former, in a manner confirmed our hopeful intents, without any dislike.  
This Terrada was about the burden of fifteen Tons, her lading, for the most part, was victuals of those parts; as Rice, Dates, and Wheat, and such like. They had a Portugal pass, which they shown us, 
September 15.  thinking at the first we had been Portugals. The Original whereof I translated out of the Portuguese language, because it might be known in what subjection the Portugals do keep all these Country people: without which Pass, they are not suffered to sail to nor fro, upon pain both of loss of life, ship, and goods: The Copy whereof followeth, viz.  

The Castle of Mascat.  Antonio Pereira de Laserda, Captain of the Castle of Mascat, and the jurisdiction of the same, for his Majesty, etc.  

A Portugal Passport by sea, showing how al● those parts are awed at sea by them, Moors Guzarats, and others. A Baluche.  ALL those, to whom these Presents shall be showed: Know that I have thought good, to give secure licence unto this Terrada, of the burden of fifty Candy's, the Master whereof is Norradim a Moor, and Baluche, and a dweller in Guader, of the age of fifty years, and carrieth for his defence four Swords, three Bucklers, five Bows with their Arrows, three Calivers, two Lances, and twelve Oars: That in this manner following declared, she may pass and sail from this said Fort, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going, she carrieth goods of Conga, as Raisins, Dates, and such like: but not without dispatch first out of the Custom house of this said Fort, which shall appear by a Certificate, written on the Backside hereof. And to perform well the said Voyage, she shall neither carry nor bring any prohibited goods, viz. Steel, Iron, Led, Tobacco, Ginger, Cinnamon of Seilon, and all other things whatsoever prohibited, and not tolerated by the Regiment of his Majesty. And in this manner shall the said Terrada make her Voyage, without let or hindrance of any Generals, Captains, or other of the said Signories Fleet, or Ships whatsoever, which she shall happen to meet withal. And this shall be of force and sufficiency for one whole year, in going and coming. If it be expired, then to serve other so long time, as the making hereof.  
Given from the said Castle of Mascat, this sixteenth of November, Ann. Dom. 1611. I Anthonio de Peitas, Notary of this said factory, have written this, etc. Sealed and Signed, ANTHONIO PEREIRA.  
The Certificate written on the back side hereof is this: viz. Registered in the book of Certificates, in Folio xxxij. and so forwards.  
Signed, ANTH. PEITAS.  
The seventeenth of September, we sailed by high ragged Cliffs, whereto close adjoining, is a good watering place, 
September 17.  at a Village called juane, (as Norradim told us) being about fifteen leagues distant from the Port of Guader, 
juane a Village.  to the Westerside thereof, which beareth North of you.  
Also, upon this day in the evening, we arrived at Guader, and anchored at the Ports mouth until the next day in the morning; 
Guader.  where, about thirty Boats came out of Guader to fish. Some of them came to speak with the Baluches, which we had aboard; but what they said was spoken in Baluche language, and therefore not by us understood. So betimes this morning, we cleared our Balucha Pilot, with his Boat and men; and told him, that when he would come aboard again, he should be satisfied for his pains: and so he departed, being very well contented therewith.  
And presently after, the Ambassador sent one of his Persians', named Nazerbeg, ashore in our Skiffe, with a message to the chief Governor concerning his landing, and passing thorough that Country into Persia: who by the way was met with the Governors' Boat, coming aboard our ship, into which Nazerbeg was taken out of our Skiffe, and went with them ashore to perform his message, according to direction, being accompanied with many people unto the Governors Tent. Where, he having delivered his message to the said Governor in the Persian language (which is as well understood there, as their own) was very much made of, and kindly entertained. The answer of which message by the Governor, was, that although that Country of Macquerona was not the King of Persias; 
The Country of M●cquerona, is not ●he King of Persias.  yet they did acknowledge a kind of dutiful love unto his Majesty, and that they had been Tributaries unto him and his Predecessors for many years past, as they were now at present. Also, he further said, that the King of Macquerona was the King of Persias Slave, with such like feigned and trapping compliments; and the Ambassador should be as welcome, as if he were in the Persian Land; only tending by treachery to allure his Lordship ashore, as by the event it appeared.  
This answer being returned by Nazerbeg, he had to accompany him aboard (and to confirm the same with addition) about a dozen of the ancientest men there of Baluches: who, when they came aboard our ship, saluted the Ambassador with great submission, both in their Governors' behalf, and in their own: some of them offering to kiss his feet, telling his Lordship, that he was the happiest man alive in coming thither to that place. For, but one day past, the Viceroy was come down with a troop of men, to visit a Saint; and therefore his Lordship should be conducted with more safety thorough his Country (from the danger of Rebels and Thiefs, which were beeweene Guader and Persia) either to Chirman or Sistan, and so to Spahaun. Also that the Viceroy would furnish his Lordship with Camels and Horses, and other necessaries requisite: and that he would accommodate him with all the means he had in his power. And moreover said, that they much rejoiced to have such fit opportunity, to show their unfeigned love towards the King of Persia: and withal, he should be dispatched from Guader (if he would) in two days at the furthest: and told us, for our ship, we should have both water, and other necessaries whatsoever we needed: 
September 18.  they bringing then with them three bags of bruised Dates, being about three hundred pound weight, with two Goats, and sent aboard the said fish-boats, that every one of them should sand two fishes (upon the Governors' account) aboard our ship, who did accordingly. So that, what with their exterior show of unfeigned love and kindness towards us, together with all men's speeches (of whom enquiry was made, as aforesaid) agreeing so jump one with another, we were throughly persuaded, without any kind of distrust, that they meant us as well as they said: Especially, the Lord Ambassador was exceedingly well conceited of them, being joyful to arrive in Persia in twenty days; and we not sorry, in bringing to perfection our long desired hopes. But God, from whose Divine knowledge the secrets of no hearts can be hidden, knew their contrary meanings towards us: for had not his Mercy exceeded his justice, we had been consumed, and it never could have been known what had been become of us, ship nor goods.  
For, hereupon the Ambassador resolved, and fitted all things in a readiness, and on the nineteenth of this present, which was the morning following, sent both his money, treasure, and all his carriage ashore, with the Baluches Boats, that came aboard for that purpose. Very early also they brought a message from the Viceroy and Governor, that they had provided a Tent for his Lordship, and all his followers, near adjoining unto their Tent: and therefore he might come ashore so soon as he pleased. All things were ready; into which Tent all the Ambassador's goods were carried, and by his order, some of his followers were appointed to remain with them, until his Lordship should come ashore himself. Intending to have followed the same day in the afternoon, at four of the clock, he sent the Viceroy word, that he would then come. And in the mean time our Skiffe went ashore with empty cask, to bring fresh water aboard: wherein went the Ambassadors Persians', and three or four others of his followers, to see the landing of the goods, and careful carrying of them into the Tents. And at the landing thereof, the country people demanded if the Ambassador had no more goods than those to bring ashore? To which answer was made, that there was all, except jewels, and such like things, which should be brought when himself did come. Other Baluches standing by, 
Baluches perfidy.  replied to each other amongst themselves, that it was no matter; for there was enough for the soldiers: which Nazerbeg overheard, and understood, yet concealed it for that time, although it possessed him with a jealous conceit; and as he said afterward, that nevertheless he had no power to continued in the same, by reason of such equal correspondency of all matters passed before; but was somewhat more attentive unto what should be said afterwards amongst them, and could hear nothing contrary unto honest dealing: 
Hodge Comal.  until at length meeting with one Hodge Comal (whom God had made an instrument to disclose their devilish project unto us) he understood the particulars of their bloody intents, by him revealed. At which Nazerbeg was somewhat amazed, and angry with the man, that he did not tell him of it before the goods were brought ashore. Also, the hour appointed of the Ambassadors coming ashore drew near, which made him fear, jest he should have come ashore before he should get to our ship, to forewarn him: but as God would have it, our Skiffe was yet a filling of water by the sea side; where, when he came, he told our men, that there was treachery plotted against us ashore: and withal wished them to row him aboard our ship with all the speed they could; and so was brought aboard immediately, although not one eighth part of an hour too soon: for both the Ambassador, and all his followers, together with the Captain of our ship, and all the chiefest of us (who were willing to grace his Lordship all we might, for the honour of our Country) stood in the ships waste, ready to go ashore. But Nazerbeg bringing these news, 
September 19  we were not half so hasty in our proceed, he telling us what had passed; the chief effect whereof was this, 
The great treason of the people of Guade● revealed.  That the Viceroy, and Governor, did entice so many of us as they could ashore, of purpose to cut our throats: Which being done, they meant to have set upon our ship, and to have made spoil of all. And further, that they were all Rebels to the King of Persia, being present death for any once to name the King of Persia in that place. Also, that they had made enquiry of every particular man in our ship, both of our places, profession and estates: for they had consulted and concluded upon the Massacre of us all (except the Surgeons, Musicians, Women and Boys) with determination to have put all the rest to death without mercy. Now, God be thanked, although we understood of their intended plots so sufficiently, whereby we were forewarned to prevention thereof, by arming ourselves, (we knew, under God's protection, we wer● abl● to defend us from receiving any injury aboard, notwithstanding their great store of Boats and m●n▪ they having at that instant about fifteen hundred shot, 
Fifteen hundred shot of the enemy.  besides others) yet we were to seek how we might procure again his Lordship's goods, and his three men, which were ashore in their custodies. For performance whereof, God, that had thus miraculously delivered us from their tyranny, likewise opened our understandings, in so much that we obtained all, according to our own desires, in this manner following, viz. Whereas they expected the coming ashore of the Ambassador, his followers, and our Captain, and us, accompanied together: we presently sent Nazerbeg ashore again, with directions what he was to do, and to tell the Viceroy, that the Ambassador was not very well, and therefore deferred his coming till the next morning, which was Monday, 
September 20. Sic ars deluditur arte.  the twentieth day of September. Also, to request the Viceroy and Governor, that they would sand two or three of their Boats very early for him, the women, and the rest of his company, because the ship-boats were too small. And withal, that the Ambassador did expect to be received by some men of sort from the Viceroy, to come in the said Boats, in regard of the King of Persias Honour, whose person he did represent. This message being well delivered took effect, and wi●ling grant was made for performance thereof. Which business Nazerbeg having finished, he was to go to the Tent, where the goods were, and to bring out of one of the Trunks two bags of money, containing two hundred pound sterling, with some other things of worth, if conveniently he could without being spied; because they should not suspect that we had discovered any of their villainies. Also, we gave him order to return instantly, and to wish the three men to stay still in the Tent, till the next morning, and they should be freed. All which was done accordingly; and not only the said money brought away, but also a Trunk, wherein was the Lady Shirley's apparel (notwithstanding the Baluches demanded why that Trancke was brought aboard again) answer being made, that therein was the Lady's night-cloathing▪ and that it should be brought again the next day: and s● passed on for currant. Now the Ambassador made accounted, that if he could but get one great Trunk more (wherein were things of moment and charge, with his said three men) to loose the rest without care. And for the better bringing to pass hereof without suspicion, we fitted overnight a great Chest, and a close-stool bo●nd and maled up together with cords▪ very fast and handsomely: which were filled with billets, rubbish and stones, to make them heavy, to be left in the place of that Trunk which should be brought aboard: and the three men should come forth of the Tent, with each of them their instruments of music in their hands. And for excuse, if the Baluches should demand why they brought that Trunk aboard again, answer should be made it was one of the Merchants, and it was mistaken. Likewise, if they demanded why the men came aboard again, answer should be made, that his Lordship did sand for them, to accompany him ashore with their music. So all being ready, the next morning very early, we perceiving the three Boats coming aboard to fetch his Lordship, according to promise', presently manned our Skiffe, and sent her ashore, to put our plot in execution: whereby we hoped to catch them in the same snare that they had laid for us. And in the mean time we received the three Boats of men into our ship, with entertainment requisite: wherein came about forty or fifty persons; but not above seven or eight of any reckoning, whereof our friend Hodge Comal was one, the rest Slaves and Fishermen. We kept them in talk, and much conference of b●-matters, to pass away the time, because our Skiffe might return before we did meddle with them. Amongst which talk, one of them earnestly requested us, as from the Viceroy, that we woul● carry our Slurbow ashore with us, ●e being very desirous to see it. So we smoothed them in their desires. And not long after, we espied our Skiffe returning, with her success, which, God be thanked, fell out prosperously: For they did not only bring the three men, and the Trunk, but also one chief man of the Baluches, whom Nazerbeg enticed aboard. And so soon as he was entered into the ship, he, with the rest, desired to see our Gun-roome, wherein, he knew (by intelligence) we had all our fireworks, they standing in much fear thereof, especially of our Slurbow, with the fiery Arrows; which fell out fit for our purpose. For we had meant to have sent them down thither, to take away their knives which they wore by their sides. So all the chiefest of them being gone down into the Gun-roome, 
Long knives worn by their sides.  and our ship fitted, with every one of us our weapons in our hands, we divided ourselves, some above the Decks, some betwixt, and others, as was needful, in the Gun-roome, to lay hold of the Traitors (so soon as the word should be given) to take away from them their long knives: all which was done in an instant, without any disquietness or resistance. Than we began to parley with them upon plain terms, laying open to them their bloody intents: 
September 20.  also telling them, that their lives lay in our hands, and they were now themselves caught in the same snare, which they had plotted for us: and that if we served them rightly, we should cut them in pieces, as they had determined to serve us. All which, they, like stony-faced Mahumetans denied. So we kept six of them, which were the chiefest, 
These Baluches are Mahumetans.  with two of their Boats, the rest of the crew we sent ashore, being all, for the most part, naked Rascals▪ except one, to whom we delivered a message in particular, to tell the Viceroy an● Governor, That unless he would sand us aboard all our goods, and things we had ashore, without one pennyworth diminished, we would carry away those men we had aboard for satisfaction. This message being delivered to the Viceroy and Governor, they presently sent answer back again, by the same messenger we sent: that if we would release the Baluches, than they would sand us all our goods again; and with many lame excuses, would make us believe they meant us no hurt. Whereupon, presently in the sight of the messengers, we clapped them all in Irons, and writ one letter to the Viceroy, and the Prisoners wrote another (both tending to one effect) in the Persian Language: threatening the lives of those Prisoners, if they did not sand us all our goods, as aforesaid, and that without delay, within the space of two hours at the most: to which purpose we set up the running glass, before the messenger departed out of the ship, because he should make the more speed back again. By these sharp means, we urged them forthwith to return all our goods again, in very ample manner, as we desired. Which being received into the ship, we freed both the men and Boats, and sent them away according to promise': only one named Malin-Simsadin, who, by Hodge Comal, was discovered to be a good Pilot for Sinde and Cambaya; we kept with us for the same purpose, 
They stay a Pilot for Sinde.  conditionally to reward him according to his deserts.  
Thus with God's assistance (to whom be always endless praise for our happy deliverance) we had dispatched all this intricate business, by six of the clock in the evening, being the twentieth day of September: and set sail from hence the same night, with our new Pilot and Hodge Comal (who came aboard from amongst the cursed crew, to save his life) for Sinde: because we would be sure to avoid all ensuing inconveniences there, which they might attempt by their future circumuentions. And in our way to Sinde, we had much conference with Hodge Comal, our good friend, of whose company we did much esteem. He was borne at Dabul, but his Father was a Persian by his profession, he was a Churchman of that Sect, and had some skill in chirurgery and Physic, for which use he was resident in the Governors' Tent: and by this means he overheard all that passed. And excusing his coming aboard for certain Ointments, which our Surgeons had promised him, he told us that when he heard of their intents, his heart was full of bemoaning compassion, to think that we should come like innocent sheep, to the slaughter of such butcherly Bloodsuckers: and therefore he perceived well, that God would have him reveal it. And he further told us, that to his knowledge, they had betrayed three ships before in the like manner; and that they were all rebels to the King of Persia, denying to pay the Tribute, which both they and their Ancestors had formerly done. Wherhfore, the King of Persia had levied a great Army of Soldiers, not fare from Guader of purpose, to come upon that Country the next Winter.  
This Country Macquerona, is bordering close upon the Persian Land, being part of the Main Continent of Asia: 
Macquerona. Guader Port in 25. degrees▪  and Guader Port standeth in about twenty five degrees of North latitude, and the variation seventeen degrees fifteen minutes; good anchorage between four and five fathoms.  
The one and twentieth of September at night, our Baluche Pilot brought our ship in danger of a shoal: where we were enforced to chop to an anchor, till the next morning.  
The four and twentieth at night, as we lay a hull (because we were not fare from Cape Camelo) there passed close by us a Portugal Frigate bound for Sinde: which at the first we supposed to have been a Galley, and therefore armed ourselves for defence.   

§. III. Their coming to Divulginde landing the Ambassador, seeking Trade, and crossed by the slanderous Portugals, going to Sumatra and Bantam; and return.  
THe six and twentieth, we came to an anchor right before the mouth of the River Sinde, with directions of a Pilot, 
The mouth of the River Sinde in 24. degrees 38. minutes in the Mogul's Dominions. Variation 16. degrees 45. minutes.  which we had out of one of the Fisher-boats which were fishing there. We road in a foot less than five fathom water (the River's mouth bearing East & by North) in very good ground: and is in the latitude of twenty four degrees and thirty eight minutes, to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line, the variation is sixteen degrees forty five minutes.  
Hereupon the same day the Ambassador sent two of his people ashore, to speak with the Governor concerning his Lordship's coming ashore: and to tell him his intent, to have passage through that Country into Persia. Which Governor, named Arah Manewardus being of Diul, was very willing to welcome the Ambassador, and to show him all the kindness he could (for the love he professed to the King of Persia) both in his Royal entertainment, and passage through his Country, or jurisdiction: and sent a principal man aboard us, accompanied with five or six more to welcome his Lordship, with many Compliments, assuring him of kind entertainment.  
So presently, there were Boats sent for from Diul, to carry him, his people, 
Diul.  and his goods ashore, which came on the nine and twentieth of this instant: upon which day, we were cleared both of him and his (both in number and health) as when they first entered into our ship: and for his farewell, eleven Pieces of Ordnance were shot off from our ship. Also Simsadin, our treacherous Baluche Pilot, we set ashore at the same time (being entreated of the Gusurats) notwithstanding his desert to have been set in the Sea, in that he would have cast us away twice: whereof, once by himself, and another time by his Devilish counsel given to another Pilot, which we had of the Fisher-boats here. At the Ambassadors departing out of the ship the Captain delivered him a fine piece double locked, to present the Governor of Tata, a great City one days journey from Diul, 
Tatta a great city one days journey from Diul.  both Cities standing in the Great Mogul's Dominions. Also we entreated his Lordship, that he would sand us word how he found the Country, and whether we might have trade there or not: and withal delivered his Lordship a note in writing, what we chief desired. They Copy whereof doth follow.  
Inprimis, that our coming hither to this Port, as it is purposely to landlord your Lordship, so withal we have brought certain Commodities and Money, to the end if we obtain safe protection for quiet and peaceable Trade, we may make sale of such and so much of our Commodities as shallbe fitting: otherwise we desire but leave to refresh, and so departed. Likewise, if the Governor please, that we may settle a factory here, we also desire it: and although now we are but slenderly provided, yet, hereafter we will bring such store, and sorts of Commodities, as shallbe most required and conveniently vented in this Port.  

The Commodities we now have brought are these, viz.  
Elephants' Teeth. Fine Pieces. Led in Bars. Morses Teeth. Tin in Bars. Some Rials of Plate.  
The thirtieth of September, the Ambassador had audience with the Governor of Diul concerning all his business, unto whom he shown the King of Persians Firma, as also the King of Spain's Pass, 
A Portugal Liedger in Diul His slander of the English.  thinking thereby to satisfy and resolve the jealous doubts of the Portugals Liedger there, (who reported, upon intelligence from Ormus, that Don Roberto Shirley was come forth of England with three ships into the Indieses of purpose to steal) but they peremptorily denied credence to any Writing he shown them, saying, it was neither their King's hand, nor Seal. For if it were, they could not be ignorant thereof, considering they knew it so well: and further said, it was sergeant. Whereat the Ambassador was much moved to impatience, and replied again unto them, saying, that it was mere folly to show them any King's hand or Seal: for they had no King, and therefore could not know it. And that they were a waste Nation only subdued, and brought under subjection perforce by the King of Spain, and were servile both to him and his subjects. Notwithstanding the Portugals were not daunted, but stood stiffly in their former opinions: and said, that he had two ships more in the Indieses. Than Arah Manewardus spoke in the Ambassador's behalf, rebuking them sharply for such unseemly contradictions of the Persian Ambassador: and so concluded, absenting the Portugals out of the room. Afterward the Ambassador made a speech unto the said Governor and assembly, concerning the admittance of us into his Port, to trade (according to directions, given his Lordship from us, as aforesaid) which was very kindly embraced of the Governor: with willingness to do therein what he might, all inconveniences understood. For which purpose he willed the Ambassador to sand for one or two Merchants from aboard, to confer with him upon the same. Whereupon the Ambassador wrote a Letter unto us, by two of his people, who came aboard our ship on the second of October 1613. in the morning: by which Letter we perceived his Lordship's proceed in our desired business with the Governor, with assurance for our safe going and return: being in such good sort and fashion, that our hopes were great in establishing a trade there, if not a factory: especially to make sale of the small quantity of goods which we now brought. 
joseph Salbancke and Walter Payto●▪  Wherhfore Master joseph Salbancke, and myself, fitted ourselves with the advice of the Captain and others in our ship, and went ashore in one of the Country Boats the same morning about eight of the clock, our ship riding about four or five miles from the river's mouth, from whence we had fifteen miles to the City Diul, where the Ambassador was, so that it was late in the evening the same day before we landed.  
And in our way we met with a Portugal Frigate bound for Ormus, which I saw went to carry news of our ships being there: because none of their ships (which were daily expected) should come till we were gone. This Frigate came close by our ship, and took view of her, and so departed. Now when we were landed, there came three or four Portugals unto us, demanding if we had brought any goods ashore, and such like questions: to whom we made no reply, making show that we understood them not, because we might understand them for our advantage, if occasion served. 
Portugal's slanderous policies  Than there came another Portugal (who spoke the Dutch Tongue very perfectly) telling me many things concerning the people and Country, all tending to disgrace, in an idle and frivolous manner▪ thinking thereby to dissuade us from desiring Trade there. Not long after, the Officers of the Customhouse came and conducted us up to the Castle, where the Governor dwelled, who we thought would have spoken with us that night, but did not, because it was so late: yet the Officers (being for the most part Banians, and spoke good Portuguse) searched every part about us for money, not leaving so much as our shoes unsearched. Which being done, and peceiuing us to take it strangely, they prayed us to be contented, for it was the order of that place. To which I answered, that although the Portugals might give them cause to ordain so ●ad a fashion, yet English Merchants did not, Meazle like, hide money in their shoes: but notwithstanding, we were therewith contented. Than the Governors' Servants came to us, excusing it likewise, saying, that he was displeased thereat. And so they brought a great light, and directed us from the Castle, unto the house where Sir Robert Sh●rley, the Persian Ambassador did lodge: to whom we found ourselves very welcome, and lodged there all the time of our abode in Diul, expense free. The Portugals seeing us landed, and hearing that we were to treat with the Governor about the settling of Trade there, 
The malice of the Portugals.  did nothing all this time but (like envious and lying Malignants) spread clamorous and scandalous speeches, in disgrace of our King, Nation, and Country: reporting that we were thiefs, and not Merchandizers, but lived chief by robbing of other Nations on the Seas.  
The third of October in the morning, the Governor sent the Ambassador word, 
October 3.  that in the afternoon he would have speech with us. In the mean while, we had intelligence that the portugals were labouring all they could with him, and others, to prevent our entertainment: both by offering him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to be gone, if he did receive us, alleging as before, that they would not trade where thiefs did trade. Nevertheless, according to our expectations, the Governor sent for us; and withal commanded four great horses gallantly trapped, to be brought unto the Ambassador's house, for his Lordship, Sir Thomas powel Master Salbancke, and myself; also a certain company of his servants, 
They go to the Castle in honourable fashion.  to conduct us to the Castle: also all the Ambassadors followers went with him, each of them carrying an Halberd on their shoulders.  
Thus we road through some part of the City, wherein the people in every street came flocking to see us, they having of long time heard talk of Englishmen, but never had seen any before now: for we were the first that ever came into that part of the Country. 
Their entertainment at the Castle.  When we came to the Castle, we were received very orderly, and directed through some spacious rooms, (where soldiers were standing on each side as we went in ranks, clothed all in white linen from head to foot) up to an high Turret, wherein the Governor, and some other were set: who at our entrance arose, and saluted us, bidding us kindly welcome. Than we all sat down together round upon the Carpets, which were spread upon the floor according to their fashion. Than the Governor again said, we were very welcome, and that he was glad to see Englishmen in those parts; and proceeded to further talk concerning our business, and told us (whereas we desired trade) the Portugals would not consent that we should drive any trade, or have to do where they were, threatening to be gone if he did entertain us. Notwithstanding, if he could be assured of a greater benefit to arise by our trade then by theirs, he would not care if they did forsake him: for he did well affect our Nation. But in the mean time, he having farmed the customs of that Port from the King, 
This King is the Great mogul.  unto whom he stood bound for the payment of certain sums of money yearly for the same, whether it came in or not: it behoved him carefully, to be circumspect in ordering those businesses, whereby to avoid the King's Highness displeasure; which unhappily might fall out to his utter overthrow and undoing.  
And then he began to tell us further, that the custom of the portugals trade, together with their means in letting out their ships to Guzerates and Banians, amounted unto a Leck of Rupias yearly, which is ten thousand pound sterling. Than he demanded of us, 
A Rupia is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a Leck is 100000.  what sorts of Commodities we had now brought, and the quantities of each; also what store of money? All which we answered him, a little more or less, and withal told him, that although now we brought but small quantities, yet we could furnish that Port at our next return, with any Commodities whatsoever the portugals did bring; and such a quantity of each, as we should perceive requisite and fitting to be vented there. Of this he liked well, and asked in what time we could return from our Country thither again? We answered him, in about twenty two months. So he concluded, saying, That in regard of our small stock, the Portugals would both laugh at him, and us, if we should be entertained now. Wherhfore, he wished us to defer it until our next coming, and in the mean time he would give us a writing under his hand and seal, thereby to assure us of entertainment at our next coming, conditionally, that we come provided as aforesaid, and we to leave him another writing, to assure him that our ship should not molest any of the King of Mogors ships, goods, nor subjects; which we agreed unto: withal requesting him, that although he would not receive us whereby to establish a trade now; yet that he would permit us to make sale of those goods we now had: which in no wise he would grant, for fear of offending the portugals, alleging as before. Than we desired him that we might have water, and other refreshing for our money, and we would departed so soon as we could. For this he said, that so soon as we did sand him our writing aforesaid, he would both sand us another, and give order to his Officers for the same: but he would not have the portugals to know thereof. So we seeing no remedy, demanded of him what sorts of commodties he would have us bring thither; also what Commodities that country did afford: who answered these, viz.  
Broad cloth of diverse prices, and light colours, as Stammels, Reds, Green's, and Sky-colours, and Aniles, Blewes, and Azures, etc. Elephant's teeth, Iron, Tin, Led, Steele, Spices, Mony. These Commodities are to be carried for Sinde.   

Commodities to be had there.  
INdigo of Lahor. Indigo of Cherques. Calicoes all sorts. Pintadoes of all sorts. Guserat and Cambaya. Commodities of all sorts, with many sorts of Drugs.  
Than we took our leaves of him and parted, returning to the Ambassador's house again, where I framed a Letter, and sent him according to our promise, signed by M. Salbancke, and myself; and received another from him likewise, which was in the Persian language, much like the Hebrew Letter backward: the English whereof was interpreted to us by the Ambassador; as followeth, viz.  
WHereas here arrived at this Port of Diul, in the Kingdom of Mugore, one English ship called the Expedition, whereof is Captain Christopher Newport, and Merchants, joseph Salbancke and Walter Peyton, to land Don Robert Shirley, the King of Persians' Ambassador, who desired grant of trade in this Port (being under my government) which willingly I would have granted, but only for prejudicial inconveniences ensuing: for they brought not merchandise, sitting in quantity to begin such trade: neither the Portugals by whose trade at present I reap benefit, would consent thereto, threatening to be gone if I did receive the English Nation. So that thereby, I should have been left destitute of all trade, whereof those Sums of Money do arise yearly, which I am bound to pay unto the King's Majesty: and in default therein, I should put in hazard his Highness' displeasure, to my utter overthrow and undoing. Yet notwithstanding, for the love I own unto the King of Persia, by whose Ambassador I am requested, and the affection I bear unto the English Nation; together with the faithful performance of their writings▪ left with me under their hands and seals, of the two Merchants aforesaid, (which is not to molest or meddle with any of the said King's ships, goods nor subjects, in the time of this their Voyage, in the ship aforesaid) I have given them this writing under mine own hand and seal: hereby promising the English Nation (that if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may advantage myself more by them, then by the Portugals) infallible assurance of entertainment to trade, with such reasonable grant of Privileges as we shall agreed upon. Dated in Diul the third day of October, Anno 1613.  
Signed, Arah Manewardus. Sealed with Ink.  
The fourth of October, we received the writing from the Governor, together with order to his Officers for our watering and refreshing: and then we hastened to return aboard our ship again. And a little before our departure, the Ambassador fell into discourse with us, about the procuring of a Firma from the King of Magore: and withal, wished Master Salbanck to go along with him for Agra (which is the chief place where the great Mogoll keepeth his Court) and he would warrant us, that he would procure the same in very short time: especially now, at this so fit an opportunity offered, both in regard of his business with the Mogoll, as also the willingness of Arah Manewardus, to entertain us at this Port: which opportunity being let slip, we should never obtain the like; his Lordship protesting and vowing to do his best endeavour therein, and show himself a true hearted English man towards his Country, howsoever the Company of Merchants (he said) did conceit him. And further, that Master Salbanck should be an eyewitness of his constant and faithful proceeding therein, to do the Merchant's good, in obtaining the said Firma: not only for Diul, but also for any other part in the Mogolls Dominions: an● also should bring it for England over-land himself. All which being grounded upon some rea●on, and Master Salbanck having been in those parts before, he was willing to undertake: Provided, he might have the consent of the Captain, myself, and others in the ship. To which purposes, the Ambassador writ a letter to the Captain, persuading his consent thereto, and sent it aboard by us.  
So we parted from Diul this day in the afternoon, and when we came to the River's side to take Boat, there flocked about us many of the Country people: also there came down to us about a dozen of the envious Portugals, who began to talk with us in Dutch, as before, demanding of us many frivolous questions: which, when I had answered, I spoke in their own language, (because the Banians which were there present, might understand) and told them that they were a shameless and lying people, in spreading of so many devised scandals, and slanderous reports of our Nation; unto whom they knew themselves much inferior in many respects; and that they did it only in malicious policy, because they would not have us to trade in the Indieses, as well as they. Also I told them, that if they did not contain themselves within the compass of better peace, reforming themselves hereafter, both in their sayings and doings, they should be all rooted out of the Indieses, and a more honest and Royal Nation placed in their rooms. Than one of the chiefest of them singled out himself, and answered thus: That they had enemies too many already, and therefore they desired no more. And as for scandalous speeches they did not deny, being urged thereunto: for not long passed, off from Surat, they had a ship taken by English men, as they supposed: to which I answered them, that it might be rather the Hollanders. So they concluded, in the end very pliant and sociable, wishing that we might trade in all parts of the Indieses with them, and they with us, like neighbours and friends; and that there were some agreement made betwixt our King and theirs, for the bringing to pass thereof. Thus they taking their leaves of us in very kind manner, we parted.  
The sixth, we arrived aboard our ship again, where it was agreed upon, that Master Salbanck should go, as aforesaid, with the Ambassador for Agra. Wherhfore he fitted himself, thinking to have gone ashore the next day; and in the mean time, the Captain sent the Purser and his man to buy fresh victuals, and provision for the Sea: who, when they came to the City, were by the Governor presently turned back again as they went; and express command by Proclamation, upon pain of death, the Country people should bring no more English men ashore. These sudden and strange alterations made us much to marvel; for we could never know the certainty whereupon it grew, or what should be the cause.  
All the time of our being here at Sinde, 
They departed from Sinde.  we could never understand of any trade se●led at Surat: for if we had, we might have taken other courses. The Ambassador had above seven months journey, (from Sinde to Spahaun in Persia) by Caravan; or if he procured to travel otherwise, than it is one month less.  
The ninth, we set sail from hence, directing our course, with God's leave, for Sumatra.  
The twentieth of November, we came to an anchor in the Road of Priaman, where we went in betwixt the two Northermost little Lands, 
November 20. Priaman.  and anchored close by the Northermost of them both in five fathom water. And in the mean time we beaten the price of Pepper at Priaman, and brought it from two and twenty Rials, to seventeen Rials a Bahar, first penny: at which price we bought two Bahars, which were brought aboard our ship. But the Governor, although we had presented him with a piece, would not suffer us to take an house, nor to buy any Pepper ashore, unless we would bestow some twenty Presents upon the Officers and Merchants there.  
The two and twentieth, we received a letter from Captain christian, out of the Hosiander at Tecoo, earnestly wishing us to come to Tecoo with our ship, so soon as we could, and we should not fail to lad so much Pepper as we determined, and that in short time. And because we were not well acquainted with this place; Captain Christian sent one of his Master's Mates, named Richard Hall, to Pilot us into the Road, by reason of many dangerous shoalds that lie about Tecoo.  
The eight and twentieth, we came to an anchor in Tecoo Road, in four fathom water, 
Tecoo.  where Richard Hall returned aboard the Hosiander, and being troubled with the Flux, died the same night. Now we being come to Tecoo, found all things contrary to our expectation. For, whereas before our coming hither, the Country people offered their Pepper to Captain christian after twelve and thirteen Rials a Bahar, in truck of Surat commodities; they now demanded two and twenty Rials rea●y money, refusing to truck with him at all for commodities. Also, here they demanded as many presents, as they of Priaman; besides seventy two Rials of plate for anchorage. So that we were now worse to pass then before and time not permitting us to make delay, we grew into short terms with them: and told them, that although we did not buy a Cattee of Pepper there, we would not agreed, nor yield unto their unreasonable demands. And withal, I framed a letter, as from the Captain, by him firmed and consigned to the chief Governor, showing him that they did not use our Nation so well, as we did expect at their hands, both in regard of their unjust demanding of presents; (which we did not usually give by compulsion, but either for affection or deserving) and also their unreasonable delaying the performance of their promises, falling out to be so uncertain, that we could not accounted them to be Merchantlike dealings. For our ships have stayed there diverse times, three, four or five months, only depending upon their posting promises, to have their full lading; which might have been as well dispatched in one month, with that small quantity of Pepper which they had. This letter was Englished by the Hosianders' Linguist (named john, an Indian, 
December 2, 1613.  who spoke the language very well) unto the chief Governor: who hereupon gave present order, that we might buy Pepper of any man that would sell. And withal sent a messenger aboard our ship, to wish one of us to come ashore, and it should be weighed there. But we doubting their delays, accepted not thereof; and therefore sent him word again, that we could not stay so long, as to weigh it ashore: if they would bring it aboard and weigh it, we would give them eighteen Rials a Bahar for their Pepper, and two Rials upon each Bahar, for the custom and Governor, being just twenty Rials, conditionally they would bring it aboard; otherwise we would not stay. So they lingering somewhat long before they came, we set sail, making show to departed: which the Governor perceiving, forthwith sent another messenger (who spoke the Portuguese language indifferently well) to entreat us to come to an anchor again, and we should have as much Pepper brought aboard immediately as we would lad: which we did, and they came as fast with Prawes lading of Pepper, as conveniently we could weigh it: and so continued for the space of three or four days, till they had brought about some two hundred Bahars, and then began to slack their bringing. Which we perceiving, and fearing to spend overmuch time here (jest we should loose the seasons of the Monsons') we departed for Bantam.  

December 8.  The eight of December, we set sail from Tecoo, where we left three of our men in the Hosiander, their necessity so requiring. In our course to Bantam, for the most part, we sailed within sight of Sumatra.  
The sixteenth, at our entrance into the straits of Sunda, being the sixteenth of this present, we met with the Dragon bound homeward, by whom we writ home.  

They arrive in Bantam Road.  The seventeenth, we brought our ship to an anchor in Bantam Road: where we presently went ashore, to provide her lading. On the nine and twentieth, we made an end of lading our whole compliment.  

january 2.  The second of january, we set sail from Bantam for England, not having lost one man by sickness in all our Voyage hitherto; for which, God make us thankful. Also this day, as we were going out by Pulo Pan jan, 
General Saris in the Cloave, come from japan.  we met with General Saris in the Cloave, come from japan: for whose letters, and the delivery of four chests, the Captain cast anchor again. Also we spared him two of our men, namely, Mortimer Pretty Younker, and Thomas Valens, one of our Carpenters Mates whereof they stood much in need; for they had not one Carpenter left alive. Thus having also dispatched these businesses with the Cloave, we set sail once again for England, on the fourth of this present.  

March 21. The Bay of Saldanha.  The one and twentieth, we came to an anchor in Saldanha Bay: where we had sheep and Bullocks reasonable store, besides great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught with our Sayne in the River.  

April 9  On the ninth of April, we departed, and then we had prosperous winds, which continued until we came in the latitude of about three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line, 
May 11.  which we passed under on the eleventh of May, finding our ship then to be in two and twenty minutes North latitude. Hereabouts many of our men began to fall sick, some of the Scurvy and swelling in their legs. The tenth of july, we came to an anchor in the Downs in safety, God be ever praised.  
After this twelfth Voyage, the order of that reckoning is altered, because the Voyages ensuing were set forth by a joint stock, and not by particular and proper ships, stocks, Factories, (as before) but promiscuous and generally accountable to the whole society. Of which, all are not come to our hands: such as I have (that which thence is meet for the public view) give I thee.     

CHAP. XI. Extracts of the journal of Captain NICHOLAS DOWNTON, who was employed chief Commander in the second Voyage set forth for the joined Stocks in the East-indieses, by the Governor, Deputy, and Committees of that Society. Wherein is related their happy success against the Viceroy, and all the Indian sea forces of the portugals, by force and cunning attempting their destruction.  

§. I. Their coming to Soldania, Socatora, Swally: Disagreements between the Mogoll and portugals, and the Nabob and us.  
THe Ships employed were the New-yeeres-gift, Admiral, of burden six hundred and fifty tons: The Hector, Vice-admiral, of five hundred tons: The Merchant's Hope, of three hundred tons, and the Solomon, of two hundred tons. Master William Edward's was Lieutenant and Cape Merchant, and Commander of the Hector: Master Nicholas Ensworth Cape Merchant and Commander of the Merchant's Hope: Master Thomas Elkington Cape Merchant, and Commander of the Solomon: Master Peter Roger's Minister, Martin Pring, Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux and Hugh Bennet, Masters of the four Ships, assisted with diverse Mates.  
The first of March 1613. we set sail. On Wednesday the fifteenth of june 1614 we anchored in the Road of Saldania, and were welcomed with a great storm. john Barter by along Fever bereft of his understanding, was suddenly missing, and by former speeches of his it seemed that he made himself away, whiles every one was busy in mooring the ship, and none looking after him.  
The sixteenth, we got all in readiness for erecting our Tents, which was that day effected, and a Guard placed for their relief.  
On the seventeenth, we landed half our Cask to be trimmed and seasoned. Choree the Saldanian presented me with a young Steere.  
The eighteenth, we landed more of our Beer Cask to be washed, trimmed and seasoned, and supplied the wants of our men labouring about our Boats: also this day (Choree) the Saldanian departed from us, carrying with him his Copper Armour and javelin, with all things belonging to him, promising to come again to us the third day after, but he never came again. 
Choree and his Copper Armour.   
The nine and twentieth, I sent George Downeton on land to observe both the latitude and variation of this place, in regard of the great difference in our variations we had found between my former Voyage in the Peppercorn, and this present Voyage: the latitude he found was thirty four degrees, and no odd minutes, and the variation one degree and forty five minutes by an Azimuth, being Westerly variation, 
Note for the variation at the Bay.  whereas for the most part all formerly have made Ea●●erly variation. This night we dissolved our Tents and brought all our things aboard, and made ready our ship against the next day to departed, which we did accordingly.  
The sixth of August, we came to an anchor in the Bay of Saint Augustine, in Saint Laurence Island. But on sight of our coming the Inhabitants abandoned the place, that we could have no speech with them: we cut strait Timber for diverse uses. And afterwards we got some refreshing of them. On the twelfth, we set sail.  
The ninth of September, we anchored in the Bay of Delisa in Socotora. The next day we went on shore to salute the King, who was ready with his troop to give me entertainment, and told me of the Wars at present in India, the Mogoll and Kings of Decanie joining to root the Portugals out of the Country. The reason whereof was, 
This ship was the Hassanie.  their taking of a ship which came from jedda in the Read Sea, wherein was three millions of Treasure. He also informed me of Captain Bests too great fights with the Portugals, with other news of those parts. Hear I procured what refreshing we could get, and bought of the King Aloes, two thousand seven hundred twenty two pounds, and on the fourteenth departed.  
The second of October, we had sight of land being on the Coast of Decany near Dabul. We found great hindrance, till by observation we were taught to stay the ebbs and ply the floods.  
The twelfth, we again weighed and plied the floods, and anchored the ebbs till the fourteenth day in the evening, and then anchored two miles and an half short of the Bar, where presently came a fleet of Frigates being fourteen sail and anchored near us, discovering themselves by their lights being dark: but seeing our readiness by the lights out of our Ports, 
Portugal Frigates.  durst come no nearer unto us, so we rid quietly all night.  
The fifteenth, early in the morning we weighed with the land-turne, and approaching somewhat near them, they also weighed and stood to the Southwards, and we held on our course by the Bar towards South Swally, 
South Swally.  where soon after we arrived after much striving against contrary winds. Assoon as I anchored I sent Master Molineux in his Pinnace, and Master Spooner, and Samuel Squire in my Gellywatte to sound the depths within the sands. Master Molineux took a Channel in which in our former Voyage we had but five foot at low water, but now found three fathoms water, and Master Spooner found that where our Boats could not pass formerly by reason of shoalds, he had now seven and eight foot water. In the afternoon, I seeing people ashore sent my Pinnace to them, supposing some of our Merchants had been come from Surat: but found otherwise to be some people of Cogenozan sent down to discover what Nation we were; 
Cagenozan.  two of which came aboard to me, by whom I understood further of their Wars with the Portugals; they besieged Damon and Diu, and that Mocrib Can was General of the Mogul's forces against Damon, and also to my grief, I understood that he was Governor, and as Viceroy not only over Surat, but also over all the Country near about it; I esteeming him to be the greatest Adversary to our Nation, and one that most favoured the Portugals. This was my settled conceit by former experience. I understood of the health of Master Aldworth and the rest, to whom I writ to hasten his presence, and sent it away by Baly Ball, together with the other Servants of Cogenozan.  
The sixteenth, in the morning early I sent my Purser and Pinnace on land to buy such Commodities as I supposed might be brought, who about ten a clock without buying any thing for our turn, returned with Master Aldworth our chief Merchant at Surat, and in his company one Richard Steel who came by land from Aleppo to Surat. 
M. A●dworth and Steele.  Master Aldworth strove to persuade me that Mocrib Can the Nabob was our friend, and that now was the best time by reason of their Wars (with the Portugals) for us to obtain good trade and all Privileges that in reason we could demand; and for that both he and all the Country people did so much rejoice at our coming, therefore of necessity could not but give us Royal entertainment. I liking all their hopeful words, yet ever wishing some other in his place, and that Mocrib Can had been further away, of whom I rested still in doubt, that we should have no free trade but according to his accustomed manner; and to see and to be privy to all that ever past, and restrain all others, which then I took to be an injury forced by him to cross us, and not by the direction of the King, which in time, though too late, we were better advised. And notwithstanding the remembrance of his name given him by the King, Mocrib, which is as much as his own bowels, and Chan which is as much as great Lord: 
The signification of Mocrib Chan.  Yet I was too much deluded by being persuaded that his state in favour of the King stood tottering, and might easily be made subject to any disgrace, by any complaint of things done contrary to the will or humour of the King, which made us somewhat too bold and thereby prejudice to our business when we found him opposite to our w●ls, and as we thought contrary to reason. I enquiring of the state of our business, and the health of our people, Master Aldworth informed that Paul Canning and diverse others were long since dead, 
Paul Canning & Thomas Kerridge Agents at the Mogul's Court.  and that Thomas Kerridge had long since resided at Court in his room, and that there was no more Factors but only himself and William Bedulph at Surat.  
The seventeenth, in the morning I called a Council to advice of all things here to be effected, and who fittest to sand to Agra to remain as Liedger there, and then entering into the six Interrogatory Articles included in the second Article of our Commission, requiring Master Aldworths direct answer to every question should be demanded.  
The first, in what favour Paul Canning was with the Emperor and his Council, and how he carried himself in the business at Court that was committed unto him. He answered, that at his first coming to Court, 
jesuits courtesy.  he was well respected by the Emperor, until such time as the jesuites made known he was a Merchant, and not sent immediately from the King: but afterwards he was neglected as himself complained, and for his carriage there, Master Aldworth saith that for any thing he knoweth, it was sufficient and well.  
The third, then demanding whether needful to maintain one as Liedger at Court, his answer was, not only necessary, but also by the King required, that one of our Nation do reside there, and therefore fitting to be a man of good respect for preventing and righting any wrongs that may be offered by the jesuites our Adversaries, as also by his direction may stand in great stead for the buying or selling of Commodities.  
The sixth, concerning the charge of him that should reside at Court, he saith to be about three hundred pounds per annum, by Paul Cannings estimate, but somewhile after when his Writings came to be searched, his estimate is found to be five, six or seven hundred pounds per annum.  
Question being made whether it were fit Master Edwards should proceed under the title of a Merchant, according to the strictness of the Companies Commission, his opinion was by Master Cannings experience, that then he would not be respected by the King.  

The mogul little respects Merchants.  The four and twentieth in the morning, Cogenozan came down to the waterside with a great train as their manner is, resting himself in my Tent till my landing: unto whom I repaired a●h●are accompanied with all the Merchants and a good guard of Halberds, Shot, and Pike; I having a Coach to carry me up from the Boat to a place near the Tent; and at the instant when I alighted from the Coach, he came forth of the Tent, addressing himself to meet me, and after salutations returned into the Tent and sat down. And before any other conference began he was let to know, that there was a Present to be delivered him for the Nabob, which was presently brought in, Viz. One Case with six Knives, two pair of Knives, six Sword Blades, six Spanish Pikes, 
Present for the Nabob, or Governor.  one Comb-case, one Looking Glass, one Picture of Mars and Venus, one Picture of Paris in judgement, two Muscovie Hides, and one great gilded Case of Bottles full of rich and strong Waters. Than for himself I caused a Present to be delivered him, which was six Knives in single sheaths, four Sword Blades, two Pikes, one Comb-case, one Looking-glass, one Picture of Moses, one Case of Bottles, in regard of the promise of the Nabob to our people that what Cogenozan should do, he would perform. I therefore moved for the enlarging of our Privileges; for the lessening of our Custom, especially at Baroch to have a Bazar or Market by the waterside, that we might buy Beef for the people's eating (in regard that other flesh was not good for them) according to the Kings Firma given. His answer was, that if I would ●ssist them against the Portugals, the Nabob would do us all the favour that in his power lieth; but for the Custom of Baroch it was out of his power, for the King had let it to another by rent, and could not be helpen. A Bazar we should have, but for Bullocks and Kine, the King had granted his Firma to the Banians for a mighty sum yearly to save their lives. 
Banian Superstition.  In sum, we found nothing that he had power to grant us: yet willing to leave me in content, wishing that I would sand some of my Merchants along with him to the Nabob, that our business on both sides might be considered on, and receive answers accordingly from each other. I sent along with him Master Aldworth, Master Ensworth (who desired to go up because he was not well) Master Dodsworth, Master Mitford and others; which when they had access to the Nabob, two or three days after he wo●ld know again their demand, which was as aforesaid. Than he desired to know if we would go with our ships to fight against Damon for him, and then he would do us any favour; but that was answered, that we could in no wise avouch the doing thereof, for that there was between our King and the King of Spain. Than he demanded if we would go to the Bar and ride there and fight with them that should come to prejudice them. That we could neither covenant to do, for it was a breach of the peace between our two Kings as aforesaid. Than he answered, that if we would do nothing for him, he would do nothing for us. divers of the principal Merchants of the Town came to move our Merchants that I might give way to the Nabob his reasonable request, and though I did grant for satisfying his mind, yet I might do what I list: and that they all knew the Frigates might for all my riding at the Bar come in and out on each side me. Answer was returned it was unfit for me to halt, but whatsoever I promised, I must maintain, though it were to the loss of my life, and all under my command: and that I would not be hired to fight with the Portugals, which is contrary to my King's Commission (unless they gave me first cause) not for the World; neither would I be withheld from fight with them if they provoked me, not for his wealth, which difference it seems he took small notice of; but that we refused to fulfil his desire, he was much moved, and in all things crossed our proceed all that he might: insomuch that he had almost quelled all former conceived hopes of happy Commerce in this place. Continually devising what to do, or what course to take, this means failing us, as I see no likelihood to the contrary, I made inquision of Gengomar and Castelletta, also of Gogo, but could hear small incouragent for transportation to seek better dealing; so with doubts we rested perplexed a long while, yet returning to our business at the ships.  
The seven and twentieth, in the morning Nicholas Vfflet going ashore found all the people of Swally departed thence in the night: he demanding the reason, they told him that the Nabob had expressly commanded them so to do, as also the people from the Tents. Whereupon he enquiring further thereof, was certified that our Merchants were stayed at Surat, and that attempting to pass over the bridge, they were perforce withheld, and received some store of brows by the guard thereto appointed by the Nabob, with whom in company to attend upon them, the Gunners Boy and his companion formerly supposed to have been run away, were also well beaten and withheld as the rest.  
The one and thirtieth, we began to take in fresh water, because our stay here was so uncertain, not knowing how suddenly our departure might be. This day Thomas Smith the Master's Boy being swimming about the ship, 
Ravenous fish.  had most of the outside of his thigh bitten away by a great Fish which pulled him under the water, yet he coming up again swam to the ship side, and got up to the bend, where as soon as he was come up, he presently sounded. Than the Chirurgeon brought him into the Gunner's Room to see what might be done for his recovery: but the issue of blood had been so great that they could not revive him, but presently died, and towards night was buried ashore.  
The second of November towards night Master Aldworth and Master Elkinton came down from Surat, where they had left Master Ensworth very sick: they declared unto me their proceed with the Nabob as formerly, and of their reconciliation, with large promises of future good respect, with free Trade throughout all their Countries. This hard measure hitherto offered us by the Nabob, I cannot attribute unto any hatred or ill will borne to our Nation, but his own doubt and fear of us, lest I should join with the Portugals against him: which fear was the more increased in him, in that I would not agreed to fight against Damon. And his suspicion and doubt was the more increased by a Knavish device in the subtle and lying jesuites▪ who took occasion by my denial, voluntarily without cause, 
jesuites tricks.  to fight against the Portugals at Damon, or otherwise. They pretended a Letter from the Viceroy, to give notice to the Nabob, that unless he made peace with them, that both he and the English his friends should join together and come against Surat; which Devilish device did us much hindrance in our business, by the Nabobs continual doubt, which he made of our friendship towards them. And beside unfortunately by their extreme unkind usage Master Aldworth in the midst of his haste, and thinking to qualify their rigorous courses, and yet altogether ignorant of the practice of the jesuites, in threatning-wise wished them to take heed, that by their ill usage of us, they do not force us to join with the Portugals against them; which proved a kind of confirming the jesuits former report from the Viceroy, as altogether making against us. Likewise, he forbade all Trade with our people aboard, which at first we likewise thought had proceeded out of his troublesome humour to cross us; but afterwards we were advised the contrary by Thomas Kerridge his Letter, who declared that he and all Seaport Governors, had express Commandment from the Mogoll, not to suffer any Trade with us, till they had made choice of all strange things that we bring, and they to buy them for the King's use, and to sand it unto him.  
The third, I called a Council concerning our business, viz. how fare we might proceed in their aid against the Portugals, and examined our Commission in that point; also we appointed the Merchants for the several places of employment, aswell those that were to stay here, as those also that were to proceed on the Voyage. The goods that were at Surat of the twelfth Voyage came aboard, which was of Indigo sixty Bales, and Cotton Yarn eleven Packs.  
The sixteenth, whereas my desire was to have been ashore amongst our Merchants, to have borne some stroke in the ordering of our business at Surat, and the rather considering the turbulent headstrong and haughty spirit of () ever striving to sway all things according to his own will, and distasteful to others which without private respect aimed at the common good, whose better discretion hath been enured to more humility. But the estate of our business so uncertain, partly by the uncertainty of the Nabob and people here, and partly in regard of the Portugals (which we daily do hear are arming us) besides I understand the Nabob makes question of restitution of the goods taken by Sir Henry Middleton in the Read Sea, at under rates as they say, though I know they had goods for goods to a half penny: yet not knowing what might come of it, I thought best to keep myself nearest my charge, and referred all things ashore to the care of such Merchants in general as were of my Council, and in whom for most part I had constant affiance.  
The two and twentieth, I finished my Letters for Persia, viz. one for the Company, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and another for advice to Richard Steel.  
The three and twentieth, Lacandas the Banian came down with news of some discontent or hard speeches that had passed between the Nabob and the Merchants, 
Rude dealing.  but now that they were reconciled and friends; the cause was, for that Master Edwards would not let him see the Presents, which at last he was driven to yield to. All the chief Merchants wrote unto me severally that there was a certain report that the Viceroy was arming against us. It pleased God to call to his mercy Master Ensworth and Timothy Wood, both in an hour. john Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But set forwards to provide such Clotheses and Cotton Yarn, as we formerly agreed on.  

Nabobs gifts.  The five and twentieth, Master Edward's wrote me of the coming of three great men with seven Firmanes from the Mogore, in whose presence the Nabob bestowed on him eight hundred & fifty Mamudies: ten fine Bastas, thirty Topseeles, and thirty Allizaes': he further gave to Master Elkington and Master Dodsworth ten Topseeles, and a Cloak to Master Aldworth, & another to Master Elkington, Master Dodsworth having had one before: he promised free Trade in all places under his command, and good refreshing for our people aboard.  
The seven and twentieth, john Crowther came from Surat, who advised me that the chief Merchants had chosen him to accompany Richard Steel into Persia, 
Crowther and Steele go to Persia.  and therefore came to take his leave of me, and to fetch his things from aboard. This day Master Edward's wrote to me by Edmond Aspinol for fifty Elephants teeth, and indifferently chosen in their size and bigness, for there was a Banian Merchant in price for them all, if they could agreed, which Teeth the same day were sent up to him.  
The sixth of December, the Nabob Mocrib Chan seemed now to be ashamed, for that he had not since my arrival here showed me the lest taste of courtesy; 
Presents to the General.  and therefore being desirous to excuse himself, entreated Master Elkington to accompany aboard the great Banian that brought our Teeth, and Lacandas the Banian Merchant of the juncke of the King of Cushan, whom he made choice of, and entertained (by reason of his former familiarity with our people) to buy among them such Commodities as they had to cell, viz. Sword Blades, Knives, Looking-glasses. By them he sent me a Present of two Corge of course Bastas, ten fine Bastas, ten Topseeles, ten Cuttonies' and three Quilts, certifying me that the Nabob was minded to come down to see me within two or three days at the most. At their going ashore I gave them five great shot. 
News of the Viceroys preparation against the English.  They told me that the Nabob heard from Goa, that for certain, the Viceroy was preparing to come against us, with all the force he could make to fight with us: likewise that the Nabob requested me that I would waft a ship or two of his of the Coast for two or three days, being bound for the Read Sea. But I answered, that having once put off from the Coast, the wind being adverse, I could not recover it again: but if he would further our dispatch that we might be ready in convenient time, then would I do any thing reasonable.  
The ninth, the Nabobs son came to the waterside, but would not come aboard; whereupon I went ashore to him, who against my landing sent a Horse to fetch me, he willed me to sit down upon the Mount with him, which I did. Than he commanded part of his Horsemen to show me some pleasure upon the sands, by warlike chase each other, after the manner of Decanie, from whence they were: then he desired to hear some Ordnance go off, and I gave him eleven shot. 
Military sports on horseback.  He at present would drink no wine, but being departed, he sent for it, and for a Fowling Piece which he found in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him with a Bowl to drink his wine.   

§. II. The Portugals Forces, Acts, Attempts, Fight with the English, and disgraceful Repulse.  
THe sixteenth, Master Elkington wrote me that the Nabob told him that the Portugal Frigates had burnt Gogo with many Gonges or Villages thereabouts, and ten great ships, one whereof was the Rehemee, and one hundred and twenty small Vessels: 
Gogo burnt, & diverse ships.  and that he was displeased at me for not shooting at them when they passed by us; which did renew his suspicion of our friendship with the Portugals: to all which Master Elkington answered him, yet he could not rest satisfied.  
The three and twentieth came two Boats more for Lead. 
Twenty two Portugal Frigates.  This day we saw twenty two Frigates, who in the night came to anchor between us and the River's mouth, where they road most part of the next day.  
The four and twentieth, in the morning we saw four Boats coming down the River towards us, who seeing the Frigates returned, two Frigates chase them up the River: but seeing they could not fetch them up, went ashore and fired two or three poor houses, and took away two or three head of Cattles, and so returned back to their Company, who in the afternoon went up into the River together.  
The five and twentieth, in the morning early we saw five or six Frigates under sail an hour or two: after, we perceived a small Boat under sail standing towards us, but was presently chased by two Frigates, the men in the small Boat run her aground, and forsook her, so that the Frigates could not float where she lay, the tide ebbing so fast, therefore they departed without doing any further harm unto her.  
The six and twentieth, in the morning I sent the Hope to the Northwards a good way from the rest of the Fleet, to see if the Portugals would charge upon her.  
The seven and twentieth, early in the morning, 
Portugal bravado.  the Frigates came and made a bravado before our ship, and then before the Solomon, which was next unto us, and from her to the Hope which road a great way from us, who driven directly upon her with all their men stowed, not a man to be seen. The Master twice hailed them, but they would not speak, whereupon they let fly at them with their Bow-pieces, having no other to ply upon them, which made them with some loss to departed: the Master doubting, that if he had not shot, 
Their repulse.  they would have boarded him, or mischieved him by fire, they coming upon the advantage both of wind and tide▪ that none of the rest of the ships could come to the rescue; and in such sort right a head, that hardly can he traverse any piece of Ordnance at them. In the afternoon I sent the Solomon to accompany the Hope, who went to the North-wards of her, and made five or six shot at the Frigates, who road at anchor hard by the Hope. But we did not perceive any hurt she did them: wherefore I commanded my Gunner to shoot a Piece to warn them to give over, whereupon the Solomon stood in again and came to anchor.  
The eight and twentieth, in the morning I went in the Pinnace aboard the Hope and Solomon, to understand the occasions of their shooting: and the Portugals seeing our Boats pass to and again, removed in the afternoon, and road a little without us to cut off all intercourse. 
Other attempts.  In the mean time, came the former Boat which was chased a hoar aboard the Gift, and brought some Letters from Master Elkington. The Master sent the Bearer with the Letters to me in the Hope, where having answered Master Elkingtons' Letter, I sent him back again to the Gift, to go thence in the night to Surat: but as the Gelliwat returned, the Frigates chased her, which I perceiving, caused to wove to the Gelliwat to return, which they not seeing held on her way. But the Frigates held her so close that they were within shot of her, and made one fair shot at her, and had not the Gift let slip one Cable, and veered another, and plied upon them with her Ordnance, it would have gone hard with them: which made them give over the chase not without some damage: and late in the night upon the tide of ebb, I commanded the Hope and Solomon to set sail and fall nearer to the other ships, and then I went aboard the Gift.  
The nine and twentieth, I perceiving that my riding was of no avail to keep the Frigates out of the River, because they could pass to and fro over the sands, where wanted water for my ships to swim; and that no Boats durst come to us to fetch our goods for fear of the Frigates; neither could I hear from our friends ashore how all things past; therefore I set sail for Swally: but being but little wind and calm, it was the next day before we arrived there.  
The fourteenth of januarie, we heard of the approach of many Frigates, 
A Fleet of Frigates.  which road at the Bar till next day within night, and then in the dark came from thence, and road within shot of us all night till the morning, when they weighed and went to the Southwards; whom I thought were the malabars, that the Nabob promised formerly to sand me: and therefore put forth a Flag of Truce, and sent Master Spooner one of the Master's Mates towards them with the Gelliwat, and appointed him to have an eye back to our signs that we would make, if we mistrusted any thing. I seeing the Gelliwat so near, and no show of friendship from them in answer of ours, put forth my flag which before was taken in, and shot a piece of Ordnance for a sign to my Boat to come aboard, which presently upon sight thereof she did, who was not scarce aboard, 
Another fleet of Portugal Frigates.  when our Sentinel from topmast head, descried another Fleet of Frigates, who afterwards met together at the Bar, and went altogether into the River: whereby I perceived they were Portugals, and was glad that our men and Boat so well escaped their hands. I thinking these Frigates were forerunners of greater forces, caused all the decks to be cleared, and the Ordnance freed, and all things else fitting both for the Ordnance, Shot, and Barracadoes to be in a readiness.  
The seventeenth in the night, the Frigates came all forth of the River, they being in the morning at the point of the Bar.  
The eighteenth, there came to the water side Maugie, the Banian Captain formerly named, with an other great man, the son of Clych Caun, to whom I went ashore: whither not long after word was brought me from aboard, 
A fleet of ships  that they descried a fare off a Fleet of ships looming very big, which ashore we could not see by reason of the lowness of the place. And after leave taken on both sides, 
The Portugal forces consisted of six Galleons, and three ships, and sixty Frigates, besides two Galleys.  he departed, and I returned aboard, causing all things to be set in a readiness, which was speedily performed. Towards night, we made them to be six Galleons and three lesser ships, besides the sixty former Frigates, the two Galleys being not yet come: the tide being spent, they anchored till the next day.  
The nineteenth, they plied up to the entrance of our new Channel, where they came to an anchor, and the two Galleys came up to them, where one of the great ships being too forward, came too near the sands, and touched, but soon got off again. The Nabob sent the Sabandar, and diverse other principal men of the Town to the Viceroy, with a Present of great provisions, they making some treaty of peace, but broke off, effecting nothing, great policy on both sides being used. On the Nabobs side, to the increase of my grief: for he and all the Country in general despaired of my being able to withstand so great forces, 
Nabobs Present to the Viceroy  and began to make preparative beforehand to claw the Viceroy with Presents: for I once overthrown, his turn had come next, to endure a great assault, or to make such peace as the enemy desired. For, peace with them was it that stood with the Viceroys policy most to desire, 
His fear and policy.  for the setting trade a foot between them. On the other side, the Viceroy seeing the tractableness of the Nabob, and his seeming desire to make peace, 
Viceroys subtlety. Presumption before.  for the Present set light of it; supposing to have made it with great royalty and profit for his own part, after he had overthrown us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish; which once performed, he expected greater Presents▪ and great submission on their parts to him being the conqueror. But it pleased God, who beheld the uniustness of his attempt, to turn it contrary to both their expectations: for the Viceroy failing of his purposes in attempt against me, seeing he could not recover so much as a Boats thoule from me in all the time he spent, with losses and disgrace about it; afterward was forced to revive the former neglected motion of peace with the Nabob; 
Disgrace attending.  which Nabob being strengthened with a Month's experience, notwithstanding all their bragging threats, seeing he was not able to remove our small forces one foot out of their place, gave answer: Since with so great an army he could not prevail against four Merchant's ships, I will make no peace with you: and so was the Viceroy frustrated of both his hopes. Yet now after some digression, returning again to my daily business.  
Formerly hearing of the Viceroys forces to come, we imagined it would not be so great as now by view it seems, therefore high time to enter into best considerations, how by God's help to resist the same. 
Care and prevention of the General.  The odds and advantages he had over me, put me to my shifts in casting up all things that made against me, being overtopped by his forces, whom I esteemed furnished with the principal ships and means of India, and people of greatest rank and valour in these parts, in likelihood too hard for us when we should put into the deep water; nay, I know not how to put into deep water, but they always ready to intercept, over-charge, or force me a ground irrecoverable on one side or other: my disadvantages so great in putting out, and their smaller Vessels I knew might much with fireworks, or otherwise hazard us within at anchor where we road, where I had hope their great ships through the shoaldnesse of water, could not or durst not put in. The things with me to give me hope was, my people (though much with death and sickness shortened) all from the highest to the lowest, seem very courageous and comfortable; though (for the most) ignorant, either of the danger, or how to prevent it, yet pleasing to me to see their willingness. My care is not small, how to do my best in maintaining the Honour of my Country, nor negligent in the memory of the estates and charge of my friends, and employers in this journey; not only for the hazard of this at present committed to my charge, but also all hope of future times, if I should now be overthrown: by reason the enemy in getting the upper hand of me, would make his peace with these people upon what conditions he lust, to the expelling of our Nation this Country for ever. And what my care was for the safety of my people, I refer to the consideration of such fathers, as are tender over the safety of their obedient children. All this while my whole powers so kept in action, that I found little time to converse, or almost show myself sensible of the dangers approaching; yea, ever as I could be solitary or free from others; very earnestly craving aid and assistance from the Lord of hosts, and from that mighty and merciful God, who hath manifold ways formerly delivered me; 
The best help in trouble.  often I say desiring his Majesty so to guide and direct me, that I might omit nothing which might tend to the safety of my own charge, nor the danger of the enemy: and that God would grant my request, I had a strong confidence; and the same again often quelled by the assembly of my manifold and grievous offences, and but for God's mercy sufficient to drown the world; whereby forced afresh by prayer to pierce the heavens, and fly unto God for aid against both inward and outward assaults. I so resolved by God's assistance what to do, if my assistants the Masters of the Ships would yield thereunto; knowing if we should receive a foil riding at our anchor, our disgrace will be greater, and our enemies little abashed: but in moving, I might move the Viceroy in greediness and pride, to do himself wrong against the sands; hoping that that might be an occasion whereby God might draw him to shorten his own forces, and so might open the way for our getting out amongst the rest: which would rather have been for a necessity, than any way hopeful: for at present our goods on the way, and daily by some and some expected to come hither, and if once gotten out, unless it had pleased God to make us conquerors, and drive the Viceroy clean away, I could not return into my place, where only (and no where else) I could take in my lading: I esteeming the Viceroy to hold his honour in so high regard, that he must have been dead before he would have given way. I also, though helpless, remembered two great advantages the enemy had of me in this war. Ever before my people came to fight, they are first tired, or half spent with the labour of the ship, as heaving at Capstaine, and getting up our anchors, setting of sails, and other labours, which greatly quells their courages, making them in hot Countries both weary and faint; and then of necessity must become soldiers: whereas the Viceroy his soldiers come fresh to fight, being troubled with no labour, which is done by slaves and inferior sea-people, which are never accounted companions of Soldiers. Secondly, if the Viceroy lose many men in his ships, he may be supplied again out of his fresh supplies, to be fetched from their nearest towns by their Frigates, whereas we could not have one man supplied, how many soever we should have slain or disabled.  
This present Thursday at night, I having no Merchants at all aboard, but all employed in the Country (besides those with Master Elkington at the house at Surat) I sent for all my Masters to supper, with some mates, where (as the time served) I began speech of our present business, 
Consultation.  desiring every man to speak freely, how he thought best for us to work, considering to the present strait we seemed to be in; alleging my confidence to be (for all the bragging of these Portugals abounding in force) that God would not suffer their injurious attempts upon us, that have been tender not to wrong them in the East. I have had also a jealous conceit carried over me by the Nabob, and principals of the Country, as though I had been confederate with the Portugals, for that I did not shoot at the saucy-governed bragging Frigates. I found all the Masters to my hearts desire, willing and tractable to whatsoever I should wish; and had some few speeches about our provident mooring, as also of the removing somewhat lower down. But ere long, I let them know my conceit, desiring their free opinion therein: which was, that now our ships were as fit for fight as we could make them, and our danger by night if we road still (work never so providently) to prevent is not small; therefore I thought fittest in the morning at low water, to sand down one ship to ride, as we might have water enough at low water for all our ships: for than none can come to annoyed her, which may prepare the Viceroys mind to some attempt at high water, and as the Flood comes, the other three should bear down against the stream (the spring now near the highest) to prove what attempt the Viceroy would give, to attend it, and work accordingly as we shall see reason, in hope that God will put designs into the mind of the Viceroy, that he may commit some error, to the weakening of his own forces; which if he do, then will be fittest time in the dark of the night following, to put out when it shall be unfit for them to come to sail to hinder us. Or if we see reason, we may with the wind work every day to and again with our sails on the Flood, to be always ready in action, when the tide is aloft, which may somewhat the courage of the people quell and dismay, though the Gallants seem to think otherwise. This no sooner propounded, but liked for the best way, and so we agreed to proceed, and for that I found M. Molineux willing at low water in the morning to fall down with the Hope, which was accordingly performed.  
The twentieth in the morning, at low water I sent down M. Molineux with the Hope, to prepare the Enemy to some attempt, when the tide shall be up; which being done, upon the flood we also with the other three ships stood after her. The Viceroy and all the worthy Knights about him, supposed I had been flying, hastened also as the stream would permit them, towards the entrance to stop my coming forth; but contrariwise we all anchored short of the Hope, not altogether of purpose to leave her destitute of our help, but rather doubting of depth for our ships (so fare down) to ride at low water. I was no sooner at anchor, and gone down to my cabin, and set down to writ, to give my friends and Merchants ashore notice of my purposes and resolution, howsoever it might please God to dispose of me, and that they might know it to be no rashness, but in good discretion to tend upon my best advantages to prejudice my enemies; but presently I had notice, that three ships with most of the Frigates were before the wind, running stem-long aboard the Hope, 
The fight with the Hope.  and the Galleons after them, so fare as the sands gave leave. We assayed to weigh our anchor, but time not permitting, we cut Cable, and set sail for the Hope's rescue, but the Enemy's ships were aboard her, and entered their men before we came sufficiently near them; their men being entered with great show of resolution, but had no quiet abode there, neither could rest in their own ships, nor make them lose from the Hope, for our great and small shot; 
Portugal's loss by slaughter, sea, and fire.  so that when the principal were killed, the rest in great number, for quietness sake, leapt into the Sea, where their Frigates took many of them up. But first of purpose to have burnt the Hope with them, they made preparation to fire their own ships, which was well performed without harm to the Hope, (praised be the Lord of heaven) for so soon as the fire was well kinled, the ships of fire were let lose, and driven a ground on the sands, where they burned till the flowing water came and quenched them; whiles day light lasted, we continued changing of shot in all our ships with the Galleons, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the inside; by which they did little harm to our Hulles, but to our ropes and sails over head. In this conflict besides them which were wounded, 
A mischance.  we lost five men, by great mischance the Hope's main top, topsail, topmast, and shrouds came a fire, and burnt away, with a great part of the main mast, by the fireworks that were in the said top, the man being slain that had the charge thereof. This mishap kept us from going forth into deep water to try our fortunes with the Viceroy, but were put to our shifts, not knowing how, or by what means to get the said Mast cured.  
The one and twentieth, I sent to weigh the anchor we had cut the day before. The two and twentieth, I understood that many great men, with five or six hundred horse, and a Portugal Father came down to Swalley, to sand on the morrow the Father with three or four principal Moors, to conclude a peace betwixt them: and the Nabob sent me word that he sought no such thing, and was resolved to make none, but wherein we should be included. He also granted me what Timber we should want, which we made use of. Likewise we were promised provisions. The Portugals continued quiet.  
The five and twentieth, the Muccadam of Swally came to me, and told me that the former Father had sent to entice him to poison the former Well, where hence we had our water, which he would not yield unto, 
jesuites venom.  and therefore had put into the Well some live Tortoises, who would by their death demonstrate the poisoning thereof, if it should by them be performed. At night came part of the hundred and seventy bales of Indigo to the water side, which was presently fetched aboard. Isaac Beg sent me a Present of the fruits of his own garden. This day came down the rest of the Timber for the Hopes Mast.  
The seven and twentieth, I sent all our Boats to sound the Swach at low water; chief to keep the Enemy always ignorant of what I intended▪ whither was sent by the Enemy to prevent them, one Galley and five Frigates, thinking to cut off our Boats, whereof they failed, as of all other things they attempted.  
The eight and twentieth, the Nabob sent to the Viceroy great store of provision, Goats, Bread, Plantans, etc. with a banquet of sweet meats. Cogenozan sent me a Present of five Bullocks. divers of our men died here of Flux and diseases.  
The one and thirtieth in the morning, we received aboard from Cambaya fifty bales Indigo. In the afternoon came Cogearson Allee aboard, who presented me with diverse things, viz. Goats, great store of Bread, Roast-meat, Plantans, and Sugar, etc. With him came an old acquaintance of mine, a Persian, he reported unto me that there is news come from Damon, that the Portugals carried thither three hundred and fifty men to be buried, 
News of Portugals slain.  and that this news is most certain: and by our estimate, there cannot be less than an hundred more killed and burnt in their ships, besides those drowned, which the tide did cast up ashore. They also related to me, that not only here in India they found opposition, but also the Persians' against Ormus, and the Malays at Malacca, are in arms against the Portugals: and whereas there had been speech of a peace to be concluded between the Viceroy and Mocrib Can, he wished me to assure myself it was broken off, and would none be. I found his love, and took great content in his long staying with me, whose presence I thirsted to see, and till now he could never get leave of the Nabob to come to see me (which without no man dare, or will be so bold) who proceeds by the great charge he hath from the King, that all things of worth, should be procured by the Nabob for the King's use; which holds him in such doubt and jealousy, lest any thing should pass by any other means to his disgrace, whereby he is enforced to use strange and severe courses to restrain the same. The day being fare spent, I returned him with a Present, gave money to all his people, let him see the cast of the Bullets of some of our Great Ordnance; they took their leave and departed.   

§. III. Portugal supplies, Fire-boates frustrated, seek peace and refused, their departure: Interview of the Nabob and General: departure of the English.  
HHe third of February, there came to the water side twenty four Bales Indigo, 
February 3.  seven packs white Bastas, seven packs black Bastas, six packs Cotton-yarne, four packs blue Bastas, three packs Caudikens, one pack Crecany, all which were presently fetched aboard: this day also the Viceroys supplies came in sight, 
Supplies sent the Viceroy.  which were two ships of burden, two junkes, and eight or ten of the Country Boates. The Nabob sent Lacandas to inform me, that these supplies were not for war, but filled full of combustible matter to fire, and so to be let drive with the tide upon our ships in the night; which advice I was glad to understand, and addressed myself also to prevent that, and all other their attempts with smaller ships. The Spring now near the highest, and fittest for their assaults, which every tide I expected: and to show that I was in a readiness to entertain them, as also how little I cared for them (having all the time formerly ridden without the like) I purposed and performed the setting and clearing our watch, Morning and Evening, with a Volley of shot from every ship, and the best Piece in my ship directed to the Prow of the Viceroy, which I did to daunt the courage of them he must employ, and to try his temper, whether it would make him angry or no: 
The bravers braved.  and I still think it proved to good end. It pleased God this day at night, when I had lest leisure to mourn, to call to his mercy my only Son George Downton, who early the next morning was buried ashore, and the Volleys aforesaid, appointed to try the temper of the Viceroy, 
Death of the General's son.  served also to honour his burial.  
This morning also came to me on Mousa Attale a Malabar Captain, (with his troop attending to visit me, expecting some business this day by the Portugals to be attempted; whom I entertained with all kind respect, and by conference made the best use of his company that I might; by drawing from him the description of the principal Ports and Harbours in his Country, and manifesting the desire I had to be acquainted with him, and to entertain love, league, and familiarity between the English and them, with a mutual trade and traffic one with another: the which with great desire he seemed to embrace, willing me to give him some Letters of my hand, for their ships to carry to show to my Countrymen, wheresoever they should meet them: which I delivered, as also a Letter for him to move their King for the kind usage of our Nation, whensoever any of our ships should arrive in any of his Harbours, and so after leave taken, he departed, I presenting him with a Sword blade, and three or four knives. The Master of the Hope complained, that besides those presently killed, he had many hurt, bruised, and disabled for service: wherefore I sent him for supply, three men from the Gift, four from the Hector, and four from the Solomon.  
The fifth, I received letters from M. Aldworth from Baroch, who writes of their arrival there, 
Reisbutes assault.  and that the day before, nine Courses from Baroch, they were set upon by two hundred thiefs, Rashpooses, with Pikes, small shot, and Bows and Arrows: and skirmishing a little while with them, they fled, three of them being killed, and more wounded; they having shot Humphrey Elkington thorough the thigh, and killed one of the horses that Surder Can sent to guard our men; and Master Aldworthes horse likewise received a shot. The Nabob sent me word that the Viceroy would assault this day, and therefore sent Gogenozan to guard the Land; who came to the waterside and sent his son Mamod jehad aboard to see me, with a Caveleer, called Kemagee, the son of Leckdarsee, Raspooso of Guigomar, or Castelletto (who maintained war with the Mogore and Portugal together a long time) they entreated leave to see and partake in the fight: who seeing no attempt that day given, stayed aboard all night; and the Raspoose seeing the backwardness of the enemy, went the next day ashore: but the other desirous to see the issue thereof, stayed two or three days longer aboard; and then seeing nothing would be done by the enemy, he departed.  
The eight in the forenoon, we received more Indigo aboard. In the afternoon all the Frigates, with the two junckes and two Galleys, came driving up with the flood, 
Policy of the portugals.  making show of some attempt at the instant, either by fire, (which I most doubted) or otherwise: whereupon we all weighed to go nearer to them, who no sooner perceived it, but they altogether made away as fast as they might, and we came to an anchor not fare from our former place. This device was nothing but to make us think that those Fire-boats should come from the Northwards, that we might not mistrust their coming from the Northwards: and therefore the next day against night, they assembled both junckes, Frigates, and Galleys all together, a little without the sands, to take away all suspicion of the North from us: which I well perceived, and did always resolve, that that way was the place of most danger for us: And therefore gave a special charge of good looking out both ways, but chiefly that way: which accordingly fell out; for that a little within night we did discern them (between us and a great light to the Westward, upon the Island of Gogo) creeping to the Northwards upon the flood, and then upon the last quarter ebb, 
Fiery stratagem prevented.  about ten of the clock in the dark of the night, before the rising of the Moon, there came driving down two Fire-boats, being towed by Frigates, whom we discovered before they came near us, and p●yed at them both with our Ordnance and small shot, whereby we beaten off the Frigates that towed them, who durst adventure no further with them, but turned them off, who came driving with the tide a pretty distance from the other. The first driven clear of the Gift, Hector and Solomon, and came thwart the Hopes Hause, and presently blew up, and with the blow much of their ungracious stuff: but (blessed be God) to no harm to the Hope, for that by cutting her Cable, she cleared herself. The latter came likewise upon the quarter of the Hope, and then flamed up, but did no harm, driving down the ebb, and came foul of us again on the flood, the abundance of fuel continually burning, which our people in our Boats towed ashore, and the former sunk down near us by daylight. This day I received a letter from Master Aldworth, who writes of the receipt of a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas Whittington is distracted, and out of his right senses, and that he writeth somewhat doubtfully of Richard Steel.  
The tenth at night, near about the same time as before, there came two Fire-boats together, towed by four or five Frigates, 
Two Fire-boats more.  which bore directly upon the Hector: but as soon as we discovered them, the Gift and the Hector let drive at them, both with great and small shot, that the Frigates which towed them, forsook them, and forced the actors thereof to give fire sooner than they would, and so turned them adrift: who coming burning directly towards her (but the wind being stiff, driven them to leeward of her) within half an hour after we perceived a great many Boats driving right with the Hector, at whom they and we discharged, which again made the Frigates forsake them, 
Other Fire-boats.  and also those appointed for to act it, sooner than they expected, whereby they gave fire only unto two of them, being four of them chained together: but the Hector edging to windward (and it pleased God to sand a stiff gale of wind at present, which driven them to Leeward of her) our Gunner made a shot at one of the Boats unfired, and struck her, whereupon she took fire, and the vehemency of the flames reached unto the fourth, and set her a fire also, and so they driven ashore hard by our landing place. My Pinnace took three of the actors in a small Cannow, wherein they thought, the exploit being done, to have escaped. Two of them were brought aboard me, and the third was left aboard the Hector: and the Gelliwat returning aboard, found another which she brought with her; one of them had his shoulder shot thorough. Thus it pleased God to disappoint all the malicious practices of our enemies against us.  
The eleventh, the Viceroy seeing God crossing him in all his injurious attempts, set sail and fell down into the Bar, where he anchored. The cause of his anchoring there, I was desirous to understand; I doubting it was for no other purpose, then to attempt the spoil of Surat: but I resolved, if he should so do, to put out with my ships, and so to set upon his Fleet (which would make his enterprise against Surat to be given over) being desirous to assist the place where we had so great a stock, 
Viceroy seeks peace and is refused.  and so many of our Merchants. But the Viceroy would not trust me so much, as to unman his ships, jest I should come against him; and therefore sent all the Frigates at night into the River, with some to capitulate about a peace, whereof he had flat answer to the contrary, as aforesaid.  
The twelfth, Lacandas came down, informing me from the Nabob (he being so assured by the jesuits, 
The jesuits factors of State, and Merchandise affairs in the East- Indieses.  with whom he always kept fair weather for his better security, if we should be put to the worse) that there were six or eight Frigates gone to the Northwards, with four or five Fire-boats to be let drive among us in the night: and therefore wished carefully to look out, for that it should be when we should least suspect. I allowed of his kindness, was glad of his careful regard, although needing no such admonition, suspecting such practices as well when they were out of sight, 
Other Fire-boats.  and furthest from us, as when they road hard by us.  
The thirteenth, for as much as Frigates or other vessels in the offing could not so well discern the place of our ships, in the dark night, for the shadow of the shore, though very low; therefore in the times of their hellish Gunpowder practices, they had lights for aim given them ashore, where fittest to come in. Now night by night we saw the like, in the like place as before; therefore esteeming some of their creatures again to give aim for their coming to like practices, though no vessels seen by daylight. And being formerly warned, as aforesaid, to look out for like attempts, in hope to take hold of this Fire-man, at night I sent William Gurdin ashore with twenty men, 
Craft and subtleties of devils and men, ●roue Ignes fatui & frustratè.  shot and pike, to encompass and take the blazer of the said fire, supposing it to be some traitor inhabiting these nearest parts: who in his passage coming near it, it would seem presently out, and again at an instant at another place contrary to their pursuit, and so playing in and out with them so long, that in the end they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the Devil, not knowing otherwise how to conjecture thereof. This present night the Viceroy set sail from the Bar, 
Viceroy departeth.  leaving in the River some twenty of his Frigates, which continued the place, shifting to relieve each other sometimes more, and sometimes less, and kept in the Mallabars' Frigates, which were there in service for the defence of the Town.  
The fourteenth, the Nabob sent me a great man and a Soldier (whom in amity he named his brother) to visit me, who declared his opinion, that the Viceroy and all his Fleet were gone for Goa, but some Frigates to attend this River, and some to return to Diu and Ormus: which opinion of his I see no reason for it, could not allow of; esteeming him rather gone some-whither to refresh his people, to strengthen them against our putting forth to sea, when no sands should hinder his greatest ships to encounter me. He also told me that the King had sent down forces, both to take Damon, and all the Country along the Seaside; in which I gave him courteous hearing, believing as I saw reason: and that they were more willing to give our Nation entertainment and trade, than ever they did the Portugals; the which I thought he might with very good reason speak, because the Portugal hath been injurious always, and hath exercised many vile things upon them. And yet unless we continued able to mate and withstand the Portugals forces, they will unsay that speech again for their own ease. After he had seen the ship, and viewed our Ordnance, and all our defensible preparations, he desired leave to departed with his train, which with all courtesy and our Boats, in best fashion was performed.  
Now our daily endeavour is, and long since hath been to the clearing and beginning to lad the Hope for England; which by the over-topping and threatening forces of the Viceroy formerly, with reason I could not resolve to do, though time and liberty would for present have allowed the same: but by hasty snatches, as it came, ever we put it in confusedly (some into one ship, and some into another) not thinking fit in so casual a time, to hazard all our Cargason in one ship. Besides, it was long before the Hopes burnt Mast was newly cured: and that I resolved to sand home the Hope, it was not altogether for that I esteemed her fittest of burden for the stowing of our goods presently provided; but withal, by the many impediments and disability in the ship, in and by the Master and Carpenter daily complained of, as that the post within the Rudder was unsheathed (a strange and dangerous neglect, and oversight) and therefore fittest soon to be returned, and the loss of our Quicksilver in her, which lieth upon her Keel and Billages, another important cause.  
The eighteenth, the Nabob sent Cogearson Allee, the Sabandar, and other Merchants of Surat, to entreat my stay for fifteen days, which in no sort I would grant: then they importuned me for ten days, which yet by no means would I yield unto, showing how great prejudice to my Voyage my stay here so long might be. The cause of their request, was their fear left the Viceroy after my departure should come against Surat with all his forces. 
Fear for Surat.  Wherhfore I considering the weight of this business, and the prejudice it might be to ourselves, and also being unwilling to sand them back with denial, seeing them much discontented thereat as a disgrace unto them, and being loathe at my departure to give the Nabob any distaste therein, that have done to my unttermost hitherto to give him all content possible; and knowing what future hindrance it might be to our business ashore: and last of all, seeing there was six days work of the ten to be done in the Hope, before we could be possibly ready; I at length (when they were altogether out of hope thereof, and upon departure) condescended to their request, whereat they were exceeding joyful, and departed.  
The two and twentieth at night, I received a Letter from Surat, informing me of the Nabobs coming to see me the next day.  
The three and twentieth, in the morning, came down two Elephants and six Camels, bringing his Tents and other provisions.  
The four and twentieth, Master Aldworth came down with the rest of the Merchants to finish all business with me.  
The five and twentieth in the morning, the Nabob came down with a very great train, and six Elephants more, and had been two hours ashore before I knew thereof: which when it was told me, being sorry for my neglect of him, I sent Master Aldworth, Master Elkington, and M. Dodsworth ashore unto him, to hold him in discourse until I came unto him, which was not long after; I purposed to go unto him (as a son unto his father) in my doublet and hose, 
Interview of the Nabob and Gen.  without any arms or great trains, according to custom, thereby to show my trust and confidence that I reposed in him: but my friends persuaded me to the contrary, that I should rather go well appointed and attended on with a sufficient guard, to continued the custom. Whereunto I consented (though in conclusion, it repent me that I had not taken mine own course) and went ashore with about one hundred and forty men, of pike and shot, who at my entrance into the Nabobs Tent gave me a Volley of shot. The Nabob entertained me very kindly, seeming very joyful of my coming ashore to him: we sitting a while under a very fair Tent, open on all sides round about, environed with many people, as well of mine, as of his attendants. At length he brought me into a more private room near adjoining, having on his side only Awl Can, a great Persian Captain, and the Banian Henie for his Interpreter; and on my side, Master Aldworth, Master Elkington, and Master Dodsworth▪ where he conferred both of the estate of this Country at present, and also of our affairs. At length I demanded of him if he would go aboard with me to see the ship; whereunto he very willingly consented. Than he presented me with his own sword (accompanied with many good words, telling me that it was the custom of their Country, 
Nabob giveth his Sword.  to honour Captains with arms, that had deserved well) which as he told me was made in his own house, the hilts thereof being of massy gold, and in lieu thereof I returned him my suit, being Sword, Dagger, Girdle and Hangers, by me much esteemed of, and which made a great deal better show, though of less value. We came both forth of the private Tent, and I walked down to the waterside, there staying his coming; whither he sent me a present of ten Cuttonee quilts, and twenty Topseells; and not long after came the Nabob himself, 
He goeth aboard.  and then we took boat together and went aboard, where having showed him the lying of our Ordnance, and all our warlike preparation for defence, I presented him with a very fair standing guilt cup with a cover, and certain very fair knives, and a Roundlet of Muskadine, with some other toys. Than he desired to see our Ordnance shoot off, and how fare they would carry their shot upon the water, and I gave him three. Than he would have taken leave, but I accompanied him to the shore, and gave him at his departure eleven great shot. At our parting at the waterside, the Nabob gave me four baskets of Grapes; he likewise gave the Gunners and Trumpeters between them two hundred Mamudies, and among the ships company five hundred Mamudies, and one hundred books of white Bastas, of two Mamudies a piece: and then after some compliments we took leave one of the other, and departed. I rowed along the shore for my better getting aboard, the tide running so swiftly, and saw Lacandas the Banian come running towards the Boat, being sent of the Nabob to know of me, if he should erect a Tomb over my son: I returned him many thanks, and willed Lacandas to tell him that I had already begun it: then I returned aboard, and he went to Surat; and not long after his Tents were taken down, and went after him with the rest of his carriages.  
The six and twentieth, the Nabobs son and son in law (a very ingenious young man) came aboard to take their leaves of me: upon whom I bestowed some knives, and other things which I had left, which could not be much, having still had one great man or other to visit me, who seldom or never went away without some one present or other: so they viewed the ship and departed.  
The seventeenth, there came aboard unto me the three sons of Allee Can, the two youngest first, and after them came the eldest, called Guger Can, who as yet had never been aboard: He presented me with two Antelops, male and female, whereat I was glad, since I had sent to inquire for some to sand home to Sir Thomas Smith, 
Two Antelops.  but could not procure any. I presented him with four Spanish pikes with heads, and some other things of my own, and shown him all the ship, with our warlike preparation for defence, as also all our Ordnance; and a little while after he took his leave, and at his departure I gave him eleven shot.  

March 3.  The third of March in the afternoon, upon the tide of ebb, and a small gale came up Northerly, to give steering way to our ships, we seeing our friends the malabars (which had desired to go with us) not attempting to come forth, we hastened to get up our anchors, and to set sail to proceed on our journey: yet seeing coming in from the Westward another Fleet of Portugal Frigates, I was willing to show my best, in the view of the Country people, to hinder their coming into the river of Surat; 
Their departure.  which was nothing, for that there was room enough for them to pass by us every way out of the reach of our shot; yet we shot at the nearest of them, without hope to shoot near them, but only to show our good wills, and for encouragement to our friends on land; as also for those which went alongst the Coast (as I esteemed) to give knowledge to the Galleons of our coming, that they might report also that we shot at their fellows going to Surat: that they might also expect that we cared the less for their greater strength. In our passage this night, we had diverse flaws of unconstant winds, for which we came to anchor for a while. Afterwards seeing it blew steady, though faint, we set sail, continuing our course South by East alongst the shore. 
The enemies forces descried  At that time the daylight began to discover to us all things near us; we descried between us and the shore our enemy's forces of Galleons, and two Galleys, all coming to sail presently after they saw us, and stood after us with a faint gale, we standing somewhat without our course with all our sails, partly to gain time to make ourselves in perfect readiness to fight, partly to refresh my people that had taken much pains the night past; as also the further I draw them off the Coast, the further they will be from fresh supplies to be sent them. But ere long, the tide of flood being come, and little wind to hold our own, we came to an anchor, while the enemy resting his hopes in the wind, kept longer under sail to his greater disadvantage. But I not taking it for an error in them, but of purpose to do us more harm, it brought me into a new and great doubt, which drew all my powers to device how to prevent. This was, that now we were at sea, they meant to return to Surat with all their strength, and there to work their wills on our friends and goods, which I had no means to prevent, but by following them; knowing they durst not unarm, nor unfurnish their ships while I was in sight of them. But the time now grew so late, that I doubted by the most haste that I could make, I should hardly get off the Coast before the foul weather came; which put me into some hope, that the Viceroy being so great a Soldier, and so discreet a Gentleman, would not expose himself, his people and ships to such great perils as the hastening winter did threaten. While these th●ngs floated in my mind, the tide of flood was spent, and time to work if we make use of the ebb, we (to my great content) saw the Viceroy his Fleet standing towards us with a fresh gale of wind. We likewise set sail, and stood away our own course before him all that tide, and so spent the night to the best advantage, partly by sailing, and partly by stopping.  
The fifth in the morning, we saw the enemy had gotten but little ground of us: This day also we spent, as before, in riding and sailing, as time served to our best advantage: and for that the Hector went best, and the Hope (logloaden) worst, I sent to the Hector to take in her Boat, and to prepare for the Hope. I sent to the Hope to give directions to hasten to the Hector, to be towed, and to the end she should have nothing to hinder her, I had her Boat to tow at my stern, and so spent the night working for the best, the wind fresh we had no cause to anchor. This night the Viceroys ships got much ground of us: by this I was gotten well off from the shore, and also an end to the Southwards, and by his working I recovered some assurance to my conceit, that these forces would not this year annoy Surat: and for my business for encountering the enemy, I had by good leisure well considered how to contrive it, and withal I had considered of the cases of either, and the difference between the Viceroy and me, I mean in our several satisfactions and contents: My coming hither was by the authority of my King, and to follow the designs of my Employers, which was in Merchant's ships fitted for defence, 
Wise and sober course.  and to endeavour by honest commerce, without striving to injury any, which God hath of his tender mercy and bountiful blessing so assisted me, that we have performed beyond my former conceit, and in most things hitherto God hath granted me my heart's desire: and am now in a good way upon my way with the same: with which without further tempting of God, or presuming of Gods continuing mercies in further deliverances, if I by pride swerve from what is just, and before him to be allowed, whose mercies have been free, and without any cause in me for his own Name sake: therefore I hold it fit to proceed soberly, and attend upon the Enemy's attempt, yet not in base manner, but in a warlike sort.  
On the other side, the unhappy Viceroy a famous valiant man, therefore now sent by his Master the King of Spain with Ships (the principal of India) with men (all the Gallants and principal Braggarts of those nearer parts of India) what to do? 
Thankful consideration of Gods assisting our equity, and punishing the Portugal pride.  Not only to disturb or intercept the peaceable and quiet trade of the English with the subjects of the mogul, a great King in his own Country, but to take or burn them: so little regard is had to the effusion of Christian blood; never looking towards the judgements of God, nor remembering that as men do to others, they must expect to be done to. This Captain was furnished with abundance of all things the Country might yield, and wanted nothing but an upright cause, fit for God to favour. He came to the place where he found what he sought, four poor Merchants ships, a few men, and many of them sick and dead; and those Braggarts measured our minds by their own, thought we would never stand out against so powerful a force, as they esteemed they had; and the conceit of that, set those Coxcombs a madding to be doing mischief, to increase their pride, which they entitle honour. I seeing the difference, and the cause I had to pray to God my only refuge, whom it pleased to grant the request of me his poor and unworthy servant: in consideration whereof, I put forward the business, and as it were, baited my hook, and the Fish presently ran thereat as aforesaid.  
They came three Ships, and thirty or forty Frigates, as I imagined; with a veaze laid the Hope aboard with the flower of all their Gallants, where by the hand of God in their amazed carriage, they received such a blow, as few (and they by their extraordinary chance) escaped with safety, and the three ships burnt. Thus it pleased God to cross their first attempt, and never after, though they beleaguered us round about by sea, with all their sorts of ships for many days together, our people still in action, and half tired with continual labour, some receiving in goods; yet. Blessed be God, they could never get the advantage to win from us the vallewe of a louse, unless our Bullets which we lent them, his fire-boats failing, and nothing prospering; and once in four and twenty hours, I sent him a defiance for many days together, to try his temper; all which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of a Gentleman of so great courage. I esteem now he will hazard much to recover some of his honour formerly lost (but craving pardon for this my digression, I will now return and proceed with my former business.)  
Wherhfore the sixth in the morning betimes, I sent for my Master, and let him know that my purpose was, that when the Viceroy should come up near with us, that we would all at once cast about with him, and charge him first on the sudden, to strike an unexpected terror in the hearts of his people, who now are brag, seeing us going away before them. And to that end I now went aboard every ship, to give them all directions; and more, that I would 'cause the Hector, with her Pinnace and mine, to take in an hundred fardels of the Hope's goods to lighten her, and mend her going: which business (by reason of my Pinnace to help) I stayed to see it done; so that it grew to be midday, near which time, my ship which I left fare asterne for my better coming aboard, strooke sail, whereat (as we imagined) the Viceroy seeing the Admiral strike her sails to fall a stern, might take it of purpose to stay for him in contempt, he with his Consorts bore up with the shore, and gave over the hope of their fortunes by further following of us: which course I like very well, since he is so patiented; for there is nothing under his foot that can make amendss for the loss of the worst man's finger I have. Besides, I wish no occasion to fight; 
R●sh fight is ●ather humour than honour.  for that which I have already paid for, I am already possessed on, and I am so fare from the humour to fight for honour, unless for the Honour of my King or Country, that I had rather save the life or lives of one of my poorest people, then kill a thousand Enemies. Having now finished with the Viceroy, I set myself to writ Letters for the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have haled into the Bar of Goa, to prove if I could have left some Commendations there for the Viceroy at his return: this was my great desire that I long promised, yet so long trifled in dispatch of the Hope, that we were shot fare past it before we had finished the same.  
The rest of this journal is 
* S●nce this was wri●ten▪ I h●ue obtained M Elkingtons' journal, wherein you may proceed wi●h this worthy Captain to Bantam, and thence to his Grave: his History succe●ding this, as himself did ●n the General's place of command.  wanting; for he is also wanting which should have perfected it. But alas, this is the imperfection of Man's best perfections, Death lying in ambush to entrap, whom by open force (you see) he could not devour. He dying in this Voyage, and following his son, hath left this glorious act, Memoriae Sacrum, the Memorable Epitaph of his worth, savouring of a true Heroic disposition; Piety and Valour being in him seasoned with Gravity and Modesty. We will not with heathen Poets cry out of cruel immature Fates: for Death hath prevented unto him possibility of disastrous events (which as shadows follow the bodies in greatest light) and leaving his living Memory here, hath lifted his lively part, and virtuous Spirit, to receive the applause, and praise, and reward of God and with God, to whom be glory for ever. Amen.    

CHAP. XII. Relations of Master ELKINGTON and Master DODSWORTH, touching the former Voyage.  

§. I. Collections taken out of the journal of Captain THOMAS ELKINGTON, Successor to Captain NICHOLAS DOWNTON in the Voyage aforesaid, written by himself.  
THe first of january 1613. the new ship built at Detford, was launched and called the New-Yeares-Gift. 
Soldania.  The third of March, we came to an anchor in the Downs. The thirtieth of june, we set sail from the Bay of Soldania. Hear at this time which is their dead of Winter, it was temperate, rather inclining to cold than heat. We had little refreshing but water and fish. The people are wretched, neither sow nor plant, devil in small Cottages made of Hides, and so join many of them in a round Circle, having their Cattles in the midst. They are brown, but by greasing themselves become almost black, and in the wind unsavoury a dozen yards off, filching, treacherous, unworthy so good a Land, which in likelihood with culture would be very fertile.  
The sixth of August we had sight of Saint Laurence. This night Robert Waters departed, a man long diseased in body, 
The cry of blood.  disturbed in mind by torment of conscience, for a man by him killed in Virginia, (cowardly coming behind him, and knocking him on the head) for which he obtained his pardon in the Court of men, but in the inward and spiritual was thus pursued to his death. 
S. Augustine.  Here in the Bay of Saint Augustine we wooded and watered: Some went up the river and came to their houses or sheds, which were small things set up with Canes, and covered with a thing like a hurdle, made of the leaves of the Palm Tree. The people fled and left all, that is, nothing but a little Cotton spun, or on the Distaves, with a few necessaries. The eleleventh and twelfth, we bought Cattles in exchange of Silver Chains, they taking the value of twenty pence, or two shillings in a Chain for an Ox, which in money would cost five or six shillings. They are very good, fed (it seems) within the land, for we saw nothing but sand and wood without any grass at all.  
The ninth of September, we had sight of Socatora, and passing by Tamarind Bay, came to anchor in Delisha.  
The one and twentieth of October, we came into the Road of 
* Of Occurrents here, read the former and next following Discourse.  Swally. After the fight on the twentieth of january, in which three Portugal ships were burnt, and two Frigates sunk, and Timber procured for the Hopes main Mast, which the Nabob caused to be done so warily, that it seemed he was afraid jest the Portugals might know it. On the four and twentieth, came a jesuite with another fellow from the Viceroy to entreat of peace with Magrib●can, who on the seven and twentieth, sent the Viceroy one hundred and fifty Mands Meal, one hundred sheep, twenty five Mands Conserves with Hens, etc. In the afternoon the Sabandar requested me to read a Letter from the Viceroy, which signified that whereas by the Padre he was informed that the Nabob desired to make peace in his Master's name, and had appointed for treaty thereof the Sabandar, Isaac Beg, and Abduram, he also had harkened thereto and appointed three others to that business binding himself to perform their agreements.  
On the one and thirtieth. The Sabandar came unto me and told me, that no peace could be with the Portugals, they refusing to make any restitution for damages or goods taken, but rather required money of them: and that the Viceroy had sent to all parts thereabouts for more forces. After their fire devices frustrated, they all set sail, both Ships, junckes, Galleys and Frigates, and road at the Bar of Surat. The Hector had taken one of their Frigates which was employed to tow the fire-boats and in her seven men; three slain, four living. Soon after they departed: and we also weighed the second of March.  
On the fourth, we descried the Portugal Fleet, which presently gave us chase, and the next day also. On the sixth, the General came aboard us, to wish us to make ready, he purposing to turn and give the onset on them: but about noon the Portugals bore up the Helm, and stood in for the shore, and within three hours after we lost sight of them. The tenth, at night the Hope departed from us. The fifteenth, we saw three Spouts of water not fare from us, one whereof very big continuing half an hour. The nineteenth, we doubled Cape Comorine. 

Spouts of water.  
A. D. 1615.    
The tenth of May, the wind and current against us, the General went to a green Island to the North of the Salthill, and there came to an anchor in twenty fathom good ground sandy. We sought freshwater but found none: we saw Pigs and Hogs on the Island, and gathered good store of Coco Nuts. About this Island is good riding, being twelve fathoms within a stones throw of the shore. The Pinnace fetched water at an Island four leagues off, which was brackish. We found water in the Island beyond the burning one. The second of june, we came to an anchor in Bantam Road.  
The third of july, we weighed Mace and received Silk for the furnishing of the Solomon, for Masulipatan, wherein we concluded to sand for Merchants, George Chancie, Ralph Preston, 
Masulipatan.  Humphrey Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage.  
The eighth of july, we laded Porcelain in her: and then came news by a juncke from the Moluccas, of the Thomasine being there, and of twelve sail of Hollanders at Ternate, which hindered all men they could from Trade. The eleventh, our old house escaped great danger of a fire near it.  
On the twentieth, Master jordan received Letters from Master Ball at Macassar, of the violent courses which the Flemings used with him, beating him from thence, 
Holland abuses of us at Macassar.  as also that they purposed with their whole force to come to take Bantam, and to place the King of Motran in the Government.  
The one and twentieth, Master Bennet set sail in the Solomon. The five and twentieth, the Advice and Attendance came into the Road, having been out of England eight months. At the Cape they met with the Globe and james, to whom they spared eighteen men. They departed towards England, july the seventeenth, and they hither, the eighteenth, meeting with a ship near the Cape, which we judge to be the Samaritan or Hope from England.  
The fifth of August, I was aboard with the General then very ill, and the next day had word of his departure; whom followed on the eighth. Master Euans the Preacher, 
General Downton his death. By order in the Box M. Elkington succeeded. Advice goeth to japan. Tempest.  and Master Hambden, as was supposed, by taking Lodanum, they both being well a little before. On the eleventh, the Advice was dispeeded for japan, with twenty two persons brought out of England, five Blacks and Fernando the Spaniard.  
The fourteenth, returned the Concord from Socodanna, and Macassar. That night was much Rain, Thunder and Lightning, the Church or Meskit of Bantam split in two with a Thunderbolt, and the chief Priest almost slain, which the King and people took as an ill presage, and therefore determined to make peace with jacatra.  
The sixteenth, the Thomasines' Boat came into Bantam, with twenty two English, and f●ue Blacks, which told of the casting away of the Thomasine on certain flats, 
Thomasine lost.  twenty two leagues from Macassar the night before, Wilson the Master being careless, and all the company asleep, saving he which was at the Helm. The money they saved and brought with them. Master Baily signified also that the wracked company there enforced him to pay them their wages, which we caused them to restore.  
The nineteenth, the Flemings put into the Bilbowes three Blacks, that Master Baily brought with him from Celoar, pretending they took them climbing over their pales, 
Hollanders quarrels and abuses.  also that they were taken form a place which they protected, and therefore would keep them. We are many ways most vilely abused by them, nor is any way to right us except we should go together by the ears, this as we conceive being wrought of purpose, and the Blacks enticed by them and willing to it, as being taken by force: which after that I knew, I was offended with Master Baily, 
M. Bailies injustice.  being a means that whereas heretofore we have been in all places well entreated, that we should be hated as Men-robbers, which the Flemings to disgrace us will not let to blaze abroad.  
The thirteenth of September, the watch espied a fire in the thatch over Master Iordans lodging, which was soon quenched: it was thrown there purposely; we found the Cane wherein it was done, for which we suspected Francisco the Spaniard turned javan. The same night the like happened in two or three places of the Town, but all prevented.  

Puloway.  The second of October, Sophonee Cossock, Merchant, came in a small Pinnace from Puloway, one of the Lands of Banda, with an Orancaya, to confer of trade.  
The two and twentieth, I with Master Pring and Master Boil, went ashore to confer with the Flemish General, touching certain idle complaints made by them of our Mariners: whom and the Precedent I found very impatient, calling us insolent 
* 
Quis tuler●t Gracchoes de seditione querentes: Call who●● first, Dutch policy. Is it such a crime to be English?  
Letter from Banda, with offer of Trade, etc.   English, and with threats, telling us our pride would have a fall, with many other disgraceful words; this being the entertainment of that boorish General, Garret Reynes, in his own house; showing the like or worse to Master Ball, coming aboard him at Banda, and four of our men entreating passage with him thence to Cambello, upon no cause he carried them thither in the Bilbowes.  
The third of November, I went ashore: Captain jordan called together the Merchants, and sent for the Orancaya of Banda, having had his Letter translated, the effect whereof was, that in regard of the ancient friendship between the English and them, and especially with Captain Keel●ng, withal being provoked by the cruelty of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the Spices of Puloway, Pulerons and Nera: conditionally that the English would furnish them with Victuals, Munition and Ordnance, and help them to recover the Castle of Nera, and that some might be sent to Banda, to confer hereof with the Orancayas. To which was answered, that for help to recover Nera, we could not do it without order from England; for Ordnance at present we were unprovided: what we could, we would, which was to furnish them with Victuals, and what other provisions we could, till further order out of England, and to trade with them for Spices, purposing to sand a ship, and some to confer with the Orancayas, how we should be secured, and whether they would permit us a Fort on shore.  
The two and twentieth, were five Hollanders riding without: four of which came from Mauritius Island (having come out of Holland nineteen months passed) where they found General Butt cast away with three ships, two utterly lost, the third men and goods saved, the fourth went home with a jury Mast, in company of a small Pinnace that came thither by chance. One of these ships that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, whom they found driving to and again before the straits mouth, having lost one hundred and sixty men, and left in her but eight.  
The five and twentieth, by a letter from Priaman, we had news of the death of Master Oxewike and Samuel Negus.   

§. II. A Brief of Memorials observed and written by M. EDWARD DODSWORTH, Merchant in the former Voyage, which returned in the Hope.  
THe sixteenth of October, in the Bay of Surat, came aboard us Master Aldworth and Master Steel: and the next day in consultation it was demanded of Master Aldworth according to the Companies 
* This Commission had six questions, of which I take that which is fit for the public.  Commission, concerning Paul Canning, of his carriage and respect with the King: to which he answered, That was well, and this good, till the jesuits had made known that he was a Merchant, and not immediately sent from our King; after that, neglected, since which he 
* Of his death you h●d before in N. W. his relations by poison▪ as was thought, from the jesuits. T. Elk.  died. Also he thought fit that some one of our Nation, of good respect, should remain at Court, to right us in those wrongs which might be offered. To this function Master Edward's was chosen as a man most answerable to the Companies Commission to go for Agra, some question being made whether he should proceed in name and profession of a Merchant (according to the strictness of the Commission) which Master Aldworth conceited would procure him disrespect with the K●ng. After much contesting, some way was given to Master Edward's, jest they should seem contrary to each other in their proceed, it being before by some given out, that he was the King's Messenger.  
All this while we heard not from the Chief at Surat, nor had any encouragement, or so much as refreshing, whereupon I was sent with a letter to the Nabob, and doubting to get into the City, was forced to stay by the way, and lie in a poor Gonge, and the next day was courteously entertained: but having Nicholas Vphlet with me for Interpreter, a man known and hated by the Nabob, for employment in Captain Hawkins debts and affairs; he departed discontent▪ 〈◊〉 Co●anozan with others, to receive my letter: I refused to deliver it to them; in the afternoon I was admitted, and he seemed much discontent at our want of refreshments, as not knowing it, promising reformation; and the next day went to talk with the General at Swally, who had come into that Road on the one and twentieth. Nevertheless, we had found nothing but delays: and the nine and twentieth, he sent the Sabander to acquaint us, that we should look for no trade or kindness, except we would assist them against the Portugal: Which the General refusing, further than his Commission gave leave, he also desired leave by his letter, that his Merchants might come aboard with their goods, so to departed to some other place, where with safety he might deliver his Majesty's Letters and Present to the Mogoll. Master Elkington and Master Aldworth went with this Letter. 
* These words following and some other I have here inserted out of Master E●kingtons journal.  But Magro Can would not so much as look on us, but took it very scornfully, and went his way, and sent the Sabandar with answer as before.  
The second of November, we had sour entertainment of him, telling us, if we would stay, we might; if we would go, we might go, either in Gods, or the Devil's name; for our other demands referring us to Isaak Beg and the Sabandar, who would yield us nothing. The common people seemed well affected to us, the greater to desire our room rather than our company, but so that we thought none of them durst gainstand the Kings Firma: whereupon it was concluded that the goods should be landed, which accordingly was done. But in the Alfandica we could found no reasonable ratements on the goods, nor ●aue to carry away any thing, till the Na●ob had seen them, and taken what he pleased (as he had done in opening men's che●●s, nei●her Mariner nor Merchant escaping without trifles taken from them, 
Harsh and barbarous dealing.  no reason after given for it) searching to the very pillows and pockets, not sparing Master Edward's himself: Customing the Cases, Bottles, Apparel, or what we brought for necessary use, as if they sought by foul usage to weary us.  
The fifteenth, Magro Can himself came to the Alphandica, and sealed up the King's Presents, which he was desirous to see, although he had promised that they should pass without opening. He desired to have all the Pictures and Combe-cases, which we said were to go for Agra, that the King might have his choice. Whereupon (notwithstanding he was offered part of them) he fell into great choler, and objected Sir Henry Middleton his proceed in the Red-sea, wishing Master Aldworth to writ to the King for satisfaction: which was answered to have been already ended by Captain Best, as the Articles manifest. He concluded yet with fair promises, but the effect was (defect and) delay, we b●ing not permitted to carry away the King's Presents. The Pictures by lying in the Sun, were broken and warped in vile manner, we also in danger to loose the Monson, and the Kings Present, with Muskets and Fowling-pieces taken from our men, were carried to his house: and nothing permitted us, except he might first see the Kings Present, which we at last yielded unto, and Magro Can as much as he could disgraced, boasting of his respect with the King. And thus had we leave to remove them.  
The four and twentieth, came a Firma from the Mogoll, which the Nabob (according to their custom) met in state two miles out of the City, with six hundred horse. And the next day we were kindly entertained, and he gave Master Edward's eight hundred and fifty Mamudies, thirty pieces of Topseell, ten of fine Calicoes, etc. the money to carry up the Presents, (the King not willing to charge them that bring them) the Stuffs and Calicoes for such as should accompany them. To the Merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of Topseels (five to each) wi●h his chop for our departure, and kind promises; all in the s●ght of him which brought the Firma. The thirtieth, Master Edward's and we set forwards towards Amadavar.  
The second of December, we came to Baroche: from whence the Governor sent a guard of Soldiers with us to Demylode, and there had a new convoy of fifty horse and foot to Charmondo: whence we departed on the seventh, with five and twenty soldiers, all notorious thiefs (as we after found) With these we went 10c. and pitched in a plain, where we barricaded ourselves, as formerly we used, with our carts; at supper time we had been assaulted with fifty horsemen, which came close upon us, had they not found us well provided, the charge we carried being certainly known thorough all the Country as we traveled.  
The eight, we came to Brodera, and gave the Governor a Present, which he accepted kindly, but requested a further kindness to see our Mastifle dog. 
A Mastiff dog in request.  This City stands in a plain which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing not so common in those parts. We departed hence with one hundred horse and foot, which voluntarily offered that service (in regard especially of the Kings Present, employed by the Governor) not without charge to us, and came to Arras, 
Arras a Town of Banians. Amadavas. Steel and Crowther heir journal following.  a Town inhabited for the most part with Banians, where their superstition of not killing any thing, caused us bad entertainment.  
On the thirteenth, we came to Amadavas. Hence we gave commission to Richard Steel, and john Crowther for their Persian journey. And hence the second of january, Master Edward's departed from us for Agra.  
All this while finding the Merchants here, in hope of Peace with the Portugals, to enhance the prices of their Indigo, we resolved to go to Sarques to make trial with the Country people, 
Sarques.  who are the makers of it: which on the seventh we did, and found good employment, in four days packing up four hundred farthels; and Master Aldworth returning to Amadavas, found them now more tractable. Sarques is thence 3c. distant, the Town not big, but counted the best soil for Indigo in those parts, the trial thereof chief by water, as at Amadavas' jambrozerch by fire, all of them ready to put tricks on us by mingling or otherwise. At Sarques are two of the most ancient Monuments in those parts; 
Monuments & Pilgrimage.  one of a chie●e Prophet there entombed, to which many Pilgrim's resort from fare; the other of their ancient Kings. To the North of the Town is the place, where Can Canna first put the Guzerates (the ancient inhabitants) to flight, the rest of the Kingdom being shortly after conquered by Ecbar this King's Father. This place of the victory is strongly walled with brick, some mile and half in circuit, planted with fruits and watered pleasantly, and a costly house called Victory erected, in which he resided for a time, but now in Bramport.  
The four and twentieth, we went to the Governor for his leave to departed, which he granted; but hearing of diverse rob and murdered that night close by the City, order was given that we should stay till a sufficient guard were made ready for us. The next morning we had Letters from M. Elkington of the arrival of the Portugal Viceroy, with a strong force to drive us out of the Country.  


The fight betwixt the English and Portugals.  
See of it more in my Pilgrimage, l. 5. c. 7. S. 4. out of the relation of diverse of the Hope's company at that time: as also Captain Downtons own Voyage.  
Tempora mutantur & nos mutamur in illis.   The General to procure some weakening of their strength, caused the Hope to fall down to the Southermost sand, thinking in eager pursuit some of them would be driven aground. Presently three of the smallest ships, and thirty six Frigates were sent to board her, hoping to tow her away. Thrice the enemy entered, and was thrice repulsed, and forced at last to leap overboard, thinking in their Frigates to save themselves, who received such hot discourse from the other ships, that they could not relieve them, so that many were swallowed by the Sea, others slain aboard, to the number, as is reported, of three hundred at lest. The Ships which had boarded the Hope, were now (in despair, and out of all hope) cut from her, and seized instantly by the two desperate, hopeless, merciless Elements, Fire and the Sea, recommending some bones or ashes of their burnt Carcases to the ground and shore.  
The six and twentieth, we departed with forty cartload of Indigo and other goods, and came the seven and twentieth to Mundevas, where the Gates were shut upon us by Sarder Cans command, which putting us in much doubt, we procured one to speak with the Governor, who told him of Letters that he had received from Mocrib Can, of our General's proceed at Swally, and the safety of Surat by the English, wishing him by no means to suffer us to return without a sufficient guard, which the next day should be ready for our safe departure. The twenty ninth, we departed. At Brodera, Sarder Cans men took up more soldiers to assist them, many robberies and murders being daily committed, and diverse companies of Rashbootes lying in the way to intercept.  
The second of February, above three hundred Rashboots assaulted us in a narrow lane, enclosed on both sides with thick hedges, where we could not hurt them, as they did our Caffila, with their arrows and Shot. We therefore made what haste we could for the Plain: mean while, they cut off two of our Coaches. But having gotten the Plain, we made a stand, where they betook them to their hedges again, and left us to look to their prey, lest one thief might rob another. Many of our company were hurt, whereof Humphrey Elkinton for one. The next day we got to Baroche, and on the fifth to Surat, and thanked Mocrib Can for his care; and hearing of an assault the Portugals would next day give us, with his professed love and leave went the next day to Swally, and came aboard: but the Portugals deceived our expectation.  
The ninth, the poor inhabitants of Swally brought us word of two fire-boats, to be sent with the next Ebb to fire our ships, which endangered more than endamaged the Hope. The night following, they attempted the like with four other chained together, which with the advantage of the Tide, and attendance of smaller boats came, but frustrate in their success save to themselves, four of their Company taken, and their Boats burned to the Keel. The Captives confessed this the last of the Viceroys designs for this year, he being enforced for want of water and victuals to return for Goa.  

The Examination of Domingo Francisco, taken in Swally Roade, aboard the Gift. February 20. 1614  
HE saith, That he was borne in Lisboa, being the son of a Mariner, and served Nuna d' Acuna in the fight against Captain Best, in one of the four Galleons, and afterwards went for Macao upon the borders of China, and returned again to Goa, where he hath remained ten Months, and was two Months since commanded to come in a Gallion called the S. Anthony, in this Expedition for the Port of Swally, where the eighth of this Month he was taken. The Viceroy Don jeronimo de Savedo, 
The Viceroy, and his forces and purpose. Galleons six. Their Captains, burden, men, and munition.  came (as this Examinate further saith) to the destruction of the English at Surat with these forces. His own ship called the All-Saints, of eight hundred Tons burden, had three hundred men, and twenty eight pieces of Ordnance. Michael de Soozo Captain of the S. Bennet of seven hundred Tons, had one hundred and fifty men, and twenty Pieces. john Cayatho, Captain of the S. Laurence of six hundred Tons, had one hundred and sixty men, eighteen Pieces. Francisco Henriques Captain of the S. Christopher, so much burden, had one hundred and fifty nine men, and Ordnance as the former. Francisco de Mirande, Captain of the S. jeronymo of five hundred Tons, had one hundred and eighty men, sixteen Pieces. Gaspar de meal Captain of the S. Anthonio of four hundred Tons, had an hundred and forty men, fourteen Pieces.  
The ships were the S. Peter of two hundred Tons, 
Three ships.  Captain Francisco Cavaco, men one hundred and fifty, Pieces eight. The S. Paul of two hundred Tons, Captain Don john de Mescarena, one hundred fifty men, eight Pieces. The Pinnace one hundred twenty Tons, Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men, four Pieces. Lewes de Bruto, Captain of one Galley, 
Two Galleys.  Diego de Suro, of the other, in each fifty men. Of the Frigates there were sixty, having twenty soldiers a piece, and eighteen oars on a side. The supply which came after, 
Frigates.  was two ships of two hundred Tons a piece, two India junkes, and eight small Boats employed to fire us. The Admiral's Ordnance were all of Brass; of the other five Galleons, half of Brass, half of Iron; against all which, the Almighty (blessed be his Name) protected us.  
The five and twentieth, the Nabob visited the General both ashore and aboard. And the General thought fit with consent of the rest, that I should return with the Hope for England. The third of March, we weighed from Swally road, the next day had sight of the Portugal fleet. The sixth, we expected they would have fought, and prepared our fights; but at noon they bore up for Goa. On the eleventh, we parted from the General, they bond for Achen and Bantam, we for England. On the twelfth, we held our course by the North end of the Maldivas, where by experience we found many shoalds and Lands, laid in the plaits most falsely, 
False plaits.  as may seem of purpose, that these Seas might seem more dangerous than they are.  
The seventeenth of june, 1615. we arrived at Saldania Bay, where we found a fleet of four sail English bound for Surat, under the command of Captain Keeling, which after consultation holden, and news of the state there, departed. On the twentieth, 
Of Cross and his Company of condemned persons ●et on shore here, see after in Peytons' Voyage  I met with Cross and his Company, there left to make a discovery, and entreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my coming, which by the way were set upon by the Savages and wounded, and thereupon four Muskets delivered Cross at his request, who procured Corce to come down with his whole family, and ●fter that some Cattles. He told of the discords amongst the Savages, whereby the Mountainers sometimes rob them. The six and twentieth we departed, leaving our long Boat to Cross, with powder, shot, and provision.  
In twenty nine degrees North, we met with a Holland ship come from the Mauritius, set forth thither to cut wood, which seemed a Bastard Ebony; where contrary to their expectation, they found the lamentable wrack of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, broken on the rocks, the goods and men of two of them lost; of the third most of the goods saved, and with part thereof this ship laden; the fourth driven to sea by a storm, returned with a jury main mast. The Master promised us company, but finding us a hindrance, after ten days left us, without so much kindness as a farewell, or carriage of a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened, yet I thank God without the loss of any, till my arrival in Ireland, thwart of the River of Limerike. The seven and twentieth of October, 1615. there also entertained with a storm, till a Scottish Bark crossed with contrary winds, was hired to pilot us into Harbour: where also a remainder of Captain M. his ungodly crew, which lately had obtained their pardon, put me in fear, till Sir Henry Foliot secured us with a supply of men; and I dispeeded Letters to London.     

CHAP. XIII. A journal of the journey of RICHARD STEEL and JOHN CROWTHER, from Azmere in India, the place of the Great Mogul's residence, to Spahan the Royal Seat of the King of Persia, in the affairs of the East- Indian Society. Ann. 1615. 1616.  
THe seventeenth of March, 
March 17. 1614 Richard Still or Steele.  1614 after we had been detained in Azmere from February, M. Edward's having received a Letter from the mogul unto our King, delivered a Copy thereof together with his Letters unto Richard Steel, and took leave, promising to procure the Kings Firman for our safety and speed, and to sand it after us to Agra, where he willed us to stay for it. We went that night two courses to Mandill; we had four servants, two horses, and a Camel. The eighteenth, to Bandersandree a small Aldea twelve course. The nineteenth, ten course to Mosobade. 
A course is a mile and half, and in some place two miles English.  The twentieth, to Pipelo 13 c. The one and twentieth, to Chadfoole a Town 7c. The two & twentieth, to Lalscotte, 13c. The three and twentieth, to mogul Serac, 12c. The four and twentieth, to Hendowne, 14c. The five and twentieth, to Bramobad, 12c. The six and twentieth, to Fetipore, 12c. This hath been a fair City, built by Echabar, and hath within it a goodly house belonging to the King. It is walled round with a fair wall, and both within and round about, hath many spacious Gardens and places of pleasure. Now it goes to ruin, and much ground within the walls is sown with corn, the King carrying much of the fairest stone to Agra his new City.  
The seven and twentieth, to Agra, 12c. In the English house at Agra, we found one Richard Barber an Apothecary, which came over with Sir Robert Shirley. He was sent by M. Kerridge, to look to Nicholas Withington.  

Biana, the place of finest Indigo  Within two days journey of Agra, we passed by the Country and City of Biana, where the finest Indigo is made. The best was then worth six and thirty Rupias the Maun at Agra; but in the Country much cheaper. The third of April, perceiving the Firman came not, and the heat of the year coming on, we departed, leaving order with Richard Barber to sand it after us. We came that night to a Serae called Boutta, 
divers Seraes' built by great men, fair buildings to entertain travellers Dely or Dillee an ancient City.  6c. The fourth, to a Town called Multra, 14c. and lay in a fair Serae: there we received the Firman. The fifth, to a Serae called Chatta, 12c. The sixth to a Serae built by Chan Azam, 9c. The seventh to a Sera built by Shec Ferreede called Purwell, 11c. The eighth, to another goodly Sera by the same Founder, 10c. The ninth, to Dillee a City, 9c. which is great and ancient, in times past the Seat of the Kings, where many of them lie buried. At this time many great men have their Gardens, and houses of pleasure there, and there are buried, whereby it is beautified with goodly buildings; the inhabitants (for the most part Banians) poor and beggarly, by reason of the King's long absence. The tenth, to Bunira, 10c. The eleventh to Culluower 12c. 
Pampette.  The twelfth, to Pampette, 12c. a pretty small City, where are made diverse sorts of Girdles, Sashes, and great store of linen cloth, and they have store of handicrafts. The thirteenth, to Carnal, 12c. The foureteenth, to Tanisera, 14c. The fifteenth, to Shavade, 10c. The sixteenth, to Mogoll Sera, or Gaugur, 15c. The seventeenth, to Sinan an ancient City, where is made store of linen, 14c. The eighteenth, to Duratia, 15c. The nineteenth, to Pullower, 11c. We passed this day a great River by Boat, called Sietmege, very broad, but full of shoalds, and runneth West into Sinda. The twentieth to Nicouder a small Town, 11c. The one and twentieth, to Sultanpoare an old Town, having a River running to the North, and a bridge with six arches: here is store of linen cloth made: four course from it we passed another small River. The two and twentieth, to Chiurmul, 11c. This day by Boat we passed a River as broad as the Thames at Gravesend, called Vian, running Westward into Sinda: upon the banks whereof was pitched Chan Allom, the King's Ambassador into Persia, whose Camp seemed a little City. The three and twentieth, to Chan Channa Sera, 17c. The four and twentieth, to Lahoare, 7. ᶜ.  

Lahor. 〈◊〉 of the Country.  All the Country betwixt Agra and Lahore, is exceeding well tilled and manured, being the best of India, and plentiful of all things. It yields great store of powdered Sugar, the best being worth betwixt two Rupias three quarters, and two and an half, the great Maund of forty. Here all the way is set on both sides with trees, the most of them bearing a kind of Mulberry. It is dangerous in the night for Thiefs, but in the day secure. Every five or six Course, there are Seraes' bu●lt by the King or some great men, very fair for the beautifying of the way, memory of their names, 
Seraes' what, and wherefore built.  and entertainment of Travellers. In these you shall have a Chamber and place to tie your Horses, also store of Horsemeat. But in many of them but little good to be had for men, by reason of the Banians. When a man hath taken up his lodging, no other may dispossess him.  
In the morning about day break, all men make ready to departed together, and then are the gates opened. Before, no man is suffered to departed for fear of Thiefs. This was a tedious travail: for within two hours after the Sunrising, we were scarcely able to endure the heat.  

Lahore.  Lahore is a goodly great City, and one of the fairest and ancientest of India. It stands on the River Indus or Sinda; and from this place came the Treasure of the Portugals Trade when they had peace, as being the Centre of all Indian Traffic. And here they embarked the same down the River for Tatta, 
Tatta.  whence they were transported for Ormus and Persia. The Merchants also pa●●●ng that way betwixt Persia and India, paid them freight. They did likewise drive a great Trade up this River for Pepper and Spices, furnishing these parts of India therewith. At this present the Merchants of India assemble at Lahore, and invest a great part of their moneys in Commodities, and join themselves in Caravans to pass the Mountains of Candahar into Persia, by which way is generally reported to pass twelve or fourteen thousand Camels lading, whereas heretofore scarcely passed three thousand, the rest going by the way of Ormus. These Merchant's are put to great charges betwixt Lahore and Spahan, (besides great cold in Winter and ●●ate in Summer, and the badness of the way, spending six or seven months betwixt those two places) they are said to reckon every Camels lading to stand them in one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and thirty Rupias. Persia is that way furnished with Pepper and Spices from Masulipata● over land. In Lahore we stayed from the four and twentieth of April, until the th●●teenth of May, to refresh ourselves and our tired beasts, and to provide Servants and necessaries for the way. We also here procured Letters from an Ambassador of the Persian King.  
The thirteenth of May, we departed with intent to overtake a Caravan which was gone two months before, and went that day to Chacksunder a small Town 11c. The fourteenth, to Nonserae, 15c. The fifteenth, to Mutteray, 8c. The sixteenth, to Quemal Chan, 19c. The seventeenth, to Herpae, 16c. The eighteenth, to Alicasava, 12c. The nineteenth, to Trumba, 12c. This day we overtook a small Caravan which went from Lahor eight days before us. The twentieth, to Sedouschall, 14c. The one and twentieth, to Callixeckebauds, 15c. The two and twentieth, to Multan, 12c. This is a great and ancient City. Within three Course of it Indus runneth. It yields white Linen and Diaper. All Caravans are constrained to stay at this River eight, ten, or twelve days before they can get leave of the Governor to pass, to the end that the City being poor may get somewhat. We were stayed five days, and then were fain to make way with a Present.  
The eight and twentieth, we passed the River and went to Pettoallee a small Village 20c. The nine and twentieth, we passed another great River by Boat, and the same night came to a small River called Lacca, where we found the Caravan aforesaid: we presented the Caravan Bassa with a Looking-glass and Knife, who wished us to pitch our Tent near to his, that we might have no wrong offered us. The Caravan had been here ten days, and stayed till the second of june, to procure a Convoy of Horsemen to conduct them to Chatcza a small Fort in the Mountains, having heard of the Mountainers injury to a former Caravan.  
The second of june, we dislodged and entered that night into the Mountains 12c. where we were distressed for want of fresh water, the water being brackish. The third and fourth, we traveled all night climbing high Mountains, and following water Courses with diverse windings twelve Course, but in direct Line not above six. The fift, we followed the Course of a River full of great Pebbles 8c. The sixth we rested. The seventh, we went 4c. still crossing the said River. The eight, 8c. The ninth, twelve. The tenth, three, and came to Chatcza, which is a little Fort, 
Chatcza▪  the walls built of mud, enclosed with a Ditch, where the Mogoll maintaineth eighty, or one hundred Horsemen to secure the way from Thiefs. But they themselves are as very Thiefs as any, where they found opportunity.  
The Captain of the Castle exacted upon every Camel of the Caravan two Abacees', although nothing be due by reason, he & his have wages of the King. In all this way betwixt Lacca & Chatcza, we found not any sustenance for man or beast, except in some places a little grass: & therefore we were constrained at Lacca to make provision, hiring an Ox for that purpose to carry Barley for our Horses. The Agwans (so they call the Mountaine-people) came down to us every day where we lodged, rather to espy what they could steal, then to buy, as they pretended.  
The twelfth, in the evening having made provision for three days, we went thence 14c. that night. The thirteenth, 10c. The fourteenth, 10c. This day the people came down to us and brought sheep, Goats, Meal, Butter and Barley in great abundance, sufficient for ourselves and our Cattles, at reasonable prices. And from this place forwards the people daily did the like, sometimes also bringing Felts and course Carpets striped. The fifteenth, we went 6c. The sixteenth, 4c. The seventeenth, ten. The eighteenth, 9c. The nineteenth, 9c. to a little Town of the Agwans, called Duckee, where the Mogore maintaineth a Garrison, with a little square Fort, the walls built of mud a good height, distant a mile from the Town. Hear we stayed three days, because the Caravan could not agreed with the Captain of the Castle, who pretended a duty on every Camel: which at last they paid, one Abacee and a half on each. The three and twentieth, we went 6c. The four and twentieth, we passed by a place called Secota, or three Castles, because of three Villages trianglewise situate on the side of a hill near together. We went 8c. The five and twentieth, we rested by reason of foul weather. The six and twentieth, 10c. The seven and twentieth, 14c. This day we passed the Durues, or Gates of the Mountains, being narrow straits, having Rocks on both sides very high, 
Durues or straits of the hills.  whence with stones a few may stop the passage of a multitude▪ and diverse Caravans have been in these places cut off. This night where we lodged we suffered diverse insolences from the Agwans, and on the morrow they exacted of us as we passed by a small Village called Coasta, too A●acees and a half on each Camel. The eight and twentieth, 5c. The nine and twentieth, by Abdun a Village 8c. The thirtieth, 6 ᶜ.  
The first of july, 7c. to a place called Pesinga, a small Fort much like unto Duckee, where are store of Soldiers for securing the way. The Captain exacted half an Abacee upon a Camel. 
Pesinga.  The third we left the Caravan and went forwards 6c. The fourth, we passed a mighty Mountain, and descended into the Plains 14c. The fifth, 20c. we were distressed for want of grain for our Cattles. The sixth, in the like distress for them and ourselves, 12c. The seventh, to Candahar, 8 ᶜ.  
These Mountains of Candahar, are inhabited by a fierce people called Agwans or Potans, 
Candahar, the Mountains.  very strong of body, somewhat whiter than the Indians, great Robbers, accustomed to cut off whole Caravans. But at present partly for fear of the Mogoll, and partly through sweet found by commerce (in venting their grain, sheep and Goats, of which they have great store, and buying of course Linen and other necessaries) they are become more civil. Yet if they can take any straggling by themselves or staying behind, they will cell them above in the Mountains, and hox them to prevent running away, and put them to grinned grain with Hand-mils, and other servile drudgery.  

The City.  The City of Candahar is ancient, the Inhabitants anciently Banians: there now resideth the Governor of the Country, and a Garrison maintained by the Mogoll, of twelve or fifteen thousand Horsemen, in regard of the Persians' neighbourhood to the North. And Westward it is environed with a mighty, steep, craggy Rock; and to the South and to the East with a strong wall. By reason of frequent passage of Caravans it is much enlarged lately, that the Suburbs are bigger than the City. For within this two year, that the way of Ormus is stopped up by the wars betwixt the Persians' and Portugals, all Caravans which pass betwixt India and Persia, must of necess●tie go by this place. And here they do hire Camels to go into India, and at their return for Persia. They cannot return also without the Governors' leave, which causeth them to stay a month, and when lest, sixteen or twenty days: whereby it is much inhabited with lewd people, as all such places of resort commonly are. Provision of victuals is there in great abundance for man and beast, yet dear by so great concourse. Trade it yields not of itself, but accidentally by the meeting of Indian, Persian and Turkey Merchants, which are not willing to travel further at twenty per Cento profit. At this place the Caravans which go to India, do join for greater strength in passing the Mountains of Candahar: and those which come from thence here break into smaller Companies: for in many places greater would not found provision.  

Barrenness of the borders of the Mogoll and Persian.  For all Persia, especially betwixt this and Spahan, is barren, where sometime in two or three days travel, there is no green thing to be seen; only some water, and that also often brackish, stinking and naught. We stayed here fourteen days, partly to refresh our bodies weakened with heat and travail (john Crowther being so weak that he feared he should not be able to travel further) and partly for company.  
The three and twentieth of july, we departed Candahar in company of three Armenians, and a dozen Persian Merchants, and went 10c. to a Village called Seriabe. The four and twentieth, 12c. to Deabage a small Dea or Village. The five and twentieth, 8c. to Cushecunna a small Castle, where the Mogor hath a Garrison in the utmost confines of his Dominions.  

The Persians' Country.  The six and twentieth, 17c. and lay by a River's side in the open fields. The seven and twentieth, 4c. to a Castle called Greece the first of the King of Persias. Here we delivered the Ambassador's Letter received at Lahore, to the Governor, and presented him with a Looking-glass and three Knives. He would take nothing of us for our Camels, whereas others paid five Abacees' upon a Camel. He promised to safe-conduct us, and to sand a company of Horse to carry us to the next Government. But we saw none, neither were we sorry for it: for that he is little better than a Rebel, 
Farsing (Paras●nge of 60. Furlongs▪)  and all his people Thiefs. The eight and twentieth, at night we departed and lodged near unto a Dea called Malgee; two farsing. Every farsing is two Indian Courses and a half. The nine and twentieth, ten farsing, and lodged in the open fields, where was nothing to be had but water. The thirtieth, five farsing to Gazichan a small Castle. The one and thirtieth, five farsing to an old ruined Fort, where was nothing to be had but water, and that stinking.  
The first of August, five farsing to an old Fort called De Laram, where we paid an Abacee and half on a Camel, and stayed one day to refresh our cattles, which is called making of Mochoane. The third, to Bacon, an old Castle, seven farsing. The fourth, in the open fields, nothing but water, 
Farra. Sun-dryed Bricks.  four farsing. The fifth, four farsing. The sixth to Farra five farsing: This is a little Town walled with a high wall of bricks about, dried in the Sun (as are all the Castles, and most of the buildings of those parts) four square, a mile about; having a pretty Bazar vaulted overhead to keep from rain, wherein all necessaries are sold. It stands in a good soil, and hath plenty of water, without which in this Country nothing is to be had: and it is strange to see, where there is any good spot of ground (which is here but little) with what labour and industry they bring water to it, 
Water how precious.  in some places three or four miles together by trenches underground. At this Town all Merchants which go into Persia, are forced to stay seven, or eight, or ten days together, where the King's Treasurer seethe the weight of all their packs, and esteems them at so much the Maune, as he thinks fit, and takes three per cento custom.  
At their coming into Persia, they are used with great favour: for they fear jest complaints should be made to the King, which will have Merchants kindly entreated.  
But at their going into India they use all extremity, searching them to the skin for gold, which to transport, or any coin of silver out of Persia, but the Kings, is death.  
Likewise they look narrowly for horses and slaves, which the King will not have transported. Hear we stayed two days for certain Armenians, with whom we went, leaving our former company. The ninth, one farsing to a River. The tenth, in the open fields, seven farsing. The eleventh▪ four farsing to a small Village, where we had store of provision. The twelfth, four farsing, where we digged for water. The thirteenth, eight farsing. The fourteenth, to Draw, a Village, five farsing, where we stayed a day, which is the custom once in four days, for such as travel with laden Camels, to rest. The sixteenth, three farsing. The seventeenth, four farsing. The eighteenth, to Zaidebasha, five farsing, where are good store of Carpets to be bought. The nineteenth, to Mude a Village, where are also Carpets. The twentieth, to Birchen, five farsing, where are store of fine Felt, Carpets of Camel's hair, made, from two to five Abacees' the Maune, here we stayed a day. The two and twentieth, to Deazaide, where they pretend all to be religious, and have store of Carpets to cell at cheap rates. The three and twentieth, three farsing. The four and twentieth, five farsing to Choore, an old ruined town. The five and twentieth, three farsing. The six and twentieth, seven farsing, the water brackish and stinking. The seven and twentieth, to Dehuge, where is a pretty stream of hot water, which being put into any vessel, becomes cool and health-some. The eight and twentieth, seven farsing to Dea Curma. The nine and twentieth, to Tobaz five farsing, we paid half an Abacee a Camel. 
Tobaz. Salt Desert.  At Tobaz all Caravans do rest at lest four or five days, the better to be able to pass the salt Desert adjoining, being four long days journey, wherein many miscarry. We found there a small Caravan of one hundred Camels, which went the next day. Hear, and in the former Village, are store of Dates, and three thousand Maune yearly of the finest Silk in Persia, which is carried to Yades, a fair City, where they have the like, and is made into Taffatas, Satins and Damasks. 
Yades,  The King will not suffer it to be transported, especially into Turkey, but the portugals carried it into Portugal. Yades is about twelve days journey from Spahan, and twelve farsing out of the way of India. The thirtieth, we went nine farsing over the Desert, lay in the fields, and sent our beasts three miles out of the way for water, it being exceeding salt. The one and thirtieth, ten farsing, where the water was not all so brackish.  
The first of September, five farsing, where we went two miles for water. The second, to a small Castle nine farsing, little provision. The third, five farsing, lay in the fields, sent fare for water. The fourth, to Seagan ten farsing. The fifth, four farsing. The sixth, to Irabad, a Castle, ten farsing, where we paid half an Abacee on a Camel. The seventh, six farsing. The eight, to Ardecan eight farsing, where we stayed till the tenth. Than went to Sellef four farsing. The eleventh, to Agea Gaurume, a small Castle, three farsing. The twelfth, nine farsing to a spring in the fields. The thirteenth, to Beavas three farsing. The fourteenth, to Goolabad four farsing, from whence Richard Steel road before to Spahan. The fifteenth, to Morea Shavade five farsing. The sixteenth, to Coopa five farsing. The seventeenth, to Dea Sabs five farsing. The eighteenth, four farsing, and lay in the fields. The nineteenth, three farsing, and came to Spahan. Richard Steel reached thither the fifteenth at noon, and found Sir Robert Shirley dispatched from the Persian King, in Embassage to the King of Spain, with him his Lady, and for his Chaplain, a Friar of the Barefoot Order, with five and fifty Portugal prisoners, and his own followers, both Persians' and Armenians, speeding for Ormus, to embark for Lisbon. The purpose is, that seeing the portugals are not able to stand, the Spaniards may be brought in, six Friars remaining in hostage till his return, at Spahan, whom otherwise the King hath vowed to cut in pieces; which he is likely enough to do, who hath done to death his own son, and committed a thousand other severities. Richard Steel delivered his Letters to Sir Robert, who durst scarcely read them, but now and then by stealth, fearing the portugals should know of them. 
Of Sir Robert Shirley his landing, read Peytons' first Voyage: and of the rest of his journey, his second.  He after said it was too late to look after that business for our Nation, and seemed discontent with the company, and the Master and Merchants which landed him. But at last said he was an Englishman, and promised to effect our desires, and (the Friars being absent) carried both on the nineteeths to the Master of the Ceremonies or Maimondare, and took us with him to the Great Vizier, Sarek▪ Hogea, who presently called his Scrivans, & made draughts of what we desired: viz. three Firmans, one which john Crowther hath for Surat, one for Richard Steel, to carry into England; the third sent to jasques, to the Governor. All are sealed with the King's great Seal, and to this effect, That all Governors of Seaports within his Majesty's Dominions, shall kindly entertain the English shipping, etc. The same day that these Firmans were ended, departed Sir Robert Shirley, being the last of September, towards Sirrah, with great pomp and much honour, etc.  
Your Worships at Command, RICHARD STEELE. Your Worship's servant ever to be Commended JOHN CROWTHER.  
The chief Commodities of Persia are Raw-silke, of which it yields, 
Commodities of Persia.  according to the King's books, yearly seven thousand and seven hundred Batmen. Rhubarb grows in Corasan, where Wormseed grows also: Carpets of all sorts, Silk and Gold, Silk and Silver, half Silk half Cotton, etc. Their monies in Persia of Silver, are the Abacee, the Mahomedee, Shahee and Biftee: the rest of Copper, like the Tangas and Pisos of India. 
Their Monies.  The Abacee weigheth two Met●icalls; the Mahomedee is half an Abacee; the Shahee half a Mahomedee: in the Rial of eight are thirteen Shahees. In a Shahee are two Biftees and a half, or ten Casbegs. One Biftee is four Casbegs or two Tangs. 
Their measure.  The weights differ in diverse places: two Mahans of Tauris make one of Spahan, and likewise the Batman. The measure of Silks, etc. is the same with the Pike of Aleppo, which we judge seven and twenty inches.  
john Crowther returned into India. Richard Steel to England by the way of Turkey. From Spahan the second of December, 
Richard Steeles journey by land thorough Persia and Turkey.  five farsing to a Sarail. The third, eight farsing to another Sarail. The fourth, to a Village six farsing. The fifth, to Dreag seven farsing. The sixth, to a Sarail seven farsing. The seventh, to Golpigan eight farsing. The eight, to Curovon seven farsing. The ninth, to Showgot seven farsing. The tenth, to Saro six farsing. The eleventh, to Dissabod eight farsing. The twelfth, two Manfields to a fair Town Tossarkhan, twelve farsing, and rested that day, because of the deep Snow. The fifteenth, to Kindanor six f●rsings. The sixteenth, to Sano eight farsing. The seventeenth, to Shar Nuove, where I was stayed by the Daiga, but showing Letters from the Vizier, he bade me departed in the name of God and Alle. The eighteenth, passed by a bridge, where all men are to give account what they are, and pay two Shahees a Camel. The nineteenth, to Kassamkhan, the last of the Persian Governments, and gave a Present to the Governor for a guard against the Turke-men: which he not only did, but gave me licence to feed on his Villages without paying, which yet I would not. The one and twentieth, I began my journey over the high mounta●nes, which part the two Countries, being dangerous, and the two and twentieth arrived at a Village, eight farthings. The three and twentieth, seven farsing, lay under a rock. The four and twentieth, to Mando, a Town under the Turks, eight farsing. The five and twentieth, to Emomester eight farsing. The six and twentieth, to Boroh, passed over a River by Boat, and that night arrived at Bagdat, eight farsing, where I was searched and examined for letters, which I had hid under my saddle, whither one also was prying, but by a sign which I made, gave over, and followed me to my lodging for his expected reward. I escaped better than an old Spaniard, which a fortnight before was imprisoned and chained in the Castle, his letters read by a Malteza Renegado. I met with a Portugal which arrived here (from Goa and Ormus) two days before me. The Bassa made us stay here twenty days, to stay for a Sabandar of his.  
The sixteenth of january, we passed Tigris, and lay on the Desert side. The seventeenth, we went five Agatza (leagues or farsing) the eighteenth, met with Euphrates at Tlulquy, where Merchants disembarcke for Bagdat, or (after five per Cento custom paid) pass the Tigris for the Persian Gulf. And after a tedious passage, partly by the River, partly by Deserts, partly by Sea, the fifteenth of April 1616. he arrived at Marsiles, and the tenth of May at Dover, etc.  
Your Worships to command in all obedience, RICHARD STEEL  
The Copy of the King of Persias Firman, Translated out of the Persian.  

Frank, a name given in the East to all Western Christians, since the Expedition into the Holy Land: the French being chief therein, and a French Council at Claremont cause thereof  FORMAN or Command given unto all our Subjects, from the greatest, unto what degree soever, unto the Souf-basha or Constable of our Country, to kindly receive and entertain the English Frankes or Nation, at what time any of their ships or shipping shall arrive at jasques, or any other of the Ports in our Kingdom: to conduct them and their Merchandise to what place or places they themselves desire: and that you shall see them safely defended about our Coasts, from any other Frank or Franks whatsoever.  
Thus I will and command you so to do, as you shall answer to the contrary. Given at our Royal City, the twelfth of this Mon Ramassan (October) in the year of Our Tareag 1024. A.D. 1615.   

CHAP. XIIII. Memorials of a Voyage, wherein were employed three ships, the Samaritan, Thomas and Thomasine 1614 written by 
* The journal had not the Author's name, but I found him thus named by Captain Payton, as Chief at Tecoo. Soldania in thirty three degrees, fifty minutes South.  JOHN MILWARD Merchant, who went in the Thomas.  
THe tenth of May 1614 we anchored at Gore-end. The third of October in the Bay of Soldania, where we bought one hundred and forty sheep, and ten Oxen, and more might have done. These people are most miserable, destitute of Religion in any kind, so fare as we can perceive, and of all civility; their speech a chattering rather then language; naked, save a short cloak of skin on their shoulders, and a Fox-skinne before their privities: have but one stone, naturally or ceremoniously I know not; eat that which dogs would hardly digest. They demanded unreasonably for their Cattles, which we thought proceeded from Cories, who had been in England, and (as we suppose) acquainted them with our little esteem of Iron and Copper, ask pieces as big as their cloaks, and had for their Cattles Skillets, Basins, and Scummers. One seemed to be chief, whom the General kindly entertained in his Tent, and we after that bought more freely. Their Sheep like our Goats, with small horns, their Oxen larger than ours, the flesh white like our Muttons, the fat yellow as the yolk of an egg, wild, and of one stone most of them like themselves. October is with them, as April with us, the weather temperate, but hot and parching at noon, the air wholesome, our men presently recovering, some desperately sick, they of the Scurvy using a read Berry as big as a Goose-berry.  
The twentieth of December, the General caused the Masters and Masters-mates to come aboard, 

The Copy of this Voyage was so hurt with wet, that I could not in some places read it▪ and therefore have delivered it more imperfectly.  
They know not where they are.  
Trade wind.   supposing that we were shot one hundred and fifty leagues more than reckoning to the East, in eighteen degrees forty minutes. The nine and twentieth, we descried land, but knew not well in what height we were, resolved that it was java, but knew not what part of it, supposed it the Southside, and that we were fallen on it by keeping too Easterly a course. And though the plaits make it to lie betwixt eleven and twelve degrees, and our latitude, at that time, was but eight degrees forty minutes; yet it is questionable whether it hath been discovered. But howsoever, or wheresoever we were, it is certain that we were fallen to Lee-ward of the straits of Sunda, by two or three degrees, and into the Northwest Monsons', which blow thereabouts from September to the last of March. All the Masters were of opinion, to go back into thirteen or fourteen degrees southward, to fetch the Southeast wind, which is a trade wind between twenty eight and eleven degrees, and so to shape our course more Northerly. Others were of opinion, to go round about the Island, and to fetch Bantam, as certain Dutchmen had done heretofore on like occasion, and accomplished it in six week's space. But the first opinion took place. The land hereabouts is very high, and near the sea full of great Trees, the air noisome by stink from the shore, subject to much lightning, thunder, and rain, with sudden gusts. The next day noon, we had a good observation in the latitude of eight degrees thirty five minutes. The General was resolved to beaten up and down, to see if we could get any thing to the West: he charged M. Wilson for author of the error; betwixt whom also and the Captain, 

Wilson accused, as also for the loss of the Th●masine afterwards.  
Strong Current.   passed both words and blows, which the General reduced into amity the eleventh of january. On the eighteenth, we had land in seven degrees ten minutes, being by likelihood not fare West from our first land, notwithstanding that we had run from it by our course near one hundred leagues to the West, by reason of a violent current to the East.  
The Land to the sea is low and level, within high mountains: we anchored at the entry of the Bay, where we found calms, the Current setting strong East Southeast, that in a calm it would carry a ship four leagues a watch. There is store of Wood, and Water from the Rocks, but brackish. We found near to the shore continual calm, (the wind still blowing two or three leagues off at Sea) be it never so great a storm. In this place, 
Enforced Bay.  which I may well call Enforced Bay, we saw no people, the shore very thick of Wood, Cocos, Palms, and a hundred other kinds of trees, some growing in a number of roots, 
* Indian figtree or Arbory 〈◊〉, whic● Co●op●us conceded to be the tree of Adam's sin. See my Pilgr. l 5. c. 13. §. 2.  which descend from the top of the branches, which are forty or fifty foot high, and take root again, so that the Tree showeth like a Woodstacke. I suppose that never Christian had been there, nor will again, if he can avoid it: yet the General in one of the trees set up his name and arms. We were not passed two leagues from our anchoring place, from whence we had scant wind enough to bring us, but there rose so great a gust of wind and rain, that we were forced to take in all our topsails, and strike our main sail.  
On the three and twentieth, after much consultation and subscription for the General's discharge, we bore in with the land, and anchored in a Bay which I may term Voluntary, 
Voluntary Bay.  where we found a Dutchman at anchor, whom we had formerly met at Sestos. The next day we went ashore, and found a Town and people, not black, but tawny, their houses built of Canes, clothed some from the Waste, other wholly; they respected nothing that we had, nor affearded us any thing to speak of; their weapons pikes and cryses. The Dutchman named this place Middleton Bay: it is a good Harbour, hath a River and an Island, 
Middleton Bay.  and lieth some fifty leagues to the East of the North end of java, as the Dutchman informed us, who coasted it all along. It is in seven degrees thirty five minutes.  
The second of February, we were in ten degrees twelve minutes. We saw the next day a small Island, forty leagues to the South of java maior, in ten degrees, about five leagues broad, 
An Island.  eight long. The fourth at Sunsetting, we had three degrees ten minutes to the West variation. It is an infallible rule, that from the Cape of Good Hope to java, 
Rule of variation.  the variation increaseth to the West, the further East we run, till it come to about seventeen degrees, and then as we run to the East decreaseth, till we come to the straits of Sunda, where it is three degrees and a half variation, and is holden the best guide for Easting and Westing, though not observing exact proportion. On the fifth, we had nine degrees sixteen minutes, and three degrees forty eight minutes variation West. The declination of the Crosiers is twenty eight degrees and a half. On the thirteenth, we were in the straits of Sunda, having on our Larboard Sumatra, and java on our Starboard. 
Bantam.  The foureteenth at night, we anchored within three leagues of Bantam Road. The next morning came to us, M. Baily Merchant, and M. Salmon Master of the Globe, who told us that the Globe was then laden for England, and that the Trades-increase being brought on ground on Pulo peniohn, 
The Trades increase.  all her men died in the careening of her; and afterwards it stood them in fi●e hundred rials of eight a day to hire javans, of whom five hundred died in the work, before they could sheathe one side; so that they could hire no more men, and therefore were enforced to leave her imperfect, where she was sunk in the Sea, and after set on fire by the javans. The Chineses also reported, that the Devil appeared on Pulo peniohn Island, signifying his offence, that the Chineses would undertake such a business on his ground, and give him nothing (for they were the workmen) whereupon one of the chief Chinese Carpenters came to Sir Henry Middleton, and reported it, desiring to have a Buffolo for sacrifice, who denied, yea forbade him when he would have done it at his own charge, esteeming the want thereof cause of their evils.  
The Globe departed from Bantam the one and twentieth of February. The four and twentieth, the Thomasine departed for the Molluccas, M. Baily Cape Merchant, and M. Wilson Master. Our General sent word to the King of Bantam, that the Spaniards would invade him, and take away his Town; who answered, that if all the Caffars (so they call all not Mahumetans) in the world should come against him, he had a god 
* Where is the evidence?  that would defend him.  
The foureteenth of March, we departed in the Thomas for the Coast of Sumatra. The twelfth of May, we arrived at Priaman, but were denied trade. The next day, we road to Tecoo, along by the Seaside, 

No trade without the King of Achens L●t●er at Priaman and Teco.  
Smooth sea in great wind. Achen.   which I think in this place, hath the greatest source of any in the world, occasioned by the many shoals and breaches on this coast, whereby the dangers of sailing are unknown. On the seventeenth, we weighed for Achen, where the twentieth of june we arrived. On all ●his coast when there is no rain, although it be calm, the Sea goeth very high; and in rain though the wind blow much, the Sea is smooth. The King sent us his Chop. On the eight and twentieth, he sent an Elephant to carry the King's Letter in State. We carried for a Present, a great piece of Ordnance, with the carriages, twenty Bullets, a Ladle, Skowrer, and two barrels of Powder, twelve fowling pieces, ten Swords, six fine Baftas, all wrapped in the King's colours. He sat in great Sat with the King of jor, and gave to myself, M. Nicols, and M. Yate three Vests (contrary to his custom) and was very merry.  
The second of july, he came by the water's side upon an Elephant in great state, with diverse Elephants before him, 
The King's Women and Pomp.  and twelve other Elephants having Castles (as they term them) on their backs, full of his Women, having multitudes of Women and Eunuches attending, all other people being beaten out of the way, and not daring to be seen; ourselves having our house near the Water's side, were commanded to shut our doors and windows. The Sabandar by a Parable taught us to know him, telling us, That if a man will sow a piece of Cloth, let the Needle go through, and the thread will follow of itself; insinuating that a Bribe must usher our designs. The King offered us to settle a Factory here, paying custom as other Nations did, which was seven in the hundred, 
Factory at Achen.  and we accepted it, whereat the Dutch were angry.  
The sixth, the Hector set sail for Teco, having lost at Achen twenty six men, principally occasioned by distemper in Aracke houses. The eleventh, the Captain of the Dutch house protested he had not a Maze to buy victuals, 
Death by distemper. Dutch relieved.  and beside was indebted; whereupon I lent him seventy tail of Gold, to be paid at Bantam. Perceiving the Gold of this place base, I refused to cell but for Silver. On the sixteenth, we went to the Court (without a Present, presence is not tolerated there) to see a cockfighting, but the King spoke nothing of any business, and except he begin, no man else may. They next day, I attended all day in vain, whiles he was solacing himself with his Women. On the eighteenth, his Galleys came from Malacca. On the nineteenth, he sent them for Pedir, and so for Malacca. Twelve of them were very fair, with twenty eight and thirty oars on a side. 
King of Achens Galleys.  The Admiral had a Turret built in the Poop, covered with Ma●●●ie plate of Gold, and curiously wrought. It is reported, that in each of his great Galleys he would carry one thousand men, and in his fleet (being three hundred great and little) one hundred thousand. He forced a Guzerate junke of four hundred T●nnes, with the Commander, to go with him: yet tt was thought he meant not to go himself, but gave it out to further his business; and that Orencay Maraga should be General, a man whom he most feareth, as of ancient Nobility, a good Soldier, and popular, yet circumspect. The King being going, word was brought that for the rest of his debt, I must take pepper at eight tail the Bahar, which I refused; yet was it weighed, choose whether I would take it, or nothing. Orencay Laxaman demanded for better conditions, a Cable, Anchor, great piece, barrel of powder, twenty shot; and for himself sixty tails of Gold, for other Officers thirty: so should we settle at Teco, and Priaman for two ye●res. At length, for so much Gold, and twenty tail more, he undertook to procure our dispatch, but at last the other also were demanded.  
On the thirtieth, came in two Dutch ships from Masulipatan, the Admiral the White Lion, wherein was the Visador and the Ragusa. 
Dutch rejected.  The Visador sent the King a great piece, with other things for a Present, which were rejected as of too little value. They demanded Sr. Isaac, Captain of the Dutch house at Achen, as indebted to the Company, whom the King had appointed for Malacca, and held as his slave, and said, That if the Dutch took him, they should have no trade in his Country. He demanded one of their ships with him to Malacca, alleging an ancient promise of such a kindness by a former Ambassador some twenty years ago, but they excused, and he said, They were an unjust Nation, and denied them his Chop, that they might not go on shore for seven or eight days, so much as to fill water: and three or four days after, they turned their Admiral ashore, and gave her to the King, willing to give him content, and withal to avoid that desperate Voyage.  
The seventeenth of August, the Thomas set sail from Achen. The twenty ninth of September, we had a Spout. At our first coming from Achen, we stood o●t to the West, 
Current deceiveth.  for avoiding of rocks and shoals about sixty leagues, wherein being deceived in the Current; we were off one hundred and fifty leagues, whereby we brought ourselves open to the Bay of Bengala, and so into a strong Current, which kept us very long from our Port. The seven and twentieth of October, we anchored in Teco road; 
Teco.  and the next day presented the King of Achens letters for two years Factory. The thirteenth of November, the Thomas departed for Bantam, I, George Piborne, john Perce, and my man Peter staying. We had much ado with these rude people, but bore ourselves stiffly on the King of Achens Letters. The ninth of May, 1616. a man of Achen being reviled by a Woman, did beaten her, and thereupon grew a great uproar; 
Hatred betwixt the Tecoan● and Acheners.  for the Tecoans having fined him at four Tails, he denied to pay any, and the next day an hundred men came to take him, but all the Acheners joining, they were repulsed, one slain, and six hurt: and they being two hundred, fortified the neither Town, intending to stand it out to the utmost, affirming that if they should suffer themselves to be over-borne by the Country people, the King of Achen would cut off their legs. The King by this policy (his Officers being all Acheners which will suffer no a-abuse) holding them in awe. But the matter was ended, Loose Gee the Achener paying a sum of Money. Three months before this time the small pocks were rife here, whereof many died. This month also was very unwholesome and faint, many dying with a swelling: 
Vnholsomenesse of Tecoo.  ourselves were sick round about the house.  
The eleventh of june, arrived the Expedition at Priaman. The second of july, there was a Malem that lost both his hands for stealing, who in the execution was not seen once to stir. The thirteenth, Captain Payton sent me word, that he feared his men would mutiny, 
Knot of knaves  and run away with the ship, as they had formerly attempted at Bantam, and therefore desired me to receive some of them ashore, so to disperse their knot. The six and twentieth, the Dragon and Peppercorne anchored at the Offing, Captain William. Keeling General in the Dragon, and Captain Harris in the other. They had been with the King, who had granted them trade at Teco for two years, after which time he would have no Nation to trade but at Achen. He left M. Nichols principal at Achen.  
The eight and twentieth of August, arrived Addicke Raia Pongola Corcon from Achen, who had the King's goods to cell, and power to receive all the King's customs past and to come. He came in nature of an Informer, and therefore all men stood in fear of him. The first of September began their Ramdam, at the first of sight of the new Moon: all that Month following, they eat nothing but in the night, and that temperately. The fifteenth, we begun to buy Pepper, 
Ramdam or Lent.  but were forced to promise Addicke Raia one hundred Royals, before we could have any trade. The next day I excepted against the weight, whereupon Raia took it away to examine it, whereat the Polimo was much afraid, having in that kind much abused our Nation. 
Corruption of Officers, by corruption only to be amended.  The Pongelo came to the English house to reform the weights, but being presently to weigh, gave us a weight less than that we had. The next day, I sent him fifty Rials for a Present, which he returned, saying, He scorned to be fed like a Boy. The one and twentieth, Captain Harris being ashore, seemed to take so much upon him, that Raia Addick sent to him to borrow three hundred Rials of eight to buy him a Wench, and pressed the matter so instantly, that I was forced afterward to sand him an hundred.  
The third of October, I spoke at his instance also unto Captain Harris, to spare his Carpenters two or three days to mend his Prow, which he refused to do. The sixth, came the Speedwell sent by the General from Bantam, in the charge of john Clare, Boatswain of the Hector, sunk at Bantam in the Carining. News of five ships from England, four for Surat, 
Hector sunke●  & the Swan for Bantam. The Thomas gone for japan, the Concord for Socodania, the Attendant for Iamb●: from Maccassar also, that the Spaniards are there bound for the Moluccas, 
Spanish fleet feared.  twenty seven sail of Ships, Galleys, and Frigates, that we doubted much their coming to Bantam. On the foureteenth, arrived a java junke with five Hollanders, which had been cast away in the Aeolus, five degrees South, and desired our relief. We granted them the Speedwell to go to the Island Engano, where they had laid their goods and money ashore, 
Dutch relieved.  whether they set sail on the three and twentieth.  
The people complain, that when they cell their Pepper to the King, they lose a fo●rth part, by reason they take so much more than when they dealt with the English. Reliqua defiderantur.   

CHAP. XV. The second Voyage of Captain WALTER PEYTON into the East- Indieses, in the Expedition, which was set forth by the East- India Company, together with the Dragon, Lion, and Peppercorn, in january 1614 gathered out of his large journal.  

§. I. Occurrents at Soldania, Mohelia, Socotora, Surat, with diverse other Intelligences.  
IAnuary the four and twentieth, 1614 we set sail from Gravesend. The second of February, 
Sir T. Ro●.  Sir Thomas Roe Ambassador from his Majesty to the Great Mogoll, repaired aboard the Lion with fifteen followers. And Master Humpherey Boughton aboard the Peppercorn, (recommended to the Company by his Majesty) to pass into India. We carried with us in the Fleet eleven japonezas brought into England by the Clove, divided proportionably amongst the ships: likewise fourteen Guzerats brought by the Dragon: also nineteen condemned persons out of Newgate, 
japonezes' Guzerats, and condemned persons.  to be left for discovery of unknown places, the Company having obtained the Kings Pardon for them to this purpose.  
On the twentieth, some of the Dragon's men, the Newgate-Birds amongst, attempted to run away with their Pinnace, which then was prevented. But one of those condemned with two of the Pepper-cornes company carried away her Pinnace next night; two of my ships company having conspired to carry away the Boat, but were discovered. The three and twentieth, we set sail out of the Downs.  
On the sixth of March, lost sight of the Lizard. And on the six and twentieth, had sight of land which we supposed the Westermost part of Forteventura, 
Anno 1615. Maps false in Cape Boyadore, and Marpequena.  and proved part of Barbary, one of the land points entering the River Marpequena, being misgraduated one whole degree more Northerly than it should be. Likewise Cape Boyadore is misgraded one degree as we then found by experience, escaping great danger caused by that error in our plaits. The six and twentieth, the General wind began.  
The tenth of May, being by reckoning distant from the Cape of Good Hope, bearing East a quarter South, six hundred and twenty leagues, we saw many Pintadoes, Mangareludas and other fowls; whereof I have not heard the like.  
The fift of ●une, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania, having not buried above three or four in the whole Fleet, 
Soldania. Corey a Savage which had been in England.  about thirty being now sick. We built five Tents. Corey came down and welcomed us after his manner, by whose means the people were nothing so fearful as at other times, nor so thievish. They brought us cattles in great abundance, which we bought for Copper shreds. Corey shown some of our people his house, wife and children, at a Town thence distant five English miles, containing about one hundred houses. Most of them can say Sir Thomas Smith, English ships, which they often with great glory repeat. Their wives and children came often down to us, to whom we gave great content with Bugles and the like. And two or three desired to go for England, seeing Corey had sped so well, and returned so rich with his Copper Suit, which he yet keepeth in his house very charily. Corey also determined to return, and to carry one of his sons when our ships are thence bound home-wards. On the East-side of the Table is another Cottage of ten small houses, built round like Bee-hives, covered with Mats made of Bends woven together.  
The sixteenth, we set on shore by consultation ten condemned persons, to remain at the Cape, 
Their houses. Ten condemned persons set on shore.  viz. john Cross, Henry Cocket, Clerk, Brand, Bouth, Hunnyard, Brigs, Pets, Metcalfe, Skilligall. We gave each man something for his own defence against wild beasts and men, weapons and victuals. They consented Cross should be their head; The people desire Brass, and se● not so much by Copper; they desire pieces of a foot or more square. Iron hoops they care little for. We caught seven or eight hundred fishes in the River with Saynes. 
Ningin▪ a medicinable root much ●●ized in japan, somewhat like a Skirret.   
The Country people brought us down of the Root Ningin, whereof we bought one handful for a piece of Copper an inch and half broad, and two inches and half in length. Our men got some, but not so full, nor ripe, this being not the season, which in the full perfection is as tender and sweet as Annis-seeds. On the twentieth, we set sail. On the five and twentieth, we had sight of land in thirty four degrees twenty eight minutes. It is the land to the West of Cape de Arecife misgraduated twenty seven minutes in Daniels Plaits more Northerly than it should be.  
Likewise, on the sixth of july, we should have seen land of Saint Laurence, 
False Plaits.  by most of our reckonings according to the Plaits of Daniel, (of Mercators' projection) which proved false about seventy leagues in distance of longitude betwixt the land of Aethiopia, Cape Bona Speranza, and the I'll of Saint Laurence, as the same protracted into Plano of Tottens making do manifest.  
The two and twentieth, all four ships anchored at Mohelia. 
Mohelia. Plentiful refreshing.  We had water out of Wells we digged a little above the high water, mark close by the roots of Trees, eight or nine foot deep. Doman is the chief Town where the Sultan abides, to whom we gave a double locked piece and a Sword. We had plentiful provision for little Money, Hens, Goats, Bullocks, Lemons, Oranges, Limbs, Tamera, Coco-nuts, Pines, Sugarcanes, with other fruits. There are amongst them Arabians, Turks, Moors, many of which speak reasonable Porteguse. These told me of a strange course of the Current which ran fifteen days Westerly, 
Strange Current.  fifteen days Easterly, and fifteen days no way: of which somewhat I observed.  
For at our first coming the Current set Westerly: and on the eight and twentieth, it set Easterly, and so continued while we stayed (six days) but we went away before perfect trial could be made. I learned of them that the King of juanni was here King, and gave the Government to this Sultan.  
The nine and twentieth, a ship arrived at Doman from Gangamora, in Saint Laurence, 
Tree-cloth.  and I was wished by the General to see their Commodities, which were Rice and a kind of cloth made of Barks of Trees whence they make cool garments. I enquired of the Pilot who spoke Portuguse well, touching Captain Rowles and the Englishmen betrayed in that Island, 
C. Rolls lost out of the Unity.  of whom they could say nothing, but that two or three years past, an English Boy was at Gangamora in the custody of Portugals, whom they thought now to be dead, neither knew how he came thither. This Town of Damon hath in it one hundred houses of lime and stone strong built, the Inhabitants orderly and civil. They have traffic on the Coast of Melinde, Magadoxo, Mombassa, Arabia and Saint Laurence: they carry Slaves taken in wars, which they cell for nine or ten Rials of eight, and are sold again in Portugal for one hundred. At Momboza and Magadoxo I understood of great Trade for Elephants Teeth and Drugs, and it was concluded to advice the Honourable Company thereof touching sending a Pinnace yearly thither. We bought in Mohelia two or three Bullocks for a Bar of Iron weighing betwixt twenty and five and twenty pound. We bought there two hundred head of cattles, forty Goats, Hens, Fruits, etc.  
The second of August, we set sail from Mohelia: The seventeenth, we had sight of Cape Guardafui, where the Country people were fearful of us. The twentieth, we anchored in the Road of Galencia in Socotora, where the fierceness of the wind made the Sea in a breach round about us, and with the Sprie of the Sea, which the wind blew about us like rain, 
Ship white with Salt.  our ship and tackling were all over white like a hoary Frost or white Salt.  
The three and twentieth, we anchored at Tamarine the King's Town, and the four and twentieth at Delisha. Here, 
Aloes Socatrina▪  we were demanded thirty Rials of eight the kintal of Aloes Socatrina, which made us buy the less: (for Captain Downton, the Faiking said, had bought one hundred Kintals) it was liquid by reason of the newness or heat of the Sun, and ready to run out of the skins. Each kintal contained by our Beam one hundred, three pounds and a half. It is made of the leaves of Semperuive, the tops and roots cut away, and the juice of the rest pressed out and boiled to a certain height, after put up in earthen Pots, stopped closed, so standing eight months, and lastly, put in small skins to sell.  
The North part of Socotora or Socatra, lieth in twelve degrees thirty minutes, and the body in one hundred and twenty degrees, twenty five minutes. It is fourteen leagues thence to Abadelcuria, and as much from thence to Cape Guardafui. 
Caveat for sailing to Socatra.  And I should wish those that sail to Socatra to touch at the Cape, thence to sail the next morning a little before break of day, to loose no daylight, which is precious there by reason of the thick and obscure night, with boisterous winds (and fogs) this month and a part of September: from thence to Abadelcuria, and anchor on the West side thereof in seven or eight fathom water under the low land, or if they get no anchorage, to keep close by a wind to the Southward in the night, jest the winds and Northerly current put them too much to lee-ward before daylight. The winds blow not steady, notwithstanding the Monson, sometimes South by West, and South South-west, but seldom to the East of the South. On the one and thirtieth, we set sail from Socatra.  
The tenth of September, we had Quails, Hernes and other Land-fowles blown from land, unable to return.  
On the fourteenth, we had sight of Diu, and on the sixteenth of Damon, inhabited with Portugals, and strongly fortified.  
On the eighteenth, we passed by the Bar of Surat, and anchored against Swally Bar. 
Arrive at Swally.  The next day we sent a messenger ashore, and our Boat returned the same night with M. William Biddulph. He told us of affairs in the Country, and that Zulpher Car Chan was Governor at Surat. Here we had sheep for half a Rial of eight a pi●ce, and twenty Hens for a Rial of eight.  

Vile prices, base custom at Surat.  The two and twentieth day, Master Barber and other Merchants were sent to Surat, to provide furniture for Sir Thomas Roe the Lord Ambassadors house, who were there narrowly searched, their pockets and other parts according to the base manner of the Country, where a man must pay custom for a Rial of eight in his Purse, or a good Knife in his pocket: and if any rarity appear, the Governor under pretence of buying, takes it away.  
The five and twentieth, the Lord Ambassador landed, accompanied with the General, Captain and Merchants, and eighty men in Arms with shot and Pike in order, forty eight Pieces of Ordnance discharged from the Fleet, the ships also fitted in their holiday Suits of waste clotheses, Streamers, Ensigns, Flags, Pendants. The chief men of Surat attended in their Tent, 
Ambassador landed.  and there welcomed him. Much ado there was about the barbarous search, which they would have executed on his followers, which the Ambassador wholly disclaimed, till at the last he and three or four of his chief Followers were exempted, the rest they would only embrace for fashion's sake. Much passed also betwixt the Governor and Him about like barbarous exactions, he justly challenging the honour and immunity of an Ambassador from a free King: they willing to make no difference betwixt him and others of that rank in those parts, and of our own also which had assumed that name. Once their barbarous usage not only then perplexed him, and detained him long till from the Court he had order, but all his time (as hereafter out of his own journal shall follow) held him busy more then enough. Neither did they easily acknowledge difference betwixt this Ambassador and Master Edward's, who was so styled amongst them.  

Fugitives.  The first of October, Master Barwickes' man (which being inveigled by a Fugitive from Captain Best, and since turned Moor, had run away) was brought back from Surat. Others after did the like, and wrote from Damon to persuade others. The second, came aboard two Hollanders which had come thither by land from Petapoli. The tenth, the Governors' brother came board with fair words and had a Present given him: also we had news of Master Aldworths' death. The Governor impudently urgeth Presents, having had three already, but findeth fault with them, and nominates what he would, beggar and chooser both.  
The fifth of November, we had news from Brampore of the Lord Ambassadors falling sick there, and of Master Boughtons' death.  

Coins and wares at Surat.  The current Coin at Surat is Rials of eight, whereof the old with the plain cross is esteemed best, worth five Mamudies a piece, the new with Flower-delices at the ends of the cross at four Mamudies three quarters, if they be not light. The Mamudie is a silver Coin, course, containing thirty Pice, which is a Copper Coin; twelve dams make one Pice. The English shilling, if weight, will yield thirty three Pice and half. Larines are much about the worth of Mamudies. Rupies are of sundry sorts; some worth half a Rial of eight, other less, by which a man may easily be deceived.  
Their trading is by Banian Brokers, who are subtle and deceitful both to the buyer and seller, if not prevented. In their Weights each City differeth from other. The Commodities are infinite: the chief, Indicoes of two sorts, Checques the courser, and Lahor the finer; Cloth made of cotton-wool, as Calicoes white and coloured, containing fourteen yards the Book, from two to one hundred Mamudies the piece, Pintadoes, Chints and Chadors, Sashes and Girdles, Cannakens, Treckanee, Serrabaffs, Aleiaes, Patollas, Sellas, Quilts, Carpets; Green Ginger, Suckets, Lignum Aloes, Opium, Sadarmoniacke and abundance of other Drugs. Commodities vendible are Knives, Glasses, Pictures and such like toys; English cloth; China wares, Silk and Porcelain; all manner of Spices. The Guzerats lad their great ships of nine, twelve or fifteen hundred tons at Goga, and steal out unknown to the Portugals.  
Chief Cities for Trade on the River Sinde or Indus, are Tatta, (on a River which falls into it) Duilsinde, 
Indus falsely set in Maps.  Multan, Lahore. At Duilsinde the Expedition in her former Voyage had delivered Sir Robert Shirley the Persian Ambassador, of whom I thought good to add this (which I learned by inquiry of some of his Followers to Agra) as an appendix to that relation in my former journal. Being weary of Duilsinde by the Governors' evil entreaty and suffering the Portugals to molest him, 
Of Sir Robert Shirley.  seeking also to cut him off, for which purpose twelve Portugals came from Ormus; He sought liberty to go to Tatta, but the Governor not permitting (as was thought of evil purpose) he went without leave, and was by the way to pass a River, where none durst carry him or his, 
Tatta.  being prohibited on pain of death by the said Governor. They therefore made rafts of boards and Timbers, on which the Ambassador shipped himself with Nazerbeg one of his Followers to help him over: and were no sooner put off, but twenty or thirty Horsemen came from the Governor in great haste to stay them. Thus were they brought back, men swimming to the raft, which Nazerbeg was not able to guide against the tide, and they narrowly escaped drowning. 
Ward slain.  His Followers disdaining this rude dealing, one Master john Ward shot off his Pistol in their faces, and was instantly slain by another shot, and the rest carried away Prisoners to Duilsinde, being pillaged by the way of the Soldiers. After some time of imprisonment, the Governor permitted their departure to Tatta, where they were friendly entertained of the Governor being a Persian. Sir Thomas powel, and Master Francis Bub, 
Sir T. Powels death and his Ladies.  were then dead before in Duilsinde. He remained at Tatta till fit opportunity for Agra, the way long and in danger of Thiefs: whither he went in company of a great man which had a strong Convoy, for whom he waited also two months.  
The Lady powel in this space was delivered of a Son, but she and it together with Master Michael powel, Brother to Sir Thomas, lost their lives in this tedious expectation, in Boats, for that great man aforesaid. At his coming to Agra the Mogoll gave him favourable entertainment, and upon his complaint sent for the Banian Governor of Duilsinde, to answer at the Court, promising him his own revenge, if he would stay, But he hasting to the Persian, after many Presents from the Mogoll, with a Convoy and necessaries for his journey, departed for Persia, not having one Englishman with him. Master Richard Barber his Apothecary returned to Surat, and john Heriot died at Agra. There remained with him of his old Followers only his Lady, and her Woman, two Persians', the old Armenian and the Chircassian: His Dutch jeweller came from Agra to Surat, with Master Edward's.   

§. II. Prizes taken, factory at Calicut, Observations of diverse places of Sumatra: the English ships miscarry. Dutch Abuses, Factories in India.  
THe nine and twentieth of February, we took a Portugal prize. The third of March, we riding at an anchor in the Road of Calicut. 
Samorine, or King of Calcutta.  The Great Samorines' Deputy came aboard many Boats attending him, signifying his Master's joy of our coming, and his earnest desire to have conference with our Nation, and therefore earnestly persuaded us to stay a day or two, till he might sand to the Samorine, then at Crangalor, besieging a Castle of the Portugals. We had here store of provision brought aboard at reasonable rates. Calicut hath latitude eleven degrees ten minutes, variation fifteen degrees forty minutes. The same evening came a Pilot by order from the Samorine to entreat us to ride two or three days before Crangalor.  
The fifth, we anchored all four ships before Crangalor, two leagues from the shore. About noon the Samorine sent to the General to request his company ashore, 
Crangalor in 10▪ deg. 15. min.  which was not thought fit without a pledge, and Master George Barkley went. But the Samorine refused to reveal his mind to any but the General, and seemed discontent at his stay.  
The eight, he went and spoke with the Samorine, 
Offers of the Samorines to the English.  whose business was to establish a factory in his Dominion, proffering a fair house rentfree, freedom from Customs or any other Taxations, for whatsoever goods brought thither or carried thence, with protestation of his affection to our Nation. Answer was made of our present disability, having left most of our goods at Surat, and now going to Bantam. He replied, that for present leaving goods it was no matter, only that we would leave two or three English there which should want nothing, and the next year we might make supply of men, and goods, hereby he being assured of our return: otherwise his care and hopes should be frustrated. He told also of a ships lading of Pepper there to be had yearly, and of the vent of our Commodities. Whereupon it was concluded to leave a factory there, which with Merchandise were sent ashore on the ninth. 
Factory at Crangalor.  The men were George Woolman chief, Peter Needham and Roger Hares under-factors, Edward Peake a Boy, and Richard Stamford. The B●y was to learn the Language. The King's name is Pendre Quone Samorine. A Minion and a Barrel of Powder was given him for a Present. He promised that if he recovered the Fort of Crangalor from the Portugals, the English should possess it.  
The tenth, the King sent his Letter of agreement touching the said Privileges with many protestations of love. This day we set sail. 
Cochin. Co●lan, a second prize taken.  We came before Cochin and might behold the form of it. The next day we had sight of Coulan Castle, and Town, and a ship riding at anchor under the Castle which we boarded and brought forth, the people being fled without hurt of shot from the Castle. It was a Portugal ship of four or five hundred Tons lately arrived from Bengala and Pegu, laden with Rice, Graine, Bengala clothing, Butter, Sugar, Gummelacke, hard Wax, Drugs and other provisions.  
The twel●th, we espied another ship which by midnight we fetched up; 
A third prize, in part of satisfaction for their unjust vexation and hurt at Sura●, etc.  she yielded at the first shot. I sent for her chief men aboard my ship (the rest being three or four miles off, and set some of mine aboard charging them to hurt no person. There were eighteen of twenty Portugals, and about eighty slaves, men, women and children: her chief lading Rice, Butter, Sugar, Gummelacke, Drugs, Bengala Stuffe. We offered these our first price with victuals to carry them ashore, which they refused fearing to become a prey to the Malabars, a Fleet of whom consisting of fourteen sail they lately had with difficulty escaped. The next day we landed them where they desired and suffered them to departed unsearched for Plate, jewels, Money and the like. We had three English ships, and three prices.  
The fourteenth, we arrived at Brinion where we took out of the first prize what we pleased and set her a drift. 
Brinion.  Brinion is in latitude eight degrees thirty minutes, variation fifteen. It hath a small Town in a little round Bay, is to be known by a long white beach to the North, and to the South is all high land: and two leagues to the South, a read Cliff near the Sea. From thence to Cape Comorine is sixteen leagues: the course Southeast by South bold and free Coast. The Inhabitants of Brinion are no way subject to the Portugals.  
The first of April, the body of Zeilon did bear East by South seven leagues off.  

1616. Note for Cape Comorine.  The tenth, the Pike Adam bore North. I took my leave of the General, the Dragon and Peppercorn they being bound for Achen, and I in the Expedition for Priaman, Tecoo, and Bantam. It is good to ride till the end of March in Brinion, and not to double the Cape by reason of calms, the Southerly Current setting off to the Maldivae: but then the Easterly Monson ends.  
I would wish all that come from the West to Priaman or Tecoo, to dispose that they may have daylight enough for the coming in betwixt Nimptan and the other Land's adjacent. The best is on the North-side. On the thirtieth, I met the Advice going for Tecoo, but at my request she returned to Bantam whence she was sent for japon. 
The Advice & Hosiander at japon.   
The first of May, I arrived at Bantam, where I found the Hosiander newly returned from japon, and the Attendance from jambe, most of the men sick or dead. Here I heard of the death of Captain Downton, and of the arrival of Captain Samuel Castleton with the Clove and Defence, which with the Thomas and Concord were gone for the Moluccas: The Thomas appointed to proceed from thence to japon.  
The nineteenth, I set sail for Tecoo. The tenth of june, I put into Priaman, and the eighteenth arrived at Tecoo. The third of july, I brought my ship on Careene to sheathe her. The double sheathing of ships which go for Surat is of great purpose: for though the outermost sheathing be eaten like a Honeycomb with worms, yet the inner is nothing perished. It were also requisite that the Rudders were sheathed with thin Copper, 
Strange worms in the Surat Sea.  to prevent the Worms eating off the edges thereof; which causeth great defect in the steering, not easily to be remedied being so deep under water. The Inhabitants here are barbarous, deceitful, expecting bribes, and sometimes I have been in danger to be murdered, one hundred of them drawing their Crises upon us, because they might not have their will to take our goods upon trust or otherwise at their pleasures. The twentieth, Thomas Bonner Master of the Expedition died, john Row succeeded, the third Master in this ship this Voyage.  
The six and twentieth, arrived the Dragon and Peppercorn from Achen. They had bought there Pepper carried thither from Tecoo in great junckes and Prawes which sail to and fro, but never out of sight of land.  
The King of Achen commands those of Tecoo to bring thither their Pepper, which none may buy but he, 
King of Achen his playing the Merchant.  who puts off his Surat Commodities in truck at what rates he pleaseth. Often times he sends his Commodities to Priaman and Tecoo, enforcing them to buy them at his rates, none being suffered to buy or cell with other till his be vented. This makes our Trade with them the better.  
jambe is on the East-side of Sumatra. It yields like great-grained Pepper as Priaman, but is not subject to the King of Achen, as are Baruse, Passaman, Tecoo, Priaman, Cottatinga, and other places on the Westside. 
jambe.  Baruse is to the North of Passaman, and yields store of Benjamin, Cottatinga Gold, the other places Pepper. The General brought the King of Achens Letter to them which the great men received with great submission, each kissing and laying it on his head, promising us to perform the contents, but failed. And it were fit in these Letters of the King, to procure him to express the manner and particulars of our Trade. The eleventh of September, I set sail from Tecoo for Bantam.  
The best Gold and most plenty is had at the great high hill of Passaman, where also is greatest quantity of Pepper, the fairest and best cheap: but the evil constitution of the air is so pestilent and infectious, 

Passaman best Gold and Pepper.  
Gold, and good constitution of body or mind, not agreeing. Tecoo barbarous.   that there is no going thither for our Nation without mortality of men: neither needs for the Pepper, Surat Commodities at Tecoo being sufficient attractive. Many of the Natives I have observed full of contagious diseases, the limbs of some ready to drop off with rottenness, others having huge swellings (Wens) under the throat as big as a two penny loaf, which they impute to the bad water. They are very ignorant to cure their diseases. The people of Tecoo are base, thievish, subtle, embracing gain at any price by fraud, or (as fare as they dare) by force, mis-reckoning, false weights, yea attempting to poison our meats and drinks as they are dressing, creesing also our horses. Better order may be hoped by the King of Achens procurement. There were but five left in the Factory. Our two Portugal prizes we made away at Achen, sharing (according to the custom of the sea) one sixth part to the ships companies, the rest for our employers, etc.  
Betwixt Priaman and Tecoo there lieth a dangerous should Northwest by West, 
Observations for going ●●to Priaman Road. He mentioneth many other shoalds no● here expressed, but known to ou● Countrymen by experience.  from the South-west I'll of Priaman, a mile and quarter in length, and in breadth a quarter, of which care is to be had, jest the Current setting Southerly put you on it. This and other shoalds hereabouts being white Coral, are easily discerned. When the South-west Ile doth bear South Southeast from you, then are you past danger, provided the Northermost I'll of the four by Priaman shore bear East by North, so may you steer in for the Road, East, and East by South, and East Southeast, leaving two Lands on the Starboard, and two on the Larboard side. Latitude of Tecoo is South thirty minutes, variation West four degrees, thirty minutes: Latitude of Priaman is also South betwixt eight and forty degrees, fifty minutes.  
Many of our men were sick, whereof the cause seemeth their immoderate drinking of Arack and strong drinks. At Bantam were at my last being there (October 1616.) four English ships there and at jackatra, and five Flemish ships, which raised the price of Pepper, and the rather by the Hollanders boasts of bringing this year sixteen hundred thousand Rials of eight, 
Huge sums transported by Hollanders. Their pride and abuses of the English.  ready money, which it is likely they reported to outbrave our Nation. The last Fleet of theirs, six in number, took two or three Portugal ships, whereof they made great brauadoes. They seek by all abuses to depress our Nation, in unchristian manner through the Indieses: even in Bantam (where they acknowledge our equal right) they threaten to pull our people out of the Factory by the ears; sometime quarrel with them in the streets, other times imprison them; and when themselves have caused an uproar, they complain to the King of Bantam of our unquietness, and bribe him to command us to be quiet, who receiveth their money, and tells us of their dealing, himself taking advantage to pole both parts, by this disagreement.  
Also at Puloway, an Island freely given His Majesty, they abused our people, 
Insolences a● Puloway.  putting halters about their necks, and leading them thorough the Town with an hourglass before them, publishing that they should be hanged so soon as the glass was run: and although they did not effect that honourable design, yet did they imprison them, and keep them three or four days in irons, afterwards sending them aboard the Concord and Thomasine upon a sergeant composition never to return (these things are reported to be very true.) Likewise at the return of the Hosiander from japan, she brought thirty tons of wood, free of freight and charges, for the Hollanders; who notwithstanding reported that she had returned empty but for their wood: which they might have said as well of my bringing one and thirty Churls of Indigo, and a Chest of Pistols fraight-free for them from Surat to Bantam.  
Captain Castleton went to the Moluccas with four ships, the Cloave, Defence, 
Captain Castleton to the Moluccas with four ships.  Thomas and Concord, to be better able to defend themselves against the Hollanders: but being threatened by eleven sail of theirs, they returned without doing any great matter, only a few Cloaves laded in the Cloave; the Captain himself dying there of the flux, to whom the fault is imputed with other things laid to him.  
The Trades-Increase was fired twice by the javans, and by our people quenched: but the third, 

Decay or loss of English ships.  
Trades-Increase, Darling.   time fired in so many places at once, that industry could not save her.  
The Darling (that I may add such ships as were lost and laid up at my departure from Bantam) was laid up at Patania, in june 1615. by Master Larkine and the Factory, and could not be repaired: Herrold the Master was reported to have intended to run away with her to the Portugals, which being prevented, he yet went himself.  
The Thomasine was cast away, coming from the Moluccas, upon a should in the night, 
Thomasine.  in September 1615. they lost their goods, which were not much, but saved their money, two thousand Rials of eight, with their provisions, living fourteen days in a desolate Island, where they fitted their Boat, which brought them and their money to Bantam, leaving the rest behind; the King of Macasser seizing on them, who would not make restitution. This should lieth eighteen leagues West from Macasser.  
The Hector failed at jacatra in careening, the upper works not fitted (as is reported) and the seams opening, and receiving so much water, that she sunk in three fathom, 
Hector.  the keel exceedingly worm-eaten.  
The Concord is there also laid up, rotten and leak, 
Concord.  that they were forced to take out her provisions, and let her sink close to the shore.  
The Hosiander was appointed to set sail for the Coast of Coromandel, the fifteenth of October, 1616.  
The Factories which I could hear of settled for the Company in the East- Indieses are these: Bantam (wherein were George Barkley Chief, john jordan, George Ball, Ralph Copendale, 
English Factories.  with diverse others both Factors and Attendants) jacatra, Surat, Amadavas, Agra and Azmiro, Brampore, Calcutta, M●sulipa●an, Petapoli, Patania, Siam, Beniarmasse, Socodania, Macasser, Achen, jambe, Tecoo, Fe●ando in japan, japar, Banda.  
The commodity which ariseth from the Factory at Achen is to solicit for our our better proceeding at Priaman and Tecoo, the place is unwholesome, 
Aracke a wine distilled out of Rice steeped in liquor taken out of the Coco-tree.  especially for such as stuff themselves with hot and fiery drinks, as Aracke and Aracape, which bring many unto untimely ends; whence ariseth an imputation to the Voyage. How unruly the common sort are abroad, cannot be imagined at home, many never thinking themselves well, longer than whiles their brains are a crowing with drink. 
King of Achen.  The King of Achen is ●aid to have a strange strain of drinking drunk, when the English resort to him, thereby to show his love; to whom it seemeth dishonour, not to conform in sitting in the water with him, and other his rites. He is very cruel to his subjects, daily cutting off their hands, arms or legs, upon small or no occasions; causing them to be thrown before Elephants, himself commanding the (understanding) Elephant to toss the party so often and so high, either to bruise or kill him, as he fancieth. He hath prohibited any, which arrive at his Port, without his Chop to come on shore, which a Dutch Merchant neglecting, caused a Dutch General there arriving to come on land professing his great savour with the King: who coming to the Courtgate, where they must demand another Ch●p: the King finding the chieefe Leaguer cause of that presumption, sent for him, and laid him before the Elephant, which tossed him three times (without much bruising) to teach him how to neglect the commands of Kings another time; the Dutch General standing by, and fearing his own share, whom yet the King cleared as ignorant of his Law. 
'Cause of disgust betwixt the Achener and Hollander.  The King after sent for the Merchant to pry into his patience, who for fear of worse, soothed him, and acknowledged it a fatherly chastisement, yet closely fled at the departure of the ships; the rest following were brought back, and the King hath placed us in their house.   

§. III. A brief Declaration of the Ports, Cities and Towns, inhabited and traded unto by the Portugal, betwixt the Cape of Good Hope and japan, as I could learn by diligent enquiry.  
THe River Quame in South latitude one and twenty degrees, fifty minutes, here is reported to be Gold, 

Places of Portugal trade. Quame or Cuamo.  
Mosambique. Mombassa.   Elephants-teeths, Ambergreese and Slaves, for which they trade yearly.  
Mosambique is an Island where they trade for Gold, Ambergreese and Slaves.  
Mombassa in Sou●h latitude three degrees, thirty minutes, where they yearly trade for Gold, Ambergreese, Elephants-teeths, and Slaves, in truck of Iron, Led, Tin, and Cambaya Commodities.  

Magadoxo.  Magadoxo hath two degrees, five and twenty minutes, store of Elephants-teeths, some Ambergreese, and diverse sorts of Drugs. From these places they drive their annual trade into Cambaya, the Red-sea, and other places, observing the Monsons', which blow West in April, May, june, 
The Monsons' course.  july, August, and part of September, and the East Monson the rest of the year, the space betwixt both, being various or calm, but in few days hold course, except to the East of Sumatra, where they keep five months East, and five West, two variable.  

Ormus.  Ormus in the Gulf of Persia, whence they trade into Persia, Arabia, Diulsinde, etc. they fetch much Pearl from Balsora, and with Persian Commodities lad a ship or two for Diulsinde, where in the end of Augu●●, or middle of September they arrive; they bring with them also great store of Rials of eight. O●mus is their best place, but Goa, which they have in the Indieses.  

Muskat.  Muskat: they have small trade here, and a Fort, where they awe the Natives by land and sea, not suffering them to trade but by their licence, what, and how much, under pain of confiscation, which they practise thorough all the Indieses, where they are strong.  

Sinde. Diu.  Sinde or Diulsinde, in the Mogolls Dominion, in four and twenty degrees, eight and thirty minutes: variation West, six degrees, five and forty minutes. Diu, where they have a strong Castle.  

Damon.  Damon is a City inhabited by them, where they have a Castle, and by report one hundred Villages.  

Serra de B●zien.  Serra de Bazien, is a little South from Damon, and bordereth upon the Decans' Country, betwixt which and Chaul they have three Ports, Gazien, Banda and Maia. Chaul is a great City with a Castle. 
Chaul. Dobul.  Dobul hath a Factory▪ but no Fort.  

Goa.  Goa is their Metropolitan City of India, built on a small Island, the anchoring place of their Carickes, the Seat of their Vic●-Roy.  

Onor. Barcolor.  Onor hath a small Fort. Barcolor hath a Castle and Town, it yields Pepper, Ginger, and many sorts of Drugs.  

Mangalor. Canano●. Crangalor.  Mangalor hath a ●owne and Castle. Cananor is a City, and hath a Castle, Merchandise as before. From Calicut they are thrust out by the Samorine, as he seeketh also at Crangalor, where they have a Fort.  
Cochin hath a strong City and Castle, pleasantly situated by the Sea side in a good air, with a fair River for ships to ride. 
Cochin▪   
Cowlan, here they have a Town and strong Castle. Saint Laurence is a small Village, 
Cowlan. Saint Laurence.  inhabited by Friars and jesuits.  
Quilaon, is a small City with a Castle. Tuckatra, a Town with a Castle, the people most part Christians. 
Quilaon-Tuckatra. Manner. Columbo.   
Manner, is on the Island Zelon, betwixt Cape Comorine and Punto de Gall, a Town inhabited by Portugals. There also they have Columbo, and many other small habitations, having almost conquered the Island: it yields Cinnamon and Drugs.  
Negapatan, is a City of great trade: here they have only a Factory. Saint Thomas, 
Negaptan. Saint Thomas.  alias Maliapor, is a walled City, inhabited with portugals, in thirteen degrees, twenty minutes. Up the River Ganges, they have many small habitations, some Factories, and a Town at Bengala. 
Ganges.   
In Pegu, they have a Factory, and likewise in Aracon, and in the River of Martaban. 
Pegu. Aracon. junsalao.   
At junsalao, they have a great Factory, from whence they lad much Tin for the Coast of Malabar.  
Malacca, is a strong city and castle, the Centre of a great trade in those parts, 
Malacca.  whence the King of Achen seeks to root them out, having burnt and spoiled some of their ships this year.  
At Macao, an Island upon the Coast of China, they have a City with a Castle, reported to be of great trade with the Chinese.  
In japan, they have a Factory, but neither Town nor Fort. 
japan.  They trade also on the Coast of China, in the time of fitting Monson to and from japan and other parts: whereof the Hollanders are said to make good pillage, and of all Heathen Nations, Chineses and others, being all fish that comes to net.  
The first of November, we set sail. The fifth of january, I was not able to weigh the anchor (the wind over-blowing) to follow the Dragon to Pengwin Island. My advice for ships coming about the Cape at this time of the year, is, not to anchor short of Soldania Road, but rather to put romer for Pengwin Island, and there to anchor with two at once till the wind serve.  
In December, january and February, the South Southeast winds are there very furious, from the new Moon to the full. 
Note.  I hold it dangerous nevertheless to neglect this place in hope of Saint Helena (a certainty for uncertainty) the Suns and Moons often obscurity and thick mists at this time of the year, may frustrate the best Artists to the loss of ship and men. Cory came down with three sheep, and promised more: but hasted away to his wife and children, which he said now dwelled further. It seemeth that the Hollanders have frighted them, by their going up into the Country with one hundred men at a time. Our best refreshing here was fresh-fish.  
The ninth of April 1617. we passed much weeds, called the Seragasso, 
Seragasso▪  which lie in long ridges or ranks a pretty distance one from another alongst with the wind, with which they altar and shifted. It hath a leaf like Samper, but not so thick, and a yellow berry very small. It reacheth from two and twenty degrees, three minutes North latitude, unto two and thirty degrees North latitude. The nine and twentieth of May we anchored in the Downs.    

CHAP. XVI. Observations collected out of the journal of Sir THOMAS ROE, Knight, Lord Ambassador from His MAJESTY of Great Britain, to the Great mogul: Of matters occurring worthy memory in the way, and in the Mogul's Court. His Customs, Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Indian Affairs.  

§. I. Occurrents and observations, in, and touching the Voyage to Surat.  
THe fifth of june, we anchored in the road of Soldania. 
Uncertainty of the Variation▪  Though the Variation be an excellent evidence in the whole course of veering land, yet it delivereth no other certainty, but warning to look out; for it lessens not in the same proportion near land, but by a much slower: for which I could give a perspicuous reason, but too large for this place, nor can any judgement at all be made to twenty leagues thereby (that shall be infallible) the magnetical amplitude being so difficult to observe truly by the Ships motion, and the Needle's quickness, that a degree is scarce an error. This consideration made me confident, that we should see no land until the fifth day early in the morning.  
Soldania, is as I suppose, an Island in the South end whereof is the Cape of Good Hope, 
Soldania▪  divided from the main by a deep Bay on the Southeast side, and due East by a River, which we discern upon the table. The land is fruitful, bearing short thick grass, the maine is divided with most high and steep rocky Mountains covered with snow, and unaccessible, except it be searched by the River of Dulce, which doubtless is very great, falling into the Bay on the East side: there is on the Island five or six hundred people, the most barbarous in the world, eating Carrion, wearing the guts of sheep about their necks for health, and rubbing their heads (curled like Negroes) with dung of beasts and dirt: they have no other clothing then beasts skins wrapped on their shoulders, the skin next the body in heat, in cold the hairy side; their houses are but one mat, concaved like an Oven, into which they creep, and turn them about as the wind changes: for they have no doors to keep it out. They have left their stealing by trading with us, and by signs make show their heart is good: they know no kind of God or Religion. The air, and water is very good and wholesome, and both of them subtle and searching. There is on the Island, Bulls, Cows, Antelops, Baboons, Moules of great bigness, Feasants, Patridges, Larks, Wild-geese, Ducks, Passerflannugos, and many others. On Pengwyn there is a fowl so called, that goes upright, 
Pengwin Island.  his wings without feathers, hanging down like sleeves faced with white: they fly not, but walk in paths and keep their divisions and quarters orderly; they are a strange fowl, or rather a miscellaneous creature, of Beast, Bird, and Fish, but most of Bird, confuting that definition of man to be Animal bipes implume, which is nearer to a description of this creature. The commodities here are, first reasonable refreshing with Cattles (so that a season be chosen when they are not lean, a Month after the Sun is departed from them Northward) Maugin roots, Arras, if our Merchants be not deceived; and I do strongly suppose, that I found out a Rock yielding Quicksilver and Vermilion, the stone being spotted all without, with a most pure read colour, equal to any painting, and that will come off upon Paper, or other fit matter: by the description of john Acosta it cannot fail to be the same; it is also very heavy, full of Marquisat and mineral appearances. 
The height of the Table.  The Table, or high Rock so called, by a strait line from the water side, is 11853 foot high; the Bay is full of Whales and Seals. The Dutch have fished on Pengwin for them: the latitude is, thirty three degrees forty five minutes: the longitude twenty eight degrees thirty minutes from the Lisard, the variation doubtful, whether to the East or West; but my opinion is, that the variation is West thirty minutes: the cause of variation being in the main, as appears evidently by the many lines, and changes towards the Cape F. and after Westerly: if any shipping, having time enough, fall but one hundred leagues more to the North with the main, which may be done with safety, no winds forbidding it, I assure myself they shall have good trade for Cattles, and other Commodities, and may by leaving some men, discover the land, and perhaps get knowledge of the people that trade with the Spaniards on the East side in one and twenty degrees for Gold, after the manner of the Moors in Barbary to Gago. These left at the Cape will go no further, but attend opportunity of passage, and there can do no great good being among the basest banished people, that know nothing savouring of man, nor are no other way men, but as they speak and walk like men.  

Molalia.  Molalia is one of the four Lands of Comory, Angazesia, juanny, and Mayotta being the other three. They lie East and West near in a parallel one of another, except Angazesia, which lieth somewhat more North. Molalia is in twelve degrees twenty minutes South latitude, in the same Meridian with Cape Augustine, the variation being sixteen degrees forty minutes.  

Angazesia.  Angazesia bears from it by the Compass North by West, seven leagues off, the further-most end in eleven degrees fifty five minutes, extending itself North eleven degrees six minutes, as I observed within five leagues thereof, bearing South from me; it is the highest land I ever saw, inhabited by Moors trading with the Main, and the other three Eastern Lands with their cattle and fruits, for Calicoes, or other linen to cover them. It is governed by ten petty Kings, and is sufficiently fruitful of Kine, fair Goats, Cocos, Oranges and Lemons: they made us fires as we passed by, being desirous of trade at the first hand which now they fetch by Canoes at Molalia where our ships ride. They are held a false and an unfaithful people, having betrayed some of S. james Lancaster's men long since; but now having experience of us at other Lands, I doubt not they would regain their credits.  
juanny lies from Molalia East, and Mayotta in the same course, the coast between them is every way bold. 
juanny, and Myoatta.  These three Islands are very full of very good refresh, but principally Mayotta, as I was informed by the Arabs trading in Molalia, and the Dutch stop there. The next in goodness is juanny, where life's an old Woman Sultannesse of them all, to whom they repair for justice, both in Civil and Criminal causes.  

The government of Molalia.  Molalia hath in it three Subsultans', children of the old woman, two men one daughter, who govern several parts of the Island. The Sultan in whose quarter we anchored hath such authority, that his subjects dare not cell a Nut until leave obtained: to which end, Captain Keeling sent four boats to his Town desiring liberty to trade, where they were received by a Governor, or rather an Admiral or Commander of the port, lying some four leagues to the Eastward of our Road, where having obtained leave to come ashore, we landed some forty men with Captain Newport: the Governor they found sitting upon a Mat of straw, under the side of a junke which was a building, accompanied with about fifty men, his apparel was a Mantle of blue and read linen, wrapped about him to his knees, his legs and feet bore, on his head a close Cap of chequer work, the Interpreters were certain Magadoxians, that spoke Arabic and broken Portuguese. Captain Newport presenting him with a Piece and a Sword blade from Capt. Keeling, received a welcome, and commanded four Bullocks to be returned in requital, and with gravity enough entertained them, giving free liberty to buy and cell, and signifying so much by a Messenger to the Inhabitants round about, and promised to sand down his own Cattles, but professed he had no power to compel or make price for others, but left the trade open to every man's william. He sent for Coco Nuts to give the Company, himself chewing Bittle, and lime of Burnt Oyster-shels with a kernel of a Nut called Arracca, like an akorne, it bites in the mouth, avoids rheum, cools the head, strengthens the teeth, and is all their Physic: it makes one unused to it giddy, and makes a man's spittle read, and in time colours the teeth, which is esteemed a beauty: this is used by all men hourly. From the Governor they were led to a Carpenter's house, a chief man of that town; the house built of lime and stone, plastered with mortar or white lime, low and little Roofed, with Rafters of wood covered with leaves, the outsides walled with Canes: they are kept cleanly, and their poor householdstuff still neat, their Gardens paled with Canes, enclosing some Tobacco, and Plantain trees. For Dinner, a board was set upon Trestles covered with a fine new Mat, benches of stone about it likewise covered, on which they sat: first water was brought to every man in a Coco-shell poured out into a wooden platter, and instead of a Towel, the rinds of Cocos. Than was set boiled Rice, and roasted Plantans upon the Rice, quarters of Hens, and pieces of Goat broiled. After grace said, they fell to their meat, with bread made of Cuscus beaten, and mingled with honey, and so fried, and Palmet wine, and Coco milk for drink. I sent a Gentleman and my Chaplin to see the Sultan himself, who life's three miles up in the land from Fambone the town of the Governor, but they found him by chance there: he used them courteously, and made them dine with him, differing little from the former entertainment, only the Governor and all other gave him much respect, kissing his hand, his name is Sultan Amar-Adel, a kin to Mahomet, not unlike to be descended of such an imposterous race, his clotheses not unlike the Governor, but somewhat better stuff, his manners differing much, being with less gravity and State, somewhat a light fool, and very hasty to be drank with wine carried by the English. The other Vice-Sultan his brother, in whose quarter we were not, I saw being come down to our Road with three slaves to trade: he brought a Certificate from Captain Sayers, that he had used the English well in his Dominions, he is as well Xeriffe as Sultan, which is high Priest: he kept a kind of State in place, but otherwise a poor barefooted rogue: he offered to trade for Quicksilver, and being asked what quantity he would buy, replied to four or five Rials of eight; when this merchandise failed him, he fell to begging of shoes. Than I left him.  
All the people are strict Mahometans, observing much of the old law, and at this time being the preparation to their Ramdam or Lent, unwilling to drink wine: they are very jealous to let the Women or Mosques to be seen, of which we had experience by an alarm of one of their Priests, who espied one of ours coming to a Village, who shut up all the Women, and cried out if we came near them or their Church, they would kill us; but by the authority of the Xeriffe, the Priest was appeased, and suffered it with more patience. Many of them speak and writ the Arabic in a fair Character, and some few Portiguise, trading to Mosambique in junkes of forty Tons made of Cocos sowed, in stead of Pins caucked, tackled, and wholly fitted, victualled, and fraughted with that universal tree.  
Here our fleet refreshed with Oxen and Cows, small as two yeereling, but good flesh, with Goats very fat and large, Arabian sheep, Hens, Cocos, Oranges, Lemons, Limbs in great abundance, which we bought for Calicoes, Hollands, or other linens, Sword-blades, and Rials of eight, and their fruits for Glasses, Knives and trifles: whatsoever is bought for money is bought dearest.  
Here was in trade a junke of Madagascar with slaves: the Pilot of the junke called Malim Abrinme spoke Portuguise, and told me on the Southside of S. Laurence, there was store of Ambergris, and Cocos of the Sea; he was skilful in the coast, and in the lying and bearing of lands, both in course and distance. He had a great parchment Card, lined and graduated orderly, which I sent to see: he found fault with many things in my Card at sight, which I mended by his direction, and with reason, as the distance from Socatra from the Main, and rasing quite out certain Lands to the Southward of Mslalia, affirming there are none such: his country lies from one degree fifty minutes, to four degrees, the Port in two degrees ten minutes North latitude, governed by one King: he assured me of trade enough at his port to load one ship with Marfill, Amber, and Tinta Roxa: he promised to bring me his Plot and soundings, and a sample of Tinta Roxa, but some other cause diverted him, that he would come no more at me, notwithstanding I dealt liberally with him in present and in promises. To the South of Magadoxa, all the Ports are governed by Moorish petty Kings, even to Mosambique: he persuaded me that we might in many places trade for Gold and Silver; that in Magadoxa the houses roofs were gilded, that they had gold in sand, and mingled with earth, which they esteem not: of the Inland he knew little, only naming some places or Regions between Magadoxa and Prester john, as Odola Mahesa, Rehamy and Gala, of which Odela and Gala, are Chaphares which signifieth misbelievers; I know not whether he means Gentiles or Christians, using the same promiscuously aswel to Prester john as to other Gentiles. Of Prester john, he knoweth no more, then that he is a great Prince and a Caphar: from Magadoxo to Cambaya, he was expert, his brother who came with him to me, was in fight against the Hope in a Portugal ship, pressed from Damon, in which forty five were slain, more he knew not, but that three ships were burned, and the rest run away; he said the King of Dabul took courage on this victory and surprised Chaul, 
Chaul, Damon.  Damon, & other the Portugals Port Towns, was marching to Goa, that the Portugal was in great distress of victuals. I hoped to have stored myself with more discourse from him, but I was, I know not how, prevented: it were time well bestowed to see this Coast, and I spoke to some of it, but it fared the worse for the Father.  
The Road of Molalia lies in twelve degrees ten minutes, and for the first six days the Current sets two leagues a watch South-west, the Moon increasing at the full, we wound up North-east the other way but very easily, for the most part riding upon the Current. The Magadoxians made some absurdly believe, that the Current set fifteen days one way, and fifteen another, and fifteen days still: which because of the first six days it set South-west, and after we wound up North-east, it begot the opinion of a wonder, but the Current sets constantly South-west, and before the full of the Moon, it had such power on the ebb and flood that we never wound, but at the full Moon and spring-tidings we road upon the flood against the Current it running under, and the tide above, highing sixteen foot water, and the ebb winding back with the Current, so that the supposed chance of the Current, was on the strong tides, at the full Moon overcoming it above: for at Sea when the spring was past, I found the same Current, and though we were set to the Eastward the first day we weighed, unto the Westward the next, the cause was the Eddies of juanny one day, and Angazesia the other, but being clear of them it set his due course, that I raised little, and did Westward much.  

Magadoxia.  The fourteenth of August, in the morning we saw the Coast of Magadoxia in four degrees of North latitude four leagues off sounding, had eighteen fathom of low land, white sandy banks. Than we stood off East North-east, the difference of longitude between the Main and Molalia in Mercators' projection, agreeing with our account. And also by course having found the longitude of Cape Saint Augustine and Molalia to be one: I conclude that Saint Laurence aught to be laid to the East thirty nine or forty leagues according to my first opinion, and all the Coast of the Main being broader than it is land in the Card, must be also set in proportion to the Eastward, because the distance of longitude is right from one to the other, though all their longitude false in themselves: from Malalia, to fall with Cape de Bussos, North North-east one quarter East way is the best course, it being necessary to see the Main about the latitude in this course since we lost the Westerly Current at Angazesia, I found none or very little contrary to all journals, our Mariners in this course are of as many opinions as points in the Compass, both for Currents, distances and bearings according to Compass or Variation: but I observed the truth in the latter end of this South-west Monson, which, I confess, may altar in the heart of a contrary Monson, the settledness of the wind causing much change in the Currents, of which no rule can be given.  

Abdalacora, or Abbadelcuria. They lost diverse Cables & Anchors.  The two and twentieth, at Abdalacora and the high lands of Socatra, the winds poured down with such impetuousness, and the ground so roekie, that I advice all to forbear to anchor under them, for if they be put from their anchors in the night, they shall fall so fare to leeward, that they cannot recover the Island, but must loose company: but if night or weather force them to anchor, let them choose to ride where some lower land breaks the violence of the wind from the hills. We road in the second quarter of the increasing Moon, which rose then above the Horizon about twelve at noon, and set at midnight, at which time these winds begun to rage so long as she is under the earth, and rising again it becomes temperate, the Moon is a great Lady of weather in these parts and requires much observation.  

Tamara.  The three and twentieth, we weighed together and came to anchor afore Tamara, the King's Town, bringing the low point to the East of the high sandy hill without it East by North in ten fathom water a mile from the Town: here the Sultan sent us word, the winds were from the hills so forcible that we should hardly ride, 
Delicia.  but advised us to go to Baia Delicia, two leagues to the East where he would meet us: it is a very good Road deserving the name of delightful for the peaceableness thereof in respect of others: it is a Valley of much lower hills; between the water and the raggy Mountains of Tamera, you may bring the two little Homocks that lie on the low point without the high land to the Eastward Southeast, and the low land that was East by North in Tamera Road Northwest by West, and ride in ten fathom within three quarters of a mile of the shore, latitude is thirteen degrees five minutes, the variation eighteen degrees twenty minutes, the ground is white sand, but rocky so that you must coach or boy your Cables.  
Socatra is an Island in the mouth of the Read Sea, called anciently Dioscuria or Dioscorida, 
Socatra, or Socatora.  standing in twelve degrees fifty five minutes, governed by a Sultan called Amar-Ben-Seid borne in the Island, the Son of the King Farteque in Arabia Foelix called Sultan-Seid-Ben-Seid, who was Sultan of Socatra, in the time of his Grandfather, as this shall be King after his Father of Fartaque, and his son left at Socatra (the Kingdom of Fartaque lies from fifteen degrees to eighteen degrees along the Coast of Arabia, and to the North to the Mountains, he is at peace with the Turk, (who holds all Arabia in Tribute, except this Country) on this condition to sand five thousand men in aid of the Turk, if he require it to be paid by the Turk, without other acknowledgement. There lies near the Sea a petty King about Dosar, with whom he dares not meddle, being in the Grand Signors protection. This is the relation of Amar-Ben-Seid of Socatra. The Sultan of Socatra met our Fleet with three hundred or thereabouts, having set up a Tent at Baia Delecia: he road upon a Horse, and three of his chief Servants on two Horses and one Camel, the people marching before and behind him, shouting after the Turkish manner, with two Guards, one of Soldiers, which are his Countrymen, and twelve of private Guard, hired Guzerats, some with Turkish Bows, some with Pistols, some with Muskets, all with good Swords, he had a few Kettle Drums, and one Trumpet. When the General went ashore, he received him with state and courtesy: he is a subtle man of good understanding, as appears by his Government and diverse Answers; he reigns so absolutely that no man can cell any thing but himself, his people sit about him with great respect, his Officers standing by, who take account of Trade, and receive and pay: his clotheses are of Surat Stuffs, after the Arab's manner with a Cassock of wrought Velvet read and white, and another the ground Gold, a very good Turban, but barefooted, every night at Sunset they stand or kneel all towards the Sun and pray, the Xeriff throwing water on their heads: their Religion is Mahometan: the King's Town of Tamara, is built of lime and stone whited over, battled and pinnacled, the houses being flat at the top it shows fair in the Road, but when one is there is but poor; Master Boughton borrowed the King's horse, and obtained leave to see his house, the King sending a Sheck with him, he found it not answerable to the appearances, yet such as an ordinary Gentleman might make a shift with in England, his lower rooms were used as Warehouses, one as a Wardrobe, where hung a long the walls some changes of Robes, and twenty five Books of their Law, Religion, Story, and Saints lives, of which I could obtain none, but above no man may come to see his Wives which are three, nor other women, but the ordinary are seen in the Towns, with their ears full of silver Rings; in the Church the Priest was at service, but seeing Master Boughton take out his Watch, he soon finished and came and wondered. There was provided three Hens for their dinner with Rice, and for drink water and Cohu, 
Cohu.  black liquor taken as hot as may be endured: at his return, the King in compliment said, he had seen a poor place, but desired him to accept it.  
There is a Castle four square on a hill, a mile from Tamara, but he could not get licence to see it. The people are of four sorts, Arabs his Countrymen, who it seems are his strength, and such as are not the ancient Inhabitants, but come in with the Conquest of his Ancestors, and those obey him, and dare not speak without licence, as appeared, when one seemed of quality to speak, he asked him how he durst open his mouth in his presence, but approaching kiss his hand. A second sort are of Slaves, who when they come to him kiss his foot, and these do all his work and make his Aloes. A third sort, as I suppose, the old Inhabitants of the Country, but not the eldest, called Bedwines, the same which other Historians have called jacobits Christians, that have long dwelled there, with these he hath had a war, as the Arabs report, 
Bedwines▪  and devil in the Mountains very populous but are now at peace, on condition to live quietly, and to breed their children Mahometans, which I perceive they do not, having no manner of conversation with the Arab's. The reason why I take them to be the old jacobite Christians, mentioned by Maginas, Purchas and others, is, because Master Boughton saw an old Church of theirs in the way to Tamara, left desolate, the door shut, but only tied, being desirous to enter it, the Sheck his guide told him it was full of Spirits, yet he adventured in and found an Altar with Images, and a cross upon it, which he brought out, than the Shecke told him they were a people of another Religion, but very loath to have them much enquired after, as I suspect, knowing them to be a kind of Christians, doubting we would either wish them better, or not suffer them to be oppressed. The fourth sort are a savage people, poor, lean, naked, with long hair, eating nothing but Roots, hiding in bushes, conversing with none, afraid of all, without houses, and almost as savage as beasts, and by conjecture, the true ancient Naturals of this Island.  
The Island is very mountainous and barren: having some Beefs, Goats and Sheep, a few Dates and Oranges, a little Rice and nothing else for sustenance, of commodity they have Aloes, which is the juice of a leaf like Semperuina, they make a poor cloth of their Wool for their slaves.  
The King had Sanguis Draconis, and Indigo of Lahor, but held it dear: many small Ciuit Cats and Ciuit: all is either the Kings, or passes his hands and price. He hath a handsome Galley and juncke of Surat, with Mariners, that serve him to transport his goods for wages by the year. The King hath some knowledge of Prester john; confessing him the greatest Prince in the World, above the Turk and Persian, giving fair reasons for his opinion: he hath among his slaves diverse Abbassines. Hearing our hoy-boyes in the General's boat, he asked if they were the Psalms of David? and being answered yes: he replied, it was the invention of the Devil, who did invent it▪ for King David, who before praised God with his lips and heart in devotion, but after it was left to senseless Instruments. They bury their dead all in Tombs, and have in great reverence the Monuments of their Saints, whereof there have been many: But of most account Serdy Hachim, buried at Tamara, who being slain one hundred years since by the portugals once inhabiting here, appears to them, and warns them of dangers to ensue. They impute the violence of winds to his walking, and have him in wonderful reverence. I never went ashore, not knowing what entertainment I should found, in respect of the quality I bear, but glean up the most probable reports. If I had gone myself, and conferred with the King, or could have spoken with: any of his people of understanding, I had enquired further to satisfy the curious: But all the Interpreters followed the General, that I had no opportunity.  
I give my advice that the Fleet stop not at all outwards, bound at Socatra: But from Molalia, having made Cape Guardafui, 
Advice not to stay outwards at Socatra.  and there rested a convenient time for refreshing, or attending the latter end of the Monson, if it be soon in the year, shape their course right for Surat. If it be objected, that they shall want their usual refresh: I answer, at Socatra the victuals is both carrion, and as dear as in England, goodness considered, the water fare to fetch and dangerous, so that every Fleet hath lost some men in rolling it down a stream full of deep holes. At Cape Guardafui you shall ride at ease, and without doubt trade plentifully and cheap, and fish at pleasure: and though we made no experience of trade, yet we saw people in Turbans and clothed, who assuredly, if we had stayed, might have been drawn to bring down cattles: for not fare to the West of that place, Sir Henry Middleton, and some other ships had excellent Goats and sheep for trifles, as both his journal, and Master Barret of his own experience have informed me.   

§. II. His journey to the Court, and entertainment there, and Customs thereof.  

September 26. Visitation of Sultan Paruis.  THe six and twentieth of September, I landed, accompanied with the General and principal Merchants: Captain Harris was sent to make me a Court of guard, with one hundred shot, and the ships in their best equipage, giving me their Ordnance as I passed. (The passages betwixt the Ambassador and those of Surat I omit; their barbarous customs and actions holding so ill correspondence with his honourable condition, and civil conditions, that even here also it would be harsh to the Reader: we will therefore found him removing from them in his way toward the Court.)  
The fifteenth of November, I arrived at Brampore, being by my conjecture two hundred twenty three miles from Surat, and the course wholly East, a miserable and barren Country, the Towns and Villages all built of mud, so that there is not a house for a man to rest in. This day at Batherport, a Village two mile short of Brampore is their Storehouse of Ordnance. I saw diverse of brass, but generally too short, and too wide bored. Between that and Brampore I was met by the Cutwall, well accompanied, and sixteen Colours carried before them: he brought me to the Saralia, where I was appointed to lodge, where at the gate he took his leave, being a handsome front of stone: but when I entered, I had four chambers allotted me, like Ovens, no bigger, round at the top, made of brick in a wall-side; this troubled me, but my Ttnts were my refuge, and I sent the Cutwall word I would departed the Town, scorning so mean usage: he desired me to be content until morning. Hear life's Sultan Peruies, the King's second son, holding the State and custom of his Father; and the Channa Channa being the greatest subject of the Mogoll, General of his Armies, whereof forty thousand horse are with him: The Prince hath the name and state, but the Chan governs all.  
The eighteenth, for many considerations, as well to see the fashions of the Court, as to content the Prince, who desired it, and I was loathe to distaste him, because there was some purpose of erecting a Factory in the Town; and I found by experience Sword-blades were well sold in the Army; I went to visit the Prince, and carried him a Present. I was brought in by the Cutwall: at the outward Court were about one hundred horsemen armed, being Gentlemen that attend the Princes setting out to salute him, making a lane of each side: in the inner Court he sat high in a Gallery that went round, with a Canopy over him, and a Carpet before him, in great, but barbarous State. Coming toward him thorough a lane of people, an Officer came and brought me word I must touch the ground with my head, and my hat off: I answered, I came in honour to see the Prince, and was free from the custom of Servants. So I passed on, till I came to a place railed in, right under him, with an ascent of three steps, where I made him reverence, and he bowed his body; and so went within it, where stood round by the sides all the great m●n of the Town, with their hands before them like Slaves; the place was covered overread with a rich Canopy, and underneath, all Carpets. To describe it rightly, it was like a great Stage, and the Prince sat above as the Mock-Kings do there. When I was entered, I knew not where to be placed, but went right, and stood before him, where there is an ascent of three steps, upon which stands his Secretary, to deliver what is said or given briefly. I told him, being an Ambassador from the King of England to his father, and passing by, I could not but in honour visit him: he replied I was very welcome, and asked me many questions of the King, to which I replied as I thought fit: but standing in that manner below, I demanded licence to come up and stand by him. He answered, If the King of Persia or the Great Turk were there, it might not be admitted. I replied that I must be excused, for I doubted not he would come down and meet them at his gate; but I desired no more privilege, than the Ambassadors of such Princes had, to whom I held myself equal: he protested I had that, and should in all things. Than I demanded a Chair, but I was answered no man ever sat in that place: but I was desired, as a courtesy, to ease myself against a pillar, covered above with silver, that held up his Canopy, Than I moved him for his favour for an English Factory to be resident in the Town, which he willingly granted, and gave present order to the Buxy, to draw a Firma both for their coming up, and for their residence. I also desired his authority for carriages for the King's Presents, which he gave in charge to the Cutwall. Than I gave him my Presents, which he took in good part, and after some other questions, he said to give me content, although I might not come up where he sat, he would go into another place, where I should come unto him; but one of my Presents was a Case of Bottells, which took him up by the way, and after I had stayed a while, I heard he was drunk, and one of his Officers came to me in his name, with an excuse, desiring me to go home, and to take some other time to return to visit him: this night I took my fever.  
The sixth of December, we lodged in a wood, not fare from the King's famous Castle of Mandoa which stands on a steep hill, walled round in circuit fourteen Course: the Castle is fair, and of wonderful greatness.  
The two and twentieth, Master Edward's met me, accompanied with Thomas Coryat, 
Master Edward's. Thomas Coryat▪ Cytor.  who had passed into India on foot five Course to Cytor an ancient City ruined on a hill, but so that it appears a Tomb of wonderful magnificence: there stands above one hundred Churches, all of carved stone, many fair Towers and Lanterns cut thorough many pillars, and innumerable houses, but no one Inhabitant: there is but one ascent to the hill, it being precipitious, sloping up, cut out of the Rock, having four gates in the ascent, before one arrive at the City gate, which is magnificent: the hill is encompassed at the top about eight Course, and at the South-west end a goodly old castle: I lodged by a poor Village at the foot of the hill. This City stands in the country of one Ranna, a Prince newly subdued by this King, or rather bought to confess Tribute. 
Ranna.  The City was won by Ecbarsha, father to this Mogoll. Ranna is rightly descended from Porus, that valiant Indian, overcome by Alexander: so that I take this City to have been one of the ancient Seats of Porus, though Dely much further North be reported to have been the chiefest, famous now only in ruins. Near that stands a pillar, erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a great inscription. The present Mogoll and his Ancestors, descendants of Tamberlane, have brought all the ancient Cities to ruin, having dispeopled them, and forbidden reparation, I know not out of what reason, unless they would have nothing remembered of greatness beyond their beginnings, as if their Family and the world were equals.  
The three and twentieth, I arrived at Adsmeere, two hundred and nine Courses from Brampore, four hundred and eighteen English miles, the Courses being longer than toward the Sea. I kept my bed.  
The tenth of january, I went to Court at four in the evening to the Durbar, 
january 10.  which is the place where the Mogoll si●s out daily, to entertain strangers, to receive Petitions and Presents, to give commands, to see and to be seen. To digress a little from my reception, and declare the customs of the Court, will enlighten my future discourse. 
Eunuch's only and women, his household Courtiers.  The King hath no man but Eunuches that comes within the lodgings or retiring rooms of his house: his women watch within, and guard him with manly weapons, they do justice one upon another for offences. He comes every morning to a window called the jarrneo, looking into a Plain before his gate, and shows himself to the common people. At noon he returns thither, and sits some hours to see the fight of Elephants and wild beasts. Under him within a rail attend the men of rank: from whence he retires to sleep among his women. At afternoon he returns to the Durbar before mentioned. At eight after supper he comes down to the Guzelcan, a fair Court, whrein in the midst is a Throne erected of freestone, wherein 〈…〉 sometimes below in a chair, to which are none admitted but of great quality, and few or these without leave, where he discourses of all matters with much affability. There is no 〈◊〉 done with him concerning the State, Government, disposition of War or peace, but at one of there two last places where it is publicly propounded and resolved, and so registered, which if i● were worth the curiosity, might be seen for two shillings: but the common base people knew as much as the Council, and the news every day, is the King's new resolutions, tossed and censured by every rascal. This course is unchangeable, 
Necessity of the King's presence.  except sickness or drink prevent it, which must be known: for as all his Subjects are slaves, so is he in a kind of reciprocal bondage, for he is tied to observe these hours and customs so precisely, that if he were unseen one day, and no sufficient reason rendered, the people would mutiny; two days no reason can excuse, but that he must consent to open his doors, and be seen by some, to satisfy others. On Tuesday at the jarrneo he sits in judgement, never refusing the poorest man's complaint: where he hears with patience both parts, and sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, the execution done by his Elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu ut adesses?  
At the Durbar I was led right before him: at the entrance of an outward rail, where met me two principal Noble Slaves to conduct me nearer. 
His coming to the King.  I had required before my going, leave to use the customs of my Country, which was freely granted, so that I would perform them punctually. When I entered within the first rail, I made a reverence; entering in the inward rail, another; and when I came under the King, a third. The place is a great Court, whither resort all sorts of people. The King sits in a little Gallery overhead; Ambassadors, the great men and strangers of quality within the inner-most rail under him, raised from the ground, covered with Canopies of Velvet and Silk; underfoot laid with good Carpets: the meaner men representing Gentry, within the first rail: the people without, in a base Court, but so that all may see the King. This sitting out hath so much affinity with a Theatre, the manner of the King in his Gallery; 
Face of the Presence like a Theatre.  the great men lifted on a Stage, as Actors; the Vulgar below gazing on, that an easy description will inform of the place and fashion. The King prevented my dull Interpreter, bidding me welcome, as to the Brother of my Master. I delivered his Majesty's Letter translated; and after, my Commission, whereon he looked curiously; after, my Presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and with a seeming care of my health, offered me his Physicians, and advising me to keep my house till I had recovered strength, and if in the interim I needed any thing, I should freely sand to him, and obtain my desires. He dismissed me with more favour and outward grace, if by the Christians I were not flattered, then ever was shown to any Ambassador either of the Turk or Persian, or other whatsoever.  
The fourteenth, I sent to the Prince Sultan Coronne, his third son by birth, but first in favour, 
Sultan Coronne.  that I determined to visit him, not doubting he would use me with due respect: for I was informed he was enemy to all Christians, and therefore feared some affront. He answered I should be welcome, and receive the same content I had from his father. He is Lord of Surat our chief residence, and his favour important for us.  
The two and twentieth, I visited the Prince, who at nine in the morning sits out in the same manner (as his Father) to dispatch his business, 
His conditions.  and to be seen of his followers. He is proud naturally, and I feared my entertainment. But on some occasion he not resolving to come out, when he heard of my arrival, sent a principal Officer to meet me, who conducted me into a good room (never before done to any) and entertain me with discourse of our own business half an hour, until the Prince was ready, who came abroad on purpose, and used me better than his promise. I delivered him a Present, such as I had, but not in the name of his Majesty, it being too mean; but excused it, that the King could not take knowledge of his being Lord of Surat so lately conferred on him, but hereafter I doubted not his Majesty would sand to him according to his worth. This was the respect of the Merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part: and after opening of some grievances and injuries suffered at Surat by us from his Governors, of which for respect to him I had forborn to complain to the King, he promised me speedy and effectual justice, and to confirm our security by any propositions I should offer, professing to be ignorant of any thing past, but what he had received by Asaph Chan, delivered by me; especially of any command to dismiss us, which the Governor had falsely coined, and for which he should dear answer. So he dismissed me, full of hope to rectify the decayed estate of our reputation, with promise of a Firman for Surat effectually.  
The four and twentieth, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, who seeing me a fare off, beckoned with his hand, giving sign I should not stay the ceremony of ask leave, but come up to him, where he appointed me a place above all other men, which I after thought fit to maintain: I gave him a small Present; it being the custom, when any body hath business, to give somewhat, 
His second hearing.  and those that cannot come near to speak, sand in, or hold up their gift; which he excepts, be it but a Rupie, and demands their business. The same course he held with me, having looked curiously, and asked many questions of my Present, he demanded what I required of him: I answered justice; that on the assurance of his Majesty's Firman sent into England, the King my Master had not only given leave to many of his Subjects to come a dangerous Voyage with their goods, but had sent me to congratulate the amity so happily begun between two so mighty Nations, and to confirm the same: but that I found the English, seated at Amadavas, injured by the Governor in their persons and goods, fined, exacted upon, and kept as prisoners, that at every Town new Customs were taken of our goods, passing to the Port, contrary to all justice and the former Articles of Trade. To which he answered he was sorry, it should be amended, and presently gave order for two Firmans, very effectually, 
Two Firmans granted to the English.  according to my desire to be signed, one to the Governor of Amadavas, to restore money exacted from Master Kerridge, and to use the English with all favour: the other to release all customs required on any pretence on the way; or if any had been taken, to repay it of his own accord: wishing me, that if these gave not speedy remedy, I should renew my complaint against the disobeye●, and he should be sent for to answer there: and so he dismissed me.  
The first of March, I road to see a house of pleasure of the Kings, given him by Asaph Chan, 
March 1. A house of pleasure.  two miles from Adsmeere, but between two mighty Rocks, so defended from the Sun, that it scarce any way sees it; the foundation cut out of them, and some rooms, the rest of freestone, a handsome little Garden with fine fountains, two great Thanks, one thirty steps above another; the way to it is inaccessible, but for one or two in front, and that very steep and stony, a place of much melancholy delight and security, only being accompanied with wild Peacocks, Turtles, fowl, and Monkeys, that inhabit the Rocks hanging every way over it.  
The second, the Norose began in the Evening. It is a custom of solemnising the new year, yet the Ceremony gins the first new Moon after it, which this year fell together: 
The Norose a solemn Feast, and Rites thereof.  it is kept in imitation of the Persians' feast, and signifies in that language Nine days, for that anciently it endured no longer, but now it is doubled. The manner is, there is erected a throne four foot from the ground, in the Durbar Court, from the back whereof, to the place where the King comes out a square of fifty six paces long, and forty three broad was railed in, and covered over with fair Semianes or Canopies of Cloth of Gold, Silk, or Velvet joined together, and sustained with Canes so covered: at the upper end West, were set out the Pictures of the King of England, the Queen, the Lady Elizabeth, the Countess's of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a Citizen's wife of London; below them an other of Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of the East-India Company: under foot it is laid with good Persian Carpets of great largeness, into which place come all the men of quality to attend the King, except some few that are within a little ra●le right before the Throne, to receive his Commands, within this square there were set out for show many little houses, one of Silver, and some other curiosities of price. The Prince, Sultan Coronne had at the left side a Pavilion, the supporters whereof were covered with Silver, as were some of those also near the King's Throne: the former thereof was square, the matter wood, inlaid with mother of Pearl, borne up with four pill●●s, and covered with cloth of Gold: about the edge overhead like a valence, was a net fringe of good Pearl, upon which hung down Pomgranats, Apples, Pears, and such fruits of Gold, but hollow; within that the King sat on Cushions, very rich in Pearls, in jewels round about the Court; before the Throne the Principal men had erected Tents, which encompassed the Court, and lined them with Velvet, Damask, and Taffatae ordinarily, some few with cloth of Gold, wherein they retired, and set to show all their wealth: for anciently the Kings were used to go to every Tent, and there take what pleased them; but now it is changed, the King sitting to receive what Newyears gifts are brought to him. He comes abroad at the usual hour of the Durbar, and retires with the same: here are offered to him by all sorts great gifts, though not equal to report, yet incredible enough: and at the end of this Feast the King in recompense of the Presents received, advanceth some, and addeth to their entertainment some horse at his pleasure.  
The twelfth, I went to visit the King, and was brought right before him, expecting a present which I delivered to his extraordinary content; so he appointed I should be directed within the rail to stand by him, but I being not suffered to step up upon the rising, on which the Throne stood, could see little, the rail being high, and doubled with Carpets, but I had leisure to view the inward room, and the beauty thereof, which I confess was rich, but of so diverse pieces, and so unsuitable, that it was rather patched then glorious, as if it seemed to strive to show all, like a Lady that with her Plate, set on a Cupboard her embroidered Slippers. This Evening was the son of Ranna his new Tributory brought before him with much ceremony, kneeling three times, and knocking his head on the ground: he was sent by his Father with a Present, and was brought within the little rail, the King embracing him by the head; his gift was an Indian voider full of Silver, upon that a carved Silver dish full of Gold; so he was lead toward the Prince. Some Elephants were showed, and some Whores did sing and dance: Sic transit gloria Mundi.  
The thirteenth at night, I went to the Gussell Chan, where is best opportunity to do business, and took with me the Italian, determining to walk no longer in darkness, but to prove the King, being in all other ways delayed and refused; I was sent for in with my old Broker, 
Passages remarkable.  but my Interpreter was kept out: Asaph Chan mistrusting I would utter more than he was willing to hear. When I came to the King, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to ask me many questions about the King of England, and of the Present I gave the day before▪ to some of which I answered; but at last I said, my Interpreter was kept out, I could speak no Portugal, and so wanted means to satisfy his Majesty, whereat (much against Asaph Chans desire) he was admitted. I bade him tell the King, I desired to speak to him; he answered, willingly: whereat Asaph Chans son in law, pulled him by force away, and that faction hedged the King so, that I could scarce see him, nor the other approach him. So I commanded the Italian to speak aloud, that I craved audience of the King, whereat the King called me, and they made me way. Asaph Chan stood on one side of my Interpreter, and I on the other: I to inform him in mine own cause, he to awe him with winking and jogging. I bade him say, that I now had been here two Months, whereof more than one was passed in sickness, the other in Compliments, and nothing effected toward the end for which my Master had employed me, which was to conclude a firm and constant love and peace between their Majesties, and to establish a fair and secure Trade and residence for my Countrymen. He answered, that was already granted. I replied it was true, but it depended yet on so light a thread, on so weak conditions, that being of such importance, it required an agreement clear in all points, and a more formal and authentic confirmation, than it had by ordinary Firmans, which were temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me what Presents we would bring him. I answered, the League was yet new, and very weak: that many Curiosities were to be found in our Country of rare price and estimation, which the King would sand, and the Merchants seek out in all parts of the world, if they were once made secure of a quiet trade and protection on honourable Conditions, having been heretofore many ways wronged.  
He asked what kind of curiosities those were I mentioned, whether I meant jewels and rich stones. I answered, Not: that we did not think them fit Presents to sand back, which were brought first from these parts, whereof he was chief Lord; that we esteemed them common here, and of much more price with us: but that we sought to find such things for his Majesty, as were rare here, and unseen, as excellent artifices in painting, carving, cutting, enamelling, figures in Brass, Copper, or Stone, rich embroideries, stuffs of Gold and Silver. He said it was very well: but that he desired an English horse: 
An English horse much desired.  I answered, it was impossible by Sea, and by Land the Turk would not suffer passage. He replied, that he thought it not impossible by Sea. I told him, the dangers of storms, and variety of weather would prove it. He answered, if six were put into a ship, one might live; and though it came lean, he would fat it. I replied, I was confident it could not be in so long a Voyage, but that for his Majesty's satisfaction, I would writ to advice of his request. So he asked, what was it then I demanded? I said, that he would be pleased to sign certain reasonable conditions, which I had conceived for the confirmation of the League, and for the security of our Nation, and their quiet trade, for that they had been often wronged, and could not continued on such terms, which I forbear to complain of, hoping by fair means to procure amendment. At this word, Asaph Chan offered to pull my Interpreter; but I held him, suffering him only to wink and make unprofitable signs.  
The King hereat grew suddenly into choler, pressing to know who had wronged us, with such show of fury, that I was loathe to follow it, and speaking in broken Spanish to my Interpreter, to answer, That with what was past I would not trouble his Majesty, but would seek justice of his Son, 
The King angry with his Son.  the Prince, of whose favour I doubted not. The King not attending my Interpreter, but hearing his Son's name, conceived I had accused him, saying, Mio Filio, Mio Filio, and called for him; who came in great fear, humbling himself: Asaph Chan trembled, and all of them were amazed. The King chid the Prince roundly, and he excused himself, but I perceiving the King's error, made him (by means of a Persian Prince, offering himself to interpret, because my Italian spoke better Turkish then Persian) and the Prince both understand the mistaking, and so appeased him, saying, I did no way accuse the Prince, but would in causes passed in his Government, appeal to him for justice, which the King commanded he should do effectually. The Prince for his justification, told the King he had offered me a Firman, and that I had refused it: demanding the reason: I answered, I humbly thanked him, but he knew it contained a condition which I would not accept of; and that further I did desire to propound our own demands, wherein I would contain all the desires of my Master at once, that I might not daily trouble them with complaints, and wherein I would reciprocally bind my Sovereign to mutual offices of friendship; and his Subjects to any such conditions, as his Majesty would reasonably propound, whereof I would make an offer, which being drawn Tripartite, his Majesty (I hoped) would sign the one, the Prince the other, and in my Master's behalf I would firm the third. The King pressed to know the Conditions I refused in the Princes Firman, which I recited, and so we fell into earnest dispute, 
Mochreb Chan backfriend to the English.  and some heat. Mocrib Chan interposing, said, he was the Portugals advocate; speaking slightly of us, that the King should never sign any Article against them. I answered, I propound none against them, but in our own just defence; and I did not take him for such a friend to them: the jesuite and all the Portugals side fell in, in so much that I explained myself fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditional peace, so I set their friendship at a mean rate, and their hatred or force at less. The King answered, my demands were just, resolution noble, and bade me propound. Asaph Chan that stood mute all this discourse, and desired to end it, lest it break out again (for we were very warm) enterposed, that if we talked all night it would come to this issue, that I should draw my demands in writing, and present them, and if they were found reasonable, the King would firm them; to which the King replied, yes; and I desired his Son would do the like, who answered he would: so the King rose. But I calling to him, he turned about, and I bade my Interpreter say, That I came the day before to see his Majesty, and his greatness, and the Ceremonies of this Feast, that I was placed behind him, I confessed with honour, but I could not see abroad; and that therefore I desired his Majesty to licence me to stand up by his Throne; whereat he commanded Asaph Chan to let me choose my own place.  
The foureteenth in the morning, I sent a Messenger to Asaph Chan, lest he or the Prince might mistake me by the King's mistake, that I had complained against them, which as I did not, so it was not yet in my purpose: only I was willing to let them see, I did not so depend on Asaph Chan, by whose mouth I used to do my business; but that if he continued his manner of never delivering what I said, but what he pleased; I would found another way. My message was to clear any such doubt, if it remained; or if not, to entreat him that he would soften the Prince in my demands concerning Surat. He answered, Neither the Prince nor he had any reason to suspect, my purpose was to complain of them: that the error was evident enough, for his part he had ever had the love of the English, and would endeavour to continued it.  
The six and twentieth of April, I received intelligence, that the Prince caused one of his Servants at the Durbar, to ask the King why he used so good countenance to the English, that for their cause the Portugals were barred the Port of Surat, who brought more profit to the King, as many Ballaces, Pearls, and jewels, whereas the English came only to seek profit, with Cloth, Swords, and Knives of little estimation. The King answered only, it was true, but who could mend it. Hereby the Princes good affection was manifest, and I had fair warning to be watchful, and to study to preserve ourselves in the King's grace, in which only we were safe: but I resolved to take notice of this, and to make proof if I could settle a better opinion in the Prince of our Nation.  
The two and twentieth of May, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, and to desire his authority to have one jones a youth, that was run away from me to an Italian, and protected himself under the name of the King to the infamy of our Nation. The King gave order for his delivery, but the Prince who ever waited opportunity to disgrace our Nation for the cause of his Favourite Zulpheckarcon with whom I was newly broken off from conference, and had sent the Prince word I would no longer forbear opening my cause to the King, moved the King in private to sand for the youth first, which at the Gusel Chan he did: and the Prince giving him countenance, he railed to my face with most virulent malice, desiring the King to save his life, so the King resolved not to deliver him to me, but to sand him Prisoner to Surat, but the Prince to brave me, begged him for his servant, the fellow having quite renounced his Country, the King gave him to the Prince, notwithstanding any reasons I could allege: so the Prince presently gave him one hundred and fifty Rupias, and the pay of two Horse, and forbade me to meddle with him.  
The three and twentieth, at night my man came and fell at my feet, ask pardon for his lying and madness, and offered to submit himself in any kind. I told him I would not now keep him Prisoner he was the Prince's servant, but that before I could give him any answer he should make me public satisfaction as fare as he was able.  
The four and twentieth, jones made means to come to the Gusel Chan, and there asked pardon of the King for his lies, denying every word he had spoken, and to have been done to protect himself from me, whom he had offended, desiring the King to sand for me that he might there ask my pardon: the King was well pleased. But the Prince fell into a great rage.  
The five and twentieth, I went to the Guzelcan, where after many protestations of the King, that he never believed him, that he was a Villain, yet that he could do no less but protect him, having cast himself into his mercy: the youth was sent for, who on his knees asked me forgiveness, and on his oath swore to the King, that he had in every particular belied me, which he professed to do voluntary, for that he durst never return to his country. The King chid him a little, and told me, he nor any good man ever believed him: but the Prince grew so angry that moving him with many questions to stand to his first word, which he refusing was bid be gone: and the Prince publicly calling for him again, bade him most basely return him the one hundred and fifty Rupias, delivered him for that he gave it to maintain him against me, which seeing he went from, he would have his money: which the fellow promised but he should have it presently, and so sent an under Treasurer with him to the house, where he was lodged, for into mine, I would not suffer him to come.  
The seven and twentieth, thus I was enforced to seem content, because I had no way to seek remedy, for Presents I had none, and the King never takes any request to heart, except it come accompanied, and will in plain terms demand it, which advantage the Prince takes, urging the Portugals bringing of jewels, Ballests and Pearls with much disgrace to our English commodity.  
The nine and twentieth, the Portugals went before the King with a Present, and a Ballast Ruby, to cell as was reported, weighing thirteen Tole, two Tole and a half being an ounce: they demanded five Leeks of Rupies, but the King offered but one. Asaph Chan is also their Solicitor, to whom they gave a Present of Stones, they had diverse Rubies Ballaces, Emeralds and jewels set to cell, which so much contented the King and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed.  
The Prince and the jesuite fell out about presenting them, which the Prince desired; but it was promised to Asaph Chan before concerning the Portugals credit, here I ever made my judgement by report, but now experience shows me the difference made between us and them, for they were sought after by every body, whereas they seem to buy our commodities for alms, besides their Neigbourhood and advantage to hinder that Trade into the Read Sea, is ever more readier than ours to do harm, because they are settled, so that only for a little fear we were entertained, but for our trade or any thing we being not at all respected.   

§. III. Occurrents happening in june, july, August 1616. and diverse passages of speech and action, whence the Nature, Arts, and disposition of the King and his Subjects may be observed.  

june 12. Sultan Coroone. to be employed in the Decan wars.  THe twelfth of june, there is a resolution taken that Sultan Coroone shall go to the Decan wars, and the day prefixed having consulted all the Bramans. Prince Paruis is called home, whom (it is reported) wrote to his father, that if he would sand his elder brother, he would obey, but to dishonour him by employing this, he would first fall on him, and after finish the war. All the Captains, as Channa Chana, Mahobet Chan, Chan john, refuse to stay if this Tyrant come to command, so well is he beloved: it is true, all men awe him more than the King, now that he is to receive the Army; the King cannot be removed from his resolution, so that his sudden departure two and twenty days from this present, must hasten me to finish this business, and to know a resolution: for after his departure with his Minion Zulpheckcarcon, there is no hope to recover a penny, nor any justice against him.  
The eighteenth, the King commanded one of his brother's sons (who was made a Christian in policy, 
Severe command.  to bring him into hatred with the people) to go strike a Lion on the head, which was brought before the King; but he being afraid, refused it: so the King bade his youngest son to go touch the Lion, who did so without any harm, whereat the King took occasion to sand his Nephew away to a prison, where he is never like to see daylight.  
The four and twentieth, the Prince had a son borne, and now being preparing for this war, all men's eyes were on him, either for flattery, gain, or envy, none for love. He received twenty Lecks of Rupies towards his charges, (two hundred thousand pound sterling) and began to deal money liberally: but notwithstanding his show of his Father's affection and greatness, a Chan persuaded the King that the Voyage would be dangerous, in respect of the Prince Paruis, whose honour was so wounded, that he would not return without revenge. The King replied, let them fight, I am well contented, and he that proves himself the better Captain shall pursue the war.  
Abdala Hassan is Captain of all the soldiers, entertained at Court, and Treasurer to all the Armies: 
Abdala Hassan.  he entertained me courteously, with few compliments, but much civility, we sat to see his soldiers shoot in bows and pieces, most of them with single bullet did hit the mark, being a handbreath in a butt, 
Exquisite mark-men.  we had some discourse of our use of weapons, and so I departed.  
The thirteenth of july in the morning, I sent Sultan Carronne three bottles of Alicante, and a Letter concerning the portugals, 
july 13.  the differences between our Trade and theirs, and to procure all the customs in and out to farm for the Companies use (the copy is registered.) The Prince caused (as is his barbarous custom in all business passing in public) the Letter to be twice read by his Secretary, and often interrupted it with speech to him: in the end sent word, that at night when he came down, he would read it himself, and consider it, and that I should receive answer from Merze Sorocalla.  
At night I went to the Durbar to visit the King: So soon as I came in, he sent Asaph Chan to me, 
The King's delight in Painting.  that he heard I had in my house an excellent Painter, and desired me he might see some of his work: I replied, according to truth, that there was none, but a young man, a Merchant, that for his exercise did with a pen draw some figures, but very meanly, fare from the art of Painting. The King replied, that I should not fear that he would take any man from me by force, that he would neither do me injury, nor suffer any other; and prayed that he might see that man and his work, howsoever it was. I replied, I had no such doubt of his Majesty, and for his satisfaction I would bring him to the Guzell Chan with such toys as he had, which perhaps was an Elephant, or a Dear, or such like in paper. At this answer the King bowed himself, and returned, that if I desired an Elephant, or the figure, or any other thing in his Country, I should not buy it, nor seek any other way but to him, that whatsoever I had a mind to, he would give me, and that I should freely speak to him, for he was my friend. I made a Reverence, and answered that I humbly thanked his Majesty, Elephants were of no such use to me, neither was it the custom of my Nation, especially of my place, to ask any thing, if his Majesty gave me but the worth of a Rupie, I would receive it, and esteem it as a mark of his favour. He replied, he knew not what I desired, that there were some things in his Country, rare in mine, and that I should not make dainty to speak to him, for he would give me such things as should be most welcome, and that I should be cheerful, for that he was a friend to our Nation and to me, and would protect us from any injury, but desired that I would that night come to the Guzell Chan, with the youth that painted, with his Pictures. So Asaph Chan wished me to sand home to fetch him to his house; whither if I would go and stay with him until the King came abroad, I should be very welcome; which I promised. I never received so much grace and favour from the King, as at this time, which all men took notice of, and accordingly altered their fashions towards me; specially it happened well that the jesuit was made Interpreter of all this by the King's appointment.  
This day a Gentlewoman of Normalls' was taken in the King's house in some action with an Eunuch; another Capon that loved her, killed him: 
Story of an Eunuch and one of the King's women.  the poor woman was set up to the armpits in the earth, hard rammed, her feet tied to a stake, to abide three days and two nights without any sustenance, her head and arms exposed to the Sun's violence: if she died not in that time, she should be pardoned: the Eunuch was condemned to the Elephants. This Damsel yielded in Pearl, jewels, and ready money, sixteen hundred thousand Rupies.  
The two and twentieth, I received Letters from Bramport: in answer of those to Mahobet Chan, who at first granted my desire, making his Firman to Barooch most effectual, 
Mahobet Chan his grant to the English for Borooch.  to receive our Nation, and to give them a house near the Governor, strictly commanding no man to molest them by sea or land, or to take any custom of them, or any way trouble them under colour thereof. Finally, that they might buy, cell, and transport any commodity at their pleasures, without any molestation, concluding, that they should expect to hear no other from him, and therefore they should be careful in execution. I received with it a Letter from himself (which was more civility than all the Indieses yielded me) full of courtesy and humanity, and great respect, 
His Civility and good parts  protesting his desire to give me content, and that what I had demanded, I should make no doubt of performance: and if I had any other occasion to use him, he desired me to writ, and it should be performed. The Copies are worthy the seeing for the rareness of the phrase. The Firman I caused to be sent to Surat: so that Borooch is provided for a good retreat from the Prince's injuries, and the custom given, whereby fifteen hundred pound, per annum, will be saved, besides all manner of searches and extortions. For the performance of this no man maketh any doubt, for that all men confess, that he neither careth for the Prince, and so feareth not, nor needeth any man, being the only beloved man of the King, and second person in his Dominions; and in all his life so liberal of his purse, and honourable of his word, that he hath engrossed good reports from all others: and concerning Custom, the King takes none, the Governors make it their profit, which he professeth to scorn that he should abuse the liberty of the King's Ports.  
The sixth of August, I was sent for to the Durbar; 
August 6. The King's curiosity in painting, and the Indian workmanship▪ for which cause, and for notice of the King's disposition, it is here added.  the business was about a Picture I had lately given to the King, and was confident that no man in India could equal it. So soon as I came, he asked me what I would give the Painter that had made a copy so like it, that I should not know my own: I answered, a Painter's reward, fifty Rupies. The King replied, his Painter was a Caveleer, and that too small a gift; to which I answered, I gave my Picture with a good heart, esteeming it rare, and meant not to make comparison or wagers: if his servant had done as well, and would not accept of my gift, his Majesty was most fit to reward him. So with many passages of jests, mirth, and brags concerning the Arts of his Country, he fell to ask me questions, how often I drank a day, and how much, and what? what in England? what Beer was? how made? and whether I could make it here? In all which I satisfied his great demands of State. He concluded that I should come to the Guzel Chan, and then I should see my Pictures. At night he sent for me, being hasty to triumph in his workman, and shown me six Pictures, five made by his man, all pasted in one table so like, that I was by candlelight troubled to discern which was which, I confess, beyond all expectation: yet I shown mine own, and the differences, which were in art apparent, but not to be judged by a common eye. But for that at first sight I knew it not, he was very merry and joyful, and craked like a Northern man: I gave him way and content, praising his man's art. Now, saith he, what say you? I replied, I saw his Majesty needed no Picture from our Country; but saith he, what will you give the Painter? I answered, seeing he had so fare excelled in my opinion of him, I would double my liberality, and that if he came to my house, I would give him one hundred Rupies to buy a Nag, which the King took kindly, but answered, he should accept no money, but some other gift: which I promised: the King asked what? I said it was referrable to my discretion: so he answered it was true, yet desired I would name it. I replied, a good Sword, a Pistol, a Picture; whereat the King answered. You confess he is a good workman: sand for him home, and show him such toys as you have, and let him choose one, in requital whereof you shall choose any of these Copies to show in England. We are not so unskilful, as you esteem us: so he pressed me to choose one, which I did; the King wrapping it up in a paper, and putting it up in a little book of mine, delivered it, with much joy and exultation of his man's supposed victory, whereat I shown him a Picture I had of his Majesties, fare inferior to the work I now saw, which caused me to judge of all other by that which he delivered me as the best. He asked me where I had it; I told him. Why, said he, do you buy any such things? have not I the best? and have not I told you, I would give you whatsoever you desired? I thanked his Majesty, but that I held it not civility to trouble him in such trifles, especially as a beggar: he replied, it was no shame to ask of him, and bade me speak at all times freely, pressing me to ask somewhat: I answered, I would not choose my gift, 
The courtesy of the King.  whatsoever came from his Majesty's hands I would receive as a mark of honour: he replied, if you desire my Picture, I will give you one for yourself, or for your King. I answered, if his Majesty would sand the King one, I would gladly carry it, and knew his Majesty would take it friendly, and esteem it much. But that since his Majesty had emboldened me, I would desire one for myself, which I would keep and leave to my Posterity, as an ensign of his Majesty's favour. He replied, your King doth not desire one, but you do, therefore you shall have it, and so he gave present order for the making: then he turned to rest, and we were blindfold dismissed.  

The courtesy of Gemal-din-ussin.  The twelfth of August, Gemal-din-ussin, a man of seventy years, Viceroy of Patan, and Lord of four Cities in Bengala, one that hath been often Ambassador, and of more understanding and courtesy than all his Countrymen, and to be esteemed hospitable, and a receiver of strangers, not secretly ambitious, he often made means that I would come to his house, which at last I did, and was received with extraordinary familiarity and kindness, offering me a Lecke of Rupias, and such other courtesies so great, that they bespoke their own refusal. His favour with the King, his credit, his counsel, all was offered that could fulfil compliments. And this I must confess, that from a person reverend in years it seemed more cordial, and for in some Discourse speaking so plainly of his fellows in Court, truths in mine own experience, I resolved he was a good natured and right hearted old man. He told me much of the Customs of this Country, of their servitude, of their want of Laws, of the increase of this Empire, wherein he had served three Princes in grace and favour, of which times he shown me a Book or Annual of all memorable Actions which he had daily committed to record, 
A History written by him. Manner of Mogoll Government. Eleven Leeks for Patan to the King.  and had composed them into a History, the Copy whereof he offered me if I could procure it translated. Concerning the King's revenue and the manner of raising it, besides confiscations, gifts, and cuttings upon great men; that the Government of every Province did yearly pay a Rent: as for his Government of Patan only, he gave the King eleven Leeks of Rupias, (the Rupias sterling is two shillings two pence) all other profits were his, wherein he had Regal authority to take what he list, which was esteemed at five thousand horse, the pay of every one at two hundred Rupias by the year, whereof he kept fifteen hundred, and was allowed the Surplus as dead pay: besides the King gave him a Pension of one thousand Rupias a day, and some smaller governments. Yet he assured me there were diverse had double his entertainment, and above twenty equal.  

Their opinion of Christ.  He praised the good Prophet jesus and his Laws, and was full of very delightful and fruitful Discourse. This Visit was past some few days, and I thought that his courtesy had been at an end: but this day he had borrowed of the King his house and Garden of pleasure: Havar Gem●ll, a mile out of Town to feast me in; and overnight earnestly inviting me, I promised to come. At midnight he went himself and carried his Tents and all furniture, 
Entertainment at a house of pleasure.  and fitted up a place by the Tanke side very handsomely. In the morning I went. At my coming he came to meet me and with extraordinary civility carried me into his room prepared where he had some company and one hundred servants attending, two of his sons, being a father to thirty. He entertained me with showing me the Kings little closerts and retiring rooms which were painted with Antiques, and in some panes Copies of the French Kings and other Christian Princes; wanting no Courtship. That he was a poor man, slave to the King, that he desired I should receive some content, and that therefore he had drawn me to a slight Banquet to eat bread and salt together, to seal a friendship which he desired me to accept: 
Censure of his fellow Nobles.  that there were many great men able to show me more courtesy, but they were proud & false wishing me to trust to none, for that if I had business to the King of any weight, either concerning the Portugals or any other, they would never deliver truth who were my Interpreters, but only what either please themselves or would content in the relation. That therefore I should never be rightly understood, nor effect my business without abuse, nor never clearly know my estate until I had an Englishman that could speak Persian, and that might deliver my mind without passing the tongue of another, which the King would grant me if I could found any: for that he had conceived a good opinion of me, and the last night at the Gussel Chan, 
The King's respect to Sir T. Roe.  having brought before him the jewels of Sheck Ferid, Governor of Lahor lately dead, he remmbred me of himself, and seeing a Picture of his own that pleased him, he delivered it to Asaph Chan, commanding him to sand it me to wear for his sake, with many words of favour towards me, which would make all the great men respect me.  
In this time came in Dinner. So fitting on Carpetting, a cloth was laid and diverse banqueting set before us, and the like a little a part for the Gentlemen that companied him, 
Rites of entertainment.  to whom he went to eat, they holding it a kind of uncleanness to mingle with us. Whereat I told him, he promised we should eat bread and salt together, that without his company I had little appetite so he rose and sat by me, and we fell roundly to our victuals. 
The provision. Chess-play.  The substance was made dishes of diverse sorts, Raisins, Almonds, Pistachees and Fruit. Dinner ended, he played at Chess, and I walked, returning after some discourse I offered to take my leave, he answered he had entreated me to come to eat, that what was passed was but a collation, that I must not departed till I had supped, which I easily granted to.  
About an hour after came to visit him the Ambassador of one of the Decan Kings whom he presented to me, using him with civility, but in a much inferior manner, in respect of his fashion toward me: 
Purpose to sand one into England.  he asked me if his Majesty my Master would not take in scorn the offer of service from from so poor a man, and if he would vouchsafe, to accept of a Present from a stranger, for that he would sand a Gentleman with me to kiss his Majesty's hands, and to see our Country. I answered him as became civility and good manners; so he sent for one presently, and questioned him if he would venture the journey, who seeming willing he presented to me, and said he would provide some Toys of the Country for his Majesty, and sand 〈◊〉 in my company. By the manner, this seemed to me to be earnest.  
While we thus spent time, our Supper came, two clotheses being spread, 
Supper served in.  as in the morning and before me and my Chaplain, and one Merchant were set diverse dishes of Salads and meat roast, fried, boiled, and diverse Rices: he desired to be excused, that it was their manner to eat among themselves, his Countrymen would take it ill, if he eat not with them; so he and his guests, I and my Company solaced ourselves with a good refreshing. Thmeate was not amiss, but the attendance and order much better, his servants being very diligent and respectful. 
They give Presents to their Guests.  He gave me for a present, as is the manner, when one is invited, five cases of Sugar Candie dressed with Musk, and one Loaf of most fine Sugar white as Snow, about fifty pound weight, desiring me to accept of one hundred such against my going, which said he, you refuse of me thinking I am poor, but it costs me nothing, it is made in my Government, and comes gratis to me. I answered, he had too fare already obliged me, that I would not refuse his courtesy when I was ready to departed. He replied, he might be then unfurnished, and therefore desired I would now speak, that he might not loose his offer and labour too. Thus professing himself my father and I his son, with compliments I took my leave.  
The sixteenth, I went to visit the King, who as soon as I came in, 
The King's favour.  call●d to his women and reached out a Picture of himself set in Gold, hanging at a Wire Gold Chain with one pendant foul Pearl, which he delivered to Asaph Chan, warning him not to demand any reverence of me, other than such as I would willingly give; it being the custom whensoever he bestows any thing, the receiver kneels down and puts his head to the ground, which hath been exacted of the Ambassadors of Persia. So Asaph Chan came to me, and I offered to take it in my hand, but he made sign to put off my hat, and then put it about my neck, leading me right before the King. I understood not his purpose, but doubted he would require the custom of the Country, called Sizeda. But I was resolved rather to deliver up my Present: He made sign to give the King thanks, which I did after my own custom, whereat some Officers called me to Sizeda: but the King answered no, not, in Persian; so with many gracious words sent me, I returned to my place, you may now judge the King's liberality; this gift was not worth in all thirty pound, yet it was five times as good as any he gives in that kind, and held for an especial favour, for that all the great men that wear the King's Image, which none may do but to whom it is given, receive no other than a medal of Gold as big as six pence, with a little Chain of four inches to fasten it on their heads, which at their own proper charge, some set with stones, or garnish with pendant Pearls.  
The nineteenth, Gemal-din-ussin, who invited me to Havaz Gemall, being newly made Governor of Sindu, came to me to dinner with two sons and two other Gentlemen, and about one hundred servants: he ate some Banqueting stuff made in my house by a Moor Cook, but would not touch such meat as I had provided of my own fashion, 
Superstitious Cautcle.  though his appetite was very good, a kind of superstition forbidding him. But he desired me that four or five dishes might be sent to his house, such as he would choose, being all baked meats which he had never seen, and that he would dine on them in private, which was accordingly done, and so offering us the Town of Sindu, and all other courtesies in his power, he made haste to fill his belly. I gave him a small Present according to custom. This day suddenly died to my great grief, and discomfort my Minister Master Hall, a man of most gentle and mild nature, religious, and of unspotted life.  
The twentieth day, and the night passed f●ll a storm of rain called the Oliphant, 
Huge rain called the Oliphant.  usual at going out of the reinss, but for the greatness very extraordinary, whereby there ran such streams into the Tanke whose head is made of stone, in show extremely strong, but the water was so grown that it broke over in one place, and there came an alarm and sudden fear, that it would give way and drown all that part of the Town where I dwelled, insomuch that the Prince and all his women forsook their house; my next Neighbour carried away his goods and his wife on his Elephants and Camels to fly to the hills side. All men had their Horses ready at their doors to save their lives, so that we were much frighted and sat up till midnight for that we had no help, but to fly ourselves and lose all our goods, for it was reported that it would run higher than the top of my house by three foot, and carry all away being poor muddy buildings, fourteen years past, a terrible experience having showed the violence, the foot of the Tanke being level with our dwelling, and the water extreme great and deep, so that the top was much higher than my house which stood in the bottom in the course of the water, every ordinary rain making such a Current at my door, that it run not swifter in the Arches of London Bridge, and is for some hours impassable by Horse or man. But God otherwise disposed it in his mercy, the King caused a sluice to be cut in the night to ease the water another way, yet the very rain had washed down a great part of the walls of my house, and so weakened it by diverse breaches, in that I feared the fall more than the flood: and was so moiled with dirt and water, that I could scarce lie dry or safe, for that I must be enforced to be at new charge in reparation. Thus were we every way afflicted; fires, smokes, floods, storms, heats, dust, flies, and no temperate or quiet season.  
The nine and twentieth, the King went to Havaz jemal and so to hunting, there was taken a resolution to remove to Mandoe, 
Mandoe.  a Castle near Bramport where is no Town, for that Sultan Paruis being come from the war in disgrace, and being with his train near Asmere, the King commanded him to Bengala, excusing himself to be seen, and so having dispatched him without such incommodity as was feared would arise if the two brothers met, he intended himself to settle Sultan Caronne in the wars of Decan, to which all the chiefest were so contrary, that the King feared to sand him down as was the resolution some month's past, and therefore dissembled it, until the other Prince were withdrawn & he established by his own countenance, coming so near as Mandoa, which remove if it proceed will put us to extreme trouble and cost, for that we must build a new house both for ourselves and goods, the Castle standing on a hill without any other buildings near it.  
The thirtieth, the King returned in the night, and about eleven a clock sent me a very fat wild Boar, 
A wild Boar sent by the King.  and so great, that he desired the Tusks back, with this message, that he killed it with his own hand, and that therefore I should eat it merrily, and make good cheer. This occasion jaddowe that was sent for to the King to bring it, took to tell Asaph Chan, that I desired to visit him on the morrow, and hoped to receive from his hands the Privileges granted by the King. He answered, he could not dispatch them so soon, but that they should on Sunday be sealed, and that he was loath to see me, until he had given me content.   

§. FOUR The King's birth day, and manner of the observation, with other accidents in September.  

Rites of the King's Birthday.  THe second of September, was the birth day of the King, and solemnised as a great Feast, wherein the King is weighed against some jewels, Gold, Silver, stuffs of Gold, Silver, Silk, Butter, Rice, Fruit, and many other things of every sort a little, which is given to the Bramini. To this solemnity the King commanded Asaph Chan to sand for me, who so doing, appointed me to come to the place where the King sits out at Durbar, and there I should be sent for in; but the Messenger mistaking, I went not until Durbar time, and so miss the fight, but being there before the King came out, as soon as he espied me, he sent to know the reason why I came not in, he having given order? I answered according to the error; but he was extreme angry, 
The King's riches in jewels, etc.  and chid Asaph Chan publicly. He was so rich in jewels, that I must confess I never saw together so unuallewable wealth. The time was spent in bringing of his greatest Elephants before him, some of which being lord-El●phants, had their chains, bells, and furniture of Gold and Silver, attended with many gilt banners and flags, and eight or ten Elephants waiting on him, clothed in Gold, Silk, and Silver. Thus passed about twelve Companies most richly furnished, the first having all the Plates on his head and breast set with Rubies and Emeralds, being a beast of a wonderful stature ●nd beauty. They all bowed down before the King, making a reverence very handsomely, and was a show as worthy as ever I saw any of beasts only. The Keepers of every chief Elephant gave a Present. So with some gracious compliments to me, he rose and went in.  

Another curiosity about Pictures.  At night about ten of the clock, he sent for me, I was a bed. The Message was, he heard I had a picture which I had not showed him, desiring me to come to him and bring it, & if I would not give it him, yet that he might see it, and take copies for his Wives. I rose and carried it with me: when I came in, I found him sitting cross-legged on a little Throne, all clad in Diamonds, Pearls, and Rubies, before him a table of Gold, in it about fifty pieces of Gold plate, set all with stones, some very great and extremely rich, some of less value, but all of them almost covered with small stones, his Nobility about him in their best equipage, whom he commanded to drink froliquely, several wines standing by in great flagons. When I came near him, he asked for the Picture: I shown him two; he seemed astonished at one of them, and demanded whose it was? I answered, a friends of mine that was dead. He asked me if I would give it him. I replied, that I esteemed it more than any thing I possessed, because it was the image of one that I loved dear, and could never recover; but that if his Majesty would pardon me my fancy, and accept of the other, which was a French Picture, but excellent work, I would most willingly give it him. He sent me thanks, but that it was that only Picture he desired, and loved as well as I, and that if I would give it him, he would better esteem of it, than the richest jewel in his house. I answered, I was not so in love with any thing, that I would refuse to content his Majesty; I was extreme glad to do him service, and if I could give him a better demonstration of my affection, which was my heart to do him service, I was ready to present it to him. At which he bowed to me, and replied, it was sufficient that I had given it, that he confessed he never saw so much Art, so much Beauty; and conjured me to tell him truly, whether ever such a woman lived? I answered, there did one live that this did resemble in all things but perfection, and was now dead. He returned me, that he took my willingness very kindly; but seeing I had so freely given him that that I esteemed so much, he would not rob me of it, only he would show it his Ladies, and 'cause his Workmen to make him five Copies, and if I knew my own I should have it. I answered, I had freely and willingly given it, and was extremely glad of his Majesty's acceptance. He replied, that he would not take it, that he loved me the better for loving the remembrance of my friend, and knew what an injury it was to take it from me, by no means he would not keep it, but only take Copies, and with his own hand he would return it, and his Wives should wear them: for indeed in that art of limming his Painter's work miracles, the other bee-in in oil he liked not.  
Than he sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men did make merry, and to ask if I would drink with them. I answered, whatsoever his Majesty commanded; I wished him many prosperous days, and that this Ceremony might be renewed an hundred years: he asked me what wine, whether of the Grape, or made; whether strong or small? I replied, what he commanded, hoping he would not command too much, nor too strong: so he called for a Cup of Gold of mingled Wine, half of the Grape, half artificial, and drank, causing it to be filled, and sent by one of his Nobles to me with this Message, That I should drink it, twice, thrice, 
The King gave Sir Thom. Roe a cup of Gold. Strong Wine▪  four or five times off for his sake, and accept of the Cup and appurtenances as a Present. I drank a little, but it was more strong than ever I tasted, so that it made me sneeze, whereat he laughed, and called for Raisins, Almonds, and sliced Lemons, which were brought me on a Plate of Gold, and he bade me eat and drink what I would, and no more. So then I made reverence for my Present after mine own manner, though Asaph Chan would have caused me to kneel, and knock my head against the ground, but his Majesty best accepted what I did. The cup was of Gold, set all over with small Turkeys and Rubies, the Cover of the same set with great Turkeys, Rubies, and Emeralds in works; and a dish suitable to set the Cup upon: the value I know not, because the stones are many of them small, and the greater (which are also many, are not all clean, but they are in number about two thousand, and in gold about twenty Ounces. Thus he made frolic, and sent me word, he more esteemed me then ever any Frank; 
Frank a name common to European Christians.  and demanded if I were merry at eating the wild Boar sent me a few days before; how I dressed it, what I drank, and such compliments; That I should want nothing in his land: which his public, and many graces I found presently in the fashion of all his Nobility.  
Than he threw about to those that stood below, two Chardgers of new Rubies, and among us two Chardgers of hollow Almonds of Gold and Silver mingled; 
Scrambling of the Noble● for Golded Almonds.  but I could not scramble as did his great men: for I saw his son take up none; then he gave Sashes of Gold, and Girdles to all the Musicians and Waiters, and to many others. So drinking, and commanding others, his Majesty; and all his Lords became the finest men I ever saw, of a thousand humours; but his son Asaph Chan, and two old men, and the late King of Candahar, and myself forbore. When he could not hold up his head, he lay down to sleep, and we all departed. At going out, I moved Asaph Chan for dispatch of my privileges; assuring him his Majesty could give me no Present so acceptable; if he pleased not to dispatch me, which I doubted not, if it lay in his power, but that some other hindrance was in my way, I would on the morrow move the King, he desired me not to do so: for the King loved me, and had given order for it, that the preparation of this Feast had hindered him, but that now he would sand it me, and do me all service.  
The fourth of September, I found it easy to judge what vexation it is to traffic with those faithless people. Seven months I had promise from week to week, from day to day, and no exception, but finding I had so drawn them, that I should not much need the Prince, and if we disliked, we might refuse his government. He utterly renounced his word in choler and rage. 
Faithless people▪  I durst not yet leave him, nor take notice of his falsehood. He that first took him for our Solicitor, engaged us into this misery, knowing him to be the Protector of our enemies, and a Slave to bribes, which they multiply upon him. But now I had a Wolf by the ears: I seemed only to apprehended his dislike of the length and phrase, and sent him a Letter to interpret me, and a Brief of the substance of all required on their parts, contained in general words, touching only such particulars as he liked, and left out quite all the Conditions demanded formerly by him of me, desiring him to put it in form, and procure the Seal, or to give me leave to receive mine own denial from the King, and so to departed the Country. These I finished in Persian the same day, and sent them to him, they are recorded in their order.  
The eighth, Asaph Chan sent to me that answer, That absolutely, he would procure nothing sealed, that any way concerned the Prince's government; that I should only expect from him what we desired, whose Firmans were sufficient. And so revealed that purpose which he had long in practice, to make us wholly depend on the Prince. Now I had just cause to look out, and was blameless if I sought new friends when he had forsaken me. I resolved to try the Prince, and to seem to depend wholly on him, having sent formerly to his Secretary four clauses, to which I demanded his Firman for our present use at Surat, for the Fleet expected, which his Highness' had agreed to.  
The tenth, I went to the Prince, who cast down to the Secretary his Firman by me desired and promised, so that I hoped I had been at rest. The eleventh, I received it, but when I read it, it was in two of the four clauses demanded and promised, much different, and one whole branch left out; so I returned it with a round answer, I would not accept it, nor suffer any goods to come ashore. Never any man had to do with so much Pride, Covetousness, and falsehood. At night, I road to Merze Socorolla, the Prince's Secretary, to expostulate the business, and to declare my resolution of departure, but I found the Firman not such as I was informed, but containing all the clauses required by me, though in phrase, to my judgement, somewhat restrained, which he expounded in the best sense, declaring that it was the Prince's intent to satisfy my desire fully, and that it was sufficient. I urged the obscurity of some points; desiring him as he had cleared his Highness' meaning to me, so he would by his Letter to the Governor of Surat, which he granted, principally commanding that the Customer should pay for fifty clotheses, which he had many months bought, and now would return them unto the Factors, to their extreme loss. In the end, he opened the old point of the Prince's desire, that I should rely on him, and not cross him in businesses of his Government with the King, and I should found him a better friend than I expected: and finally gave me such satisfaction in all points, that I was both pleased, and in some hope of good success, the rather because he is no briber, reputed honest, and did undertake on his credit, to whom the Prince had referred all businesses, that we should not sustain the loss of one piece, nor any the lest injury: so I accepted the Firman, which upon translating I found very effectual.  
The sixteenth, I visited the Prince, purposing yet to run on in a way of seeming dependence on him, until I heard from our ships, and what entertainment they were like to receive this year. I found him sad, fearing the coming of Sultan Paruis to Court, being within eight course, and importuned to kiss his Father's hands; who had granted him, but by the power of normal was after dissuaded, and a command sent, that the Prince should take his journey right to Benga, yea although the King had fallen down, and taken his Mother by the feet to obtain her leave to see his Son. The Kings remove continued, but whether, no man could certainly resolve.   

§. V The broils about Abdala Chan, and Chan Channa; Sultan Caroones ambition, his policies to subvert his elder Brother: fight with a Portugal Carrack: distaste about the Prince: Persian Embassage, Presents and entertainment.  
THe tenth of October, Abdala Chan the great Governor of Amadavas, being sent for to Court in disgrace for many insolences and neglects of the King's authority, 
October 10. Abdala Chan in disgrace.  and thought he would stand on his guard, and refuse; yet the Prince Sultan Coronne (whose ambition wrought on every advantage) desirous to oblige so great a man (being one of the chief Captains in these Kingdoms) prevailed with him on his word to submit; so that coming in Pilgrims Clotheses with forty servants on foot, about sixty mile in sergeant humiliation, 
Manner of humiliation.  finished the rest in his Palankee, until he arrived near the Court, but one days journey behind he had two thousand horse attending. This day he was brought to the jarruco (the public sitting of the King to see Games, and to hear complaints) chained by the feet, barefoot between two Noble men, he pulled his Turban in his eyes, before he had the happiness to behold the King's face. After reverence made, and some few questions, the King forgave him, caused his irons to be loosed, and clothed in a new Vest of Cloth of Gold. Turban and Girdle according to the custom. The Prince who intended to build his honour on the wars of Decan, which his elder brother had left with disgrace, and the great Commander Chan Channa did not prospero in (which doubtless was a practiser with the Decans, from whom he received pension) caused his Father to recall Chan Channa, who refusing to come, desired the King not to sand Sultan Caronne to that war, but one of his youngest sons about fifteen years of age. 
Sultan Coroone his purpose.  This Coronne took to heart, but prosecuting his purpose of the war, promised to Abdela Chan the Command of the army under him, by displacing Chan Channa.  
The King fearing troubles, and knowing all the ambitions and factions of this son, the discontent of his two elder, the power of Chan Channa, was desirous to accommodate all by accepting a peace, and confirming Chan Channa in the Government he held, and closely to that end wrote a letter of favour, and purposed to sand a Vest, according to the Ceremony of reconciliation, to Chan Channa; but before he dispatched it, he acquainted a kinswoman of his living in the Zereglia, of his purpose. She, whether false to her friend (wrought by Sultan Caronne) or ou● of greatness of heart, to see the top of her family so dealt with, after so many meri●s; 
Zereglia o● Saralia▪ the p●ace w●●re the King's women are kept. Th● K●n●s dealing with Chan Channa.  answered plainly, that she did not believe Chan Channa would wear any thing sent from the King, knowing his Majesty hated him, and had once or twice offered him poison, which he putting in his bosom (in stead of his mouth) had made trial of. Therefore she was confident he would not dare to put on his body any thing that came from his Majesty. The King offered to wear it himself before her an hour▪ and that she should writ to testify it: she replied, he would trust neither of them both with his life, but if he might live quietly in his command, would do his Majesty true service. Whereupon the King altered his purpose, and resolved to proceed in the sending of Sultan Caronne, and to countenance his reception, would follow after with another army.  
Chan Channa that discovered the storm, practised with the Decans, who were at his service, to offer terms of peace for a season, finding no other way to dissolve this cloud that hung over them both, until the King and Prince were departed and settled further off. To this end came two Ambassadors this day from the Princes of Decan. They brought horses barred, 
Decans' offer peace.  richly furnished for Presents. At first the King refused to hear them and their gift, but turned them over to his son with this answer; If he would have peace or war, it was in his breast. The Prince advanced by this favour, and swelling with pride, resolved (though I was informed the conditions were very honourable, and such as the King would have accepted) to go on the journey, answering he would treat of no peace, until he were in the field with his Army; Chan Channa should not so beguile him of the honour of finishing that war.  
The ambitions of this young Prince are open, the common talk of the people, yet his Father suffers all, but intends him not the Kingdom. For Sultan Corsoronne, the eldest brother, is both extremely beloved▪ and honoured of all men (almost adored) and very justly for his Noble parts, and this the King knows and love's, but thinks his liberty would diminish his own glory, and sees not that this she youth doth more darken him by ambitious practices, than the other could by virtuous actions.  
Thus he nourisheth division and emulation between the brethren, 
Fear of future broils.  and putteth such power in the hand of the younger (supposing he can undo it at his pleasure) that the wisest foresee a rending and tearing of these Kingdoms by division, when the King shall pay the debt to Nature, and that all parts will be torn and destroyed by a civil war.  
The history of this Country, for the variety of subject, and the many practices in the time of Echarsha, Father of this King, by him then Prince; and these later troubles, were not unworthy committing to writing; but because they are of so remote parts, many will despise them: and because the people are esteemed barbarous, few will believe them. Therefore I content myself with the contemplation, but I could deliver as many rare and cunning passages of State, subtle evasions, policies, answers, and adages, as I believe, for one age would not be easily equalled.  
Only one that passed lately I cannot omit, to show wisdom and patience in a father, faith in a servant, falsehood in a brother, impudent boldness in a faction that dare attempt any thing, when the highest Majesty gives them liberty, either beyond the law of their own condition, or the limits of policy and reason.  
The Prince Sultan Carronne, Narmahel the dear Queen, Aunt to his wife, Asaph Chan his father in law, brother to the Queen, and Etiman Dowlet, 
The parties of the faction.  father to them both (being they that now govern all, and dare attempt any thing) resolved it was not possible for them to stand, if the Prince Sultan Corseronne lived, whom the Nobility loved, and whose delivery or life would punish their ambitions in time; therefore practised how to bring him into their power, that poison might end him. 
Drifts to take away Sultan Cors●r●one.  Narmahel attempts the King with the false tears of women's bewitching flattery, that Sultan Corseronne was not safe, nor his aspiring thoughts deposed: the King hears her say it, but would not understand more than she delivered plainly.  
This failing, they took opportunity of the Kings being drunk, the Prince, Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Chan, moved the King, that for the safety of Sultan Corseronne, and for his honour, it were fit he were in the company of his brother, whose companies would be pleasing one to the other, and his safety more regarded, then in the hands of a Rashboote Gentile, to whom the King had committed him. Therefore they humbly desired his Majesty, that he might be delivered into the hands of his dear brother, which the King granted, and so fell asleep.  
They thought their own greatness such, as bringing the King's authority no man durst refuse, and being once in their possession, they would dispute the redelivery: so the same night Asaph Chan in the name of the King, sent by the Prince, came with a guard to demand and receive Sultan Corseronne, at the hand of Anna Rah, a 
* A prince.  Ra●ah Rashboote, to whom the King had entrusted him. He refused to deliver his charge, with this answer, That he was Sultan Caronnes humble servant, but that he had received the Prince his brother from the hands of the King, and to no other would deliver him, but he should have patience till the morning, when he would discharge himself to his Majesty, and leave it to his pleasure to dispose. This answer cooled all. In the morning Anna Rah came to the King, and acquainted him with the demand of the Prince, his refusal and answer, 
Anna Rah his fidelity.  and added his Majesty had given him the charge of his son, and made him the Commander of four thousand horse, with all which he would dye at the gate, rather than deliver his Prince into the hands of his enemies: If his Majesty required him, he was ready to obey his will, 
The King's answer.  but he would provide for his own innocency. The King replied, You have done honestly, faithfully, you have answered discreetly: continued your purpose, and take no knowledge of any commands: I will not seem to know this, neither do you stir further; hold your faith, and let us see how fare they will prosecute it.  
The Prince and the Faction, the next day finding the King silent, hoping he might forget what passed in wine, took no notice of the grant, nor of the refusal, but it fell (not without suspicion) on both parts. This I insert to this end, that you may beware scattering your goods in diverse parts, and engaging your stock and servants fare into the Country: for the time will come, when all in these Kingdoms will be in combustion, and a few year's war will not decide the inveterate malice laid up on all parts against a day of vengeance, wherein if Sultan Corseronne prevail in his right, 
Sultan Corsoroone, a lover of Christians.  this Kingdom will be a Sanctuary for Christians, whom he love's and honours, favouring learning, valour, the discipline of war, and abhorring all covetousness, and discerning the base customs of taking, used by his Ancestors and the Nobility. If the other win, we shall be losers: for he is most earnest in his Superstition, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtle, false, and barbarously tyrannous. There is daily expected an Ambassador from the Shabas King of Persia.  

October 13. Fo●re English sh●ps arrive at Swally.  The thirteenth of October at night, the King returned and sent me a wild Pig. I received advice of the arrival of four ships safe at the Port of Swally, with Letters from England, that they departed the Coast the ninth of March 1615. with six ships, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape by foul weather.  
The twelfth of june 1616. the other five came safely to the Bay of Soldania, where the Lion homeward bound, was ready for a wind; her Commanders and people in health, staying days at the Road, without news of the small ship. They dispeeded the Swan to Bantam, for effecting the business, and set sail for Surat the nine and twentieth with four ships, and came to anchor to their Port, the four and twentieth of September 1616. In their passage the sixth of August, near the Lands of Comora, about twelve degrees, fifty minutes, they had sight of a Carack burden fifteen hundred ton, manned with six hundred, being Admiral of the Fleet sent for Goa, 
Of this fight, see more in Master Child's journal following.  bearing the Flag: the Globe fetched her up to windward, and after salutations of the Sea, the Carrack commanded her to Lee-ward, and seconded it with five shot thorough her Hull, which she requited with eighteen, and so fell off. The Admiral and English Fleet coming up, demanded satisfaction for the injury; which was replied to with scorn: so began a fresh fight in few shot, the Commander Benjamin joseph was slain, and the new established continued it: at the evening she ran herself ashore among the rocks of Angazesia. The Fleet anchored short of her, to attend the issue, and sent a Boat to offer fair wars: but about midnight she fired herself, 
After it was known that so●e few escaped with life and poverty.  and burned all the next morning. The English sending their Boats could not approach, but believe that not one man was saved, by circumstances very probable: the new Viceroy for Goa was in this ship, whose resolution was the death of all the others.  
The next day, I imparted the King, with his Majesties remembered salutations, which were with much courtesy received: but he began with the Presents. I first mentioned our late fight and victory, which he seemed to rejoice in, and to applaud the valour of our Nation: but fell off to What hath the King sent me? 
Compliments with the King.  I answered, Many tokens of his love and affection: That my Master knew he was Lord of the best part of Asia, the richest Prince of the East. That to sand his Maiest●e rich Presents, were to cast Pearls into the Sea, the mother and store-house of them, that therefore his Majesty thought it unnecessary; but had presented him with his love, with many curious toys, which I hoped would give him content. He urged me to some particulars, which I named: he asked me for French Muff or Velvet. I answered, my letters were not arrived: some other was come, which he desired. He enquired for Dogs: I told him, some had their fortune in the fight, some died, two were preserved for him, at which he rejoiced, and continued if I could procure him a Horse of our great size, such as I described, being a Rone or Dutch Horse, he would accept it better than a Crown. I replied, 
His desire of Dogs and a Horse.  I would do my endeavour for his Majesty's satisfaction, but I feared it could not be effected: he answered, if I would procure one, he would give me a Leck of Rupias. I desired his Majesty's Letter for the coming of these Presents without search, and for the good usage of our people: he replied, 
A Horse prized above 10000 pounds.  the Port was his Sons, but sent for him and publicly gave express order for what I would require, and take on me, that it should not be searched, nor pay custom, but be dispeeded with expedition safe to my hands, that I might distribute it at my discretion, that he should command the good reception of our people, and finally, that he should give me content in all my desires. This generally extended not to the grant of a Fort, for that clause Asaph Chan refused to deliver. This charge was very round and hearty in the King, and a grace to me. The Prince called Asaph Chan to me, and there professed and promised before his Father and all the Court, to give me all reasonable content. This is the strength of new Presents.  
The fifteenth, I received from Masulipatan, that Captain Keeling had taken two Portugal Barks and a ship, one on the Coast of Cochin, laden with Tin, the other freighted from Bengala, which he carried to Bantam: that Sir Robert Shirley was dismissed with disgrace from Goa, and that he was on his way over land to Masulipatan to seek passage; unprobable, and I believe untrue.  
The seventeenth, the Prince pursuing his purpose of finishing the Decan Wars by his own person, and undertaking to give answer to the Ambassadors, gives none; but detains them until his approach. But being to departed, he and his party thought not themselves secure if Sultan Corseronne remained in the hands of Annarah, that in his absence the King might be reconciled, and by his liberty all the glory and hopes of their faction would vanish, and the injury and ambition hardly be pardoned. They newly assail the King's constancy to deliver up his son into the hands of Asaph Chan, as his Guard under Sultan Coronne. They pretend that it will fright Chan Channa, and the Decans, when they shall hear that this Prince is so favoured, who now comes to make war upon them, that the King hath delivered up his eldest son; in that as it were his whole Kingdom, and hope of succession, and the present power thereof.  
This day he was delivered up, the Soldiers of Anna Rah discharged, and the Soldiers of Asaph Chan planted about him with assistance of two hundred of the Prince's Horse. 
Anna Rah discharged and S. Cors. delivered to the faction to the grief of the Court and Commonalty.  His Sister and diverse women in the Seraglios mourn, refuse their meat, cry out of the King's dotage and cruelty, and profess, that if he die, there will an hundred of his Kindred burn for him in memory of the King's bloodiness to his worthiest son. The King gives fair words, protesteth no intent of ill towards the Prince, and promiseth his delivery, and sends Normahell to appease these enraged Ladies: but they curse, threaten, and refuse to see her. The common people all murmur, they say the King hath not delivered his sons, but his own life into the hands of an ambitious Prince, and a treacherous faction, that Corsoronne cannot perish without scandal to the Father, or revenge from him; therefore he must go first, and after him his Son, and so through their bloods this youth must mount the Royal seat. New hopes are spread of his redelivery, and soon allayed, every man tells news according to his fears or desires. But the poor Prince remains in the Tiger's power, refuseth meat, and requires his Father to take his life, and not to let it be the triumph and delight of his Enemies. The whole Court is in a whisper, the Nobility sad, the multitude like itself, full of tumour and noise, without head or foot; only it rages, but bends itself upon no direct ends. The issue is very dangerous, principally for us: for among them it matters not who wins. Though one have right and much more honour, yet he is still a Moor, and cannot be a better Prince than his Father, who is of so good disposition that he suffers all men to govern, which is worse than to be ill: 
Ill through goodness▪  for we were better bear injuries of Princes, then of their Ministers.  
The nineteenth, the Persian Ambassador Mahomet Rosa Beag about noon came into the Town with a great troop, which were partly sent out by the King to meet him with one hundred Elephants and Music, but no man of greater quality than the ordinary receivers of all strangers: his own train were about fifty Horse well fitted in Coats of cloth of Gold, 
Persian Ambassador.  their Bows, Quivers and Targets richly garnished, forty shot, and some two hundred ordinary Peons, and attenders on baggage; he was carried to rest in a room within the King's outward Court till evening. When he came to the Durbar before the King (to which Ceremony I sent my Secretary to observe the fashion) when he approached, 
His submiss●nesse.  he made at the first rail three Tessilims and one Sizeda, which is prostrating himself and knocking his head against the ground: at the entrance in the like, and so presented the Shabas his Letter: which the King took with a little motion of his body, ask only, How doth my Brother? without any title of Majesty. And after some few words, he was placed in the seventh rank, against the ray by the door, below so many of the King's Servants, on both sides; which in my judgement was amost inferior place for his Master's Ambassador, but that he well deserved it for doing that reverence which his Predecessors refused to the dishonour of his Prince, and the murmur of many of his Nation. It is said he had order from the Sophy to give content, and thereby it is gathered, his Message is for some aid in money against the Turk, 
Mogul's assistance of the Persian against the Turk. Persian Presents.  in which kind he often finds liberal succour, though it be pretended he comes only to treat a peace for the Decans, whose protection the Shabas taketh to heart, envying the increase of this Empire. The King according to custom gave him a handsome Turban, a Vest of Gold and a Girdle, for which again he made three Tessilims', and one Sizeda or ground courtesy: he brought for Presents, three times, nine Horses of Persia and Arabia, this being a ceremonious number among them. Nine Mules very fair and large, seven Camels laden with Velvet, two Suits of Europe Arras, which I suppose was Venetian, Hang of Velvet with Gold, and not Arras, two Chests of Persian Hang, one Cabinet rich, four Muskets, five Clocks, one Camel laden with Persian cloth of Gold, eight Carpets of Silk, two Rubies ballast, one and twenty Camels of Wine of the Grape, fourteen Camels of distilled Sweet Waters, seven of Rose Waters, seven Daggers set with stones, five Swords set with stones, seven Venetian Looking Glasses, but those so fair, so rich, that I was ashamed of the relation. These Presents were not delivered now; only a Bill of them. His own Furniture was rich, leading nine spare Horses, trapped in Gold and Silver; about his Turban was wreathed a chain of Pearls, Rubies, and Turquesses, and three Pipes of Gold, answerable for three spridges of Feathers. Yet I caused diligent observance to be made of his reception, and compared it with mine own, and found he had in nothing more grace, in many things not so much, in rank fare inferior to that allowed me, except only his meeting without the Town; which by reason of my sickness was omitted to be demanded; neither did the King receive the Shabas his Letter with such respect as my Masters, whom he called the King of England his Brother, the Persian barely Brother without any addition, which was an observation of the jesuite, that understood the Language.   

§. VI The Prince's bravery; the Persian Ambassador's behaviour, the manner and effects of Drinking, of the King and his Nobles; the King's remove, his super-exceeding pomp, wealth, magnificence therein: Portugal fray: relations of Sultan Corsoroone: Persian news.  
THe one and twentieth of October, I went to the Prince and opened my desire, to have a certain 
* A certain clause in his Let●er to Surat ambiguous like the old oracles, &c  clause in his Letter expounded, at which his highness stuck a little, and I perceived his Highness to be as hollow as I imagined. He demanded then how he should have his Presents, or see such toys as came up, and moved me to go with him. I replied, I could not do so until I had delivered my Master's Message, and Tokens to the King, but that finished, I would myself attend his Highness with his Presents, and all such rarity as came to my hands, should be sent after him: he pressed me to pass my word, and so I obtained order for the Firman to my content. 
Feathers in request.  His Highness looking on a white Feather in my Hat, demanded if I would give it him, I replied, I would not offer that I had worn, but if he please to command it, that or any thing in my power was to serve him. He asked if I had any more, I answered three or four of other colours; he replied, if I would give them all, for that he was to show his Horses and Servants to the King within two days, and that he wanted some, being very rare in those parts. I promised to bring all I had on the morrow that his Highness might take his pleasure.  
Abdala Chan in a gallant Equipage both of his person and Attendants, in apparel, strange and antic, 
A rich Present.  but in these parts Alla Soldado presented the Prince a white Horse, the Saddle and Furniture of Gold enameled, a Beast of delicate shape, life and courage, who returned him a Sword plain with a belt of Leather. There were brought before him many others, the Hilts of Silver, Chapes set with small Stones, and Targets covered with Gold Velvets, some painted and bossed with Gold and Silver, which he gave to his Servants. Against this Muster many Saddles and Furniture of Gold, rich set with stones, of his own, were showed for spare Horses, his Boots imbrothered, and all other ingredients of bravery. I confess, the expense is wonderful, and the riches daily seen invaluable. 
Pompous bravery.   
This night past, it is reported six of the Prince's Servants came to murder Sultan Corsoronne, but were refused the Key by the Porter; that the Queen Mother is gone to the King with an overture of all the practice, the truth is uncertain, and it is dangerous to ask.  
At evening, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, where I met the Persian Ambassador with the first Muster of his Presents, he appeared, rather a jester or juggler, than a person of any grauit●, 
Behaviour of the Persian.  running up and down and acting all his words like a Mimic Player (now indeed the Atachikanne, was become a right Stag) he delivered the Presents with his own hands; which the King with smiles and cheerful countenance, and many words of contentment received; his tongue was a great advantage to deliver his own business, which he did with so much flattery and obsequiousness, that it pleased as much as his gift, ever calling his Majesty King and Commander of the World (forgetting his own Master had a share in it) and on every little occasion of good acceptation he made his Tessilims. When all was delivered for that day, he prostrated himself on the ground, and knocked with his head, as if he would enter in. The gifts were a fair Quiver for Bow and Arrows delicately embroidered, all sorts of European Fruits artificial in dishes, many other folding Purses and Knacks of Leather wrought with Needlework in coloured Silks, Shoes embroidered and stitched, great Glasses inlaid in frames, one square piece of Velvet, embroidered high with Gold in pains, between which were Italian Pictures wrought in the stuff, which he said was the King and Queen of Venice, (which, as I suppose, was the Hang called Arras) of these six were given, one only showed; many other Tricanadoes of small value. After, the three Nine of Horses and Mules, which were fair ones, the Horses either had lost their flesh or beauty, 
Nine, a remarkable number▪  for except one or two I judged them unfit for to be sent or taken by Princes. So he returned with many antic tricks to his place fare inferior to that allowed me, which was alone and above all Subjects which at first Asaph Chan would have put me by, but I maintained it as my due. This is but the first act of his presenting, the Play will not be finished in ten days. At night I sent to the Prince's Secretary for my promised writing: but his Highness was loath to let the Presents pass without ransacking, and had changed his mind refusing to seal the Letter.  
The two and twentieth, at my coming, I delivered him two Pluriaes', and two Birds of Paradise; he accepted them easily, and my business being moved, and my resolution made known not to consent to open, nor to sand them up, but by the hands of my Servants, at last he yielded and gave command to the Secretary to dispatch me.  
At night I went to the Durbar to observe the Ambassador of Persia, I found him standing in his rank, and often removed and set lower as great men came in. The King once spoke to him, and he danced to the tune thereof, but gave no present: only the King commanded that he should be feasted by the Nobles; The time was spent in seeing Saddles and Furniture for the remove, of which his Majesty gave some to his Followers, it being daily expected to rise: the King's Tents were out four days since. I sent to the Secretary for my Firma, but he delayed it with excuses.  
The four and twentieth, the King removed to Havaz Gemall, and called the Persian Ambassador, where at night he ate and drank before the King with the Nobilities, in the same fashion that I did the Birthday; the difference only was, 
The King's gift to the Persian.  the King gave him for expense twenty thousand Rupias, for which he made innumerable Tessilims and Sizedaes', not rising from the ground a good space, which extremely pleased the King, and was base, but profitable Idolatry. The Prince attending his Father, I could get no dispatch in my business.  
The five and twentieth, the King returned at Evening, having been overnight fare gone in Wine: some by chance or malice spoke of the merry night passed, and that many of the Nobility drank wine, which none may do but by leave. The King forgetting his order, demanded who gave it? It was answered the Buxie (for no man dares say it was the King, when he would only doubt it.) The Custom is, that when the King drinks (which is alone) sometime he will command, that the Nobility shall drink after, which if they do not, it is an offence too, and so every man that takes the Cup of wine of the Officer, his name is written, and he makes Teselem, 
Strange dealing with Nobles.  though perhaps the King's eyes are misty. The King not remembering his own command, called the Buxie; and demanded if he gave the order? He replied, Not, (falsely: for he received it, and by name called such as did drink with the Ambassador) whereat the King called for the list, and the Persons, and fined some one, some two, some three thousand Rupias, some less, and some that were nearer his person, he caused to be whipped before him, receiving one hundred and thirty stripes with a most terrible instrument, having at each end of four cords, 
Terrible whipping.  irons like Spur-rowels, so that every stroke made four wounds. When they lay for dead on the ground, he commanded the standers by to foot them, and after the Porters to break their staffs upon them. Thus most cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carried out, of which one died in the place. Some would have excused it on the Ambassador; but the King replied, he only bade give him a Cup or two. Though drunkenness be a common and a glorious vice, and an exercise of the Kings, yet it is so strictly forbidden, that no man can enter into the Gusel-Chan, 
Drunkenness prevented.  where the King sits, but the Porters smell his breath: and if he have but tasted wine, is not suffered to come in; and if the reason be known of his absence, he shall with difficulty escape the whip: for if the King once take offence, the Father will not speak for the Son. 
Awe of the King.  So the King made the Company pay the Persian Ambassadors reward.  
The six and twentieth, I sent to Sorocolla for the Firman. He sent me a copy as ambiguous and fraudulent as the former, which I refused, and drew the misliked clause myself, which I sent back, and was promised that on the morrow it should be sealed.  
The eight and twentieth, the King's day of remooue at hand, I sent to Asaph Chan for a warrant for carriages: the Merchants having sought all the Town to remove their goods to Agra, could found none, so I received order being enroled by his Majesty upon my offer for twenty Camels, four Carts, and two Coaches at the King's price: whereof I disposed as many as the Factors needed to their use. But it were an extreme error to omit a passage, either of wonderful baseness in this great Monarch, or a trial of me. The King had condemned diverse Thiefs, among which were some boys: there was no way to save their lives, but to cell them for slaves: his Majesty commanded Asaph Chan to offer two of them for money, which he appointed the Cutwall (that is the Marshal) to do. My Interpreter made answer without my knowledge, that Christians keep no slaves, that those the King had given I had freed, and that it was in vain to propound it to me. But after I suspected it might be a trial of me, whether I would give a little money to save the lives of two children: or else I supposed, if it were in earnest, it were no great loss to do a good deed. And to try the baseness or scope of this offer, I commanded my Interpreter to return to Asaph Chan, to tell him that he had acquainted me with the motion and his answer: that I reprehended him for presuming in any case to give my resolution, that my own reply was, if there were any money to save the life of two Children, to those whom they had rob, or to redeem them from the Law; both for respect of the King's command, and for charity I was ready to give it, but I would not buy them as slaves, only pay their ransom and free them; that if he pleased to know the King's pleasure that I might give them liberty without offence, I was very willing to do it. Asaph Chan replied, I might at my own will dispose them, that it was an extraordinary goodness; with many praises accepted the money, desiring me to sand it to the Cuttwall, and to use my discretion to the boys, not once offering to inform the King, which was one end of my liberality. I was loath to be cozened, and knew not whether this might be the profit of Officers or not, resolved to pay the money, but so as the King should not be ignorant I had more mercy than he, and that a Christian esteemed the life of a Moor above money. So I sent a Factor and my Interpreter to the Cuttwall, to acquaint him with the communication with Asaph Chan, and to let him know, if at night he would inform the King, that I had offered to redeem the Prisoners for charity's sake, if after his Majesty would consent to their liberty, I was ready to sand him money; but to buy them as slaves, though for an hour, I would not, they should never come nor be manumised by me, but that I desired his Majesty to pardon them upon my redemption, so I put them to the test of their base offer. This money exceeded not ten pound, a poor sum to impose on a stranger, or to be gained by a King. The Cuttwall returned answer, he would know the King's pleasure, and accordingly advice me. Some would persuade me this is one of the Mogul's signal favours to choose out such great men, as he will give occasion to do good and honourable works, 
An old custom.  to redeem Prisoners, and that the money gives satisfaction to the Plaintiff rob, and that those so appointed by the King to ransom others, make Sizeda as for some benefit received. Yet I found not any honour in a Prince to impose it on a stranger, to whom he gives neither maintenance nor liberality; I went to the Durbar to see if his Majesty would of himself speak to me, that I might deliver my own offer. The Cuttwall made many motions, brought in the Executioner who received some command, but I understood it not, but expected my answer.  
The first of November, Sultan Corronne took his leave and went to his Tents. The King at noon sat out at the Durbar, where the Prince brought his Elephants about six hundred richly trapped and furnished, 
Six hundred rich Elephants and other bravery of the Prince. Rich Sword.  and his fellows by estimation ten thousand Horse, many in cloth of gold, with Hearne top-feathers in their Turbans, all in gallantry; Himself in cloth of Silver embroidered with great Pearl and shining in Diamonds like a Firmament. The King embraced him and kissed him, and shown much affection: at his depature he gave him a Sword, the Scabbard all of Gold set with stones, valued at an hundred thousand Rupias: a Dagger at forty thousand, an Elephant and two Horses with all the Furniture of Gold set with stones, and for a close one of the new Caroches (made in imitation, of that sent by his Majesty my Master) and commanded the English Coachman to drive him to his Tents, into which he ascended and sat in the middle, the sides open, his chiefest Nobleses a foot walking by him to his Tents about four mile. All the way he threw quarters of Rupias being followed with a multitude of people, he reached his hand to the Coachman, and put into his Hat about one hundred Rupias.  

The King's remove.  The second, the King removed to his Tents with his women, and all the Court about three mile. I went to attend him coming to the Palace, I found him at the Farraco window, and went up on the Scaffold under him; which place not having seen before, I was glad of the occasion. On two Trestles stood two Eunuches with long Poles headed with Feathers, fanning him; he gave many favours and received many Presents, what he bestowed he let down by a Silk, rolled on a turning Instrument; what was given him, a venerable fat deformed old Matron hung with Gymbals like an Image plucked up at a hole with such another Clue; at one side in a window were his two principal Wives, whose curiosity made them break little holes in a grate of Reed that hung before it, to gaze on me. I saw first their fingers, and after laying their faces close, now one eye now another sometime I could discern the full proportion, they were indifferently white, black hair smooth up, but if I had had no other light, their Diamonds and Pearls had sufficed to show them: when I looked up they retired and were so merry, that I supposed they laughed at me. Suddenly the King rose, and we retired to the Durbar, and sat on the Carpets attending his coming out: not long after he came and sat about half an hour, until his Ladies at their door were ascended their Elephants, which were about fifty, all most richly furnished, principally three with Turrets of Gold, grates of Gold-wyre every way to look out, and Canopies over of cloth of Silver. Than the King descended the stairs with such an acclamation of Health to the King, as would have out-cryed Cannons. At the stair's foot, where I met him, and shuffled to be next, one brought a mighty carp, another a dish of white stuff like Starch, into which he put his finger, and touched the fish, 
Superstitious ri●e.  and so rubbed it on his forehead; a ceremony used presaging good fortune. Than another came and buckled on his sword and buckler, set all over with great Diamonds and Rubies, the belts of gold suitable: another hung on his quiver with thirty arrows, and his bow in a case (the same that was presented by the Persian Ambassador) on his head he wore a rich Turban, with a Plumbe of horn tops, not many, but long: on one side hung a Ruby unset, as big as a Walnut; 
Huge Gems▪  on the other side a Diamond as great; in the middle an Emerald like a heart, much bigger. His Shash was wreathed about with a chain of great Pearl, Rubies and Diamonds drilled: about his neck he carried a chain of most excellent Pearl thrice double, so great as I never saw: at his elbows armlets set with Diamonds; and on his wrists three rows of Diamonds of several sorts: his hands bore, but almost on every finger a Ring; his gloves were English, stuck under his girdle; his coat of cloth of Gold, without sleeves, upon a fine Semian as thin as Lawn: on his feet a pair of embroidered buskins with Pearl, the toes sharp and turning up. Thus armed and accommodated he went to the Coach, which attended him with his new English servant, who was clothed as rich as any Player, and more gaudy, and ha● trained four horses, which were trapped and harnished in Gold Velvets. This was the first he ever sat in, and was made by that sent from England, so like, that I knew it not but by the cover, which was a Gold Persian Velvet. He got into the end, on each side went two Eunuches, that carried small Maces of Gold, set all over with Rubies, with a long bunch of white-horse-taile to drive away flies: before him went Drums, ill Trumpets, and loud music, and many Canopies, Quittusols and other strange ensigns of Majesty of cloth of Gold set in many places with great Rubies: nine spare horses, the furniture some garnished with Rubies, some with Pearls and Emeralds, some only with studs enameled.  
The Persian Ambassador presented him a horse; next behind him came three Palankees, the carriages, and feet of one plated with Gold, set at the ends with Pearl, and a fringe of great Pearl hanging in ropes a foot deep: a border about, set with Rubies and Emeralds. A footman carried a footstool of Gold, set with stones, the other two were covered and lined with cloth of Gold. Next followed the English Coach, new covered and trimmed rich, which he had given the Queen Normahell, who road in it: after them a third of this Country fashion, which me thought was out of countenance: in it sat his younger sons: after followed about twenty Elephants Royal, spare, for his own ascendings, so rich, that in stones and furniture they braved the Sun. Every Elephant had diverse flags of cloth of Silver, gilt Satin and taffeta. His Noblemen he suffered to walk a foot, which I did to the gate, and left him. His wives on their Elephants were carried like Parakitoes half a mile behind him. When he came before the door where his eldest son is prisoner, he stayed the Coach, and called for him: he came and made reverence with a sword and buckler in his hand, his beard grown to his middle, a sign of disfavour. The King commanded him to ascend one of the spare Elephants, and so road next to him, to the extreme applause and joy of all men, 
Sultan C●rsoroone deliver?  who now are filled with new hopes. The King gave him one thousand Rupias to cast to the people, his Gaoler Asaph Chan and all the Monsters yet a foot.  
I took horse to avoid press and other inconvenience, and crossed out of the Leskar before him, and attended until he came near his Tents. He passed all the way between a guard of Elephants, having every one a Tur●et on his back; on the four corners four banners of yellow Taffeta; right before a sling mounted, that carried a bullet as big as a great tennis ball, the G●nner behind it; in number about three hundred: other Elephants of honour that went before and after about six hundred, all which were covered with Velvet or cloth of Gold, 
Bravery of Elephants.  and had two or three gilded banners carried: in the way ran diverse footmen with skins of water that made a continual shower before him: no horse nor man might be suffered to approach the Coach by two furlong, except those that walked a foot by, so that I hasted to his Tents, to attend his alighting.  
They were walled half a mile in compass, in form of a fort, 
Stately Tents.  with diverse Coins and Bulwarks, with high Cannats of a course stuff made like Arras, read on the outside, within which figures in panes with a handsome gatehouse. Every post that bore up these, was headed with a top of brass. The throng was great: I desired to go in, but no man was suffered, the greatest of the Land sat at the door; but I made an offer, and they admitted me, but refused the Persian Ambassador and all the Noble men. Hear first the Persian Ambassador saluted me with a silent compliment only. In the midst of this Court was a throne of mother of Pearl, borne on two pillars raised on earth, covered over with an high Tent, the pole headed with a knob of gold, under it Canopies of Cloth of gold, underfoot Carpets. When the King came near the door, some Noblemen came in, and the Persian Ambassador: we stood one of the one side, the other of the other, making a little lane: the King entering cast his eye on me, and I made a reverence he laid his hand on his breast and bowed, and turning to the other side, nodded to the Persian. I followed at his heels till he ascended, and every man cried good, joy, and fortune, and so took our places. He called for water, washed his hands and departed. His women entered some other Port to their quarter: and his son I saw not. Within this whole rail was about thirty divisions with Tents. All the Noblemen retired to theirs, which were in excellent forms, some all white, some green, some mingled, all encompassed as orderly as any house, one of the greatest rarities and magnificences I ever saw. The whole vale showed like a beautiful City, for that the rags nor baggage were not mingled. I was unfit with carriage, and ashamed of my provision, but five years allowance could not have furnished me with one indifferent suit sortable to others; and which adds to the greatness, every man hath a double, for that one goes afore to the next Remove, and is set a day before the King riseth from these. So I returned to my poor house.  

November 5.  The fift of November, the Prince sat in the same magnificence, order and greatness that I mentioned of the King, his throne being pla●ed over wit● silver, inlaid with flowers of gold, and the Canopy over it square, borne on four pillars covered with silver; his arms, sword, buckler, bows, arrows, and lance on a table before him. The watch was set, for it was evening when he came abroad. I observed now he was absolute and curious in his fashion and actions: he received two letters, read them standing, before he ascended his Throne. I never saw so settled a countenance, nor any man keep so constant a gra●itie, never smiling, nor in face showing any respect or difference of men; but mingled with extreme pride and contempt of all, yet I found some inward trouble now and then assail him, and a kind of brokenness and distraction in his thoughts, unprovidedly and amazedly answering suitors, or not hearing: If I can judge any thing, he hath left h●s heart among his Father's women, with whom he hath liberty of conversation. Normahell in the English Coach the day before visited him and took leave, she gave him a cloak all embroidered with Pearl, Diamonds and Rubies, and carried away, if I err not, his attention to all other business.  
The sixth, I received a letter from Master Browne, from Amadavas, who certified me of a fray begun by the portugals: 
Fray betwixt the Po●tugals and English.  five of them setting on an English B●y in Cambaya, and disarming him, upon rumours whereof john Browne and james Bickeford went to his rescue, and were assailed by seven of them. One shooting a Pistol, h●rt john Browne in the hand, but his heart lay not there: they defended themselves honestly, bravely▪ like Englishmen, killed one, hurt some others, and chased them up and down the Town like beast's, to the great shame of such villains, and reputation of our Nation. To revenge this, the portugals being arriven in their Frigates, diu●rs came ashore, no more English in Town but the three mentioned. The Governor understood the occasion, and sent the Cutwall with a guard to our house, and shut the water ports, expelling the portugals, by commanding upon pain of chastisement not to meddle with the English: and so delivered them safe out of Town, who are returned to Amadavas.  
The ninth, I found the Prince earnest at Cards, but he excused himself of forgetfulness, and blamed the Officers formally; 
Card-play.  but in show used me with more courtesy then ordinary, calling me to see his Cards, and ask many questions. I expected he would speak of my going with him; but finding no such discourse, I told him I was come only to obey him and to take my leave, that I desired his pardon, that I hasted away, for that I was to return to Adsmere, being unprovided to stay all night. He answered, he sent for me to see me b●fore his going, that I should presently be dispatched. Than he sent in an Eunuch, and diverse of his Captains came smiling, s●ying the Prince would give me a great Present, and if I feared to ride late, I should have ten horse to guard me, and made such a business, as if I should have rece●ued his b●st chain of Pearl. By and by came a Cloth of gold Cloak of his own, once or twice worn, which he caused to be put on my back, and I made reverence very unwillingly. When his Ancestor Tamerlane was represented at the Theatre, the garment would well have become: but it is here reputed the highest favour to give a garment worn by a Prince, or being new, once laid on his shoulder.  

Order to fire the Leskar at Adsmere.  The sixteenth, the King gave order to fire all the Leskar at Adsmere to compel the people to follow, which was daily executed. I was left almost desolate, and the Persian Ambassador (who had fought, chid, brauld, complained, but could not get remedy) in the same estate▪ we se●t to bemoan one another, and by his example I began to resolve to buy (for many wo●ld s●ll, which at the King's price could not hire) and I cast it at the best hand I could, almost to save the hire, though the carts were dear, for in three months the price was ea●en; necessity enforced me, for the Town was burnt and desolate. I was in danger of thiefs, that from the army came and rob in the night. I could not found bread to eat, yet I sent anew to Court, and resolved to abide all the inconveniences of a hard siege.  
The seventeenth, I received from Goa for truth, that Don Emanuel de Menesses, 
News from Goa.  with about three hundred of those saved ashore from out the Admiral, were arrived poor, robbed and rifled by the Inhabitants of Angazesia, who had slain many, and forced some to Circumcision. On the four and twentieth of October, not one of the Fleet sent out from Lisbon arrived, to their great wonder. The Gallion of Mosambique was fought with by the Hollander that lately departed from Surat, who lay off and on before Goa as she came in to meet the Ships expected; she was rich in Gold and other Commodities, but she escaped by means of the Port. Observe the boldness of the Hollanders, to attempt with one ship, and to brave the head of the Indieses. I received a promise for Camels to remove.  
The eighteenth, I could not procure carriages, but was so daily delayed, that I feared to stay. Two Carts I was enforced to buy, and Camels I was constantly promised. M. Biddolph remained in the Prince's Leskar to get money, the King was yet but twelve course from Adsmere. The jesuite took his leave of me, being forced to buy carriage, notwithstanding his order for it out of the King's store, but scarcity punished all men. 
Relations of Sultan Corsoroon.  This empty time offering no discourse of my own affairs, I shall digress conveniently to mention the state of Sultan Corsoroone, of whose new delivery into the hands of his enemies, every man's heart and mouth was full. The King notwithstanding he had so fare agreed to satisfy his proud son at his departure, yet it seems meant not to wink at an injury offered to the Elder, and partly to secure him in the hands of Asaph Chan, partly to satisfy the people that murmured, and feared the practice of some treachery against him, he took occasion to declare himself publicly. Asaph Chan had visited his new Prisoner, and in his fashion did not acknowledge him as his Prince, but rudely pressed upon him against his will, and with no reverence. Some are of opinion, he picked a quarrel, and knowing the brave nature of the Prince, that would not bear indignity, tempted him to draw his Sword, or to use some violence, which the guard should suddenly revenge; or else it should be declared to the King, as an attempt to kill his Keeper, and to escape: but the Prince was patienter; only he got a friend to acquaint the King with the manners of his jailor. The King called Asaph Chan at the Durbar, and asked when he saw his charge; he answered two days past: his Majesty replied, what did you with him? he says, only visit him: but the King pressed to know what reverence and fashion he carried towards him? Asaph Chan found his Majesty knew what had passed, and confessed he went to see him in affection, and offer his service; but that the Prince refused him admittance into his Chamber; which because he had charge of his safety, he thought it both necessary for him to do, and discourtesy for the other to deny, therefore he pressed in. The King returns quick, When you were in, what said you, and what did you? what duty shown you toward my Son? He stands blank, and confesseth he did not any reverence: whereat the King told him, he would make his proud heart know him to be his eldest and beloved Heir, his Prince and Lord, and if he once hear of any the lest want of reverence, or duty toward him, he would command his son to set his feet on his neck, and trample on him: that he loved Sultan Coronne well, but he would make the world know, he did not intrust his Son among them for his ruin.  
The three and twentieth, and four and twentieth, I stayed for the Merchants, and received an answer from Spahan that my Letters were dispeeded for Aleppo, that our coming into Persia, 
News from Persia.  was expected, but on conditions to fit the Shabas, so that it might advance his design of diverting his Silks from the way of Turkey: that the General of the Grand-signior lay with a mighty army at Argerone six days march short of Tauris, uncertain, whether to assail the City, or to enter Gorgeston and Gilan (the Countries of Silks) to win that by conquest which he was prohibited by commerce. To meet both attempts, the Shabas was encamped at Salmas, a Village indifferently seated in the way; but if in two months the armies encounter not, winter approaching, and the wants which attend such multitudes, will dissolve them both, without any honourable action: or if they meet, the Persian though by report one hundred and eighty thousand, will not adventure battle, but being light and able to march easily, without Cannon and Baggage, will fall on and off on every side so on the Turks army, as he will break, and waste him without hazard.   

§. VII. Sir Thomas Roes following the Court in this Progress, description of the King's Leskar, and some places which they passed: the King's Superstition, drink, and dealing about the Present.  
THe first of December, I removed four course to Ramfor where the King had left the bodies of an hundred naked men, slain in the fields for robbery, 
Decemb. ●.  and the Caravan at midnight departed Adsmere.  
The fourth five course, I overtook in the way a Camel laden with three hundred men's heads, sent from Candahar, by the Governor in Present to the King, that were out in rebellion.  

Description of Godah.  The sixth, four course, where I overtook the King at a walled Town called Godah, in the best Country I saw since my landing being a fair Champion, are every course a Village, the soil fruitful in Corn, Cotton, and Cattles.  
The seventh, the King passed only from one side of the Town to the other, which was one of the best built I ever saw in India, for that there were some houses two stories high, and most such as a Pedlar might not scorn to keep shop in, all covered with tile. It had been the seat of a Raza Rashboote, before the Conquest of Ecbarsha, and stood at the foot of a great Rock very strong, had many excellent works of hewed stone about it, excellently cut, many Thanks arched, vaulted, and descents made large, and of great depths. By it stood a delicate Grove of two mile large, a quarter broad, planted by industry, with Manges, Tamerins, and other fruits, divided with walks, and full of little Temples and Altars of Pagods, and Gentilitiall Idolatry, many Fountains, 
Inconvenience which followeth the slavery of Subjects, and the King's only propriety. The Kings Lescar admirable.  Wells, Thanks, and Summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confess, a banished Englishman might have been content to devil there, but this observation is general, that ruin and destruction eats up all: for since the propriety of all is come to the King, no man takes care for particulars; so that in every place appears the vastations and spoils of war, without reparation.  
The ninth, returning, I viewed the Lescar, which is one of the wonders of my little experience, that I had seen it finished, and set up in four hours, except some of great men that have a double provision, the circuit being little less than twenty English miles, the length some ways three course, comprehending the skirts, and the middle, wherein the streets are orderly, and Tents joined; there are all sorts of shops, distinguished so by rule, that every man knows readily where to seek his wants, every man of quality, and every trade being limited how fare from the King's Tents he shall pitch, what ground he shall use, and on what side without alteration, which as it lies together, may equal almost any Town in Europe for greatness; only a Musket shot every way no man approacheth the Atasykanha royal, which is now kept so strict, that none are admitted but by name, and the time of the Durbar in the Evening is omitted and spent in hunting or hawking on Tanks by Boat, in which the King takes wonderful delight, and his Barges are removed on Carts with him, and he sits not but on the side of one, which are many times a mile or two over. At the jarruco in the morning he is seen, but business or speech prohibited: all is concluded at night at the Guzelchan, when often the time is prevented by a drowsiness which possesseth the King from the fumes of Bacchus. There is now a gre●t whisper in Court, about a new affinity of Sultan Corsoroone and Asaph Chan, and great hope of his liberty. I will find occasion to discourse it, for that the passages are very worthy, and the wisdom and goodness of the K●ng appears, above the malice of others, and Noomahel fulfil the observation, that in all actions of consequence in Court, a woman is not only always an ingredient, but commonly a principal drug of most virtue, and she shows that they are not incapable of conducting business, nor herself voided of wit and subtlety. It will discover a Noble Prince, an excellent W●fe, a faithful Counsellor, a crafty Stepmother, an ambitious Son, a cunning Favourite, all reconciled by a patiented King, whose heart was not understood by any of all these. But this will require a place alone, and not to be mingled among business.  
The sixteenth, I visited the King, who having been at his sports, and his quarry of fowl and fish lying before him, he desired me to take my choice, and so distributed the remainder to his Nobility. I found him sitting on his Throne, and a Beggar at his feet, a poor silly old man all asht, 
Humility and Charity superstitious, and therefore blind.  raged, and patched, with a young rogue attending on him. With these kind of professed poor holy men, the Country abounds, and are held in great reverence, but for works of chastisement of their bodies, and voluntary sufferings, they exceed the brags of all heretics or Idolaters. This miserable wretch clothed in rags, crowned with feathers, covered with ashes, his Majesty talked with about an hour, with such familiarity and show of kindness, that it must needs argue an humility not found easily among Kings. The Beggar sat, which his son dares not do: he gave the King a Present, a Cake, asht, burnt on the coals, made by himself of course grain, which the King accepted most willingly, and broke one bit and eat it, which a dainty mouth could scarce have done. After he took the clout, and wrapped it up, and put in the poor man's bosom, and sent for one hundred Rupias, and with his own hands poured them into the poor man's lap, and what fell beside, gathered up for him; when his collation of banqueting and drink came, whatsoever he took to eat, he broke and gave the Beggar half, and after many strange humiliations and charities, rising, the old Wretch not being nimble, he took him up in his arms, which no cleanly body durst have touched, embracing him, and three times laying his hand on his heart, calling him father, he left him, and all us and me in admiration of such a virtue in a heathen Prince.  
The six and twentieth, we passed through Woods, and over Mountains, torn with bushes, tired with the incommodiousness of an impass●ble way, where many Camels perished, many departed for Agra, and all complained. I lost my Tents and Carts, but by midnight we met, the King rested two days, for that the Leskar could not in less time recover their order, many of the King's women, and thousands of Coaches, Carts, and Camels, lying in the woody mountains, without meat and water, himself got by on a small Elephant, which beast will climb up rocks and pass such straits, as no horse nor beast that I know can follow him.  
The twenty fourth of january, news arrived at Court, 
january 24. Decans' resist the Mogolls power. Mandoa.  that the Decans would not be frighted out of their Dominion, which Asaph Chan and Normahal had pretended, to procure this Voyage, but that they had sent their impediments into the heart, and attended in the borders, with fifty thousand horse, resolved to fight, and that Sultan Caronne was yet advanced no further than Mandoa, afraid both of the enemy and Chan Channa. These Counsellors changed their advice, and declaring to the King that they conceived the Decan, before his passage over the last hills, would have yielded by the terror of his approach, but finding the contrary, persuaded him to convert it to a hunting journey, and to turn his face toward Agra, for that the other was not an enemy worthy his person. He replied this consideration came too late, his honour was engaged seeing he had so fare passed, he would prosecute their first counsels and his purpose, and adventure the hazard of both. But he daily dispeeded fresh troops towards his son, partly from his own, the rest commanded from governments, according to reports, thirty thousand horse, but not by muster.  
The third of February, departing out out of the Road of the Leskar for ease and shade, 
February 3. Conference with Sultan Corsoroone.  and resting under a tree for the same commodities, came upon me Sultan Corsoroone, the King's eldest restrained son, riding upon an Elephant, with no great guard nor attendance: his people desired me to give him room, which I did, but attended to see him, who called for me, and with some gentle and familiar questions, full of courtesy and affability he departed: his person is good, and countenance cheerful, his beard grown to his girdle; this only I noted, that his questions shown ignorance of all passages in Court, in so much he never heard of any Ambassador nor English.  
The sixth at night, we came to a little Tower newly repaired, where the King pitched in a pleasant place upon the River of Sepra, short of Vgen, the chief City of Mulwa, one Course. 
Sepra. Mulwa. Calleada. King drunken, drowned.  This place called Calleada, was anciently a Seat of the Gentle Kings of Mandoa, one whereof was there drowned in his drink, having once before fallen into the River, and was taken up by the hair of the head, by a slave that dived; and being come to himself it was related to him to procure a reward: he called for the instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst put his hands on his Sovereign's head, caused them to be struck off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in drunkenness, he had the same mischance to slip into the water, but so that she might easily have saved him, which she did not: and being demanded why, she replied, she knew not whether he would also cut off her hands for her recompense.  
The eleventh, the King road to Vgen to speak with a Deruis or Saint, living on a hill, 
Old Deruis.  who is reported to be three hundred years old: I thought this miracle not worth my examination. At noon by a foot-post I received a letter, that the Prince, notwithstanding all Firmans and Commands of his Father, had intercepted the Presents and goods sent up, 
Prince's incivility.  to fulfil his base and greedy desire, and that notwithstanding any gift nor entreaty, or persuasions of Master Terry, to whose charge they were committed, would not part with them, but by force compelled them to return with him toward Brampore: yet did he forbear to break any thing open, but pressed the English to consent, which they refusing by my order, he thought to win them by vexations; such is the custom to see all Merchants goods even before the King, that he may first choose, but I resolved to break that in our behalf.  
The Prince to satisfy his desire, before I could have knowledge, he sent a Post to the King to certify him, that such goods he had stayed without mention of Presents, and prayed leave to open them, and to buy what he fancied. So soon as I heard of this faithless uncivil usage, I resolved I was justifiable before all the world, if I used the extremity of complaints, that I had practised all means to win and purchase favour, and had suffered beyond the patience of a freeman, my former courses will witness, and leave me without blame in ill successes, though I found it in a rougher way, seeing I could found no better in the smoothest. Briefly I resolved to appeal to justice by complaint, but as calmly and warily as I could, to express my whole grief, extreme injuries, and long patience. To go to Asaph Chan (though to neglect him would displease him) ●et to try him I feared would prevent my purpose: to sand to him that I desired to visit the King at the Glutel-chand, I doubted what I intended might be suspected, if he had heard of the injury: so I practised first to prevent, and avoid prevention.  
The Prophet▪ whom the King united, offered me occasion, and my new Linguist was ready. I road and met his Majesty on his Elephant, and alighted making sign to speak: he turned his monster to me, and prevented me. My son hath taken your goods and my Presents: be not sad, he shall not touch nor open a seal, nor lock; at night I will sand him a command to free them, with other very gracious speeches, that he knew I came full of complaint, to ease me he beg●nne first. Upon the way I could do no more, but at night, without further seeking to Asaph Chan, I went to the Guzel Chan, resolved to prosecute the complaint of forcing back our goods, in respect of the charge and trouble, of the abuses of Surat, and all our other grievances. So soon as I came in, the King called my Interpreter, and delivered by his, that he had written and sent his command very effectually, that not a hair should be diminished: I replied, the injury was such, and the charge and abuses of our liberty by the Prince's officers, that I desired redress, for that we could not longer suffer. It was answered, what was past I must remit to his son, but by Asaph Chans mediation I could procure nothing but very good words, for he smoothed on both sides; so that I was forced to seem content, and to seek an opportunity in the absence of my false friend and procurator. The good King fell to dispute of the Laws of Moses, jesus and Mahomet, and in drink was so kind, that he turned to me, and said: I am a King, you shall be welcome Christians, Moors, jews, he meddled not with their faith; they came all in love, 
The Mogoll in drink.  and he would protect them from wrong, they lived under his safety, and none should oppress them; and this often repeated, but in extreme drunkenness he fell to weeping, and to diverse passions, and so kept us till midnight.  
judge all men what travel I endured, by reason the Factors kept my Presents four months, and sent them even in the mouth of the Prince, arrived within two days of Brampore, and hereby every way our charge doubled, that I rested not satisfied; but seeing I had begun, and that the Prince was, as I feared, enough exasperated with a little, I thought as good loose him to some purpose, as to none, at lest to try the King what he would do. So I waited advantage, but sent back the messenger to Master Terry, to stand out and attend the King's answer, which I would speedily sand him. And so resolved to dissemble that I hope to repay, when I came, with base flattery worse than the theft, or at lest to give me some satisfaction, because trouble was in my face, for otherwise it is no injury here to be so used: he began to tell me he had taken diverse things, that please him extremely well, naming two Cushions embroidered, a folding Glass, and the Dogs, and desired me not to be discontent, for whatsoever I would not give him, I should receive back: I answered, there were few things that I intended not to present him, but that I took it a great discourtesy to my Sovereign, which I could not answer, to have that was freely given seized, and not delivered by my hands to whom they were directed: and that some of them were intended for the Prince and Normahall, some to lie by me, on occasions, to prepare his Majesty's favour to protect us from injuries that strangers were daily offered, and some for my friends or private use, and some that were the Merchants, which I had not to do withal: he answered, that I should not be sad nor grieved, that he had his choice, for that he had not patience to forbear seeing them, he did me no wrong in it, for he thought I wished him first served, and to my Lord the King of England he would make satisfaction, and my excuse: the Prince, Normahall and he were all one; and for any to bring with me to procure his favour, it was a ceremony, and unnecessary, for he would at all times hear me; that I should be welcome empty handed, for that was not my fault, and I should receive right from him; and to go to his son, he would return me somewhat for him, and for the Merchant's goods pay to their content: concluding I should not be angry for this freedom; he intended well: I made no reply. Than he pressed me whether I was pleased or no. I answered his Majesty's content pleased me: so seeing Master Terry, 
Master Terry the Minister welcomed.  whom I brought in with me, he called to him, Padre you are very welcome, and this house is yours, esteem it so, whensoever you desire to come to me, it shall be free for you, and whatsoever you will require of me, I will grant you.  
Than he converted himself with this cunning unto me, naming all particulars in order: The Dogs, Cushions, Barber's case, you will not desire to have back, for that I am delighted in them: I answered no. Than said he there were two Glass chests, for they were very mean and ordinary, for whom came they? I replied, I intended one for his Majesty, the other to Normahall. Why then, said he, you will not ask that I have, being contented with one? I was forced to yield. Next he demanded whose the Hats were, for that his women liked them. I answered, three were sent to his Majesty, the fourth was mine to wear. Than said he, you will not take them from me, for I like them, and yours I will return if you need it, and will not bestow that on me, which I could not refuse. Than next he demanded whose the Pictures were. I answered, sent to me to use on occasions, and dispose as my business required: so he called for them, and caused them to be opened, examined me of the women, and other little questions, requiring many judgements of them, of the third Picture of Venus and a Satire: he commanded my Interpreter not to tell me what he said: 
Notable question about the Picture of a Satire.  But asked his Lords what they conceived should be the interpretation or moral of that, he shown the Satyr's horns, his skin which was swart, and pointed to many particulars: every man replied according to his fancy; but in the end he concluded they were all deceived: and seeing they could judge no better, he would keep his conceit to himself, iterating his command to conceal this passage from me: But bade him ask me what it meant: I answered, an Invention of the Painter to show his art, which was Poetical, but the interpretation was New to me that had not seen it. Than he called Master Terry, to give his judgement, who replying, he knew not. The King demanded why he brought up to him an invention wherein he was ignorant; at which I enterposed that he was a Preacher, and meddled not with such matters, nor had charge of them, only coming in their company, he was more noted, and so named as their conductor.  
This I repeat for instruction, to warn the company and him that shall succeed me to be very wary what they sand, may be subject to ill Interpretation: for in that point this King and people are very pregnant and scrupulous, full of jealousy and tricks, for that notwithstanding the King conceited himself, yet by the passages I will deliver my opinion of this conceit, which (knowing, I had never seen the Picture, and by Ignorance was guiltless) he would not press hard upon me. But, I suppose, he understood the Moral to be a scorn of Asiatiques whom the naked Satire represented, and was of the same complexion and not unlike; who being held by Venus a white woman by the Nose, it seemed that she led him Captive. Yet he revealed no discontent, but rolled them up, and told me he would accept him also as a Present. For the Saddle and some other small Toys, he would fit me with a gift to his Son, to whom he would writ according to promise', so effectually that I should need no Solicitor, in many businesses with as many compliments, excuses, professions & protestations as could come from any very Noble, or very base mind in either extreme. Yet he left not, but enquired what meant the figures of the beasts, and whether they were sent me to give to him: I had understood they were very ridiculous and ill shaped ordinary creatures, the varnish off, and no beauty other than a lump of wood; I was really ashamed and answered, it was not my fault, those that seized them must bear the affront, but that they were not intended to him, bu● sent to show the forms of certain beasts with us. He replied quickly, did you think in England that a Horse and a Bull was strange to me? I replied, I thought not of so mean a matter, The sender was an ordinary man in good will to me for Toys, and what he thought, I knew not: well said the King, I will keep them, and only desire you to help me to a horse of the greatest size. It is all I will expect, and a Male and Female of Mastiffs, and the tall Irish Greyhounds, and such other Dogs as hunt in your lands, 
The King's requests.  and if you will promise' me this, I will give you the word of a King, I will fully recompense you, and grant you all your desires.  
I answered, I would promise' to provide them, but could not warrant their lives, and if they died by the way, only for my discharge, their skins and bones should be preserved, he gave extraordinary Bows, laid his hand on his heart, and such kind of gestures as all men will witness, he never used to any man, nor such familiarity, nor freedom, nor profession of love. This was all my recompense, that he often desired my content to be merry, that the wrong he had done me, he would royally requited, and sand me home to my Country with grace and reward like a Gentleman. But seeing nothing returned of what was seized, but words, I desired his Majesty to deliver back the Velvets and Silks being Merchant's goods, that they were sent up among mine by his Majesty's command, for that by that pretence, they escaped the ravine of the Prince's Officers: so he gave order to call Master Biddolph to agreed with him, and to pay for them to content. Than I delivered a Letter I had ready written containing my desire for Privileges and justice otherwise I should return as a Fayzneane and disgraced to my Sovereign, and desired some justice for Sulpheckarkons Debt lately dead: he replied he would take such order with his Son for Surat, as I should have no cause to complain, and that he should clear it for which he gave instant order. For other places, he would give me his commands, and every way show how much he loved me, and to the end I might return to my Master with honour, He would sand by me a rich and worthy Present with his Letter of my behaviour filled with many praises, and commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable, I answered, I durst not crave, it was not our custom, nor stood with my Master's honour, but whatsoever he sent, I doubted not, would be acceptable from so potent a King, and so much loved of my Lord. He replied, that I thought he asked in jest, to please me, and that he saw I was yet discontent, but he conjured me to believe he was my friend, and would at conclusion prove so, and vowed by his head he spoke hearty concerning Presents, but I must not refuse for his instruction to name somewhat. This earnestness enforced me to say, if his Majesty pleased, I thought large Persian Carpets, would be fittest; for gifts of cost and value, my Master expected not.  
He answered, he would provide of all sorts and sizes, and added to them what he thought was fit, that your King may know I respect him: next, having Venison of diverse sorts before him, he gave me half a Stag, with these words, he killed it himself, and the other half I should see bestowed on his wives, which was presently cut out, in small pieces of four pound and sent in by his third son, and two women that were called out to diverse such Mammocks, as if it had been a dole to the poor, and carried by the Prince bore in his hands. Now I had as much satisfaction, and so abundant grace as might have flattered me into content, but the injury was above words, though I were glad of these and of colour to dissemble, for he sent as a conclusion to know if I were pleased, and did not departed discontent. I answered his Majesty's favour was sufficient to make me any amendss. Than, said he, I have only one question to ask you; which is, I wonder much now I have seen your Presents two years, what was the reason why your King sent a Merchant, a mean man before you with five times as many, and more curious Toys that contented all, and after to sand you his Ambassador with a Commission and his Letter mentioning Presents, and yet what you brought was little, mean and inferior to the other. I acknowledge you an Ambassador, I have found you a Gentleman in your usage, and I am amazed why you were so slightly set out.  
I would have replied, but he cut me off, I know it is not the King's fault, nor yours, but I will let you see I esteem you better than they employed you. At your return, I will sand you home with honour, with reward, and according to your quality; and not respecting what you brought me, will like a King present your Lord and Master: only this I will require from you, and not expect it from the Merchants, to take with you a pattern of a Quiver, and Case for my Bow, a Coat to wear, a Cushion to sleep on of my fashion, which was at his head, and a pair of Boots, which you shall 'cause to be embroidered in England, of the richest manner, and I will expect and receive them from you, for I know in your Country they can work bettet then any I have seen, and if you sand them me, I am a King, you shall not loose by it, which I most thankfully undertook, and he commanded Asaph Chan to sand me the patterns. Than he demanded if I had any Grape Wine. I could not deny it; he desired a taste next night, and if he liked it he would be bold, if not, he desired me to make merry with it. So spending this night only on me, he rose.  
The third of March, we came to Mandoa, into which the King entered in state, but no man was suffered to go in before he was set, by the advice of his Astrologers, so that we all sat without, attending a good hour.  

Mandoa.  The sixth, I came into Mandoa, having sent before, and found a fair Court well walled, and in that a good Church, one great Tomb: it was taken up by one of the King's Servants, but I got possession and kept it, being the best within all the wall, but two mile from the King's house, yet so sufficient that a little charge would make it defensible against reinss, and save one thousand Rupias, and for Air very pleasant upon the edge of the hill.  

Ill proforecast.  The eleventh, at night I went toward the Court, but the King upon news of a Lion that had killed some Horses, was gone to hunt, so that I had leisure to seek some water: for we were brought to a hill with a multitude of people (so great is the foresight, and so good the Policy) where was no water, that men and Castle were like to perish, that little that was in Pools some great men possessed, and kept by force, I could get none, the poor forsook the City, and by Proclamation many were commanded away, all Horses and cattle forbidden, and so those who were now in hope to rest, were forced to seek new Dwellings, who departed some two, three and four Course off, to the extreme trouble of all men, and the terrible rising of provisions. I knew not what to do: my Room and House was good, and though I were fare from Markets, yet it was a less inconvenience then to sit in the fields without house or shelter, only I wanted water, so I road myself to seek some, and found a great Poole possessed by Chan, which was given by the King. I sent to desire him leave to draw, who granted me four load a day, which satisfied me in such sort, that with selling away some of those jades that were put upon me from Surat, and putting off my Cattles, I had hope to live, to which purpose I sent two with them to lie out of Town. There was not a misery, nor punishment, which either the want of Government, or the natural disposition of the Clime gave us not.   

§. VIII The New-year's Feast: Suspicions of the English: Trade of Dabul, distaste of the Persian, Englishmen of War in the Indian Seas.  
THe twelfth, I went to the King, and carried a New-year's gift, a pair of very fair Knives of my own, and six Glasses of yours; the excuse I made was well received, and the King used me with all grace, this only was my comfort. He said whatsoever came from my hands was present sufficient, he accepted my love, and it was his part now to give me. I found a gainer by him, who had so fare performed his promise that I perceived the King instructed in my desire, and gave present order to an Officer to sand for Master Bidolph to pay him to his content for such things as he claimed, and all the others were acknowledged to be received by name, and that when I went to the Prince, the King would writ; but was loath to part with any thing, of which the best sweet bag lay before him. I replied, I was as loath to go empty handed: so it rested, the King commanded I should come up and stand within, on the degrees of his Throne by him, where I found on one side the Persian Ambassador, on the other the old King Candahar with whom I ranked, and he presently fell to beg a Knife which next day I sent. The King called for the Persian to come down, to whom he gave a jewel, and a young Elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head. The Throne was the same used the last year, 
English Pictures.  and all the other furniture: at the upper end was set the King my Sovereign's Picture, the Queens, my Lady Elizabeth's, Sir Thomas Smiths and some others, two pieces of good and fine Tapestry below them, that came from Persia, a Throne of Gold set all over with Rubies, Emeralds and Turqueis, and the old Music of singing Whores. This day I dispatched to Surat my advice of the Persian business and the new Ambassador, and some remembrance to Abram Chan the Governor from whom I received a Letter, that in his absence our Nation had been wronged against his knowledge, but that his power being augmented by the Prince, he desired me to be confident in him, that while he lived in authority we should never suffer any such abuses, but we should live in all freedom.  
The thirteenth, I sent a Compliment to Asaph Chan, a fair wrought Nightcap of mine own, and a rich pair of Gloves which he returned as useless in this Country; the Cap he received and desired some Alegant Wine, which I sent the next day at night. Aganor (whose diligence now gave me great hope and ease) sent a Banman his Secretary to tell me he had order for the dispatch of the Merchant's goods, and that his man should attend Master Biddolph to finish it, that the patterns should be sent me home, and that the King would give me a Coat and money to bear my charges to the Prince. I returned answer, that I had no use of a Babylonish Garment, nor needed money; if his Majesty were pleased to consider the injuries offered, of which the Paper testified remained in his hands, and to give me his Letter to the Prince with some Presents or else to writ in my excuse, it was all I would desire, but for his gifts I expected none but justice..  
The one and twentieth: I yet could not at instant press it further, only I discovered the King's doubts, for he suspected my stealing out of his Country, 
Suspicions of the English.  and breach with our Nation for the Prince, either out of guiltiness or fear, or perhaps cunning to make us the pretence of his own dessignes, had newly informed the King, that next year, the English purposed the taking of Surat, and keeping it, of which our own folly gave some colour; for lately upon one of their ordinary brabbles they caused two hundred Musketers to land and march toward Surat, and being met by diverse the joyful Mariners gave out, they went to take it. This absurd bravado for a a handful of men to pass twelve mile to a walled Town, able to put out a thousand horse armed, and as many shot, a River to pass which a few men would defend against a good Army, gave just occasion of scorn and offence: and which the Prince apprehended for some other his own ends, to refortifie the Castle and Town, and to sand down Ordnance for the defence: a good provision to keep a door open to fly out, if his Brother live to correct his ambition. But this information occurring with my discontents here, and some free language, my pressure to go to Brampore, and flying news that we had taken Goa, and were preparing a great Fleet in England, did 'cause some suspicion in the King, which though he concealed it, yet he thought to discover by the former Discourse, with which he rested fully satisfied, but I did not: I had been long fed with words, and knew as well as the heart that trembled, that fear of us only preserved our residence.  
The nine and twentieth of March: this complaining of Officers is a tune so new, so odious in Court, that it troubleth all great men, it being their own case, 

A. D. 1617.  
Tyranny of Officers.   who living upon farming Governments in which they use all tyranny to the Naturals, are loath to suffer a way open to the King's understanding of their practice, who ordinarily hung men by the heels, to confess money, or to ransom themselves from no fault: this made all men envy my employment, and avoid me as an Informer.  
The five and twentieth of April, I received from Dabull road from Cap. Pepwell, 
Letter from Captain Pepwell at Dabull.  that according to advice he had stayed the juncke bound for Mocha, but weighing the caution given by me to consider well what correspondence were between that Prince and Mozolapatan, in whose Territory the Solomon was and could not get to Sea, finding both alliance and friendship, he freed her without spoil, alleging the refusal of Trade to Middleton, which courtesy procured him, so good entertainment as the Indieses affords seldom, free Trade and promise to take three hundred Clotheses yearly: a good quantity of Lead sold for money, and some Ordnance (which I like not to arm the Indians, and the Portugals friends, enemies to the Mogoll) and all other courtesies, which if this kindness proceeded not, for that the juncke was yet under command, gives me good hope of some Trade in sale yearly at the Port, however the freeing of the juncke assures me the Commander will do nothing by catching, prejudicial to the Company, and deliver himself honestly from the jealousies cast upon him from Dabul, he signifies his intent to proceed to Callicute, and if that factory be not worth supplies to transmit it to Dabul.  
The seven and twentieth, by the Foot-post I received from Mesolapatan, that the Solomon was got to Sea, and the Hosiander from Bantam arrived, who brought the ill news of the loss of the Hector and Concord, careening in the Road of jacatra, on java, in recompense that the Dragon, Clove and Defence, were homeward laden from Bantam. I took this occasion to convey a letter to the Governor of Dabul over-land, to apprehended the overture newly made by him of the trade: though I had little opinion of the place, yet I would not neglect that, 
Overture of Trade at Dabull.  nor encourage the next Fleet to proceed, but upon better assurance than a forced friendship, and offers made while their juncke was in our power. The effect was to signify the causes of our staying their goods for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton, but now finding in him a better inclination and a desire to receive us, & to establish a friendship and league, a promise to take cloth in good quantity. I required if these motions were hearty, and such as befitted a man of honour, that he would writ to the King his Master, to procure his Firman with such privileges as were fit for Merchants, and his promise to buy our goods, and to fulfil all the friendly offers made by him, his Officer, under his Seal, and with expedition to sand it me to the Court of the great Mogoll: whereby I might receive assurance and encouragement that they intended faith, and on such reception I did undertake on the behalf of the King of England, a good and firm Peace toward his Master, his subjects free passage in the seas, from any oppression by our Fleets: and that yearly I would either sand a ship to his Port for trade, or if it so required, leave & establish a residence in his Government. I doubt not, but yearly for fear or love, some good trade by sales may be made, but for enuestments, it will not be worth it: only I proceeded as I would have wished all men, not with too seeming eager a desire, nor to swallow any offers and conditions hungerly, for strict care in the first settling is the best advantage: and for misery of ensuing times, it being a general rule never to mend your first estate, often to impair it, every man's best hour is when he is new, a stranger, and at first seen: after, the natural lenity of these Barbarians, finds all that brings not change, fastidious. This dispatch I committed to Master Bangham, and desired him to make diligent enquiry of the commodities, advantages, inconveniences, humours and affections of these Decannies towards us.  

Distaste of the Persian Ambassador.  The thirtieth, the time that he brought me the excuses of the Persian Ambassador, for failing in taking his leave of me, which he would not sand by a servant, but uttered the truth that the Ambassador was not sick, as he pretended, but receiving no content from the King in his business he suddenly took leave, and having given thirty fair horses at his departure: the King gave in recompense three thousand Rupias which he took in great scorn; whereupon the King prized all that the Ambassador had given him at mean rates, and likewise all that the King had returned since his arrival, even to slaves, Drink, Melons, Pines, Plantanes, Hawkes, Plumes, the Elephant and whatsoever at extreme high rates, and sending both Bills made it up in money. This base usage and scorn caused him to excuse his not seeing Asaph Chan and Etimon Dowlet on a Fever, which having done he could not come through the Town to me without discovery, but desired him to acquaint me with the truth, and to make all excuse and profession that he would recompense this discourtesy by double friendship to my Countrymen in Persia: with some bitterness against the King, which Aganor as freely delivered, and I seemed as unwilling to hear. I presented them with some Aligant and Knives, and we parted.  
The twelfth of May, I received news of a great blow given the Persian by the Turks Army, so that Tanris was razed, and the Shabas not able to keep the field.  
The five and twentieth, a Lion and a Wolf used my house, and nightly put us in alarum, fetching away Sheep and Goats out of my Court, and leaping a high wall with them. I sent to ask leave to kill it, for that no man may meddle with Lions but the King, and it was granted: I ran out into the Court upon the noise, and the beast missing his prey, seized on a little Island Dog before me, that I had long kept, but the Wolf one of my Servants killed, and I sent it the King.  
The fourteenth of june, certain goods of the jesuites were sent from Cambaya in a Cabinet, Physic and necessaries, and a Letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and delivered the King: which he opened and sent for the Padre to read the Letter, and to see all in the Boxes, of which nothing liking him, he returned all; which I observe as a warning to all that deal in this Kingdom, to be wary of what they writ or sand, for such is the custom and humour of the King, that he will seize and see all, jest any Toy should escape his appetite.  
The eighteenth, I received Letters from Amadavar of the Hope of the fall of Indigo, by the failing of the Goa Caffila, and that there was plenty to be bought but dear. That the Unicorn's Horn was returned as without virtue, concerning which I gave him new advice; many complaints against Surat and others, which I meddle not with. I received from Brampoore two Letters, how doubtful the Debt of Ralph stood, and news of the return of Spragge from the Leskar of Decan. The General Melickamber with much show of honour, gave instant order for privy search in all his Camp, for the Persian fled, and by me remanded; but finding him departed to Vizeapoore, by testimony that business was pursued no further, but by a Letter to a Dutch there resident. The General desired Spragge to be a means to bring him English cloth and swords to his Camp for the supply of his Soldiers which lie within six days of Brampoore. In my opinion, that had been a good employment of some idle men, and a way to vent our dead commodities.  
The thirtieth of july, I received from Surat, of the casting away of two Dutch ships on the Coast of Damon, that having come from the Southward with Spices and China Silks, were bound for the Read Sea, but losing their season with much extremity of weather beating many weeks about the entrance for harbour, attempted the like at Socatra, and upon the Coast of Arabia, but being not able to get in any way, they resolved for Surat, hoping by the last years good success to be able to ride safely: but the years differ, and being forced to anchor in extremity their greater ship cut her Masts by board, and after her Cables breaking, she went ashore upon the Coast Ozie ground within Musket shot. The ship kept upright, but having lost their long Boat, and their Skiffe not able to live by rafters, four men got ashore, and the Tides heaving her in upon the Spring, they saved much goods and all their people: her Pinnace of sixty Tun was beaten to pieces.  
The one and twentieth of August, the King of Candahor, came to visit me, and brought wine and fruit, sat half an hour, and for one jest of his begged a bottle of wine.  
The Prince Sultan Corseroone had his first day of hoped liberty, and came to take air and pleasure at the Banqueting house by me. The Prince at Brampoore had made a Marriage without the King's consent, and gotten displeasure: besides some practice of his was discovered against his Brother's life; but this as a secret; he was called for to Court. Normahal and Asaph Chan by their Father's advice, came about to make a peace with Corsoroone and Alliance, and with infinite joy his liberty is expected.  
The two and twentieth, the King feasted at Asaph Chans. I received from Aleppo and Persia, passages of the War, the Turks retreat, but no word of our English: only, that the Captain of Grinins, had written to practise their disgrace.  
The five and twentieth, I advised to Agra my proceeding in the Armenians business back to Surat, and Brampoore of all occurrents. This day Asaph Chan feasted Normahall, the Prince Sultan Corsoroone, as is reported, to make a firm alliance, and that he will bring away a Wife by his Father's importunity, this will beget his full liberty, and our proud Master's ruin.  
The first of September, was the King's Birthday, and the solemnity of his weighing, to which I went, and was carried into a very large and beautiful Garden, the square within all water, on the sides flowers and trees, in the midst a Pinnacle, where was prepared the scales, being hung in large trestles, and a cross beam plated on with Gold thin: the scales of massy Gold, the borders set with small stones, Rubies and Turkey, the Chains of Gold large and massy, but strengthened with silk Cords. Here attended the Nobility all sitting about it on Carpets until the King came; who at last appeared clothed, or rather laden with Diamonds, Rubies, Pearls, and other precious vanities, so great, so glorious! his Sword, Target, Throne to rest on correspondent; his head, neck, breast, arms, above the elbows at the wrists, his fingers every one, with at lest two or three Rings; fettered with chains, or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, some greater; and Pearls, such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly he entered into the scales, sat like a woman on his legs, and there was put in against him, many bags to fit his weight which were changed six times, and they say was silver, and that I understood his weight to be nine thousand Rupias, which are almost one thousand pound sterling: after with Gold and jewels, and precious stones, but I saw none, it being in bags might be Pebbles; then against Cloth of Gold, Silk, Stuffs, Linen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must believe, for they were in farthels. Lastly, against Meal, Butter, Corn, which is said to be given to the Baniani, and all the rest of the Stuff: but I saw it carefully carried in, and none distributed. Only the silver is reserved for the poor, and serves the ensuing year, the King using in the night to call for some before him, and with his own hands in great familiarity and humility to distribute that money. The scale he sat in by one side, he gazed on me, and turned me his stones and wealth, and smiled, but spoke nothing, for my Enterpreter could not be admitted in. After he was weighed, he ascended his Throne, and had Basins of Nuts, Almonds, Fruits, 
The Kings weighing.  Spices, of all sort made in thin silver, which he cast about, and his great men scrambled prostrate upon their bellies, which seeing I did not, he reached one Basin almost full, and poured into my Cloak, his Noblemen were so bold as to put in their hands, so thick, that they had left me none, if I had not put a remayner up. I heard he threw Gold till I came in, but found it silver so thin, that all I had at first being thousands of several pieces had not weighed sixty Rupias. I saved about twenty Rupias weight, yet a good dishfull, which I keep to show the ostentation, for by my proportion he could not that day cast away above one hundred pound sterling. At night he drinketh with all his Nobility in rich Plate. I was invited to that, but told, I must not refuse to drink, and their waters are fire. I was sick and in a little flux of blood, and durst not stay to venture my health.  
The ninth of September, the King road to the River of Darbadath, five course on pleasure, and coming by my house I road out to meet him. The custom is, that all men by whom he passeth near their gate, make him some Present, which is taken as a good sign, and is called Mombareck, good News, or good Success. I had nothing to give, nor might fitly go with nothing, nor stay at home without discourtesy, which made me venture upon a fair Book well bound filleted and gilded, Mercators' last Edition of the Maps of the world, which I presented with an excuse that I had nothing worthy, 
Mercators' Atlas presented to the Mogoll.  but to a great King I offered the World in which he had so great and rich a part. The King took it in great courtesy, often laying his hand on his breast, and answering every thing that came from me was welcome. He asked after the ships arrival, which I told him I daily expected: he told me he had some fat wild Hogs sent him from Goa, and if I would eat any at his return he would sand me some. I made him due reverence, and answered any thing from his Majesty was a feast to me: he road on his Elephant, and the way was stony, and I offering to bring him toward the gate, he bade God keep me, and return to my house, demanding which it was, and praising it: indeed it was one of the best in the Leskar, yet but an old Church and large Tomb enclosed: iterating his farewell, he said the way was ill, and desired me to go home, and with much show of courtesy took leave.  

Prince of Can●ahors uncivility.  The sixteenth, I road to repay the visit of Marre Rustam the Prince of Candahor, who at my arrival sent word he durst not see me, except he asked leave of the King or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Chan, which at the Durbar he would. I answered he should not need, for I never meant to trouble myself with a man so uncivil, nor to come a second time. I knew well it was a shift out of ill manners; that the King would be no more angry for his bidding me welcome to his house, then for his coming to mine, but that I cared not to see him, but came in civility to requited, that I took so in him. His man desired me to stay until he told his Master my answer, but I would not, and returned: at night, I road to Court to visit the King, who questioned about the Book of Maps, but I did forbear any speech of my debts.  
The five and twentieth, I road to the Court very weak, to make trial of the King about our debts, for that Muckshud had also newly answered he had missed his Prigany, and knew not how to pay, but by his house. I delivered the King the Merchant's Petition, which he caused to be read aloud, and the names of the debtors, and sureties, and sums distinctly, by Asaph Chan: which done, he called Araddat Chan, the chief of his officers of Household, and the Cutwall, and gave them order, but what I understood not; reading the names, he questioned their abilities and qualities, and what goods they received, finding some dead, some strangers: concerning Rulph, Asaph Chan offered to speak to the Prince at his arrival to finish it. My Interpreter was now called in, and the King converted to me, giving this answer: That the Merchants had made debts at their own wills, and not brought a note of their goods to him, therefore if the men were insufficient, it was at their peril, for that it was no reason to expect the money from him, which, I suppose, he spoke of his servant Hergonen, who being dead, his goods were seized for the King's use: but seeing it was the first time, he would now assist me, and 'cause our money to be paid: but if hereafter the English would deliver their goods to his servants without money or acquainting him, they should stand to the hazard; but if when their commodities came to the Court, they would bring a bill to him of all, he would first serve himself, and after distribute the rest to such as should buy that, and if any of them failed, he would pay the money himself: this is indeed the custom of Persia Merchants, to bring all to the King, which I have often seen, who takes his choice, and delivers the rest to his Nobility, his Scrivanoes writing to whom, and his Officer cutting price; a copy of which is given the Merchant, and he goes to their houses for money; if they pay not, there is an express Officer that hath order by currant course to force them. Than was it told my Interpreter what command the King had given, that Arad Chan should call the debtors before him, and 'cause them to pay: but this pleased not our Merchants, I thought it both a just and gracious answer, better than in such cases private men can get of great Princes.  
The King hearing I had been sick, and wished for wine, gave me five bottles, and commanded when I had ended those, to sand for five more, and so as I wanted; and a fat Hog, the fattest I ever saw, sent up by Mochreb Chan, that came from Goa, which at midnight was brought home by a Haddy with this message; since it came to the King it had eaten nothing but Sugar and Butter. I took this as a sign of favour, and I am sure in that Court it is a great one. Than he sent for the Map-booke, 
Mercator returned.  and told me he had showed it his Mulays, and no man could read nor understand it, therefore if I would, I should have it again: I answered, at his pleasure, and so it was returned.  
The six and twentieth, there being a Raia in rebellion in the hills, not past twenty Course from the Laskar, 
A Raia withstood the King's forces.  the King lately sent out two Vmbras with horse to fetch him in, but he defended his quarter, slew one of them, and twelve Maancipdares, and in all of both sides about five hundred, returning scornful messages to the King to sand his son, for he was no prey for ordi●nry forces.  

October 2.  The second of October, the Prince entered the Town, and all the great men in wondrous triumph: the King received him, as if he had no other, contrary to our expectation. Brampore left almost empty under Chan Channa. I had sent to Asaph Chan, to excuse my not meeting him, for I was not able to stir, nor had no Present. All the great men, and the King's Mother, received him four Course off. I sent also some of my servants with my just excuse, which his pride only nodded at.  
The fifth, I received from Surat news of our ships arrival, the Admiral missing, and her Prize of Mosambique; 
English ships taken by the English: which might else have endangered their countrymen.  the rest well, who had taken two English Rovers, set out by () who were found in chase of the Queen Mother's ship returned from the Red-sea, which they fortunately rescued and brought safe in; if she had been taken, we had all been in trouble: with these the Companies Letter, in voice, instructions for Persia, and diverse other notes of advice, that by reason of the Admiral's absence: they knew not what course to take with the men of War. I dispeeded to Surat orders about all business, as appears in my Letters.  
The sixth, I road to visit the Prince, at his usual hour, to give him welcome, and to acquaint him with our business, determining to make offer of all respect to him, and to that end not to come empty handed, and bought a fine Chain of gold, China work. I sent in word; he returned that I should come next morning at Sun rise, when he sat to be worshipped, or stay till his riding to Court, which I must have done at his door. This I took in extreme scorn, 
The Prince's pride.  his Father never denying me access; and his Pride is such, as may teach Lucifer: which made me answer roundly, I was not his Slave, but a free Ambassador of a King, and that I would never more visit him, nor attend him, he had refused me justice; but at night I would see him with the King, to whom only I would address myself, and so departed.  
At night I went to the King, who received me graciously. I made a reverence to the Prince, but he would not once stir his head. Than I acquainted the King, that according to his order, I had brought an abstract of our ladings, desiring his command: after his manner he asked what and what, and was so wonderfully satisfied, especially with Arras, that he promised me all favour, all privileges, all that I would desire. He enquired for Dogs, which I could not answer, and for jewels, which I told him they were dearer in England then in India, at which he rested satisfied. I durst not name the Pearls for many reasons; if I had, our people had been waylaid for by the Prince, and such snatching, as I could not avoid infinite trouble: I knew I could bring them ashore, and to Court by stealth, that the lesser expected, the better welcome; but my main reason was, I would make a friend by them. Therefore when Asaph Chan pressed me to know, I desired him to make that answer of dearness, and that I would speak with him alone; he soon understood me, and made excuse.  
The King being well pleased, I thought it good time to move again for the debts; and having my Petition ready, opened it, and offered it up: the King not marking, others discovered what it was, and knew the King would be enraged that his order was neglected: whereat one stepped to me, and clapped down my hand gently, desiring me not to do so. I answered, Aradake Chan had absolutely refused me justice: at which he being by, came in, in much fear, calling Asaph Chan, desiring him to hinder me from complaint. I answered, our ships were arrived, and we could not forbear nor endure such delays: so they consulted together, and called the Cutwall, giving order to execute the King's command: who that night at midnight beset their Tents, and catched some of them, so that now we shall have reason.  
I had great thanks of all the Vmreys for protecting the Queen's ship, and our courtesy to their passengers, which they informed the King, who took it kindly, and they all promised that they were obliged to love our Nation, and would do them all service: but they wondered we could not govern our people, but that thiefs could come out, without the King's leave.  
At the Kings rising, Asaph Chan carried me with him to his retiring place, and there first we translated the Abstract into Persian, to show the King an hour after: in which I inserted the money with some addition, because the King might perceive was brought profit to his Dominions; next the cloth and sorts, than the fine wares in general: lastly the gross commodities, desiring his Majesty to order what he would buy, and to give us liberty for the rest. This finished, Asaph Chan renewed the reason why I would speak alone, bade me be free, vowed and protested such friendship as I never could expect. I replied, The reason why I desired it, was to ask his counsel: for it was true I had somewhat, but my usage last year was so bad, that I durst not trust any, but that he might see how I replied on him, I was willing on his oath to reveal it, which he presently gave. I told him I had a rich Pearl, and some other ropes fair: I knew not whether it was fit to tell the King, jest the Prince were displeased; I told him how in the morning I had been to visit him, and his discourtesy, and my resolution: but that I knew his favour was so necessary for us, that I hoped I might recover it, by this one respect that I kept the Pearl for him. This I said was my purpose and reason I concealed it; he was father in law to him, and favourite of the King; I was ready to please both, and desired his advice. He embraced me, and began: I had done discreetly, but I should acquaint neither: if I did, I should never want trouble: the King would use me well, but keep such a stir to see it, and get it into his hand, according to custom, and then I must sue for mine own. The Prince was ravenous and tyrannical, and wearied all Nations. He bade me steal all ashore, trust none, and shown me many conveyances; bade me observe the usage of the portugals, how they were ransacked, and desired to buy it, which if I would grant it, I should have money in deposito, what I should ask, and he would for this trust of him, solicit all my desires, that without him I could do nothing. Now was an opportunity to make a friend. I answered, I was willing, but I feared he would reveal it; which having received his oath, and a ceremony of covenant by crossing thumbs, we embraced: I promised to be directed by him, and he to do all that I required for the coming up of the rest; he would take order to give me Firmans, no man should touch any thing, bu● all come to me, to dispose of at pleasure. The Prince he would reconcile to me, and the next time he visited him, he would take me, and make him use me with all grace, and for other business it should not be in his power to cross me, but if he did, he would assign us a Syndie, which was in his government, or procure any other Port at my desire, and whatsoever I demanded should be performed faithfully. He also advised me to give his sister Normahall some toy; he said he would make the King give me money: to which I answered, I desire you to convert it into the well usage of my countrymen, I asked no more.  
Thus we rose, and he carried me in to the King, with the Note translated, who gave me all good usage: asked if the Arras were a Present: I answered yes, jest it should be seized, for the Prince was by. In conclusion, he said he would buy all the parcel of cloth, and many other things, appointing me to sand for it speedily; Asaph Chan to take order for a Firman from the Prince.  
Thus I had a good night, and I knew though they are all () yet in this he would deal truly, because it was to help himself, and durst not betray me till he had the Pearl, for fear to miss it, nor after, for having himself betrayed the Prince.   

§. IX. ASAPH CHAN seeketh to further us for hope of gain, so also NORMA●AL: Master STEELES arrival: Danger to the public, by private trade: Stirs about a Fort.  

Asaph Chans friendship for hope of gain.  THe twelfth, according to promise', Asaph Chan carried me to the Prince, into his private room, where I presented him with a small China Gold-chaine, in a China Cup, he used me indifferently: Asaph Chan persuaded him to altar his course towards us, telling him he gained yearly by us a Lecke of Rupias at his Port: that it appeared we yearly increased our trade, and it would in time bring profit; that if the hard measure were continued, we would quit both that and the Country, of which inconvenience would ensue. That we were his Subjects (such words he must use) if for desire of toys he gave us discontent, we would practise to conceal ●ll from him; but if he gave us that liberty which was fit, we would strive to bring all before him, for that I only studied his content and favour for my particular; that he should receive me, when I came to visit him with honour, and according to my quality, it would encourage me to do him service, and content my Nation. Finally, he moved him for a Firman for our present ease, and obtained it, promising all manner of content, and at instant gave order to Asaph Chan his Secretary, to draw it in every point according to my own desires, and to writ a Letter to the Governor in recommendations of it: and that I should at all times have any other Letter, w●en I called for it. It is easily seen with how base and unworthy men I traffic. Asaph Chan for a sordid hope only of buying some toys, was so reconciled, as to betray his son, and to me obsequious, even to flattery: for the ground of all this friendship was, that he might buy the Gold taken in the prize, and some other knacks: to which end he desired to sand down a servant, which I could not deny without losing him, I had so long laboured to get: neither was it ill for us, for his payment is good, and it will save us much charge and trouble to cell aboard, especially wine and luggish that spoils in carriage; and he obtained leave under false colours, and wrote to the Governor in our behalves, with all manner of kindness. There is a necessity of his friendship, his word is law, and therefore I durst not see his unworthiness, and hope by this course to win him, at lest to make present good use of him. Upon this occasion I moved for a Firman for Bengala, which he promised, and would never before harken to: and this effect of his greatness I found, that he prosecuted our debtors, as if his own: and passing by the Cutwa●●s on his Elephant, called to command dispatch, which was an unusual favour; upon which Groo was imprisoned, and Muckshu had two days liberty only to pay us; and I doubt not, but to end that in ten days, the sum being four and forty thousand Rupias, and the debtors most shifting false knaves in India.  
The one and twentieth, at this instant, came in to me from Asaph Chan, a servant, in the name of Normahal, that she had moved the Prince for another Firman, that all our goods might be in her protection, and that she had obtained it, and was ready to sand down her servant with that, to see and take order for our good establishment, that she would see that we should not be wronged. That Asaph Chan had done this for fear of the Prince's violence, and because of his delays▪ that now he was sure that his sister had desired to be our Protectress, that the Prince would not meddle, that upon his honour I should receive all things consigned to me; that she had written such a command, and charged her servant to assist our Factors, so that we should have never more 'cause to complain of Su●at. Therefore he desired of me two or three words to the Captain and Factors to use him kindly, and to let him buy for her some toys, such as I would spare. This I durst not deny, though I saw the greediness; and gave him a note on condition to see the Copy of the Firman which was sealed, and I could not without leave, and so he was dispeeded: but you may by this judge this place, how easy it were to raise a stock● last year, we were not looked after. Now because I translated the Cargazon of fine wares (yet concealed the Pearl) and gave it the King; every one is ready to run down to buy: Normahall and Asaph Chan studying to do me good offices; many great men desiring a letter to sand their servants down, so that if you had triple this stock, it would be bought up aboard, and save you custom, and carriage, and spoil: for which purpose out of this I have ordered your Factory to cell to the servants of Normahall and her brother, whatsoever may be spared, so that I may be fitted at Court in any proportion. Thus I shall save trouble and you charge, the Prince prevented, and our friends confirmed, and yet I hope sufficient for to please the King and his son: at the delivery of which Asaph Chan hath undertaken the Firman for Bengala, or any Port, and a general command and grant of free Privileges in all his Dominions.  
The four and twentieth, the King departed Mandoa four Course, and wandering in the hills, left us irresolute what way to take, no man knowing his purpose. The six and twentieth, I got a warrant for ten Camels at the King's price. The nine and twentieth, I removed after: forced away by the desolations of the place.  
The one and thirtieth, I arrived at the King's Tents, but found him gone with few company for ten days a hunting, no man to follow without leave, the Leskar divided and scattered into many parts, ill water, dear provisions, sickness and all sorts of calamity accompanying so infinite a multitude; yet nothing remooues him from following this monstrous appetite. Hear I understood the King's purpose was uncertain, whether for Agra or Guzerat; the latter given out; the former more probable, because his Council desired to be at rest: but that how ever for the dispatch of my business, seeing he would linger here about a month, I was advised, and thought it as fit to sand for the goods and Presents, as to defer it upon uncertainties, being that dispatched, I had hope of some quiet in this course: I wore out my body, being very weak, and not like to recover upon daily travel in the fields, with cold raw muddy water.  
The second of November, arrived Richard Steel and Master jackson, 
November 2.  with the Pearl and some other small matters stolen ashore, according to my order, 
Master Steeles projects questioned.  which I received and gave quittance for: with him I had conference about his projects, which because I would not rashly reject them, as he had set them afoot, after having made him see his fancies, and understand the quality of these people, how for the waterwork, if to be effected, it must be begun at our charge, and after trial, we shall not enjoy the profit, but the Naturals taught, and our people rejected; neither our commodity vented by it, for that the Lead will triple his price by portage over-land; and cannot be delivered at Agra so cheap as found there: yet I was content he should make trial for satisfaction by carrying his workmen to Amadavas, to meet me there, where by assistance of Mocrib Chan, who only is a friend to new inventions. I would make offer to the King of their industry, and make proof what conditions may be obtained; but in my judgement it is all money and labour cast away. The Company must shut their ears against these projectors, who have their own employments more in their ends, than their Master's profits: many things hold well in discourse, and in the theoric satisfy curious imaginations, but in practice and execution are found difficult and airy, especially to altar the constant received customs of Kingdoms, where some drink only rainwater, some of a holy River, some none but what is fetched by their own cost: his second of reducing the Caffilaes' and Merchants of Lahor and Agra, by the River Indus, that used to pass by Candahor into Persia, to transport by sea in our shipping for jasques or the Gulf, is a mere dream, some man in conference may wish it, but none ever practise it. The River is indifferently navigable down, but the mouth is the residence of the portugals, returns back against the stream very difficult. Finally, we must warrant their goods, which a Fleet will not do, neither did the Portugal ever lad or noise such goods but only for those of Sindie and Tatta, that traded by their own junckes, they gave a Cartas or Pass to secure them from their Frigates, and traded with them, for which they paid a small matter, and that only which came to the purses of the Grand of Diu, Damon and Ormus, or if all other difficulties were taken away, yet will the Lahornes never be drawn down, being that Caffila consists most of returning Persians and Armenians that knew the passage from jasques almost as bad, as from Candahor, and for that little on the Confines of Sinde not worth mentioning. Notwithstanding for his better satisfaction, I was content he should by experience learn his own errors, so it were not at the Companies charge, but I suppose he will let it fall, not knowing at which end to begin  
A third project for to join the Trade of the Read Sea with this, I recommended to him, for that it was already in use, and the peril for the Guzurats very apparent, therefore I doubted not some Merchants might be drawn to lad in our ships at freight, whereby we should make ourselves necessary friends to these people, supply our own defects, save export of moneys, and finally, for this year employ one ship of the old account that should return in September: and receive the proceed of the remains of this joint stock, which will be sufficient to re-lade a great ship, otherwise to transport it over will be extreme loss. This I opened and urged the consequence shown which way to effect it, and commended by him to the Commander, the Cape Merchant, and your Factors with all earnestness, as by my Letters appears. The consequence I will make evident in your profit, if they follow it, for were the goods and estate all my own, if I could not procure somewhat towards charge by freight from the Guzurats, yet having so many empty vessels for so small a stock, and two fallen into your hands of men of war, I had rather go empty, and for company with them, then to omit that: there are many chances in that Sea, and in the way her return only of our own remains, shall requited all forbearance; and be ready in time, for employed she must be if we intent to sand the rest upon this acco●nt, for that here is no harbourage at his arrival. I found him high in his conceits, having somewhat forgotten me, Master Kerridge and him at wars, which I endeavoured to temper on all parts, but for his Wife I dealt with him clearly, 
His Wife.  she could not stay with our safety, nor his Master's content; that he had ruined his fortunes, if by amendss he repaired it not; that she should no● travel nor live on the Companies Purse; 
Danger by bringing Wives.  I know the charge of women, that if he were content to live himself like a Merchant, as others did frugally, and to be ordered for the Companies service and to sand home his Wife, he was welcome: otherwise, I must take a course with both, against my nature. Having to this persuaded him, I likewise practised the discouragement of Captain Towerson about his Wife, (you know not the danger, the trouble, the inconvenience of granting these liberties) to effect this, I persuaded, Abraham his Father in Law, here to hold fast: I wrote to them the gripings of this Court, the small hope or relief from his alliance, who expected great matters from him. Finally, I persuaded his return quietly. To further this, I wrote to your chief Factor, that such things as he had brought and were vendible, should be brought to your use by Bill of exchange to such profit for him, as both might save; and this inconvenience you bring on yourselves by liberties unreasonable. But to take tye of his trash to lie upon your hands, upon any condition I did prohibit.  
I found by your Letter your strict command in private Trade, as well for your own Servants as others, whereby I collect, you mean not that he shall have that liberty he expects, for he is furnished for above one thousand pound sterling, 
Public loss by private Trade.  first penny here, and Steel at lest two hundred pound, which he presumes sending home his Wife, his credit and merit is so good towards you, that you will admit in this case to be rid of such cattles, I will not buy, but order that it be marked and consigned to you, that you may measure your own hand. You discourage all your old Servants, some may do all things for fair words, some nothing for good actions: I could instance some gone home two years since, that only employed their own stock, did no other business, and live now at home in pleasure, others that raise their fortune upon your moneys, from Port to Port, and return rich and unquestioned. Last year a Mariner had six and twenty Churls of Indigo, others many Farthels, a third seven thousand Mamudes, first penny in Baroach, 
The names are omitted.  Bastaes', chosen apart, for he invested your moneys, and it is probable he chose not the worst for himself: a fourth, above one hundred and fifty pound first penny. These I mention not for spite, but to move you to equality, neither by their example these may escape, for they swallow you up, but that an indifferent restraint be executed upon all.  
For the effecting of all these purposes, the sending home the woman and the prosecution of the Read Sea, I sand back Richard Steel with orders to Surat, having altered my purpose of the goods and Presents from the Leskar, it being declared that the King will for Guzurat, where I have appointed Richard Steel, after having dispatched other matters, to meet with them and his Engineers. 
Inventory of the goods in the men of War.  I also sent my advice and directions to Captain Pring, to take an Inventory of all the moneys and goods in the two men of War, to make it over to your stock and land it, to cell or dispose of the ships, as his occasion shall require, the moneys, if sold, to be put to stock, to grant passage to some of the Chiefs, to entertain the rest and to refer it to you at home, whom you will deal with the Owners that set them out. My opinion is peremptory, that their surprise is just and justifiable, all their goods forfeited: if you will restore any thing, at your courtesy; but with the more rigour you deal with these, the better example you will leave for such barbarous Piracies: for if this course be practised, take your leave of all Trade about Surat, and the Read Sea, and let the Company of Turkey stand clear of the Grand Signors revenge, and we here must expect cold Irons.  
The sixth, I went to Asaph Chans, having received his Pass, unto whom I shown the Pearl according to promise, though the sorts fit not the Country just as I was informed hereafter, yet their performance with him gave him such content, that I am confident, I may use Pharaohs words, The Land is before you, devil where you will, you and your Servants: for the price we talked not, but he vowed such secrecy: and for my sake, who have showed this confidence in him, he will give more than their worth, 
Normahal a friend to the English.  and not return on●, and pay ready money, of which he professeth not to want, and to lend me what I want: his Sister I have promised to visit, whom he hath made our protectress, and briefly whatsoever contentment words can bring I receive, and some good effects. When the Presents arrive, assure you I will not be liberal to your loss, little shall serve. Asaph Chan admonisheth me himself, so they came with somewhat to induce them, as well accepted, bought as given: experience of others makes me to approve of this doctrine.  
Finishing these compliments with him in his Bedchamber, he rose to Dinner having invited me and my people: but he and friends dined without, appointing me a mess with him apart, for they eat not willingly with us: where I had good cheer and well attended; the reversion for my servants.  
After dinner, I moved Groos debt, told him the delays. He answered, I should not open my lips, he had undertaken it, that Groo by his means was finishing accounts with a jeweller; that he had ordered, as money was paid, it should rest in the Cutwalls hand for us; which I found true: and the Cutwall promised to finish it in three days, desiring me to sand no more to Asaph Chan.  
I cannot omit a baseness or favour, according as you will interpret it. The King when his Prisons are full of condemned men, some he commands to be executed, some he sends to his Vmraes to redeem at a price: this he esteems as a courtesy, to give means to exercise charity, but he takes the money, and so sells the virtue.  
About a month before our remove he sent to me, to buy three Abassines (for forty Rupias a man) whom they suppose all Christians. I answered, I could not buy men as Slaves, 
Redeeming of Prisoners.  as others did, and so had profit for their money, but in charity I would give twenty Rupias a piece to save their lives, and give them liberty. The King took my answer well, and bade them to be sent me. They expected money, and I was not hasty; hearing no more of it, 
Dixit & edictum est: fatur & est fatum.  I hoped it had been forgotten: but his words are written Decrees. This night the Officers seeing I sent not, delivered the Prisoners into my Procuradors' power, and took his Sc●eete for sixty Rupias, which at my return I paid, and freed the Slaves.  
The tenth, I visited Asaph Chan, having received advice from Surat of a new Firman, come down to disarrive all the English, and some other restrictions of their liberty: 
Causeless jealousies touching a Fort▪  upon a complaint made to the Prince, that we intended to build a Fort at Swally, and that our ships were laden with Brick and Lime for that end: which suspicion arose only by bringing a few on shore to sound the ships bell: yet the Alarm came to Court so hot, that I was called to answer; which when I made it appear how absurd the fear was, how dishonourable for the King, how unfit the place for us, without water or harbourage: yet the jealousy was so strongly imprinted, because formerly I had demanded a River by Goya for that end, that I could hardly persuade the Prince we intended not some surprise. By this you may judge, how easy it were to get a Port for ourselves, if you affected it, which I can, neither so profitable for you, nor a place tenable. Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and a Had●ey of horse sent down to see it effected. The disarming of our men, being all that our peopled stomached, though it was only to leave their weapons in the Customhouse, and that only of the ships company, though it were quieter for us, except they were often more civil: yet I told Asaph Chan we would not endure the slavery, nor I stay in the Country, that one day the Prince sent a Firman for our good usage and grant of Privileges, the next day countermanded it; that there was no faith nor honour in such proceed, neither could I answer my residence longer. He replied, at night he would move the King, before the Prince, and give me answer.  
The thirteenth, I revisited Asaph Chan: he told me wondrous matters of the King's affection to my Sovereign, to my Nation, and to me; that he had ventured the Princes disfavour for our sakes, and had full promise for a new reformation: but because he feared the Prince's dealing, he gave me this assurance, that he would take the Prigany of Surat, which the Prince must leave, being made Governor of Amadavas, Cambaya, and that Territorie: and to give me satisfaction that he had not dissembled with me, he desired me to come at night to Court, and bring the King my Master's Letter and the translation, the opportunity was fair to deliver it: upon the occasion of which, he bade me persist in my complaints, and offer to take leave; I should then see what he would say for us, and so I should believe myself. At evening I went to the King, it being a very full Court, and presented my Letter, which (the King sitting on the ground) was laid before him; and he busy, took no great notice. Asaph Chan whispered his Father in the ●are, desiring him to read the Letter, and to ass●st us, for that he might better begin that then himself. Etimon Dowlet took up both Letters, gave the English to the King, and read the translated; to which when the King had answered many words of complaint, 
Etimon Dow●et ●or the English▪  to that point of procuring our quiet Trade▪ by his authority among the Portugal●, he demanded if he would make peace. I answered, his Majesty knew long since, I offered to be governed by him, and referred it to his wisdom, and had expected his pleasure: he replied▪ he would undertake absolutely to accord us, and to make agreement in his Seas, which he would by answer to my Master's Letters signify, and therein give him content in all other his friendly desires. Notwithstanding, I demanded 〈…〉 to Amadavas to meet the King's Presents and to prepare for my return. Upon which mo●ion, the question grew between the King and the Prince, who complained that he had no pro●●● by us, ●nd that he was content to be rid of us Asaph Chan took the t●rne, and very roundly told the King, that we brought both prof●t to the P●rt, to the Kingdom, and 〈◊〉▪ that we wer● 〈…〉 by the Prince's seruan●s, and that it was not poss●ble for us to reside without amendss▪ it were 〈…〉 his Majesty ●o licence us, then to entreat us so discourteously, f●r it wo●l● be the end. Th● Prince replied very choler●ckly, that ●e had never done us wrong, and had lately given me a Firman at his entreaty. He replies, It is true, you gave a Firman to his content, and in ten days sent another, in effect, to contradict it, that he stood surety between both, had undertaken from the Prince's mouth our redress, but now he had the shame and dishonour of it: that he aught me nothing, nor I him; he spoke for no ends, but for the King's Honour and justice, in that which he said that he did us no wrong, he must appeal to me, who complained that our goods were taken by force, that two years past Rulph had begun it, would never pay us, and his Officers continued every shipping; that if the Prince were weary of us, he might turn us out, but then he must expect we would do our own justice upon the Seas. He demanded if the King or Prince gave me means to eat, or who did? That I was an Ambassador and a stranger, that lived and followed the King at great charge; that if our goods were forced, and after we could get neither goods nor money, how should I live and maintain myself.  
This delivered with some heat, the King catched the word, Force, Force, redoubling it to his son, and gave him sharp reprehension: the Prince promised to see me paid all; that he had taken nothing, but only caused the Presents to be sealed, because his Officers had no Custom, and desired to have them opened before him, I absolutely refused it: also I told the King, I would only do my duty to my Master, in delivering his Presents free, after I would give the Prince all content.  
Etimon Dowlet, who is always indifferent, and now by his son made our friend, whispered with the King, and read a clause or two in my Master's Letter; at which the King made his son rise and stand aside. Asaph Chan joined in this private conference (which they told me was for my good) and in conclu●●on the Prince was called, commanded to suffer all the goods to come to my hands quietly, to give me such priu●ledges as were fit, which Asaph Chan should propound. The Prince would not yield the Presents, except Asaph Chan would stand surety that he should have a share, which he did; and then we all agreed upon that point. The King giving me many good words, and two pieces of his Pawn out of his dish, to eat of the same he was eating. Than I took leave to go to Amadavas, to meet the Presents, and so we parted. At night I set on my journey, leaving my Tents, supposing the next day to reach the City, but I road two nights, a day and a half with one bait upon straw, and the fifteenth at noon arrived at Amadavas.  

januarie 8. Words betwixt the Prince and the Ambassador about Presents.  The eight of januarie, there was some question about Presents, the Prince ask for them; I answered, they were ready, if he pleased to receive his. Than he demanded, why I broke his seals? I told him, it was dishonourable for me to bring a King's gifts in bonds, and great discourtesy to set seals upon them: I expected and attended his licence twenty days, but seeing no hope, I was enforced to do it. Some heat began: at which appeared a Gentleman of the Kings, who was sent to observe the passage, and to stickle, and told us both▪ the King commanded we should come before him at a Garden, where he sat, a Course out of Town, upon the River. So the Prince took his Palankee, and I a Coach, well attended by servants both of father and son. When I came to the gates the Women were entering, and then no man can but the Prince; who made within a bitter complaint against me, that I had dared to cut his seals, and to take out what I list. Asaph Chan was called for, who was my surety, and the Prince laid it on him: he, as the custom is, denied it, excused himself, yet I had not accused him, but took it upon me, as knowing myself better able to bear it, and that he would deny it. Than I was sent for to the waterside, where the King sat privately, where I entered, with me the Presents; but the King was within amongst his Women. Asaph Chan chafed at me, for breaking his word, told me, the Prince had shamed him: I replied by jaddow, You know I had your consent, this man is witness; 
Custom to disavow the King's word, if he will not acknowledge it, 〈…〉; Negat, ●ego.  he denied it to us both: I replied, Though I would not cast it upon him, it was true, for I had witness; jaddow would not return the answer, but told me he might not tell him he lied to his face: and this is usual, if any command come from the King that he forgets, he that brought the message will disavow it. I bore up as high as I could; the great men told me it was a great affront, no man durst do such a thing; others smiled: I answered, Not so great as the Prince had done me often. Thus we spent the day, and the King appeared not, but privately stole away, leaving us all sitting in expectance.  
At night word came the King was gone, and I offered to go home, but was so well attended, I could not but by force: in the way new messengers came to seek me, and I arrived back at the King's Court, not having eaten or drunk; but the King was not come in, nor could I get lose of my attendants, but they used me very respectfully, we sat an hour. Suddenly news came to put out all lights, the King was come, who entered on an open Wagon, with his Normahall, drawn by Bullocks, himself Carter, and no man near. When he and his Women were housed, 
The King's Chariot drawn by Bullocks.  the Prince came in a horseback, and entering in, called for me: I found them alone with two or three 
* Eunuches.  Capons, and about midnight the King set on it an angry countenance, told me I had broken my word, that he would trust me no more, (the Prince had desired him to do so:) I answered as roundly, I held it fit to give freely, I had done nothing of offence in my own judgement; if their customs were other, it was ignorance, and I must be pardoned; we had many disputes: at last, the Prince interposed, offered his friendship, and we were all reconciled fully, and promises too large. Than I opened the Chests, gave the King his Presents, the Prince his, and sent in that for Normahall: we were above two hours in viewing them. The Arras he took well, but said it was course, desired to have a Suit of such, as the sweet Bag: and we concluded that in the morning I should come to the Prince, that he should be my Protector and Procurator, the goods except. Three things more than Presents were there returned me: for those three the Prince told me he would pay, seeing his father took them.  
The tenth, I went to the Prince, was received with all favour, had order for a Firman for the man murdered, a declaration of his reconcilement in public, command to all his Officers to take knowledge, and to his chief Raia to be my Procurator, and to draw what Firmans so ever I desired. I presented Captain Towerson and some English, whom he used with grace, and for a sign of this peace, gave me a Colth of silver cloak, and promised to be the Protector of our Nation in all things. I told him of Master Steele and his Workmen: he desired me to bring a small Present to his father at night, he would present them, which I did. He kept his word, and spoke for us to him, who was willing enough. I presented Captain Towerson to the King, who called for him up, and after a few questions rose. At the Gushel Choes, I presented Master Steele and his Workmen: the King sat in a Hat I gave him all night, called for Master Paynter, and after much Discourse, gave him ten pounds, and promised to entertain the rest.  
The thirteenth, the Dutch came to Court with a great Present of China ware, Sanders, 
Present of the Dutch.  Parrots and Cloaves; but were not suffered to come near the third degree: at last the Prince asked me who they were: I replied, The Hollanders, resident in Surat. He demanded if they were our friends: I replied, they were a Nation depending on the King of England, but not welcome in all places; their business I knew not. He said, for being our friends, I should call them up, and so I was enforced to sand for them to deliver their Present: they were placed by our Merchants, without any speech or further conference. Finally, I had all granted I desired, I attend the performance and money: and thus I conclude, that without this contestation I had never gotten any thing; for I told the Prince's Messenger in the presence of all the English, that if he used force to me or my goods, he might do his pleasure, but it should cost blood: that I would set my Chop upon his Master's ship, and sand her for England.  
The eighteenth, I received from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge and Howard, 
Spragge and Howard accused▪  at Brampoore, their house and goods seized, their lives in question, for drinking with the Cutwall in their house, that one of the Cutwalls men died that night; upon which they stand accused of Poison: and the Cutwall to free himself of coming into the house, pretended that he came to fetch a man's wife away from Thomas Spragge. What the truth is I know not: Information is come to the King against them: and I went to the Prince, who undertook all my causes: but could not speak with him: with the same came complaint of a force used to the Caffila upon the way, notwithstanding the Firman sent by the Raia of the Country, in both which to night I will make petition to the King. My toil with barbarous unjust people is beyond patience: at the Princes I found the Firman promised, drawn, but half the conditions agreed on left out, upon which I refused it, and desired nothing but leave to departed to treat with these in the Sea.  
The one and twentieth, a command to free the English, and their goods, and that if the Moor came into their house to drink, if they killed him with a Dagger, he had his just reward. The second to Raia Partapshaw, to repay us all exactions whatsoever, not to take hereafter any duty upon the way towards his Port; and in case of failing, that he would deliver his son into my hands; he further ordered the delivery of the Firman for Surat, the Articles by me demanded, and to pay us all our debts of Surat, and to cut it off upon his Mancipdaries, that had taken that, without delay, he called to accounted his old Customers, charged the new to use us as his friends, showed as much favour publicly as I could require. I moved expedition; he replied, To morrow by nine in the morning all should be delivered into my hands.  
The two and twentieth, I went myself to receive them; and carried the Merchants, with some Pearl, that the Prince had been instant to see, pretended to be Master Towersons: but he had received some uncertain information of Pearls, to the value of twenty or thirty thousand pound, which he hoped to draw from us. When his Secretary saw the small sorts, he replied, the Prince had Mands of these: if we brought no better commodity, we might be gone, he cared not for our custom: how basely false, and covetous are those of jewels, you may judge. I undertook reply, that I had procured those from a Gentle woman to satisfy them; if they liked them not, they could not be made better, it was incivility to be angry with Merchants for their good will, but told him I came for my Firmans, and expected them: I was answered, we had deceived their hopes, and the Prince would deceive ours; Firman I should have none, I had asked leave to departed, I might come and take leave when I pleased. I answered, nothing contented me more, but that I would visit their unjustice in an indifferent place; that I would speak with the King, and depend no more on them, for I saw all was covetousness and unworthiness: so I rose and parted; but he recalled me to come to the King and Prince together the next day, I should have content.  
ANd now Reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busy spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour; and some perhaps wishing they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into Extracts of those things out of it, which I conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself could have wished it, but neither with the Honourable Company, nor elsewhere could learn of it: the worthy Knight himself being now employed in like Honourable Embassage from his Majesty to the Great Turk. Yet to supply the defect of the journal, I have given thee the Chorography of the Country. Certain Letters of his, written thence to his Honourable Lords and friends in England, out of all which well wrought on by an understanding spirit, may be ●ewed and framed a delightful Commentary of the Mogoll and his Subjects. Take them therefore Reader, and use them as a Prospective Glass, by which thou mayst take easy and near view of those remote Regions, People, Rites, Religions.  
And first here follows a description of the Country both by Map and Writing, and after them the Letters pa●sing mutually betwixt his Majesty and the Mogoll, and lastly, those of Sir Thomas Roe aforesaid.   

§. X. The several Kingdoms and Provinces subject to the Great Mogoll SHARKWELL SELIM GEHANGIER, with the Principal Cities and Rivers, the situation and borders, and extent in length and breadth, as near as by description I could gather them. The names I took out of the King's Register: I begin at the Northwest.  
1. CAndahar, the chief City so called, lies from the heart of all his Territory Northwest, confines with the Shabas, and was a Province of Persia.  
2. Tata, the chief City so called, is divided by the River Indus, which falls into the Sea at Sindu, and lies from Candahar South, from the middle of which, I suppose Agra West, somewhat Southerly.  
3. Buckar, the chief City so callest, Buckar Suckar, lies upon the River Sindu or Indus, to the Northward, somewhat Easterly of Tata, and West Confines upon the Baloaches, a kind of rude Warlike people.  
4. Multan, the chief City so called lying also upon Indus, East from Candahar, North from Bu●kar.  
5. Haagickan, the Kingdom of the Boloaches, to the West of Tata and Bachar, and confines West upon the Kingdom of Lar, subject to the Shabas. Indus windeth itself into the Easter-side of it, it hath no renowned City.  
6. Cabull, the City so called, a great Kingdom, the Northermost of this Emperor's Dominions, and confineth with Tartary.  
7. K●shmier, the chief City is called Sirivaker, the River of Bhat passeth through it, and findeth the Sea by G●●ges, or some say of itself in the North part of the Bay of Bengala, it bordereth Cabul to the East Southerly, it is all Mountains.  
8. Bankish, the chief City is called Beishar.  
9 Atack, the chief City so called, it lieth on one side the River Nilab, which runneth the Northwest into the River Indus.  
10. The Kingdom of the Kataries, lies at the foot of the Mountains: it hath principal Cities, Dankely and Purhola, it bordereth North-east on Kishimer,  
11. Pen-lab, which signifieth five waters, for that it is seated within five Rivers. The chief City is called Lahor, it is a great Kingdom and most fruitful, the City is the Mart of India for Traffic, it borders North-east on Multan.  
12. janba, ●he chief City so called: it lieth East on Pen-lab, it is very mountainous.  
13. Peitan, the chief City so called, it lieth East of jenba, and from the Northwest Bengala it is full of Mountains.  
14. Nakarkut, the cliefe City so called, the North Eastermost confine of Mogor, it lies to the North-east of the head of the B●y of Bengala, it is very mountainous.  
15. Siba, the chief City so called, it borders with Nakarkut Southerly, it is all Mountainous.  
16. jesuall, the chief City so called Ragepar, it bordereth with Bengala Southeast North, and with Siba and Nakarkat, it is full of Mountains.  
18. Mevat, the chief City called Narnol, it lieth on the East of Ganges.  
19 Sanball, the chief City so called: it lieth between Ganges and jemui to the Northwest of their meeting.  
20. Bakar, the chief City is called Bikaneer, it bordereth Northwest on Ganges.  
21. Agra, a principal and great Kingdom, the City so called, the heart of the Mogolls Territorie, in North latitude about twenty eight degrees and an half: it lieth most on the South-west-side of jemui, the City upon the River, where one of the Emperor's Treasuries are kept. From Agra to Lahor, being three hundred and twenty Course, which is not less than seven hundred miles, it is all a plain, and the highway planted on both sides with trees like a delicate walk: it is one of the great works and wonders of the World.  
22. jenupar, the City so called, upon the River of Kaul, which I suppose to be one of the five Rivers enclosing Lahor, and the Country lieth between it and Agra, Northwest from one, Southeast from the other.  
23. Banda, the chief City so called, it confineth Agra to the West.  
24. Patna, the chief City so called, it is enclosed by four great Rivers; Ganges, jemna, Serseli, and Kanda, so that it lieth from Agra Southeast towards the Bay of Bengala, where all these pay Tribute.  
25. Gour, the chief City so called, it lieth toward the head of Ganges.  
26. Bengala, A mighty Kingdom enclosing the Westside of the Bay on the North, and windeth South-westerly, it bordereth on Cormandell, and the chief Cities are Ragmehhell and Dekaka, there are many havens, as Port Grand, Port Pequina, traded by the Portugals, Philipatan, Satigam, it containeth diverse Provinces, as that of Purp and Patan.  
27. Roch, It hath no City of note, and bordereth on the South-west, East of Bengala and the Bay.  
28. Vdeza, the chief City jekanat, it is the utmost East of the Mogul's Territoritie beyond the Bay, and confined with the Kingdom of Maug, a savage people lying between Vdeza and Pegu.  
29. Canduana, the chief City is called Kerhakatenkah, it lieth South-west of the South of Bengala.  
30. Kualiar, the chief City so called, it lieth to the Southeast of Kanduana, and bordereth on Burhampur.  
31. Chandes, the chief City called Burhampur, a great Kingdom, one of the ancient seats of Decan, and conquered from them, it lieth East on Guzarat, South of Chitor, West of Decan, and it is watered with the River Tabeti, which falleth West into the Bay of Cambaya, it is now the seat of the Decan.  
32. Malua, the chief Cities called Vgen, Narr, and Sering, it lieth West of Chandes, between that and the Country of Ranna, on the East of the River Sapra, which falls into the Bay of Cambaya, not fare from Surat.  
33. Berar, the chief City is called Shahpur, it bordereth on Guzerat, and the hills of Ranna.  
34. Guzerat, A goodly Kingdom enclosing the Bay of Cambaya, the chief City is Amadavar, it contains the City and Government of Cambaya, the beauty of India, the Territory and City of Surat, and Baroach: it is watered with many goodly Rivers, as that of Cambaya falsely supposed to be Indus, the River of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Baroach, that of Surat, and diverse others, it trades to the Read Sea, to Achin, and many places.  
35. Soret, the chief City called Ganagar, it lieth to the Northwest of Guzerat.  
36. Naruar, the chief City called Ghehud, lieth South-west from Chitor.  
37. Chitor, an ancient great Kingdom, the City so called on a mighty hill, walled about ten English miles. There stands yet above an hundred Churches, the Palace of the King, many brave Pillars of carved stone. There is but one ascent cut out of the Rock, passing four magnificent gates, there remain the ruins of an hundred thousand houses of stone. It is habited, it was doubtless one of the seats of Porus, and was won from Ranna, his issue by Ecbarshaw the last Mogoll. Ranna flying into the strength of his Kingdom among the Mountains, seated himself at Odepoore, who was brought to acknowledge the mogul for his Superior Lord, by Sultan Caronne, third son of the present Emperor, in the year 1614 This Kingdom lieth Northwest from Chandes, and North-east from the Northwest of Guzerat, in the way between Agra and Surat: Ranna himself keeps the hills to the West, near Amadavar.  
The length 
* Let not the diversity of names trouble any in so remote tongues and differing pronuntiations: if any other difficulties happen in comparing this discourse with the Map or Relations I confess, I would have fought better to satisfy myself, if Sir T. Roe had been at home. As for Courses they are diversely taken (as Southern and Northern miles with us) in some places longer, in oth●rs shorter, which causeth scruple in the computation.  is Northwest to Southeast. From Chandahar to Lahor, three hundred and fifty Courses, about eight hundred miles.  
From Lahor to Agra, three hundred and twenty Courses, about seven hundred fifty two miles.  
From Agra to Hhagipierpatua three hundred Courses, about six hundred and eighty miles.  
From Hhagipurpatua to Kirasunder, three hundred Courses, about six hundred and seventy miles.  
In all, Courses one thousand two hundred and seventy. Miles, about two thousand, eight hundred seventy two.  
The breadth in all is North-east to South-west from Harduar to Duarsa, six hundred and fifty Courses, about fifteen hundred miles.  
The King's Letters sent to Selim Shagh the Great Mogor, in the year 1614 by Sir Thomas Roe.  
JAMES, by the Grace of Almighty God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the Christian Faith, etc.  
To the high and mighty Monarch the Great Mogor, King of the Oriental Indieses, of Chandahar, of Chismer and Corazon, etc. Greeting.  
We having notice of your great favour toward Us and Our Subjects, by Your Great Firma to all Your Captains of Rivers, and Officers of Your Customs, for the entertainment of Our lovings Subjects the English Nation with all kind respect, at what time soever they shall arrive at any of the Ports within You● Dominions, and that they may have quiet Trade and Commerce without any kind of hindrance or molestation, etc. As by the Articles concluded by Suc Suff Governor of the Guzerats, in Your Name, with Our loving Subject Captain Thomas Best appeareth: Have thought it meet to sand unto You Our Ambassador, which may more fully and at large handle and treat of such matters as are fit to be considered of, concerning that good and friendly correspondence, which is so lately begun between Us: and which will without doubt redound to the honour and utility of both Nations. In which consideration, and for the furthering of such laudable Commerce, We have made choice of Sir Thomas Roe Knight, one of the principal Gentlemen of Our Court, to whom We have given Commission under Our Great Seal of England, together with directions and instructions further to treat of such matters as may be for the continuance and increase of the utility and profit of each others Subjects: to whom We pray You to give favour and credit in whatsoever He shall move or propound toward the establishing and enlarging of the same. And for confirmation of our good inclination, and wel-wishing toward You, We pray You to accept in good part the Present, which our said Ambassador will deliver unto You, And so do commit You to the merciful protection of Almighty God.  
A Copy of the Grand Moghor his Letter to the King.  
Unto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors, bred in Military Affairs, and clothed with Honour and justice,  
A Commander worthy of all command, strong and constant in Religion, which the great Prophet Christ did teach, King JAMES, whose love hath bred such impression in my thoughts, as shall never be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose beauty and odour is still increasing so be assured my love shall grow and increase with yours.  
YOur Letter which you sent me in the behalf of your Merchants, I have received, whereby I rest satisfied in Your tender love towards me; and desire You not to take it ill, for not having writ unto You heretofore: for this my present Letter, I sand to renew Our loves, & herewith do certify You, that I have sent forth my Firmaunds thorough all my Countries to this effect, that if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports, my people shall permit and suffer them to do what they will freely in their Merchandizing causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasions of injuries that shall be offered them, and that the lest cause of discourtesy be not done unto them, as also that they be as free and freer than my own people. And as now and formerly I have received from You diverse Tokens of Your love: so I desire your mindfulness of me by some Novelties from Your Country, as an Argument of friendship between Us: for such is the custom of Princes here.  
As for your Merchants, I have given express order through all my Country, to suffer them to cell, buy, transport, and carry away at their pleasures, without the let or hindrance of any person whatsoever, all such Goods and Merchandise, or other things, as they shall desire to buy, and let this my Letter as fully satisfy You in the desired peace and love, as if my own son had been the Messenger to ratify the same. And if any in my Country not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other voided of Religion, should endeavour, or be an Instrument to break this league of friendship; I would sand my son Sultan Coronne, a Soldier approved in the Wars, to cut him off, that no Obstacle may hinder the continuance, and increasing of Our affections.  
MY Lord, only for promise, which is an honest debt, 
This Letter I found amongst Master Hak. his Papers, as the two former: the rest are transcribed from Sir T. Roes own Book. No law but the King's word. See of these things Captain Hawkins large relations.  I sand your Lordship a journal till my arrival at Brampore, a City of houses made of mud, where one of the King's sons keepeth his Court. He is called Perueys. I had need to writ an Apology for it, there being nothing of worth, nothing memorable; and yet not my fault: but I had rather trust your Nobleness, then trouble you with excuses, and so descend to a more universal description of the state and customs of the Land.  
They have no written Law. The King by his own word ruleth, and his Governors of Provinces by that authorit●e.  
Once a week he sitteth in judgement patiently, and giveth sentence for crimes Capital and Civil. He is every man's heir when he dyeth, which maketh him rich, and the Country so evil builded. The great men about him are not borne Noble, but Favourites raised: to whom he giveth (if it be true) wonderful means. They are reckoned by Horses: that is to say, Colonels of twelve thousand Horses; which is the greatest, whereof are four, besides his sons and wife: so descending to twenty Horses; not that any of these are bound to keep, or raise any at all. But the King assigneth them so much land, as is bound to maintain so many Horses as a rent, each horse at five and twenty pounds sterling by the year, which is an incredible Revenue given away: so many, (that is, almost all, but the Ploughman, Artificers, and Tradesmen in Towns) living upon it. But as they die, and must needs gather, so it returneth to the King like Rivers to the sea, both of those he gave to, and of those that have gained by their own industry. But for the most part he leaveth the widows and children their horses, stuff, and some other stock; and then putteth them into a Signiory (if the fathers were of six or seven thousand horses) perhaps of a thousand or five hundred: and so setteth them to begin the world anew, and advanceth them as they deserve of him. They all rise by presenting him, which they strive to do both richly and rarely: 
Presents of an hundred thousand pounds.  some giving a hundred thousand pounds in jewels at a time.  
He hath one beloved wife among four, that wholly governeth him. He received lately a Present from the King of Bisa●pore, to obtain peace, (whose Ambassador knocked his head three times against the ground) of six and thirty Elephants, of two whereof the chains and all tackles were of beaten Gold, to the weight of four hundred pounds, two of silver, of the same fashion; the rest of Copper: fifty Horses richly furnished, and ten Leeks of Rupias in jewels, great Pearls, and Balasse Rubies. Every Lecke is an hundred thousand Rupias; every Rupia two shillings six pence sterling; 
Some say two shillings, some two shillings three pence. The Mogolls greatness.  so ten Leeks is a Million of Rupias.  
His Territory is fare greater than the Persians', and almost equal, if not as great as the Turks. His means of money▪ by revenue, custom of Presents, and inheriting all men's goods, above both. His Country lieth West to Sinde, and so stretcheth to Candahar, and to the Mountains of Taurus North. To the East as fare as the utmost parts of Bengala, and the borders of Ganges: and South to Decan, it is two thousand miles square at the lest, but hath many petty Kings within, that are Tributaries.  
The true descended heir of Porus, that was overcome by Alexander, called Ranna, 
Heir of Porus.  is lately conquered, more by composition then force: the King having rather bought him then won him, and hereby no way augmented his Revenue, but given a great Pension to him. His Country I crossed, between this Town of Asmere and Brampore. Cetor having been anciently the chief Town, 
Cetor a great ruined City.  and surely standing on an hill, steep as a Rock▪ some fifteen miles about, that is all walled: the City within, but with one ascent, and five admirable gates in the ascent, all ruined and no person dwelling. But there stand an hundred Muschees, many Lanterns, and such reverend and brave Relics of Imagery and carved works, 
An hundred Muschees, or Mahometan Temples.  that few or hardly any where can be equalled. In general, all the old Cities are beaten down; by what policy I understand not: but the King seeketh the ruin of any thing not begun by his Ancestors: so that all the Land hath not an house fit for a Cottager, but in such Cities as he favoureth. Surat is best builded of any: and in old time they in these parts made mighty works, which every day decay. At Surat there is a Tanke for water of freestone, in a polygon form, of above an hundred sides, every side eight and twenty yards: it hath stairs on every side for men to descend, and many stops for horses. It is a wondrous work, both for the hugeness, and for the brave building.  
I have now on the Court to touch, and mine entertainment. The King never used any Ambassador with so much respect: without any dispute giving me leave to use mine own customs; 
His entertainment at Court.  not requiring that of me, which he useth of the Persian. He presented me with a welcome before I spoke; and said the King and he were brothers, with many other courteous words. I having been sick, he offered me Physicians. He took the Presents in good part, and was so fond of the Coach, that at night in his Court he got into it, and made two or three of my men draw him a little in it. He is very affable, and of a cheerful countenance, without pride. Three times a day he sitteth out in three places: 
The Kings sitting three times a day.  Once to see his Elephants and beasts fight▪ about noon: After, from four to five or six, to entertain all that visit him. At night from nine till midnight, with all his great men, but none else, where he is below with them, in all familiarity. I visited him in the second of these, where I found him in a Court, set above like a King in a Play, and all his Nobles and myself below on a stage covered with carpets; a just Theatre: with no great state, but the Canopies over his head, and two standing on the heads of two wooden Elephants, to beaten away flies. They wear nothing but Calicoes, but are ever attendant.  
The great men ride in Trains, some two hundred, some five hundred Footmen following them, 
The Grande●.  and 〈◊〉 or five Banners carried before th●m; and an hundred or two hundred Horses after them. This is all their pride. They keep their Horses most delicately, fed with Butter and Sugar: and though they be not very great, yet they are of delicate shape, both of Persia, Arabs, and of this Land.  


Falsehood of Maps.  
In●us, ●hie●e mouth at S●nde   I have one Observation more to make of the falseness of our Maps, both of Mercator, and all others, and their ignorance in this Country. First, the famous River Indus doth not empty himself into the Sea at Cambaya, as his chief mouth, but at Sinde. My reason is, Lahor stands upon Indus: from whence to Sinde it is navigable; to Cambaya not so. Lahor in the Maps is also falsely set down, it lying North from Surat above a thousand miles: the City where the King's ordinary residence is, Agra, not described at all; 
Asmere.  but it standeth North North-east from Surat on a River, that falls into Ganges. But the King now resideth in a base old City, wherein is no house but of mud, not so great as a Cottage on Hownslo-heath: only himself hath one of stone. His Lords live in Tents: and I have suddenly built to my mud walls, upon canes, a dozen thatched rooms. This Town is short of Agra ten day's journey, two hundred miles, which standeth from hence North North-east. This place is from Bramport North four hundred and fifty miles. Bramport from Surat East above two hundred miles. The latitude near five and twenty degrees.  
Thus, my Lord, I have said somewhat, but to little purpose, I forget not some Books for you: but Loadstones here are none: They are in the fare East Countries: neither is there any correspondence with China. 

No correspondence with China.  
News of Persia. Vsbec, Tartars.   To Persia, and so to Aleppo there go Caravans: to Cathaya none.  
Hear is no news but of Persia. The King hath taken away water and relief from Ormus, and banished the Portugals his Territories. He hath lately overrun the poor Georgians with fire and sword: and being of an unquiet nature intendeth the conquest of the Vsbiques, a Nation between Samarchand and him, which he aims at. He lately struck off his son's head with his own hand. He is favoured and feared of the Mogoll, as being Lord of the more warlike Nation: for these are more than half Bramanes, whose Religion is not to kill a Louse biting them: and the Mogolls are an effeminate people. So that the Turk the last year sending on Ambassage, to entreat him not to assist the Per●ian, he gave him very harsh entertainment, made him Salem to the ground, and as soon as he was dismissed, sent the Persian ten Leeks of Rupias.  
I shall be glad to do your Lordship service in England; for this is the dullest, basest place, that ever I saw, and maketh me weary of speaking of it. Therefore if you be also weary of reading, I am glad. I shall desire your Lordship to let Master Hackwell read the journal: for I promised him one, but I had not leisure to writ it.  
And so with all respect, and little Ceremony, I hope to return to do you better services: in the mean time to live a miserable life, though with abundance and state enough, yet I want the conversation and presence of those friends I love and honour: in which number your Lordship hath made me presume to esteem you, and to accounted myself  
Your Lordship's humble friend, to do you service, THOMAS ROE. Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll, january 17. 1615.  
A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to etc.  
MAy it please your () places fare remote, having somewhat of wonder in the distance, cause much expectation in themselves of strange matters among the Vulgar, such as I, supposing they should have subject of worthy and large discourse. But these are unlike the Stars, that seem less the further off: here the remoteness is the greatness, and to maintain the ancient privilege of Travellers, they have been so fare Alchemists as multiplication; some ground, some spirit, to quicken the body of their monstrous Relations.  
Where I shall begin, what I shall say worthy one of your () vacancies from great Affairs, I know not: to undertake a Cosmographical description were a labour not unworthy of time, but not proportional to a Letter; Ortelius, Mercator, Atlas, nor any understanding any truth herein. Yet for the maynnesse of the error, 
Indus falsely described by our Geographers.  I will observe, that the famous River Indus doth not pour himself into the Sea, by the Bay of Cambaya, but fare Westward at Sinde. For from Lahor standing a thousand mile North, inthe Maine upon Indus, it is navigable to Sinde, to Cambaya not, but certain by-streames begotten by the seasons of Rain make mighty inundations, which have cherished the error: all the rest is as false both in bearing, distance, longitude and latitude, as that, but the correction here incomprehensible; the true latitude of this place five and twenty degrees and a half.  
A description of the Land, customs and manners, which are incidents, are fit for winter-nights; they are either ordinary, or mingled with much Barbarism.  
Laws they have none written: the King's judgement binds, who sits and gives audience with much patience, 
Laws. Execution.  once weekly, both in capital and criminal causes, where sometimes he sees the execution done by his Elephants, with too much delight in blood.  
His Governors of Provinces rule by his Firmans, which is a brief Letter authorising them. 
Governors.  They take life and goods at pleasure.  
Many religious, and in them many Sects; Moores or Mahometans adhering to Ally, 
Religions and Sect.  such is the King; Banians or Pythagorians, for the transmigration (and therefore will not kill the Vermin that bites them) who often buy many day's respite in charity from killing any flesh at all, in such a Province or City. Gentiles of sundry Idolatries, their Wives adorning the Pile, and entering the Funeral fires with great joy and honour.  
The extent of his Territory is West to Sinde, Northwest to Chandahor, North almost to Taurus, East to the borders of Ganges, and Southeast all Bengala, 
Extent.  the Land bordering the Gulf South to Decan, much greater than the Persian, almost equal (if not fully) to the Turk, if his Land were crushed together into a square, as this. Agra, the ordinary residence of the King, is a thousand miles from any border, farther from some. The right issue of Porus, is here a King in the midst of the Mogul's Kingdoms, never subdued till last year: and to say true, he is rather bought then conquered, won by gifts, 
Porus his issue▪  not by Arms, to acknowledge a superior Lord.  
The Pillar erected by Alexander, is yet standing at Dely, 
Alexander's Pillar.  the ancient seat of the Ancestors of Ranna the issue of Porus.  
The buildings are all base, of mud, one story high, except in Surat, where are some stone houses, 
Buildings public and private.  but I know not by what policy, the King seeks the ruin of all the ancient Cities which were bravely built, and now lie desolate and ruined. His own houses are of stone, both in good form and fair, but his great men build not for want of inheritance, but as fare as I have yet seen, live in Tents, or houses worse than a Cottager; yet where the King affects, as at Agra, because it is a City erected by him, the buildings are (as is reported) fair and of carved stone.  
In Revenue, doubtless, he exceeds either Turk or Persian, or any Eastern Prince: 
Reason of his great Revenue and Wealth.  the sums I dare not name, but the reason; all the Land is his, no man hath a foot. He maintains by rents given of Signories, counted by Horses, all that are not Mechanic: and the Revenues given to some, are a German Prince's estate. Secondly, all men rise to greater and greater Signiories as they rise in favour, which is only gotten by frequent Presents, both rich and rare. Lastly, he heirs all men's goods that die, 
Inheritance,  as well those that gained by industry, as Merchants, as those that lived by him, and takes all their money; leaves the Widow and Daughters what he pleaseth; gives the sons some little Signiory, and puts them anew to the World, whose Fathers die worth two or three Millions.  
But I am fallen by my purpose, not to interrupt your () with th●se, presuming of your pardon; I will only say a little of the Court, and so pass to that is more necessary.  
The King sits out in three several places, thrice every day, except some occasion prevent him: 
Court Customs.  an hour at noon to see his Elephants fight; at four till five to entertain all comers, to be seen and worshipped; nine till midnight, with his principal men in more familiarity, being below among them.  
I went to present myself at the second of these: I came into a Court full of base people, and at a rail which shut them out right against the King, I was stayed in his sight to demand audience (only a ceremony) so he sent his principal Officers to bring me up: he sat in a place like a Theatre above, where the King sits in a Play, and I was conducted four steps up, just under him, like a stage, all on Carpets; my self and all his great men were Actors, the common-people below gazing on. He prevented me with speech, calling the King his Brother, and that I must consequently be welcome: for the barbarous custom of kneeling and knocking the ground with the head (which he never pardoned, neither the Turks nor Persian Ambassadors) he required not, but at my first motion granted me all liberty of mine own manner, and as all say, he never used such respect to a living man.  
All the policy of his state is to keep the greatest about him, or to pay them afar off liberally. 
Policy and Polity. Disposition.  No Counsel, but every Officer answereth to the King apart, his duty.  
He is of countenance cheerful, and not proud in nature, but by habit and custom; for at night he is very affable, and full of gentle conversation.  
I believe your () is weary of him, and would pass into Persia, from whence we receive for truth, that the Sophy hath distressed Ormus, by taking away the water and provisions of the Main. 
Persian news▪  At Ormus they are in great necessity, so that if the Sophy had any help of shipping to take it, he might be persuaded to put it into our hands, to turn his silks from the passage of his enemy the Turk; a matter of infinite consequence. For if I were to open these Trades, I would show important differences for the Kingdom of England, but it would require large Discourse. He hath made lately a Road with fire and sword upon the poor Georgian Christians, and subdued them, and being of a spirit naturally unpeacefull, he prepares for the conquest of Samercand, as his end, but pretends the punishing of a valiant Race of Tartars, called Vsbiques, between him and his desire. He smote off his eldest sons head with his own hands, returning from Georgia, and hath by sharp Edict banished all portugals all his Dominions. 
Vsbique●.  Never were such opportunities to discharge the Portugal from all these Coasts. Our Trade here, and the Dutch Plantation below Go●, hath so shortened their returns, that half their Galleons come not; 
portugals.  those that do come bring new supplies for the Garrisons, but return so empty, that the charge is but defrayed. We have now twice beaten a great Armado with few ships, an Armado that was appointed por castigar los hereticos Ingleses (the words of one Father to anoher) and after to punish the Mogoll for entertaining us, so that he hath lost more in reputation (which was his strength) then in substance. 
Iesu●tes terms.  But if his Majesty would condescend that we should assault them, as they do us, it would utterly break them, it being both the nobler and safer part of a War, to which we are subject at their pleasures, then to defend always: beside, they make this use in reports of us, that the King of England is so afraid of the King of Portugal, 
Islanders.  that he dares not warrant an assault, but only to defend: what they say of the King and our Nation is so slanderous, that perit sua mole.  
Further East, the Dutch hath taken many Towns, and plays the Mole better than he, and hath beaten him in many Sea-conflicts; he is declining on all sides, and a little weight on his head now laid, would sink him. It is a matter of great consequence for future times; and though I have no hope, I propound it to your () to make what use seems best to your wisdom. I have reward enough, if I have pardon for my talkativeness, but it is obedience to your () and not presumption, whose wisdom and sincerity I did ever honour, to whom I shall be happy to be tied  
In all humble services, THOMAS ROE. Asmere, the seven and twentieth of january 1615.  
Another Letter to the same Lord, dated the thirtieth of October, 1616.  
MAy it please your () etc. The frailty of passage between this place and England, especially of my last Letter that wandered over Land, and rather went upon discovery then business, adviseth me to sand your () transcripts of them: not that there is contained any matter worthy your Honour's leisure, but seeing you commanded me to wri●e, the relation of one to another, will somewhat clear the whole discourse. For broken and undependant pieces and fragments, have little light in them, less pleasure and no profit: so that he that would do any thing in this matter should writ a history, and take it somewhat high, to show the beginning and growth of this Empire, what fortunes and what impediments it hath overcome, what friendship it hath needed and effected, the ambitions and divisions in the present state, that like impostumes lie now hid, but threaten to break out into the rending and ruin of the whole, by bloody war. The practices, subtleties and carriages of factions and Court-secrets, falsely called wisdom, wherein I assure your () they are pregnant, and excel in all that art which the Devil can teach them, 
Craft.  and are behind none in wicked Craft, some passages whereof were not unworthy nor unpleasant to relate.  
Their Religions suffered by the King, and practised without envy or contention on any part; how the Portugals have crept into this Kingdom, 
jesuitical beasts.  and by what corners they got in; the entrance of the jesuits, their entertainment, privileges, practices, ends, and the growth of their Church, whereof they sing in Europe so loud praises and glorious successes. Lastly, the arrival of our Nation on this Coast, their fortunate or blessed victories over their enemies, that not only sought how to possess these quarters by themselves, and to forbidden all others that which Nature had left free, as if God had created the world for them only, but also to abuse this people, as if they alone were the sons of war; they only triumph, and that all other Europeans struck sail to their fortune and valour, which now is brought so low in value, that it is grown into a proverb (one Portugal to three Moors, 
Proverb of English and Portugal.  one Englishman to three portugals) so that the best foundation of their greatness is absolutely mined and blown up. And our reception here stands on the same ground from which we have cast them down, which is Fear, an honourable, but uncertain Base of so great a charge. For if either the enemy once prevail, or other misfortune happen to us, our welcome shall turn round with it, the profit and fitness of this trade for England, while it may stand, not only respecting the Company now interested, but the state, whether the Commonwealth in general loose or win. For often in traffic private men prospero by detriment of the Republic, as in all trades that maintain vanity and sin.  
This work or method were worthy some pains, and as would require a good judgement and much time, both which are wanting to me; so it would not be unprofitable to read, nor without some pleasure to view and meditate the diverse operations and works of God, the variable constitutions and dispositions of men, and all things under their government: but seeing nature and conveniency have denied me ability and leisure, to set upon so great a labour, I have chosen one branch only to treat of to your () without other method, then by way of bore relation, which is the estate of the Church here, as well Christians, as of all other diffused sects of Infidels.  
But to continued, as in a Parenthesis, the advice I gave your Honour in my last, of our constitution here, and the news of Persia: Briefly I stand on very fickle terms, though in extraordinary grace with the King, who is gentle, soft, and good of disposition, yet on points and disputes with an insolent and proud son of his, 
The Prince's ambition.  into whose hands he hath remitted all power, which he is neither worthy nor able to manage▪ He is Lord of the Port, and by his folly gives me much travel, so sordidly ambitious, that he would not have me acknowledge his father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliver any Presents nor compliments of honour, but to himself; which I will never yield to, and so I maintain my credit by confidence on the privileges of my quality, and the King's goodness. Yet an Ambassador in this Court that knows himself, and will not wrong his Master, shall oftener win enemies than friends. Their pride endures no terms of equality, especially where there is no other honour nor title, but what is measured by expense: so that to maintain one that shall in his equipage and life hold proportion with his quality, in this Court, will cost much more than the profit of the Trade can spare; and he that life's under it wrongs his degree, and slides into contempt. I do my utmost to hold up with little poor means, but my opinion is, a meaner instrument would better effect business of traffic that might creep, and show, and suffer some affronts, which my rank may not endure: And I found the King of Spain would never sand any Ambassador hither out of Greatness, knowing they are not received with proportionable honour and with my small experience I could do the Company better service by my return, in advice how to govern the whole.  
Concerning Persia, the Turk hath only yet made a Bravado, and performed little, 
Persian and Turkish wars▪  the passages are stopped, and the King drawing his armies into his Borders to defend himself, and finding no great work, took occasion to take in by force a revolted Nation to the East of Babylon. The people are called Coords. How by the Ancients or the true Geographical situation of their Country, I am yet ignorant in.  
Sir Robert Shirley by an ill passage to Goa, lost the opportunity of the Fleet for Lisbon, and is stayed there another year, so that negotiation will not be so speedily advanced, as I feared; 
Sir Robert Shirley.  we shall have breath to work upon it, according as it shall be requisite in the judgement of your Honours in England, or at lest of the Merchants whom it first regardeth.  
Hear is arrived a Persian Ambassador with little news, it being nine months since his departure from Spahan. He brought many rich Presents, and d●d such obeisance, prostrating himself and knocking the ground with his head, that I believe his Master will not accept of it, except (as is supposed) he be commanded to use a●l obsequiousness, and to flatter this Mon. of greatness, his errand being to procure money for aid against the Turk: in which kind he finds often liberal supplies and succours, which is not felt from this sea of treasure; although to mediate a peace for the Kings of Decan be the pretence, whose protection the Persian takes to heart, jealous of the increase of this Empire: yet I doubt not he will be satisfied with silver, and suffer his Allies to be overcome: he is not allowed so good rank nor presence in Court as I, which got it by dispute, and have kept it by contention to the displeasure of some; neither did the King do so much honour in reception of his Master's Letter, not vouchsafing once to give the Persian any title of Majesty, as of my Sovereign Lords, which not a little contented me. Other advantages he hath of language, neighbourhood and acquaintance, which are defects, but no faults of mine. The King is now ready to march towards Decan, whose Army is commanded by his son, and we with much toil shall hung in the skirts.  
Our Fleet arriving this year 1616. in the way met the Admiral Carrick of Lisbon, bound for Goa, about Mo●alia, an Island in twelve degrees North latititude, and haling her after the courtesy of the Sea, was requited with disgraceful languages, and five great shot: which occasion apprehended, she was fought with three days, at last put ashore and fired herself: she was of burden fifteen hundred tons, and by pregnant circumstances, the expected Viceroy sent for Goa, perished in her: which is one of the greatest disgraces and losses that ever happened to the Portugals in these parts: The reward of their own insolency in this fight. The chief Commander of the English was slain, and the new declared maimed, little other loss. Thus your () hath some touch of our affairs, and I will fall upon my purpose of the Church with your favour and patience.  
Before the inundation of Tamerlane the great, the ninth Ancestor of this King, 
Tamerlane.  these Countries were governed by diverse petty Gentle Princes not knowing any Religion, but worshipped according to their several Idolatries, all sorts of creatures. The Descendants of him brought in the knowledge of Mahomet, but imposed it upon none, by the Law of Conquest leaving consciences at liberty. So that these Naturals from the Circumcision (which came in with the Moors) called them Mogul's or chief of the Circumcised. Among the Moors there are many strict Mahometants that follow Ally his Son-in-law, 
Religions. Mogolls, why so called.  and other new risen Prophets which have their Xeriffes, Mulas and Priests, their Mosques, Religious Votaries, Washings, Praying, and Ceremonies infinite; and for penitentiaries, no Heresy in the World can show so strange Examples, nor brag of such voluntary poverties, punishments, sufferings and chastisements as these all which are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled Religion, not upright with their great Prophet. The Gentiles are of more sorts, some valiant, good Soldiers, drinking Wine, eating Hogs-flesh, but worshipping the figure of a Beast: some that will not touch that flesh which is not holy by imputation● others that will not eat any thing wherein ever there was any blood, nor kill the Vermin that assaulteth them, nor drink in the Cup with those that do; Superstitious in Washing, and most earnest in their Profession▪ but all of them ascribe a kind of Divinity to the River of Ganges, at which at one Season of the year four or five hundred thousand meet, and cast in Gold and Silver for Oblation.  
In like manner, to a Pig's head in a Church near this City, and to all living Cows, and to some other beasts and kinds. These have their Synagogues, and Holy Men, Prophets, Witches, Soothsayers, and all others the Devil's Impostures. The Molaes' of Mahomet know somewhat in Philosophy, and the Mathematics are great Astrologers, and can talk of Aristotle, Euclyde, Auerroes, and other Au●hors. The Learned Tongue is Arab.  

Ecbarsha.  In this Confusion they continued until the time of Ecbarsha Father of this King, without any noise of Chrictian profession, who being a Prince by nature just and good, inquisitive after Novelties, curious of new Opinions, and that excelled in many virtues, especially in piety and reverence towards his Parents, called in three jesuites from Goa, whose chief was jeronimo Xavier a Navarrois. After their arrival he heard them reason and dispute with much content on his, and hope on their parts, and caused Xavier to writ a Book in defence of his own profession against both Moors and Gentiles: which finished he read over nightly, causing some part to be discussed, and fina●●y, granted them his Letters Patents, to build, to preach▪ teach, convert, and to use all their Rites and Ceremonies, as freely and amply as in Rome, bestowing on them means to erect their Churches and places of Devotion: So that in some few Cities they have gotten rather Templum, then Ecclesiam. In this Grant he gave grant to all sorts of people to become Christians that would, 
Templum s●ne Ecclesia.  even to his Court or own blood, professing that it should be no cause of disfavour from him. Hear was a fair beginning to a forward Spring of a lean and barren Harvest.  
Ecbar●●ha himself continued a Mahometan, yet he began to make a breach into the Law, considering that Mahomet was but a man, a King as he was, and therefore reverenced; he thought he might prove as good a Prophet himself. This defection of the King spread not fare, a certain outward reverence detained him, and so he died in the formal profession of his Sect.  
Ghe-●angier-sha, his son, the present King, being the issue of this new fancy, and never circumcised, bred up without any Religion at all, continues so to this hour, and is an 
* Understand it in general sense, ●or one not setl●d in any Religion, of all, and therefore of none.  Atheist: sometimes he will make profession of Moor, but always observe the Holidays, and do all Ceremonies with the Gentiles too. He is content with all Religion, only he love's none that changeth: But falling into his Father's conceit, hath dared to enter farther therein, and to profess himself for the main of his religion, to be a greater Prophet than Mahomet, and hath form to himself a new Law, mingled of all: which many have accepted with such superstition, that they will not eat till they have saluted him in the morning; for which purpose he comes at the Sun's rising to a window open to a great plain before his house, where multitudes attend him: and when the Moors about him speak of Mahomet, he will soothe them, but is glad when any one will break out against him. Of Christ he never utters any word unreverently, nor any of those sects, which is a wonderful secret working of God's truth and worthy observation. Concerning the new planted Christian Church he confirmed, and enlarged all their privileges, every night for one year spending two hours in hearing disputation, often casting out doubtful words of his conversion, but to wicked purpose.  

Of this see before in the journals of Master Hawkins and Finch.  And the rather to give some hope, he delivered many Youths into the hands of Francisco Corsie, now resident here, to teach them to read and writ Portugal, and to instruct them in humane learning, and in the Law of Christ; and to that end he kept a School some years, to which the King sent two Princes, his brother's sons, who being brought up in the knowledge of God and his son our blessed Saviour, were solemnly Baptised in the Church of Agra with great pomp, being carried first up and down all the City on Elephants in triumph, and this by the King's express order, who often would examine them in their progression, and seemed much contented in them: this made many bend towards the same way, doubting his Majesty's intention. Others that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in policy, to reduc● these children into hate among the Moors for their conversion, of whom consisted the strength of his estate, but all men failing of his purpose which was thus discovered. When these and some other children were settled, as was thought, in Christian Religion, and had learned some principles thereof, as to marry but one wife, not to be coupled with Infidels, the King sets the boys to demand some portugals wives of the jesuits, who thinking it only an idle motion of their own brains, chid them, and suspected no more. But that being the end of their conversion, to get a woman for the King and no care taken: the two Princes came to the jesuits, and surrendered up their crosses and all other rights, professing that they would be no longer Christians, because the King of Portugal sent them no Presents nor wives, according as they expected. The Padre seeing this, began to doubt there was more in that then the boys revealed, especially seeing their confidence that had cast off the awe of Pupils, and examining the matter, had it confessed, the King commanded them. They refused to accept the crosses, answering they had been given by his Majesty's order, and they would not take notice from boys of any such surrender, but bade them desire the King to sand some of those, who by a kind of order are to deliver all his Majesty's Commands, whose mouths are by privileges sufficient authority, and then they would accept them▪ hoping, and knowing the King's nature, that he would not discover himself to any of his Officers in this poor plot. The boys returned with this message, which enraged the King; but he being desirous to dissolve the School, and to withdraw the youths without noise, he bade them call the jesuits to the women's door, where by a Lady he received the order, and without taking any notice since of any thing, his kinsmen recalled, who are now absolute Moors, without any taste of their first faith, and so the frui● of all these h●pes are vanished. And I cannot found by good search that there is one Christian really and orderly converted, nor makes the profession, except some few that have been baptised for money, and are maintained by the jesuits; of which sort there would be more, 
Converts how poor:  but that they found the deceit, and cannot endure the burden. This is the truth of all their brag and labour, and the full growth of their Church here.  
But that your () may a little more understand the fashion of the King and the jesuits proceed, I will make you one or two merry and late relations, and either say he is the most impossible man in the world to to be converted, or the most easy; for he love's to hear and hath so little religion, yet, that he can well abide to have any decided.  
Not many days since the jesuits house and Church being burned, the Crucifix remained safe, 
Miracle.  which underhand was given out for a miracle, and much talked of. ● that would be content any use might be made of an accident to enlarge the name of Christ, held my peace: but the jesuit suspecting I would not agreed to the miracle, disavowed it to me, and made it a matter of reason, why it was not burned: insinuating that the Moors had caught up this opinion of miracle without his consent, or suggestion, though he confessed he was glad of the occasion.  
But the King who never let slip any opportunity of new talk or novelty, calls the jesuit, and questioneth with him of it, he answereth ambiguously; whereupon his Majesty demanded, 
Disputes of religion and miracles.  if he did not desire to convert him, and receiving full answer, replied: You speak of your great miracles, and of many done by you, in the name of your Prophet: if ye will cast the Crucifix and Picture of Christ into a fire before me, if it burn not, I will become a Christian: The jesuit refused the trial as unjust, answering, that God was not tied to the call of men, that it was a sin to tempt him, that he wrought miracles according to his own Council, but offered to enter the fire himself for proof of his faith, which the King refused. Hear arose a great dispute, begun by the Prince, a most stiff Mahometan, and ha●er of all Christians, that it was reasonable to try our Religion by this offer, but withal, if the Crucifix did burn, then that the jesuit should be obliged to tender Moor: he urged examples of miracles professed to be done for less purposes then the conversion of so mighty a King, and in case of refusal of the trial, spoke scornfully of Christ jesus. The King undertook the argument, and defended our Saviour to be a Prophet, by comparison of his works with those of their absurd Saints, instancing the raising of the dead, which never any of theirs did. The Prince replied, To give sight to one naturally blind, was as great a miracle. This question being pressed hotly on both sides, a third man to end the controversy, interposed that both the father and the son had reason for their opinions: for that to raise a dead body to life, must needs be confessed to be the greatest miracle ever done, but that to give sight to an eye naturally blind, was the same work, for that a blind eye was dead, sight being the life thereof: therefore he that gave sight to a blind eye, did as it were raise it up from death.  
Thus this discourse ended, and so in wisdom should I: But I cannot leave out an apish miracle which was acted before this King, which the jesuites will not acknowledge, nor own as their practice; only of the truth de facto, there is no doubt. 
A strange story of an Ape.  A juggler of Bengala (of which craft there are many and rare) brought to the King a great Ape, that could, as he professed, divine and prophesy: and to this beast by some sects is much divinity ascribed: The King took from his finger a Ring, and caused it to be hid under the girdle of one among a dozen other boys, and bade the Ape divine, who went to the right child, and took it out. But his Majesty (somewhat more curious) caused in twelve several papers in Persian letters, to be rewritten the names of twelve Lawgivers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomet, Ally, and others: and shuffling them in a bag, bade the beast divine which was the true law: who putting in his foot took out the inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who suspecting that the Ape's master could read Persian, and might assist him, wrote them anew in Court Characters 
* Court characters are such as he only and his nearer Ministers used in Mysteries of State unknown to all others. , and presented them the second time: the Ape was constant, found the right and kissed it. Whereat a principal Officer grew angry, telling the King it was some imposture, desiring he might have leave to make the lots anew, and offered himself to punishment if the Ape could beguile him; he wrote the names putting only eleven into the bag, and kept the other in his hand. The beast searched, but refused all; the King commanded to bring one, the beast tore them in fury, and made signs the true Lawgivers' name was not among them. The King demanded where it was, and he ran to the Nobleman and caught him by the hand, in which was the paper inscribed with the name of Christ jesus. The King was troubled, and keeps the Ape yet. This was acted in public before thousands: But where the abuse was, or whether there were any, I judge not; only one of the jesuits scholars ran to him with open mouth, professing the King had an Ape a good Christian. Of this accident the jesuits make great account: to me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not unlike one of their own games.  
Your () will pardon me all this folly, to interrupt you with so much and so useless tattle; I should be glad to remove where I might learn and practise better matter: but I cannot repent my journey: it hath made me learn and know my God and myself better than ever I should have learned either among the pleasures of England; he hath wonderfully showed me his mercy, and taught me his judgement: his goodness be glorified and magnified for ever. I humbly desire your () to present my name (I dare not say my service) before his Majesty my Lord and Master: it is enough for me if I be not forgotten; I shall never merit nor aspire the employments of his favour, but I will pay my vows, and pray for his Majesty that he may live a happy and glorious long life to the comfort of his Church, and enjoy the Crown of Crowns, prepared by the King of Kings for those that love him; wherein I have failed to your Honour, or by mine own weakness, your () will measure by this rule, Exigit & postulat ami●●tia non quod cuique dabitur, sed quod quisque efficere potest, and you will pardon the assuming so high a word as friendship, with this interpretation, Seruus est humilis amicus, which as I am bold to profess, I will be ready to demonstrate by obedience to your command,  
THOMAS ROE. Asmere, the thirtieth of October, 1616.  
A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to another Right Honourable Councillor.  
IF my last sent your Honour, by the way of Aleppo, be miscarried, this present discourse will be undependant and obscure, which causeth me to sand a transcript that you may command from Sir Thomas Smith, how fare that design of bringing in the Spaniard by Shirley had proceeded, and my poor opinion, that will inform with the present estate of the wars there in preparation: what hath succeeded, your Honour shall receive, that Shirley was stayed at Goa, by falling short eight days of his passage this last year, where he was entertained with honours and maintenance, which makes me judge his offers and negotiation is gracious. The Shabas yet so depends on that hope, that he continues the prohibition of exportation of Silks thorough Turkey.  
Some few days since I received advice from Spahan, that Shirley hath written to the King, that with much joy and ready embracement he hath so fare proceeded with the Viceroy of Goa, in a conclusion of the league, as his commission hath power, that he is ready to embark for Spain to accomplish it fully. If it proceed and take effect, I can make it evident, that it wi●● revive and strengthen all the ruins and decays of the Portugals in the Indieses, and make all other wavering Princes accept them; only I will not press the consequence where it will be so fully understood.  
The 
* The Persians' Armi● is 18●0●0. strong, the Turks double.  Shabas is in the field at Salmas, a Village indifferent to the ways to Tauris or Gordgeston, attending the Turks General, who with a monstrous army (if it be not increased by fame) is encamped at Argerom, irresolute which of these two attempts he shall begin, being not above five days from the one, and ten from the other. But these great armies will dissolve of themselves, and I am of opinion there will be no great effect of them, the winter approaching: and that they will treat a peace, which the Turk will never embrace, but with the opening of the trade, & liberty of ancient commerce: which though the Persian yield unto, yet if the Spaniard accepts his offers, the liberty given the Turk will be useless, for that the Silks shall come down to Ormus; but I hope your Honour will prevent it, God hath provided you leisure.  
The King of Persia lately enquired anew after the English, for he is indifferent what Christian hath the trade, so that the Grand-Signior loose it: for his first offer to the Spaniard, will take his truce, and after we may have the leave.  
We have sent to jasques a ship from our Port of Surat, with Cloth and English goods, to make the first offer of a residence, and to get a kind of a possession: For where it was free to refuse or accept us, it will be now an injury to turn us out, being come upon assurance of his Letter received by me. But though I did not consent to the going of this ship because I knew both the Port unfit, the goods unuendible, and prejudicial to the great expectation and promises, which makes me fear the Shabas will despise us, and judge us by this beginning, and so with the more roundness either conclude with the Spaniard, or make peace with the Turk (for his design is either wholly to divert the trade or nothing) yet I will mend it as well as I can, by the help of an Ambassador lately arrived at this Court; who, as I suppose, is come to get aid of money, in which kind he often findeth liberal reliefs, and this King of India may better spare then any Monarch of the East.  

I have sent the Copies.  The advantage to be made of it in England, is (if I may give my opinion) that when Sir Robert Shirley shall arrive in Spain and negotiate his employment, the Ambassador of his Majesty resident may crave audience, and produce the Letters granted to us, and urge our possession of the Port; and therefore require in the name of his Majesty, that in this new contract either the English may be comprehended, or at lest that nothing pass on the part of the King of Spain, prejudicial to the subjects of his Majesty, nor contrary to the amity of the two Nations: which if the Spaniard shall enterprise, to the expulsion of us, it is in my opinion (the trade being in a free Kingdom granted us) a just cause of such a breach, as may produce Letters of Mart and repris●ll in all the Eastern parts to right ourselves. I will in the mean time amaze the Persian with as many doubts as I can infuse into him of the () and hopes of us.  
In this Court which is now in the field towards the conquest of Decan (with an effeminate army sitter to be a spoil, than a terror to enemies) I shall so fare effect my employment, as to confirm our trade and people on equal conditio●s to the inhabitants and borne subjects, who suffer themselves, abuses of Governors which can never be remedied, but by an whole change of the regiment and form of dominion. For the constancy I will no farther give my word, than our own prosperity, and the others fear, and the Portugals feebleness shall confirms to us.  
The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way understood by the Company how to effect it at best advantage, and yet we have done little but discover errors. I have no power to meddle in that, but if I were at home ten days, I would do them better service than here in ten years. To prove and demonstrate every particular and circumstance, were rather the subject of a Book then of a Letter▪ but I will do my part every way, according to my ability, & judgement faithfully and honestly. Besides (though they may think I speak for mine own ends) I assure your honour it is not sit to keep an Ambassador in this Court. I have shuffled better out, and escaped and avoided affronts and slavish customs clearer than ever 〈◊〉 did. I am allowed rank above the Per●●an, but he outstrips me in rewards this Master lye●●eere us, but his Majesty commanded me to do nothing unworthy the honour of a Christian King, and no reward can humble me to any baseness. I see what the Per●ian does and suffers. I know one that would creep and sue, might effect more businesses than I, for every little matter cannot trouble the King; and his great men are more proud, and expect that from me I cannot give them. The King of Spain could never be drawn to sand any, and their experience hath taught them, that beside he should not be received in honour correspondent to his quality, they knew an easier way to effect their ends. I shall not return a rich man, and then many will condemn me for want of providence or wit to get it, but they know not the Indieses, it grows here in as rough ways as in Europe. I will trust to the Company, and to my merit. I could writ your Honour many remarkable accidents in this government and Kingdom: all the policy and wicked craft of the Devil is not practices alone in Europe, here is enough to be learned or to be despised, but you have not leisure to entertain so foreign discourses; that part which may be worth knowing: as the proceeding of the jesuits, the growth of their Church, and the commixture of this Kingdom with Europe by trade, and the allies it embraces, if I found not leisure to put them into method, I will weary your Honour with them by a fireside in broken pieces.  
The Portugal pursues us here with virulent hatred, but God doth chastise him, and his pride sees it not. The Admiral Gallion bound for Goa, a vessel of fifteen hundred, armed with six hundred men falling among our Fleet, a small ship haled her after the custom of the Sea, which she requited with silence, except of her Ordnance: the Commander of our Fleet, Benjamin joseph, came up with her, 
M. joseph slain.  and demanded reason, but was returned scorn, so that he began a fight, in which he lost his life. A new commission being opened, Humphrey Pepwell succeeded him, to his place and resolution, with the loss of his eye and other hurts, fought until the Gallion having her Masts shot, ran ashore on Comara, an Island inhabited by Moors, in the latitude of eleven degrees, one and fifty minutes, where the General Don Emanuel de Meneses, with three hundred escaped, but fired the ship, she was very rich, and the succour of India this year: her companions were lost at sea, and on the fourteenth of Octob. there was no news of any of them which were three ships, this is the greatest disaster and disgrace ever befell them, for they never missed their Fleet in September, nor lost any Vessel as this, which was reported invincible, and without supplies they perish utterly. The Islanders rifled the General and all his followers, and they are since arrived at Goa, naked and bore in the Gallion of Mosambiques, which had likewise been dangered by a Hollander, but the nearness of the Port saved her. All these considered, me thinks, the Heavens conspire the fall of the Portugal in this quarter, if his Majesty would be pleased to bend only his Royal countenance. But I shall (I hope) return and not expect to see it effected in my time. I will entreat your Honour to preserve my name in the King's memory, not for any worthiness, but an humble desire to serve him: and that you will be pleased to accept of my endeavours, and esteem me such as I am, one that love's and honours you; and that will pray to God as the best expression of my affection, to increase you in all worthy honour, and to bless you with his holy spirit.  
Your Honour's humble, faithful Servant, THOMAS ROE.  
I humbly desire your Honour to do me the favour to thank Sir Thomas Smith, in my behalf, that he may found my gratitude to my Friends.  
From the Camp of the Great Mogoll, Emperor of India, November 30. 1616.  
Part of a Letter to the Company of the East-India; Dated the three and twentieth of November, 1616.  
MY Honourable Friends, I received your Letter on the twelfth of October, 1616. from the Charles, safely arrived with four ships at the bar of Surat, the six and twentieth of the former month, of what passed at Sea. I doubt not you will receive ample Relation, only a little difference in the report of our Fleet, and the Portugals I will mention, that we began the fight, and that no Viceroy being sent this year, an ancient Soldier, Don Emanuel de Meneses, that had twice been General of their Forces, 
Reports of the fight.  was in the Admiral, who being beaten ran herself ashore at Mosambique, and are now arrived at Goa. This Tale hangs very ill together, for that I know they first made five shot, and that it is impossible they could pass from Aguzesia to Mosambique in a Canoa, or that the Inhabitants having rob them▪ durst carry them into their strength, or that all this could be effected, and news of their arrival came from Goa in so little time. So that my judgement is, they make their Relation as near ours as they can, and are loath to confess truth, that either all perished, or the Viceroy, which were the greatest loss and dishonour ever happened to them in India.  
I shall not need to writ you any long Discourse of your Affairs, nor my opinion, for that in a continued journal I have set down all passages, and sand you the Copies of my Letters to your Factories, wherein many points are disputed and opened, from both which you may make bect your own collection and judgement: for in them casually all your business is handled and discussed at full, and it may be collected into such a method as you may sit at home, and see it at once.  
But because some points in my last Letters, I followed at my first coming at others reports, which since I found vain and frivolous, and others perhaps are unresolued in my general Discourse, I will run over the material points with brevity: for I extremely desire that you once understood the constitution of this Trade, how to govern and settle it, that by variety of fond opinions you be not counselled to unnecessary charge, nor fall into gross errors and damage.  
Concerning the aiding the Mogoll or coasting his subjects into the Read Sea, it is now useless, yet I made offer of your affections: but when they need not a courtesy, they regard it as a Dog doth dry bread when his belly is full. The King hath peace with the Portugals, and will never make a constant war, except first we displant them. Than his greatness will step in for ashare of the benefit, that dares not partake of the peril: when they have peace, they scorn our assistance, and speak as loud as our Canon: if War oppress them, they dare not put out under any protection, nor will pay for it. You must remove from you all thought of any other than a Trade at their Port, wherein if you can defend yourselves leave them to their fortune; you can never oblige them by any benefit, and they will sooner fear you then love you. Your residence you need not doubt so long as you tame the Portugal; therefore avoid all other charge as unnecessary, that resists 
* Understand this, so long as they by force and arms oppose the English proceed and sock to supplant them; as hitherto.  not him; he only can prejudice you. For a Fort at my first arrival, I received it as very necessary, but experience teacheth me, we are refused it to our advantage, If he would offer me ten. I would not accept one; first where the River is commodious, the Country is barren and untraded, the passages to parts better planted so full of Thiefs, that the King's authority avails not, and the strength of the hills assures them in that life, if it had been fit for Trade, the Naturals would have chosen it; for they feel the incommodity of a barren Haven: and it is argument enough of some secret inconvenience, that they make not use of it but if it were safe without the walls, yet is it not an easy work to divert Trades, and to draw the resort of Merchants from their accustomed Marts, especially for our commodity which is bought by parcels, and cannot be called staple. Secondly, the charge is greater than the Trade can leave, for to maintain a Garrison will eat the profit; it is not an hundred men can keep it. For the Portugal if he once see you undertake that course, will set his rest upon it to supplant you. War and Traffic are incompatible, by my consent, you shall no way engage yourselves but at Sea, where you are like to gain as often as to loose: it is the beggering of the Portugal, notwithstanding his many rich Residences and Territories, that he keeps Soldiers that spend it; yet his Garrisons are mean. He never profited by the Indieses, since he defended them. Observe this well.  
It hath been also the error of the Dutch, who seek Plantation here by the Sword, they turn a wonderful stock, they prowl in all places, they possess some of the best, yet their dead pays consume all the gain. Let this be received as a Rule, that if you will profit, seek it at Sea, and in quiet Trade: for without Controversy it is an error to affect Garrisons and Land Wars in India. If you made it only against the Natural, I would agreed: to make it for them they are not worth it, and you should be very wary how to engage your reputation in it. You cannot so easily make a fair retreat as a● onset; one disaster would either discredit you, or interresse you in a War of extreme charge and doubtful event. Besides, an action so subject to chance as War, is most unfitly undertaken, and with most hazard, when the remoteness of place for supply, succours and counsels. subject it to irrecoverable loss, for that where is most uncertainty, remedies should be so much the nearer to occur to all occasions. At Sea you may take and leave, your Designs are not published; the Road of Swally, and the Port of Surat, are fittest for you in all the Mogul's Territory, I have weighed it well and deliver you that shall never be disproved, you need no more, it is not number of Ports, Factories and Residences that will profit you, they will increase charge but not recompense it; the inconveniency of one respectively to your sales, and to the commodity of Inuestants, and the well employment of your Servants is all needful, a Port to secure your ships, and a fit place to unlade will not be found together. The Road at Swally, during the season, is as safe as a Pond; Surat, Cambaya, Baroach, and Amadavar, are better traded then all India, and seated commodiously. The incoveniences are, the Portugals at Sea, and the landing of goods, to meet with which first you must bring to pass, that your lading be ready by the end of September at your Port; which may be effected by a stock beforehand, or by taking up money for three months, and so you may discharge and lad in one, and departed for excellent season for England, and the Enemy shall not have time with force to offend you, who will be newly arrived; and if the preparation be ancienter we shall know it. For the second, to landlord goods without danger of Frigates, and to save the carriage over land, you must sand a Pinnace of threescore ton, with ten Pieces that draws but seven or eight foot water, to pass up the River between Swally and Surat, and so your goods will be safe, and in your own command to the Custome-house-Key; and it will a little awe the Town; she may proceed after according to your appointment.  
The Commodities you s●ll pass lest in that quarter, the goods you seek being principally Indigo and Cloth, no one place is so fit for both, and the less inconveniences are to be chosen, of this you shall gather more at large my opinion and reasons, in my journal and Discourses to your Factors, perhaps some of them will contradict it: but I am not deceived, nor have private ends, to keep Factories to employ and advance friends, the places and number of servants I have delivered my judgement in, and could manifest the past errors, but not mend them. Sindu is possessed by the Portugals, or if it were free, were no fit than Surat, nor safer: as it is, it will be more subject to peril. Your Factors sent me four or five clauses out of your Commission, that concerned Persia, a Fort, a Plantation in Bengala, all which they knew were not of use: with no other purpose, proposition or resolution, they will acquaint me. They cannot abide I should understand or direct them, if they resolve of any thing in their opinion for your profit, and sand to me, I will effect the Court part, but you will found in my Letters and journal how they use me, which doubtless at first was sowed by some jealousy of yours which will cost you dear.  
For the settling your Traffic here, I doubt not to effect any reasonable desire, my credit is sufficient with the King and your force will always bind him to constancy; it will not need so much help at Court, as you suppose, a little countenance with the discretion of your Factors will with easy charge return you most profit, but you must altar your stock, let not your servants deceive you, Cloth, Led, Teeth, Quicksilver, are dead Commodities, and will never drive this Trade, you must secure it by change, and you will found my opinion discussed in Letters. I have this year past many difficulties by the perverseness of Sultan Caronne, Lord of Surat, but by God's direction, I have overcome them; Articles of treaty on equal terms I cannot effect, want of Presents disgraced me: but yet by Pieces I have gotten as much as I desired at once. I have recovered all Bribes, Extortions, Debts made and taken before my time till this day, or are least at honourable composition. But when I deliver the next gifts to the Mogoll, in the Prince's absence, I will set on a new for a formal 
* That which follows, as other Letters al●o, I have willingly omitted, as not so fit for vulgar Readers, being Mysteries of Commerce.  contract, etc.  
I Have heard that Sir Thomas Roe at his Return, desiring the Great Magor or Mogoll, his Letters of Commendation to His Majesty, easily obtained that request, but found him very scrupulous where to set his seal; jest, if under, he should disparage himself; if over, it might 'cause distaste to the King; his resolution and prevention therefore was this, to sand the Letter unsealed, and the great Seal itself, that so His Majesty might according to his own pleasure affix it. The Seal is Silver; the type and form whereof, containing only the Mogul's Genealogy from Tamerlane, in several Circles, with the English Translation, I have here added.  
The Description of the Great Mogul's Seal.    

CHAP. XVII. A Letter of Mr. THOMAS CORYAT, which travailed by Land from jerusalem to the Court of the Great mogul, written to Mr. L. WHITAKER. To which are added pieces of two other, to entertain you with a little Indian-Odcombian mirth.  
Most dear and beloved Friend, Master L. W. Animae dimidium meae. From the Court of the most mighty Monarch, called the Great mogul, resident in the Town of Asmere, in the Oriental INDIA. Anno 1615.  
Cordial salutations in the Author of salvation, JESUS CHRIST. Where I writ unto you last, I remember well; even from Zobah, as the Prophet SAMVEL calleth it (2. Book, Chap. 8. vers. 3.) that is, Aleppo, the principal Emporium of all Syria, or rather of the Orient World; but when, in truth I have forgotten, for I keep not Copies of my Letters, as I see most of my Countrymen do, in whatsoever place of the World I find them. Howbeit, if my conjecture do not much fail me, I may affirm that it was about fifteen months si●ce, about a month after, I returned unto Aleppo from jerusalem, after which time, I remained there three months longer, and then departed therehence in a Caravan into Persia, passing the noble River Euphrates (the chiefest of all th●t irrigated Paradise, wherehence, as from their original, the three other Rivers were derived) about four days journey beyond Aleppo▪ on the further side of which, 
Gen. ●. 10.  I entered Mesopotamia, alias Chaldea, for the E●phrates in that place disterminate●h Syria and Mesopotamia. There-hence I had two daye● journey to Vr of the Chaldeans, 
Gen. 11.28.  where Abraham was borne, a very delicate and pleasant City. There I remained four days, but I could see no part of the ruins of the house, where that faithful servant of God was borne, though I much desired it. From thence, I had four days journey to the River Tigris, which I passed also; but in the same place where I crossed it, I found it so shallow, that it reached no higher th●n the calf of my leg: for I waded over it afoot. Now I well perceive by my ocular experience, that Chal●ea is named Mesopotamia, for that it is enclosed with the foresaid Rivers. Tra●●cto Tigride, I entered Armenia the greater: After that, Media the lower, and resided six days in the Metropolis thereof, heretofore called E●batana, the Summer seat of Cyrus his Court, a City eft soon mentioned in the Scripture, now called Tauris, more woeful ruins of a City (saving that of Troy and Cyzic●m in Anatolia) never did mine eyes behold. When I seriously contemplated those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the doleful testimonies of the Turkish deu●stations, I called to mind Ovi●s Verse: Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus.  
And that of HESIOD, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From that, I had two days journey to a City that in Strabos time was called Arsacia in Media the higher, now Casbin, once the Royal seat of the Tartarian Princes, four days journey from the Caspian Sea. From Casbin, I had three and twenty days to Spahan in Par●hia, the place of residence of the Persian King. But at my being there, he was in the Country of Gurgistan, ransacking the poor Christians there with great hostility, with Fire and Sword. There I remained two months, and so with a Caravan traveled into the Eastern India, passing four months and odd days, in my travel betwixt that (through part of the true Persia, and a large tract of the noble and renowned India) and the goodly City of Lah●r in In●ia, one of the largest Cities of the whole Universe, for it containeth at the lest sixteen miles in compass, and exceedeth Constantinople itself in greatness. But a dozen days before I came to Lahor, I passed the famous River Indus, which is as broad again as our Thames at London, and hath his original out of the Mountain Caucasus, so much ennobled by the ancient both Poets and Historiographers, Greek and La●ine; which Plato for curiosity sake, in his travels of these parts went to see. It lieth not fare from that upon the Confines of Scyth●a, now called Ta●taria: Myself also conceiving some hope of seeing it before my final farewell of India. I had almost forgotten one memorable matter to impart unto you: About the middle of the way, betwixt Spa●a● a●d Lahor, just about the Frontiers of Persia and India, I met Sir Robert Shirley and his Lady, travelling from the Court of the mogul, (where they had been very graciously received, and enriched with Presents of great value) to the King of Per●●a's Court; so gallantly furnished with all necessaries for their travails, that it was a great comfort unto me, to see them in such a flourishing estate. There did he show me, to my singular contentment, both my Books neatly kept; and hath promised me to show them, especially mine itinerary, to the Persian King: and to interpret unto him some of the principal matters in the Turkish Tongue, to the end I may have the more gracious access unto him, after my return thither. For thorough Persia I have determined (by God's he●pe) to return to Aleppo. Besides other rarities that they carried with them out of India, they had two Elephants and eight Antlops, which were the first that ever I saw: but afterwards, when I came to the Mogul's Court, I saw great store of them. These they meant to present to the Persian King. Both he and his L●dy used me with singular respect, especially his Lady, who bestowed forty shillings upon me in Persian money, and they seemed to exult for joy to see me, having promised me to bring me in good grace with the Persian King, and that they will induce him to bestow some Princely benefit upon me: this I hope will be partly occasioned by my Book, for he● is such a jocund Prince▪ that he will not be meanly delighted with diverse of my facetious hieroglyphics, if they are truly and genuinely expounded unto him.  
From the famous City of Lahor I had twenty days journey to another goodly City called Agra, through such a delicate and even Tract of ground, as I never saw before: and doubt whether the like be to be found within the whole circumference of the habitable World. Another thing also in this way, being no less memorable than the plainness of the ground: a row of Trees on each side of this way where people due travel, extending itself from th● Townes-end of Lahor, to the Townes-end of Agra; the most incomparable show of that kind, that ever my eyes sarueyed. Likewise, whereas there is a Mountain s●me ten days journey betwixt Lahor and Agra, but very near ten miles out of the way, on the left hand: the people that inhabit that Mountain, observe a custom very strange, that all the brothers of any Family, have but one and the selfsame wife so that one woman sometimes doth serve six or seven men: the like whereof I remember I have read in Strabo, concerning the Arabians that inhabited Ara●●a felix. Agra is a very great City, and the place where the Mogoll did always (saving within these two years) keep his Court but in every respect much inferior to Lahor.  
From thence to the Mogul's Court, I had ten days journey, at a Town called Asmere. where I found a Cape Merchant of our Englishmen, with nine more of my Countrymen, resident there upon terms of Negotiations, for the right Worshipful Company of Merchants in London, that trade for East- India.  
I spent in my journey betwixt jerusalem and this Mogul's Court, fifteen months and odd days: all which way I traversed a foot, but with diverse pairs of shoes, having been such a Propateticke, (I will not call myself Peripatetic, because you know it signifieth one that maketh a perambulation about a place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying to walk about) that is a walker forward on foot, as I doubt whether you ever heard of the like in your life; for the total way betwixt jerusalem and the Mogul's Court, containeth two thousand and seven hundred English miles. My whole perambulation of this Asia the greater, is like to be a Passage of almost six thousand miles, by that time that in my return back thorough Persia, afterward also by Babylon and Niniveh, I shall come to Cairo in Egypt, and from that down the Nilus to Alexandria, there to be one day (by God's help) embarked for Christendom; a very immense dimension of ground.  
Now I am at the Mogul's Court, I think you would be glad to receive some narration thereof from me, though succinctly handled: for I mean to be very compendious, jest I should otherwise preoccupate that pleasure, which you may hereafter this reap by my personal relation thereof. This present Prince is a very worthy person, by name Selim, of which name I never read or heard of any more than one Mahometan King, which was Sultan Selim of Constantinople, that lived about eighty years since, the same that conquered jerusalem, Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, etc. adding the same to the Turkish Empire. He is fifty and three years of age, his nativity day having been celebrated with wonderful pomp since my arrival here: for that day he weighed himself in a pair of golden Scales, which by great chance I saw the same day (a custom that he observes most inviclably every year) laying so much Gold in the other Scale as countervaileth the weight of his body, and the same he afterward distributed to the poor. He is of complexion neither white nor black, but of a middle betwixt them: I know not how to express it with a more expressive and significant Epitheton then Olive: an Olive colour his face presenteth: he is of a seemly composition of body, of a stature little unequal (as I guess not without grounds of probability) to mine, but much more corpulent than myself. The extent of his Dominion is very spacious, being in circuit little less than four thousand English miles, which very near answereth the compass of the Turks Territories: or if any thing be wanting in Geometrical dimension of ground, it is with a great pleonasme supplied by the fertility of his soil: and in th●se two things he exceedeth the Turks, in the fatness (as I have said) of his Land, no part of the World yielding a more fruitful vein of ground, than all that which lieth in his Empire, saving that part of Babylonia, where the terrestrial Paradise once stood: whereas a great part of the Turks Land is extreme barren and sterrile, as I have observed in my peregrination thereof, especially in Syria, Mesopotamia and Armenia; many large portions thereof being so wonderful fruitless, that it beareth no good thing at all, or if any thing, there Infelix lolium & steriles dominantur avenae.  
Secondly, in the conjunction and union of all his Territories, together in one and the same goodly Continent of India, no Prince having a foot of Land within him. But many parcels of the Turks Countries are by a large distance of Seas, and otherwise, divided asunder. Again, in his Revenue he exceedeth the Turk and the Persian his Neighbour by just half: 
Of his Revenues and of all other things of this State, read Captain Hawkins his Relations, who had better means and judgement to know them. The Unicorns are no other but the Rhinoceros.  for his Revenues are forty Millions of Crowns of six shillings value, by the year: but the Turks are no more than fifteen Millions as I was certainly informed in Constantinople; and the Persians' five Millions, plus minus, as I heard in Spahan. It is said that he is uncircumcised, wherein he differeth from all the Mahometan Princes that ever were in the World.  
He speaketh very reverently of our Saviour, calling him in the Indian Tongue, Ifazaret Eesa, that is, the great Prophet, jesus: and all Christians, especially us English, he useth so benevolently, as no Mahometan Prince the like. He keepeth abundance of wild Beasts, and that of diverse sorts, as Lions, Elephants, Leopards, Bears, Antlops, Unicorns; whereof too I have s●ene at his Court, the strangest beasts of the World: they were brought hither out of the Country of Bengala, which is a Kingdom of most singular fertility within the compass of his Dominion, about four Month's journey from this, the midland parts thereof being watered by diverse Channels of the famous Ganges, which I have not as yet seen, but (God willing) I mean to visit it before my departure out of this Country, the nearest part of it being not above twelve days journey from this Court. The King presenteth himself thrice every day without fail to his Nobles, at the rising of the Sun, which he adoreth by the elevation of his hands; at noon, and at five of the clock in the evening: but he standeth in a room aloft, alone by himself, and looketh upon them from a window that hath an embroidered sumptuous coverture, supported with two silver Pilasters to yield shadows unto him. Twice every week, Elephants fight before him, the bravest spectacle in the World: many of them are thirteen foot and a half high; and they seem to justle together like two little Mountains, and were they not parted in the midst of their fight by certain fireworks, they would exceedingly gore and cruentate one anchor by their murdering teeth. Of Elephants the King keepeth thirty thousand in his whole Kingdom at an unmeasurable charge; in feeding of whom and his Lions, and other Beasts, he spendeth an incredible mass of Money, at the lest ten thousand pounds sterling a day. I have rid upon an Elephant since I came to this Court, determining one day (by God's leave) to have my Picture expressed in my next Book, sitting upon an Elephant. The King keepeth a thousand Women for his own body, whereof the chiefest (which is his Queen) is called Normal. You may remember to relate this unto your Friends, that I will now mention as a matter very memorable; I spent in my ten Months travel betwixt Aleppo and the Mogolls Court, but three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonable well every day; victuals being so cheap in some Countries where I traveled, that I oftentimes lived competently for a penny sterling a day: yet of that three pound I was cozened of no less than ten shillings sterling, by certain lewd Christians of the Armenian Nation: so that indeed I spent but fifty shillings in my ten Months Travails. I have been in a City in this Country, called Detee, where Alexander the Great joined Battle with Porus King of India, and conquered him; and in token of his victory, erected a Brass Pillar, which remaineth there to this day. At this time I have many Irons in the fire; for I learn the Persian, Turkish, and Arabian Tongues, having already gotten the Italian (I thank God) I have been at the Mogolls Court three Months already, and am to tarry here (by God's holy permission) five Months longer, till I have gotten the foresaid three Tongues, and then departed here-hence to the Ganges, and after that, directly to the Persian Court.  
Your assured loving Friend till death, THOMAS CORYATE.  
From the Court of the Great Mogoll, resident at the Town of Asmere in the Eastern India, on Michaelmas day. Anno 1615.  
I Do enjoy at this time as pancraticall and athletical a health, as ever I did in my life: and so have done ever since I came out of England, saving for three days in Constantinople, where I had an Ague, which with a little letting blood was clean banished, the Lord be humbly thanked for his gracious blessing of health that he hath given unto me. I was rob of my money, both gold and silver (but not all, by reason of certain clandestine corners where it was placed) in a City called Diarbeck in Mesopotamia, the Turks Country, by a Spaheê, as they call him, that is, one of the Horsemen of the Great Turk; but the occasion and circumstance of that misfortune, would be too tedious to relate. Notwithstanding that loss, I am not destitute of money I thank God. Since my arrival here, there was sent unto this King one of the richest Presents that I have heard to be sent to any Prince in all my life time: it consisted of diverse parcels; one being Elphants, whereof there were one and thirty, and of those, two so gloriously adorned, as I never saw the like, nor shall see the like again while I live. For they wore four chains about their bodies all of beaten gold: two chains about their legs of the same; Furniture for their buttocks of pure gold: two Lions upon their heads of the like gold: the ornaments of each, amounting to the value of almost eight thousand pound sterling: and the whole Present was worth ten of their Leaks, as they call them; a Leak being ten thousand pound sterling: the whole, a hundred thousand pounds sterling.  
To the High Seneschal of the Right Worshipful Fraternity of Sireniacall Gentlemen, that meet the first Friday of every month, at the sign of the Meremaid in Bread-street in London, give these: From the Court of the Great Mogoll, resident at the Town of Asmere, in the Eastern- India.  
RIght Generous, jovial, and Mercurial Sirenaickes; I have often read this Greek Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, one hand washeth another, and the Latin, Mulus Mulum scabit, 
This Letter by M. Rogers was delivered to myself.  one Mule scratcheth another; by which the Ancients signified, that courtesies done unto Friends, aught to be requited with reciprocal offices of friendship. The serious consideration hereof, doth make me to call to mind that incomparable elegant safe-conduct, which a little before my departure from England, your Fraternity with a general suffrage gave me for the security of my future Peregrination, concinuated by the pleasant wit of that inimitable Artisan of sweet Elegancy, the moiety of my heart, and the quondam Seneschal of the Noblest Society, Master L. W.  
Therefore since it is requisite that I should repay somewhat for the same, according to the Laws of humanity: Such a poor retribution as I sent unto you from Aleppo, the Metrpolitan City of Syria, by one Master Henry Allare of Kent, my Fellow-pilgrime there-hence to jerusalem; I mean a plain Epistle, which I hope long since came unto your hands: I have sent unto you by a man no less dear unto me then the former, one Master Peter Rogers, a Kentish man also, from the most famigerated Region of all the East, the ample and large India: assuring myself, that because I am not able to requited your love with any essential gratulations, other then verbal and scriptall, you will as lovingly entertain my poor Letters, being the certain manifestation of an ingenuous mind, as if I should sand unto you the mineral riches or Drugs of the Noble Country.  
Think it no wonder I pray you, that I have made no use in all this space since I left my native Country, of the superexcellent Commeate; for I have spent all my time hitherto in the Mahometan Countries, and am like to spend three years more in these Musselman (as they call them) Regions of Asia, after of Europe, before I shall arrive in Christendom. For this cause I left it in Aleppo, with my Countrymen, there to receive it from them again, after that I shall have ended my Indian and Persian perambulation: and there-hence to carry it once more to Constantinople, and that by the way at Iconium, Nicaea, Nicomedia, and in the Country of Anatolia, a journey of forty days. From that finally thorough the heart of Greece, by the Cities of Athens, Thebes, Corinth, Lacedaemon, Thessalonica, and to the City of Ragouze, heretofore Epidaurus, so sacred for the Image of Aesculapius in the Country of Sclavonia, once called Illyricum; from thence I have three days journey to the inestimable Diamond set in the Ring of the Adriatic Gulf, (as once I said in the first Harangue that ever I made to Prince Henry of blessed memory, translated since my departure from London, from the Terrestrial Tabernacles, to the Celestial Habitations) venerous Venice, the Sovereign Queen of the Mare superum: if the great jehovah shall be so propitious unto me, as to grant me a prosperous arrival in that Noble City, I will there begin to show your safe conduct, and to decantate, yea and to blazon your praises for the same: and after in every other place of note, until I shall arrive in glorious London, communicate it to the most polite, with that the Cities will yield, through which my laborious feet shall carry me, it would be superuacaneous to commemorate unto you the almost incredible extent of Land, I traversed from jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogoll in India, where I now reside; with the variable Regions and Provinces interjacent betwixt them, and the manifold occurrences and observations of special work in this vast Tract; for it would be such a fastidious Discourse, that it could not be well comprehended in a large sheet of Paper: but Master Whitaker, I hope, I will not fail to import unto you in a few compendious Relations, which I have acquainted him with, in a particular Letter to himself: of which, if I should have written again to you, it would have proved Crambe bis cocta.  
The Gentleman that bringeth this Letter unto you, was Pracher to the English Merchants, conversant at the Court of the aforesaid mighty Monarch, in the Town of Asmere in this Eastern- India: and in diverse loving offices hath been so kind unto me, that I entreat your Generosities to entertain him friendly for my sake, to exhilarate him with the purest quintessence of the Spanish, French and Rhenish Grape, which the Mermaid yields; and either one in the name of you all, or else the total universality of the one after another, to thank him hearty, according to the quality of his merits. Farewell, Noble Sirenaickes.  
Your Generosities most obliged Countryman, ever to be commanded by you, the Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Mesopotamian-Armenian-Median-Parthian-Persian-Indian Legge-stretcher of Odcomb in Somerset, THOMAS CORYATE.  
PRay remember the recommendations of my dutiful respect; to all those whose names I have here expressed, being the lovers of Virtue, and Literature; and so consequently the wellwillers (I hope) of a prosperous issue of my designments, in my laborious pedestriall perambulations of Asia, Africa, and Europe.  
Written with mine own hand, at the Court of the Great Mogoll, Shaugh Selim, resident in the Town of Asmere, in the umbilicke of the Oriental India, the eight day of November, being Wednesday, Anno Dom. 1615.  
INprimis, to the two Ladies Varney, the Mother and the Daughter, at Boswell House without Temple-bar,  
2 Item, to that famous Antiquary, Sir Robert Cotten, at his House in the Blackfriars. Pray tell him that I have a very curious white Marble head of an ancient Heros or Giantlike Champion, found out very casually by my diligent pervestigation amongst the ruins of the once renowned City of Cyzicum, mentioned by Cicero in his second Oration (if my memory doth not fail me) against Verres, situate in an Peninsula of Bythinia, in the goodly Country of Anatolia, near the Sea Propontis: to this head will his best Antiquities whatsoever veil bonnet.  
3 Item, to that courteous, sweet, and elegant-natured and nurtured Gentleman, Master William Ford, Preacher to our Nation at Constantinople, if you happen to meet him in any part of England; one that deserveth better of me, than any man in all this Catalogue: for of him have I learned whatsoever superficial skill I have gotten in the Italian Tongue: pray reduplicate my commendations unto him.  
4 Item, to Master George Speak, my generous and ingenuous Countryman, the Son and heir apparent of Sir George Speak, in Somerset-shire; him you are like to found in any Term, either at the Middle- Temple, or in some Barber's house near the Temple.  
5 Item, to Master john Donne, the Author of two most elegant Latin Books, Pseudomartyr, and Ignatij Conclave: of his abode either in the Strand, or elsewhere in London, I think you shall be easily informed by the means of my friend, Master L. W.  
6 Item, to Master Richard Martin, Counsellor, at his Chamber in the Middle- Temple, but in the Termtime, scarce else.  
7 Item, to Master Christopher Brook of the City of York, Counsellor, at his Chamber in Lincoln's Inn, or near it.  
8 Item, to Master john Hoskins, alias Equinoctial Pasticrast, of the City of Hereford, Counsellor, at his Chamber in the Middle- Temple.  
9 Item, to Master George Garret; of whose being you shall understand by Master Donne aforesaid.  
10 Item, to Master William Hackwell, at his Chamber in Lincoln's Inn.  
11 Item, to Master Benjamin johnson the Poet, at his Chamber at the Blackfriars.  
12 Item, to Master john Bond my Countryman, chief Secretary unto my Lord Chancellor.  
13 Item, to Master Doctor Mocket, resident perhaps in my Lord of Canterbury's house at Lambeth, where I left him.  
14 Item, to Master Samuel Purchas, the great Collector of the Lucubrations of sundry Classical Authors, for description of Asia, Africa, and America. Pray commend me unto him and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Master Cook, by the same token, that he gave me a description of Constantinople, and the Thracius Bosphorus, written in Latin by a Frenchman, called Petrus Gillius: which Book, when I carried once in an afternoon under mine arm, in walking betwixt our English Ambassadors House in P●ra, on the opposite side to Constantinople, and the Flemish Ambassadors house, I lost it very unfortunately to my great grief, and never found it again, etc.  
THere is another and later Letter of his to his Mother, written the last of October 1616. part of which for the Odcombian style and Coryaticall strain, I have hither transcribed. Great pity it is that his voluminous Observations of his foot Pilgrimage, longer than perhaps of any man ever hath been in that kind, are either lost, or at lest not come to some discreet hand, which might, no doubt, distil good instructions thence for the public, as sweet fresh water out of the huge salt Ocean.  
Some written Notes of his, it pleased Sir Thomas Roe to give me, whence (omitting such things as before you have had in Sir Thomas Roes own Observations) I have inserted a few, following this Letter.  
From Agra, the Capital City of the Dominion of the Great Mogoll in the Eastern India, the last of October 1616.  
MOst dear and well-beloved Mother, though I have superscribed my Letter from Asmere, the Court of the greatest Monarch of the East, called the Great Mogoll in the Eastern India, which I did to this end, that those that have the charge of conveyance thereof, perceiving such a title, may be the more careful and diligent to convey it safe to your hands: yet in truth the place from which I wrote this Letter, is Agra, a City in the said Eastern India, which is the Metropolitan of the whole Dominion of the foresaid King Mogoll, and ten days journey from his Court at the said Asmere. From the same Asmere I departed the twelfth day of September An. 1616. after my abode there twelve months and sixty days: which though I confess it were a too long time to remain in one and the selfsame place, yet for two principal causes it was very requisite for me to remain there some reasonable time: first, to learn the Languages ●f those Countries, through which I am to pass betwixt the bounds of the Territories of this Prince and Christendom, namely these three, the Persian, Turkish, and Arab: which I have in 〈◊〉 comp●●ent measure attained unto by my labour and industry at the said King's Court, matters as 〈…〉 unto me a● money in my Purse, as being the chiefest, or rather only mean to get me money, if I 〈…〉 destitute, a matter very inc●dentall to a poor Footman Pilgrim, as myself, in these 〈…〉 Country's, thorough which I travel. Secondly, that by the help of one of those 〈…〉 the Persian, I might both procure unto myself access unto the King and be able to express my mind unto him about the matter for the which I should have occasion to discourse with him. These were the reasons that moved me so long to tarry at the Mogul's Court, during which time, I abode in the house of the English Merchants, my dear Countrymen, not spending one little piece of money either for diet, washing, lodging, or any other thing. And as for the Persian tongue, which I studied very earnestly, I attained to that reasonable skill, and that in a few months, that I made an Oration unto the King before many of his Nobles, in that language, and after I had ended the same, discoursed with his Majesty also in that tongue very readily and familiarly; the Copy of which speech, though the tongue itself will seem to an Englishman very strange and uncouth, as having no kind of affinity with any of our Christian languages, I have for novelty sake written out in this Letter, together with the translation thereof in English, that you may show it to some of my learned friends of the Clergy, and also of the Temporalty, in Evil, and elsewhere, who belike, will take some pleasure in reading so rare and unusual a tongue as this is. The Persian is this that followeth.  
The Copy of an Oration that I made in the Persian tongue to the Great mogul, before diverse of his Nobles.  
HAzaret Aallum pennah salamet, fooker Daruces ve tehaungesh ta hastam kemia emadam as wellagets door, ganne az mulk Inglizan: kekessanaion petheen mushacas cardand ke wellagets, mazcoor der acres magrub bood, ke mader hamma nezzaerts dunmast. Sabebbe amadane mari mia boosti char cheez hast auval be dedane mobarreckdeedars. Hazaret ke seete caramat ba hamma Trankestan reeseedast ooba tamam mulk Musulmanan der sheenedan awsaffe. Hazaret daveeda amadam be deedane astawne akdas musharaf geshtam duum bray deedane feelhay Hazaret, kin chunm ianooar der heech mulk ne dedam seu in bray deedane namwer daryaee shumma Gauga, ke Serdare hamma daryaha dumiest. Chaharum e'en hast, keyee fermawne alishaion amayet fermoyand, ke betwanam der wellayetts Vzbeck raftan ba shahre San arcand, bray Zeerat cardan cabble mobarreche Saheb crawncah awsaffe tang oo mosachere oo der tamam aallum meshoor hast belch der wellagette Us bec eencader meshoor neest chunan che der mulc Inglisan hast digr, bishare eshteeac daram be deedanc mobarrec mesare Saheb crawnca bray een sabeb, che own saman che focheer de shabr Stambol boodam, ye aiaeb cohua amarat deedam dermean yecush bawg nasdec shaht mascoor coia che padshaw Eezawiawn i namesh Manuel bood che Saheb crawnca cush mehmannec aseem carda bood, baad as gristane Sulten Batasetra as iange aseem che shuda bood nas dec shahre Bursa, coima che Saheb crawn Sultan Baiasetra de Zenicera tellaio bestand, oo der cafes nahadond e'en char cheese meera as mulche man ium baneed ta mia, as mulc. Room oo Arrac peeada geshta, as door der een mulc reseedam, che char hasar pharsang raw darad, beshare derd oo mohuet casheedam che heech ches der een dunnia een cader mohuet ne casheedast bray deedune mobarrec dedare Haseretet awn roo che be tactte shaugh ne shaughee musharaf fermoodand.  
The English of it is this.  
LOrd 
* This is the ordinary title that i● given him by all strangers.  Protector of the World, all hail to you: I am a poor Traveller and World-seer, which am come hither from a fare country, namely England, which ancient Historians thought to have been situated in the farthest bounds of the West, and which is the Queen of all the Lands in the World. The cause of my coming hither is for four respects. First, to see the blessed face of your Majesty, whose wonderful fame hath resounded over all Europe, and the Mahometan Countries. When I heard of the fame of your Majesty, I hastened hither with speed, and traveled very cheerfully to see your glorious Court. Secondly, to see your Majesty's Elephants, which kind of beasts I have not seen in any other Country. Thirdly, to see your famous River Ganges, which is the Captain of all the Rivers of the World. The fourth is this, to entreat your Majesty that you would vouchsafe to grant me your gracious Pass, that I may travel into the Country of Tartary to the City of Samarcand, to visit the blessed Sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners (this is a title that is given to Tamburlaine in this Country, in that Persian language: and whereas they call him the Lord of the Corners, by that they mean, that he was Lord of the corners of the World, that is, the highest and supreme Monarch of the Universe:) whose fame, by reason of his Wars and Victories, is published over the whole World: perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartary, as in England. Moreover, I have a great desire to see the blessed Tomb of the Lord of the Corners for this cause; for that when I was at Constantinople, I saw a notable old building in a pleasant Garden near the said City, where the Christian Emperor that was called Emanuel, made a sumptuous great Banquet to the Lord of the Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet, in a great battle that was fought near the City of Prussia, where the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in fetters of gold, and put him in a Cage of iron. These four causes moved me to come out of my native Country thus fare, having traveled afoot thorough Turkey and Persia, so fare have I traced the World into this Country, that my Pilgrimage hath accomplished three thousand miles, wherein I have sustained much labour and toil, the like whereof no mortal man in this World did ever perform, to see the blessed face of your Majesty, since the first day that you were inaugurated in your glorious Monarchal Throne.  
After I had ended my Speech, I had some short discourse with him in the Persian Tongue, who amongst other things told me, that concerning my travel to the City of Samarcand, he was not able to do me any good, because there was no great amity betwixt the Tartarian Princes and himself, so that his commendatory Letters would do me no good. Also he added, that the Tartars did so deadly hate all Christians, that they would certainly kill them when they came into their Counntry. So that he earnestly dissuaded me from the journey, if I loved my life and well far; at last, he concluded his discourse with me, by a sum of money, that he threw down from a window, thorough which he looked out, into a sheet tied up by the four corners, and hanging very near the ground, an hundred pieces of silver, each worth two shillings sterling, which countervailed ten pounds of our English Money: this business I carried so secretly by the help of my Persian, that neither our English Ambassador, nor any other of my Countrymen (saving one special, private, and intrinsical friend) had the leact inkling of it, till I had throughly accomplished my design: for I well knew that our Ambassador would have stopped and barricadoed all my proceeding therein, if he might have had any notice thereof, as indeed he signified unto me, after I had effected my project, alleging this, forsooth, for his reason, why he would have hindered me, because it would redound somewhat to the dishonour of our Nation, that one of our Country should present himself in that beggarly and poor fashion to the King, out of an insinuating humour, to crave Money of him: But I answered, our Ambassador in that stout and resolute manner, after I had ended my business, that he was contented to cease nibbling at me, never had I more need of Money in all my life, then at that time▪ for in truth I had but twenty shillings sterling left in my Purse, by reason of a mischance I had in one of the Turks Cities called Emert, in the Country of Mesopotamia, where a Miscreant Turk stripped me of almost all my moneys, according as I wrote unto you in a very large Letter the last year, which I sent from the Court of this mighty Monarch, by one of my Countrymen that went home by Sea in an English ship, laden with the Commodities of this India, which Letter, I hope, came to your hands long since. After I had been with the King, I went to a certain Noble and Generous Christian of the Armenian Race, two days journey from the Mogolls Court, to the end to observe certain remarkable matters in the same place, to whom, by means of my Persian Tongue, I was so welcome, that he entertained me with very civil and courteous compliment; and at my departure gave me very bountifully twenty pieces of such kind of Money as the King had done before, countervailing forty shillings sterling. About ten days after that, I departed from Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll Prince, to the end to begin my Pilgrimage, after my long rest of fourteen Months, back again into Persia, at what time our Ambassador gave me a piece of Gold of this King's Coin worth four and twenty shillings, which I will save (if it be possible) till my arrival in England: so that I have received for benevolences, since I came into this Country, twenty marks sterling, saving two shillings eight pence, and by the way, upon the confines of Persia, a little before I came into this Country, three and thirty shillings four pence in Persian Money, of my Lady Shirley: at this present I have in the City of Agra, wherehence I wrote this Letter, about twelve pounds sterling, which according to my manner of living upon the way, at two pence sterling a day, (for with that proportion I can live pretty well, such is the cheapness of all eatable things in Asia, drinkable things costing nothing, for seldom do I drink in my Pilgrimage any other liquor then pure water) will maintain me very competently three years in my travel, with meat, drink and clothes. In this City of Agra, where I am now, I am to remain about six weeks longer, to the end to expect an excellent opportunity, which then will offer itself unto me, to go to the famous River Ganges, about five days journey from this, to see a memorable meeting of the gentle people of this Country, called Banians, whereof about four hundred thousand people go thither of purpose to bathe and shave themselves in the River, and to sacrifice a world of Gold to the same River, partly in stamped Money, and partly in massy great lumps and wedges, throwing it into the River as a Sacrifice, and doing other strange Ceremonies most worthy the observation. Such a notable spectacle it is, that no part of all Asia, neither this which is called the great Asia, nor the lesser, which is now called Anatolia, the like is to be seen; this show do they make once every year, coming thither from places almost a thousand miles off, and honour their River as their God, Creator and Saviour; Superstition and Impiety most abominable in the highest degree of these brutish Ethnics, that are aliens from Christ and the Commonwealth of Israel. After I have seen this show, I will with all expedition repair to the City of Lehor, twenty days journey from this, and so into Persia, by the help of my blessed Christ, etc.  
Your dutiful, loving and obedient Son, now a desolate Pilgrim in the World, THOMAS CORTATE.  

Certain Observations written by THOMAS CORYAT.  

jesuitical Mariani●ie.  WHereas the Beggars beg in this Country of a Christian in the name of Bibee Maria, and not of Hazanet Eesa, thereby we may gather that the jesuits have preached Mary more than jesus.  

Notable example of Atheism.  A great Raia a Gentle, a notorious Atheist, and contemner of all Deity, glorying to profess he knew no other God than the King, nor believing nor fearing none: sitting dallying with his women, one of them plucked a hair from his breast, which being fast rooted, plucked off a little of the skin, that blood appeared; this small scar festered and gangrened incurably, so that in few days he despaired of life, and being accompanied with all his friends and diverse Courtiers, he broke out into these excellent words: Which of you would not have thought that I being a man of War, should have died by the stroke of a Sword, Spear or Bow? but now I am enforced to confess the power of that great God, whom I have so long despised, that he needs no other Lance then a little hair to kill so blasphemous a wretch, and contemner of his Majesty, as I have been.  

Ecbars juggling.  Ecbar Shaugh had learned all kind of Sorcery, who being once in a strange humour to show a spectacle to his Nobles, brought forth his chiefest Queen, with a Sword cut off her head, and after the same perceiving the heaviness and sorrow of them, for the death of her (as they thought) caused the head, by virtue of his Exorcisms and Conjunctions, to be set on again, no sign appearing of any stroke with his Sword.  
Sultan Cursaroo hath but one Wife, for which one principal reason is, that during his imprisonment, 
Wively fidelity  the King intending to make a hunting Progress of four months, consulted how to keep him safe in his absence; at last resolved to build a Tower, and immure him within it, without gate, door or window, except some small holes to let in Air higher than he could come unto; putting in all sorts of provision whatsoever, both fire, clotheses, etc. with some servants to abide with him for that time. While this was building, his Wife came and fell at the King's feet, and never would let go till she had obtained leave to be shut up with him: the King much persuading to enjoy her liberty; she utterly refused any other comfort, then to be the companion of her Husband's miseries; amongst which this was the greatest, that if any of those that were immured, being in number fifty, should have died in the King's absence, there was no means to bury them, for that no man was admitted to come near the Tower.  

Right and 〈◊〉 about finding a Fountain.  The Fountain found the first day by one of my Lord's people, Master Herbert, brother to Sir Edward Herbert, which if he had not done, he must have sent ten Course every day for water, to a River called Narbode, that falleth into the Bay of Cambaya at Buroch; the custom being such, that whatsoever Fountain or Tanke is found by any great man in time of drought he shall keep it proper and peculiar to himself, without the interruption of any man whatsoever. The day after one of the King's Haddies finding the same, and striving for it, was taken by my Lord's people, and bound all, etc. a great controversy being about it, etc.  
Remember the Charity of two great men, that in the time of this great drought, were at the charge of sending ten Camels with twenty persons every day to the said River for water, 
Charity of Moors.  and did distribute the water to the poor, which was so dear, that they sold a little skin for eight Pise.  
Ecbar Shaugh, a very fortunate Prince and pious to his Mother: his piety appearing in this particular, 
Ecbars' piety.  that when his Mother was carried once in a Palankeen betwixt Lahor and Agra, he travelling with her, took the Palankeen upon his own shoulders, commanding his greatest Nobles to do the like, and so carried her over the River from one side to the other, and never denied her any thing, but this, that she demanded of him, that our Bible might be hanged about an Ass' neck, and beaten about the Town of Agra, for that the Portugals having taken a ship of theirs at Sea, in which was found the Alcoran amongst the Moors, tied it about the neck of a Dog, and beaten the same Dog about the Town of Ormuz: but he denied her request, 
Notable sentence.  saying, That if it were ill in the Portugals to do so to the Alco●an, being it became not a King to requited ill with ill, for that the contempt of any Religion, was the contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent Book: the moral being, that God would not suffer the sacred Book of his Truth to be contemned amongst the Infidels.  
One day in the year, for the solace of the King's Women, all the Tradesman's Wives enter the Mohal with somewhat to cell, 
Profligate Iust.  in manner of a Fair, where the King is Broker for his Women, and with his gains that night makes his supper, no man present, (observe that whatsoever is brought in of virile shape, as instance in Reddishes, so great is the jealousy, and so frequent the wickedness of this people, that they are cut and jagged for fear of converting the same to some unnatural abuse) by this means he attains to the ●●ght of all the pretty Wenches of the Town: at such a kind of Fair he got his beloved Normahal.  
After Shaof Freed had won the Battle of Lahor by a stratagem, the Captains being taken by the King, and hanged upon Fleshhooks and Stakes, 
Apophthegm▪  made an entrance for the King to Lahor, his son Cursaroo being then taken Prisoner, and riding barefooted upon an Elephant; his Father demanded him how he liked that Spectacle of his valiant and faithful Captains hanging in that manner, to the number of two thousand: he answered him, that he was sorry to see so much Cruelty and Injustice in his Father, in executing them that had done nothing but their duty; for that they lived upon his Bread and Salt: but he should have done right if he had saved them, and punished him which was their Master, and the Author of the Rebellion.  
For more clear declaration of this excellent virtue upbraiding the coldness of our Charity, 
The King's external charity. He had added here of the King's respect to twofold Daruises which you have before in Sir T. Roe.  you shall understand a custom of this King, who sleeping in his Gusle-can, often when he awakes in the night, his great men (except those that watch) being retired, calls for certain poor and old men, making them sit by him, with many questions and familiar speeches passing the time, and at their departure clothes them, and gives them bountiful Alms often, whatsoever they demand, telling the money into their hands.  
For a close of this Discourse, I cannot forget that memorable Piety, when at Asmere he went afoot to the Tomb of the Prophet Hod. Mundin there buried, and kindling a fire with his own hands, and his Normahal, under that immense and Heidelbergian-aequipollent Brasspot, and made Kitcherie for five thousand poor, taking out the first Platter with his own hands, and serving one; Normahal the second, and so his Ladies all the rest. Crack me this Nut, all the Papal Charity vaunters.  
An Armenian desirous to turn Moor, procured a Nobleman to bring him to the King, 
The King likes not shifters of Religion.  whom the King asked why he turned Moor, whether for preferment? he answered, No. Some few Months after craving some courtesy of the King, he denied it him, saying, That he had done him the greatest favour that could be, to let him save his soul, but for his body he himself should provide as well as he could.  
The King likes not those that change their Religion, he himself being of none but of his own making, and therefore suffers all Religions in his Kingdom. Which by this notable example I can make manifest: The King had a Servant that was an Armenian, by name Scander; to whom upon occasion of speech of Religion, the King asked if he thought either he or the Padres had converted one Moor to be a true Christian, and that was so for conscience sake, and not for money: who answered with great confidence, That he had one which was a perfect Christian, and for no worldly respect would be other, whom the King caused presently to be sent for: and bidding his Master departed, demanded why he was become a Christian, who rendered certain feeble, implicit, jesuitical Reasons, and avowed that he would never be other: whereupon the King practised by fair speeches and large promises, to withdraw him to the folly of Mahomet, offering him Pensions, means, and command of Horse, telling him he had now but four Rupias a Month Wages, which was a poor Reward for quitting his, praepuced faith; but if he would recant, he would heap upon him many Dignities: the Fellow answering, it was not for so small Wages he became Christian, for he had limbs, and could earn so much of any Mahometan, but that he was a Christian in his heart, and would not altar it. This way not taking effect, the King turned to threatenings, and menacings of Tortures and Whip; but the Proselyte manfully resolving to suffer any thing, answered, he was ready to endure the King's pleasure. Upon this resolution, when all men expected present and severe castigation, the King changed his tune, highly commending his constancy and honesty, bidding him go and return to his Master, and to serve him faithfully and truly, giving him a Rupia a day Pension for his Integrity. About two Months after, the King having been a hunting of wild Hogs, a beast odious to all Moors, and accustomed to distribute that sort of Venison among Christians and Razbootes, sent for this Armenian, Master of this converted Catechumen or Mahometan, to come and fetch part of his Quarry. The Armenian not being at home, this his principal Servant came to know the King's pleasure, who commanded him to take up a Hog for his Master, which no Moor will touch; which he did, and being gone out of the Courtgate, was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that he threw down his Present in a Ditch, and went home, concealing from his Master what had passed. About four days after the Armenian coming to his watch, the King demanded of him whether the Hog he sent him were good meat or no; who replied, he neither heard of, nor see any Hog: whereat the King remembering to whom this Hog was delivered, caused the fellow to be sent for, and examining the matter, had it confessed how he threw away the Hog, and never carried it home: the King pressing to know the reason, the poor fellow answered how he was mocked for touching it, and it being a thing odious to the Moors, for shame he threw it away: at which he replied, By your law there is no difference of meats, and are you ashamed of your laws? or to flatter the Mahometans, do you in outward things forsake it? now I see, thou art neither good Christian, nor good Mahometan, but a dissembling knave with both, while I found thee sincere, I gave thee a pension, which now I take from thee, and for thy dissimulation do command thee to have a hundred stripes, which were presently given him in stead of his money, and bade all men by his example take heed, that seeing he gave liberty to all Religions, that which they choose and profess, they may stick unto.  
I had thought at first to have finished all these Indian Voyages in this fourth Book: but perceiving it to grow into such greatness, and withal such great alterations as the Turkish Trade at Moha, and especially the Persian at jasques, have caused in the English Trade, with the contrary Attempts of the Portugals, and chief the Dutch, (before no good Friends, and there the worst of Enemies) to the English-Indian Trade; I thought fit to make thereof a fifth Book.     

NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQVES, DISCOVERIES, OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN THE EASTERN PARTS OF THE WORLD: Continuing the English-Indian Occurrents, and containing the English Affairs with the Great SAMORINE, in the Persian and Arabian Gulfs, and in other places of the Continent, and Lands of and beyond the Indieses: the Portugal Attempts, and Dutch Disasters, diverse Sea-fights with both; and many other remarkable RELATIONS. THE FIFTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I Memorials taken out of the journal of ROGER HAWES, touching the proceed of the Factory at Cranganor under the Great Samorine.  
THe General of this Fleet was Captain William Keeling in the Dragon, Robert Boner Master: Captain Christopher Harris in the Peppercorne: Captain Walter Payton 
* You have his journal before.  in the Expedition.  
The fourth of March 1615. we chased a Portugal Frigate, which ran into a creek and escaped us: and we making our way on towards Cape Comorine, there came a Tony aboard us with Messengers from the Samorine to the General.  
The next day the Governor sent a Present, and entreated the General to go to Cranganor, which the day after we did, and the chief men sent from the Samorine: the General was desired to come ashore to speak with him, but in the going, certain Frigates came and anchored near the shore, and caused him to go aboard the Expedition. Some shots passed, but little hurt.  
On the eight, the General went ashore with Master Barkley, Cape Merchant, and others, where they received kind usage, and concluded to settle a Factory. The Articles agreed on, were these: 
VNderecon Cheete, the Great Samorine, etc. To JAMES by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, etc. Whereas your Servant and Subject William Keeling Esquire, arrived in my Kingdom in the month of March, Anno 1615. with three English ships at the Port of Cranganor, in latitude ten degrees fifteen minutes, and at my earnest solicitation came ashore to see me: there was concluded by me for my part, and by him for the English Nation, as followeth.  
As I have been ever an enemy to the Portugals, so do I purpose to continued for ever: I do hereby faithfully promise' to be and continued a friend to the English, 
March 4. 1615. Cranganor Cast●e and Island promised to the English.  and my Successors after me: to endeavour the taking in of the Fort of Cranganor, and to possess the English thereof, as their own, with the Island thereof, which is in length on the Sea-coast nine miles, and in breadth three.  
Provided, that I purpose to build therein a house for some of my own people, to the number of one hundred persons.  

Cochin promised, and covenanted to be given to the English.  I will also endeavour, with the aid of the English, hereafter to take in the Fort and Town of Cochin, belonging formerly to my Crown and Kingdom, and then to deliver it into the possession of the English, as their own proper lands and possessions: Provided, that the charge of the surprise be equally borne, the one half by myself, the other by the English Nation: and the benefit of the spoils thereof, in whatsoever quality, the one half to belong to me, the other half to the English Nation.  
The Samorine to have no right, title or interest in the aforesaid Town, Precincts, or appurtenances of Cochin at all.  
And the Samorine doth also covenant for himself, his Heirs and Successors, that the whole Trade of the English, in whatsoever commodities brought in, or carried out, shall pay, yield or allow no manner of custom, imposition, tax, toll, or any other duty of whatsoever quality.  
And to these Covenants, which the shortness of time did not permit to amplify: I the Samorine have religiously sworn by the great God I serve, to perform accordingly, and that not only for myself, but for my Successors after me: and in witness hereof, have laid my hand upon this writing.  
And the said William Keeling doth promise' to acquaint the King's Majesty with the premises, and to endeavour his Majesty's undertaking thereof accordingly.   
A Stock was made, as the State present permitted, and three Factors appo●●ted, George Woolman chief, Peter Needham, one of the General's servants, second; myself (Roger Hawes) third, Edward Peake, a Youth attendant, and to learn the language; and john Stamford a Gunner, to assist the Samorine, if need required in his wars. On the tenth, the ships departed, leaving us in a shrambe at the water's side, with our goods and a Present for the Samorine, where we continued till the thirteenth, at which time the last of our goods were carried to the Samorines' Castle: whom thus possessed of our goods, we much suspected.  
On the twentieth, he would needs see Master Woollmans Trunk, supposing we had store of money (Needham had told him we had five hundred Ryalls of eight) and finding little above fifty Ryalls, he would needs borrow fifty, which we could not deny him, and offered a pawn not worth half, which we refused to take, hoping after this money lent: he would permit us to departed for Calicut, but found delays. He also urged us to give his brother a Present.  
On the eight and twentieth, he came up into the Chamber where we were, and gave Master Woollman two Gold-rings, and to every of the rest one: and the next day called us to the sight of his tumbling sports. 
Stamford a drunken fool, or a false knave.  The same night Stamford went out with his sword in his hand, telling the Boy he would come again presently, and the next news we heard of him, was that he was met with by the King of Cockins Nayros, having lost himself (being drunk) they demanded whither he would go, he said to the Samorines, whither they undertook to bring him, and he knew not himself betrayed till he came at Cochin. This put us in great fear, but the Samorine gave us good words, saying, he had rather now found him a knave, then when he should have put trust in him.  
In April, we got liberty to departed with our goods for Calicut, where the two and twentieth we arrived, and were kindly entertained: but were fain to stay in the Customhouse, till we might get a more convenient house, which was made ready for us the sixth of May, with promise of a better after the Rains. Feign would we, according to the General his order, have sent a messenger with his and our Letters to Surat, to acquaint our Countrymen with our being here: but the Governor would not consent till we had sold our goods, for their better encouragement.  
On the eighteenth, one was sent. Part of the goods were sold by the Governors' procurement, 
Perfidious people.  to the Merchants at Calicut, soon after on the six and twentieth, and fair promises of part of payment shortly; but it is not the custom of b●st or worst in this country, to be as good as their word, being certain only in dissembling. Master Wo●llman was desirous to go to Nassapore to make sale▪ but the Governor put him off with diverse shifts from time to time.  

july 3.  The third of july, the messenger sent for Surat returned with reports, that being well onward on his way, he was set upon, beaten, his money and Letters taken from him: amongst which was a letter of General Keeling to the next General, which grieved us, suspecting yet he was rob with his own consent, 
Nassapere.  and of his honesty only. A Broker of Nassapore told Master Needham that they were sold to the portugals; the Governor hearing of it, and hanging down his head, as guilty therein. We sold goods here to Merchants of Nassapore.  

August 17.  The seventeenth of August, Master Woollman died. Our promised money we could not get, and our Br●ker told us, that some one of the debtors would go to the Governor, and with a bribe procure respite, the rest refusing till they paid all.  
On the four and twentieth, the Samorines' sister sent us word, she would both cause them to pay, and lend us any money we needed: but we found her as the rest. The Queen Mother also made us fair shows. divers likewise promised to convey letters to Surat for us, but with words as diverse from the event, and adverse to all truth.  
Master Needham thus wronged, further wronged himself by indiscretion, threatening he would be gone to the King of Cochin, in presence of a Nayro appointed to attend us, who discovered the same; and he added yet further, to put him in fear with making show of violent revenge, as he did also to a Scrivano (which is as a justice with us) taking him by the throat, and making as though he would have stricken him with his sword, for detaining money he had received for us. Our Broker also told him, it was not Merchantlike to go up and down the Town with a sword and buckler: his carriage and habit resembling those, which here we call Roaring-boys, rather than Merchants, notwithstanding, my admonition, which was requited with ill language to myself, and accompanied with abuses of his own self and the Companies affairs.  
The three and twentieth of September, a Holland ship, which had traded at Mecca, 
September 23. Hollanders at Calicut.  came to this Port, with purpose of settling a Factory, which were by the Governor appointed to go to the King, and promised to carry us a letter, but went without it. And here dallying and delaying continued. Whereupon the fourth of November, Master Needham went to the Samorine, and returned the five and twentieth, having had a Gold-chaine bestowed on him, a jewel and a Gold-ring to wear on his arm, with orders also from the King to effect our designs. But the performance halted.  
The twentieth of December, a Malabar Captain had taken prize of the Portugals, 
December 20.  and would have traded with us, but we could not get in our moneys due long before. We heard also the same day of four English ships at Surat. But the Governor and people continuing their wont perfidiousness, the one more careful of taking, the other of giving, bribes, then paying our debts: we used a strange policy to get some of them: 
Strange policy, strong superstition.  for when we came to demand them at their houses, if they would pay us none, we would threaten not to departed till they paid us. And we had heard it reported that their custom is, neither to eat nor wash, whiles we are in their houses. By this means we sometimes got fifty Fanoes of one, one hundred of another; by no means would they endure us to lie at their houses, except one, where we waited three days and nights; with three or four Nayros: they had for their watch of them, but we could g●t nothing. The Nayro, whom the King had appointed to get in our debts, came to demand a gratuity of us, yet got in nothing: yea, he would go to the debtors houses, and take three or four Fanoes of each, and then departed without the money.  
The ninth of january, Master Needham going to demand a debt, a Nayro, as he said, 
january 9 A dangerous fray.  would not suffer him to pass, and being put by with his hand struck him; whereupon he gave the Nayro a dangerous wound in the head, which it was thought he would not recover; other Moors being hurt in taking his part. And word was presently brought to us, to shut up our doors, left the Nayros should assemble to do us some mischief (feuds or kindred-quarrels and murders being rife amongst them, without other law to right themselves.) Our Nayro with his kindred 〈◊〉 guard him home, to the number of thirty, with pikes, and swords, and bucklers, in his defence, whom he could not but gratify. Our house was guarded three or four nights and da●es, none of us daring to go into the Town for money or other business (wh●ch before we did very safely) for a week: and then our Broker willed us not to go without a Nayro, for that they had sworn the death of one of us, in revenge of him that was killed.  
The twentieth, the Portugal Armada of four and thirty sail passed by from the South, 
Fight with the Po●tuga●s and Nayros.  whereof fourteen ships, the rest Frigates: they put into the Harbour, where three Frigates lay at anchor; a hot fight followed, but the Portugals went away with disgrace, having only ●ut one of the Frigates halves, which driven ashore and broke in pieces, belonging to the Governor, who was well served, keeping in the country, and keeping four or five great pieces, wh●ch were at his disposing, in the Town, locked up, all save one: neither had they powder an● shot for above two shot. Before the fight was ended, some four thousand Nayros were come down; diverse were slain on both sides. Nine or ten Portugals were driven ashore, and two or three of the chief presently hanged by the heels two days, and then being taken down, the night following were devoured by wild beasts.  
The eight and twentieth, a Pattemar told that the Governor was friend to us only in show, wishing the portugals in our room; for we did no good in the Country, but brought wares which they were forced to buy, whereas they caused good by trading.  
The eight of February, we received Letters from Surat. The fourth of March, we received Letters from the King, wishing us, if our ships came, to come with them to Panean, and for our monies not to trouble ourselves, for he would pay us, though he sold his Rings.   

CHAP. II. Notes taken out of the journal of ALEXANDER CHILD, from England to Surat, and thence to jasques in Persia, and of the fight by the way with the Portugals, in which General JOSEPH was slain.  

june 13.14.15. 1616.  THe thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth of june 1616. after our arrival at Soldania, we made merry one with another, glad of our meeting there with Captain Newport, homewards bound. We found here good watering, but little refreshing else, save fresh-fish for our sick men: the Blacks brought us nothing.  

August 1.  The first of August, we fell with the main, the place called Boobam in sixteen degrees, five and thirty minutes South latitude: variation thirteen degrees, twelve minutes.  

Fight with the Portugals Carrack.  The sixth, we descried a sail, the Admiral of the Carricks that went this year from Lisbon. The Globe sailing better than the rest of the Fleet, first came up to her, and the Carack presently gave her a whole broad side, shot diverse shoots thorough the ship, and hurt a man or two, which caused her to fall asterne, and stand in with the General and the rest of the Fleet, showing us of the Portugals discourtesy. When our General came up with the Carack, he sent his Shallop aboard her to know of the Captain, why he shot at his friend, and to entreat him to come aboard to make satisfaction for the wrong done. But he sent the Boatswain aboard the General, who told him directly that he would not come aboard, nor give satisfaction: who thereupon having sent his man aboard, began the fight, which continued an hour and half. But within less than an hour, 
Captain Benjamin joseph slain.  an unlucky shot came from the Carack, and slew our worthy General. Than did the Admiral presently fall off, and put abroad a flag of Council, where coming aboard, we found to our grief his body mangled with a Culuerine shot, and himself suddenly departed.  

Captain Pepwell succeeds in place and fight.  We kept company with the Carrack till six the next morning, and it proved under the Island Moyella, calm, that we were forced to anchor by means of a pretty strong current setting to the South, and passed the whole day in making our ships ready for fight. I took out my long Boat and Pinnace out of my ship, and mounted the rest of my Ordnance, and kept the Carrack company all the next night.  
The eight, about seven in the morning, our General, Captain Pepwell, seeing he could not fetch her up so soon as he desired, called to me, whose ship went better, and gave me leave to have the first onset. I came up and gave him three or four broadsides: and in the mean time the General came up, and I gave place; the Vice-admiral also and the Globe one after another; and thus we fought all day. Between three and four in the afternoon, his main mast fell overboard, and presently his Foretop-mast followed: at five we gave him over within less than a league of the shore, 
Comora.  being a Lee-shoare, and a great sea. The Lands name is Comora, very steep to an hundred fathom, within less than a Cables length of the Rocks, and no ground: so we stood off and on all that night. The General was sorely wounded on the face with splinters from a great shot in his half deck, 
Captain Pepwel, and others wounded, diverse slain.  and Richard Hounsell the Master, was hurt in his arm, another had his head shot away, and diverse others were hurt: I lost two men. The General in the evening sent Master Connock, Cape Merchant, to the Captain of the Carrack, that if he would yield, he should have good quarter, and be sent to Goa in safety: his answer was, he neither would nor could: but if we could win him with the sword, he must be contented, and hoped to found honourable wars with us, 
The Carrack fired, read more hereof in Sir Thomas R●e.  if we took him. At twelve in the night she was aground between two rocks very steep, and set on fire, whether accidentally or wilfully we cannot tell.  
The ninth, in the morning I sent Master Anthony Fugars, my mate, ashore in my long Boat to see if any men were saved, and to take in some of them, to know how she came on fire: but the Carrack was still burning, and not a Man of hers to be seen. There were many Blacks of the Island on the land against the Carack, and they put out a flag of truce for my men to come ashore, but there was no landing in that place, nor within three leagues to the East or West, the rocks being steep, and as high as our main Topmast.  
The tenth, we bore about the South-west part of the Island, and anchored in two and twenty fathom water with one, 
Refreshing at Comora.  and another I laid out in fourteen, against a Town called Mattoma, the people promising Beefs and all that the Island did afford; but we were frustrate of our hopes, till at last with much ado we bought nine Beefs, 
September 24. Thomas Kerridge, he is now this june 1622. returned home.  some Goats, Hens, Lemons, Plantans and Coco-nuts: and I persuade myself they are very treacherous.  
The four and twentieth of September, we plied up to Swally Road, there anchored, and brought the Merchants aboard the General, the principal Factours name was Thomas Kerridge.  

The Voyage to jasques.  
THe fifth of November, I went over the Bar of Swally, bound for jasques in Persia. 
November 6.  The tenth, the Island of Diu did bear North from us three leagues distant. The eleventh, latitude twenty degr. twelve min. I sent my long Boat and Pinnace, thinking to have spoken with a Fisherman, and they found him a man of war, and seven or eight in the Pinnace were hurt with their arrows, the long Boat not able to secure them.  
The two and twentieth, we were in latitude four and twenty degrees, ten minutes, 
Goudel.  variation eighteen degrees from North to West. This day we saw the Land of Goudel North and East, nine or ten leagues distant. When you are within five leagues of the shore, you shall see the Cliffs whitish, like the Forland in most places.  
The five and twentieth▪ in four and twenty degrees, seven and forty minutes, we were off a ragged mouldy Land, called by the Portugals seat Setheayes, by us the seven Cities, showing like seven Castles, standing a league from each other, the highest like a walled City, and lieth West Northwest from Cape Goudel six and twenty leagues, you may see it fourteen or fifteen leagues off, like Lands, and may run within a league of the shore, in ten or twenty fathom, within a mile soft Ozie ground without danger: Variation eighteen degrees, I found no Current out or in.  
On the seven and twentieth, latititude five and twenty degrees, two minutes: variation eighteen degrees, thirty minutes land, as before.  
The first of December, we stood off with the Persian shore, 
December 1.  having been put over on the Coast of Arabia, with a Northwest and North Northwest wind, we had much rain diverse days: and on the second at night, we anchored five or six leagues to the West of jasques, in two and twenty fathom Ozie ground.  
The next I road still, and sent the Pinnace to see if they could speak with any people, but they could see no mention of any. At three of the clock I set sail, 
Cape of jasques.  and stood toward the Cape about a league, and anchored in eleven fathom Ozie ground.  
The fourth, I sent my chief Mate with the Frigate and Pinnace, to see if he could discover the Road of jasques; but before he came ashore, the Governor of the place, seeing us lie off and in with the shore, sent a Fisherboat to them, and they returned aboard with her. After some conference, we sent Master Bell ashore to the Governor, with his man and a Guzerat, to his Castle, a little mile from the waters side, with a Present, to sound what welcome: I kept two of their men for a pawn.  
The fift, I weighed and went two leagues nearer the shore, and anchored within a league of it, in five fathom at low water, tough Ozie ground, and a fair Bay. There runs no stream, but it flows a fathom in the spring, and three or four foot otherwise: a Southeast and by East Moon makes high water. The Eastermost low point hath a Pagod or Meskite on it, and the Fisher-towne did bear North-east, in latitude five and twenty degrees, five and thirty minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Diu ten degrees, forty minutes West, and the Variation nineteen degrees, twen●y minutes, from North to West, M. Bell returned with two of the Governors' Soldiers, commending his entertainment, and promised welcome to us.  
The eight, M. Conock our Cape Merchant went ashore, with M. Barker, and two other Factors, and returned at night with like news.  
The seventh, the Purser bought us four Beefs and Goats, not fat at that time of the year, but such as gave us content.  
The tenth, our Merchants went ashore with their baggage, for their journey to Mogustan, and on the twelfth took their way thither. 
Mogustan.   
The thirteenth, I sent the Boat and Pinnace to fetch water: the countrypeople that brought it down, had after four shillings English-money the ton: it was rainwater (for they have no other) it raines but little in December, but in january it will rain six or seven days together, that it fills all their Cisterns and places of provision for the whole year following. 
Rain scarce.  I take it not wholesome being full of small worms, that we were fain to strain our beverage.  
The sixteenth, I sent my Mate about Ballast, wherein they found them unreasonable. I sent the Pinnace to the Eastermost low point, for stones for Ballast. 
Fish & Ballast.  It is the worthiest place for fish in all the Indieses. They laded eighteen or twenty ton of Ballast.  
On the nineteenth, we received a Letter from M. Connock, half on-ward of his way to Mogustan, of their peaceable travel.  
The first of january I received a Letter from jasques, which came from our Merchants, 
january 1. Costake.  & made us glad. On the fifth, M. Connock would have had me gone with the ship to a place called Costake within seven leagues over against Ormus, whereto I was loathe to yield, being out of season of the year. The next day they talked of Piloting the ship to Sireck; but I was the same man. 
Sireck. Persian Trade hopeful.  The Merchants reported that they hoped it would be a good place of Trade, and in time, as good as any in India. The Pilot confessed it was dangerous then to carry the ship to Sireck, it was so foul, stormy, and a lee shore, the sea high, anchorage unsure, and Master Connock seeing the storm we there abode, so extreme, altered his mind, and sped to landlord the goods at jasques.  
The twentieth, I set sail from the Road of jasques: and the eight of February, at ten of the clock, we anchored in Swally Road.    

CHAP. III. A Letter of Master THOMAS SPURWAY Merchant, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders (the former unkind disgusts and brabbling quarrels breaking now out into a furious, unexpected, injurious war) Written in a Letter to the Company.  
Laus Deo in Bantam, the twentieth of November, 1617. Honourable and right worshipful, my humble duty always remembered, And may it please you to understand, etc.  


The beginning of this Letter was torn, and therefore as that, so this, a little imperfect: but what is here defective, hereafter you shall found supplied in Master Nathaniel Corthops relation, with the continuation of these Bandan affairs, and Dutch insolences, in him▪ Master Haies and others. This I thought good to pr●mise, as in time, so in cause preceding the fights in the ensuing Voyages mentioned.  
The King of Moccasor, and all the King's ther● abouts mortal enemies to the Flemings. Nou●mb. 7. two Hollanders land at Moccasor.  
The King of Moccasor levieth two thousand men. The English procure the life of the Hollanders.  
The Hollanders attempted to land again at Moccasor, whom the Moccasorians intercepted, slew them all, being sixteen. The English courteous to the Hollanders, going towards Banda.   THE nineteenth of November, 1616. we arrived at Moccasor, the Swan and the Defence, where we stayed to take in one hundred quoynes of Rice. In the time of our being there, and the fourth of December, we descried off at sea, a great ship, and coming at an anchor five leagues off. The fift dicto, they sent their skiff ashore, making directly to the English house, having eight men in her, which, as soon as we perceived, we ran to the sea side, and before we could come to them, two of their men were landed; so we acquainted them with the danger they were run into,; for that the King of Moccasor, and all the Kings thereabouts, were their mortal enemies, in regard of the many abuses their people the Hollanders had done unto them, and that lately the Hollanders had carried away a principal Sabander, and others of Moccasor perforce, and therefore would be revenged; also acquainted them, that if the King were not the more merciful, they were all dead men: so they would presently have gone into their skiff. But the Moccasors flocking about us, laid hands on them; I presently, the Factor, and other English road post unto the King, acquainting him what had happened, we having a Guard of English near the: Hollanders for our better discharge, that the King might not conceive amiss of us, and that we were not accessary to any treachery that they might pretend. The King gave us thanks, and willed us to take t●ese two men which were come on land, into the English house, and to learn of them their intent in coming thither, which we did. They said they were of the Fleet lately from Holland, having lost the rest of their consorts, and fell with the backside of java: The one called john Staunch under-merchant, as he reported; The other an English man a Sailor: who perceiving the great danger they were in, desired us most earnestly, that we would stand their friends, and get them free again, bewailing their hard hap; we promised to do our best for their good, and so to be gone. Presently comes the King of Moccasor, the King of Tallow, and diverse others, to the number of two thousand men presently levied, and came by the sea side upon the sands, and sat in counsel upon these men: the King of Tallow would have had them all killed, but we used our best means for their freedom. At last command was given, they should into their boat and be gone, the King saying, they were too small a revenge, he expecting a greater, so they departed into their ship. They had all been presently killed, if we had not been.  
The next day, we perceived another boat coming towards land from the same ship; the King having notice thereof by his people, presently commanded twenty Prawes and Correcorries to be manned, and to go forth, which was on an instant effected, and made towards the Hollanders boat, the Hollanders still rowing in for the shore, and directly to the English house: the Prawes and the Correcorries still edging near the boat, between the shore and them. The Hollanders perceiving their intent, turned their boat, and made toward their ship again, being four leagues off, but it was too late, for the Moccasors in short time had fetched them up, and boarded their boat on each side, entered, and instantly killed every man of the Hollanders, being in number sixteen, and brought away their boat: we were that time commanded to keep house. There were about that time near five thousand people on the sea side. This Holland-ship called the Indrought, imagining us bound for the Moluccas, or Banda, stayed off at sea.  
We set sail out of Moccasor Road the eighth of December, 1616. The said Holland-ship seeing us under sail, they also weighed and kept us company: we would gladly have gone from them, but could not, in regard of the Defence her bad sailing. They sent their boat aboard of us, desiring two quoynes of Rice, four tons of water and hens, all which we spared them, paying only forty Rials of eight for two quoynes of Rice: the rest we gave unto them. We demanded of them why they would attempt to come to land at Moccasor, they said that their first boat was not then returned unto their ship, so they thought their factory had still been there: but I verily believe, it was their obstinate boldness, and presuming that their first boat was denied only upon the instigation of us the English, wherefore they would make trial again, purposing to have flattered the King, and to have come there again, and to have settled a factory, and so to have hindered the English: for it is a manifest token of such a project, both of their boats coming by our ships, and within Musket shot, yet would not come aboard to inquire what news on shore, as they went on shoareward, which if they had, we could have forewarned them of that danger. So now their obstinacy and rash proceed purchased them a just reward, etc. They kept us company until we came near Ambina, and so stood in for that place, we standing our course. Now, 
The Hollanders slander us.  since we understand that they have reported, that we were the occasion that their men were killed at Moccasor, which is most false: for, I protest, we used our best means to free them, the first eight men had else also died.  
The thirteenth of December, 
Surrender of Polaroone. For their pollicitation of the English to this trade, s●e Milwards journal, also Capp. Keelings, Midd●●tons, etc.  1616. the Swan and Defence arrived in the Road of Polaroone. The fourteenth dicto, the people of the said Island came aboard the ships with whom we had conference about the surrendering of their Island of Polaroone. Also our Nation had many times been at their Island to our great charges, and partly upon their requests, to settle a factory, and to have friendly trade with them, in bringing them commodities, as Rice, Cloth, and other provisions for their Spices, and that we desired not to usurp, and bring them in subjection, or bondage, as the Hollanders, and other Nations have formerly; and that we now came to settle a factory, if they would surrender their Lands of Polaroone, unto our King's Majesty of England by writing: also by delivering earth, with a tree and fruits of the said ●land, as true token of their fidelity, and so every year a nut-tree in remembrance, and in so doing, we would furnish them with Rice, and Cloth, and other commodities, for present and also yearly. And being settled on the said Island of Polaroone, sufficient supplies should come every year in better manner than now at present, and that we would to the uttermost of our powers, with our men and ships, defend them against any their enemies, if they came to do us or them wrong. We also demanded of them, whether they had made any contract with the Hollanders, and given them any surrender; they all replied, they had not, nor never would: but held them as mortal enemies, 

The men of Polaroone and P●laway protest that they nor had, nor would make contract with the Hollander.  
Polaway was delivered over to the English be●ore the Hollanders c●me into their road, The B●ndaneses desire to have the English Colours set up.   confessing and averring unto us (both Polaroone men and diverse of the principals, which once lived upon Polaway and fled to Polaroone upon the Hollanders coming there, and getting it by force of Arms.) They do all still aver, and do maintain the Island of Polaway to belong unto our King's Majesty of England, by a lawful surrender unto Richard Hunt, before the Hollanders came into the Road, and caused the English Colours to be set up in the Castle, which the Hollanders shot down several times, and used many disgraceful words of his Majesty. This the Bandaneses do still confirm, and that they did defend it, as long as possibly they could, to his Majesty's use, until perforce they must leave the said Island, and so fled to Polaroone, Lantor, and Serran.  
This Council continued all the day, and so concluded: the writings being drawn and confirmed by the principals of Polaroone and Polaway, and so delivered by their own hands unto us, viz. Nathaniel Corthop, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, to his Majesty's use. Also the same instant delivered us a Nutmeg-tree with the fruits thereon in the Earth, with other fruits, and a living Goat: and further, desired to have the English Colours set up upon the Island, and to have Guns shot off. All which was presently effected, the Colours set up, and six and thirty pieces of Ordnance shot off: and so at night they parted in friendly manner, repairing to the shore. 
Hollanders invade Polar●one with bravadoes and bloody Ancients.   
The five and twentieth of December being Christmas day, we discovered two great Holland ships edging near Polaroone. They discovering our ships in the Road bore room for Nero: and the six and twentieth another did the like. The eight and twentieth, another Holland Pinnace standing right over for Polaroone, came braving within shot of our Fort, having the Flemish Colours on the poop, and presently tacked about, and taking them down, sets up in lieu thereof a bloody Ancient, and stands over for Nero. By this we expected their coming daily, according to their old custom of injuring us. On the thirtieth, 
The English fortify.  we landed four Pieces of Ordnance, besides two other on Christmas day, and went to work to fortify for our defence. And with the help of the Bandanese we made two Forts, one called the Swan-Fort, the other the Defence-Fort, and mounted on each three Pieces. The Swans Fort is within Caliver shot of the ships, commands the Road at pleasure to the Eastern side, where the principal Road is for the Westerly Monson. 
Holland-ships approach to our ships at Polaroone.   
The third of januarie there came into the Road three Holland ships from Nero, the Horn, of eight hundred tons; the Star, five hundred; the Yaugar, one hundred and sixty: which came to anchor close by our ships; the Horn by the Swan, the Star by the Defence, the Yaugar a head of all to cut off supply from the shore; all these sh●ps full of men, etc.  
Now our commission directed us that having received the Surrender, and settled at Polaroone, we should give notice unto the Hollanders thereof by writing, that they should not come there to molest us, as formerly they were accustomed, pretending ignorance. A Letter to the same effect we had ready written, but could not tell how to convey it to them, not daring to sand English or Bandaneses for fear of detention. These ships therefore coming into the Read we sent George Muschamp aboard their Admiral the Star, and he delivered the Letter to the Commander, called Dedall, advising them to departed the Road before six Glasses were run, 
The English make known to the Hollanders that the Island was English.  for that the Islanders would not have them stay in the Road, nor come near them; and would have shot unto them from the shore, had not we caused them to forbear. Presently their Commander Dedall and their Predicant, came aboard the Swan to know the reason: we told them that their coming was to do us injury, as formerly they had done at Polaway, Cambella, and other places; and how they had turned the Glass for Master Ball, having him in their possession, and threatening to hung him presently if he caused not the English to come from Land forthwith. 
The Hollanders could make no claim to Polaroone.  Also we then shown them the surrender of Polaroone, and our right and possession there for his Majesty of England, which we would hold and maintain to our utmost power: and wished them to be well advised what they did, and that they would be shortly called to an account for their disgraceful words and ab●ses done to the English: demanding also of them the Island of Polaway, as in right due to his Majesty by lawful surrender: further, demanding of them if they had any surrender of the Island of Polaroone. But they could not say of any they had; and when we shown the surrender we had unto them, the Predicant having the same in his hand aboard the Swan, perusing it, said with these words, This is a true Surrender.  
All this time the Glass running in the great Cabin before their faces, put them in mind of being gone. We also told them, that their coming was only to betray us, and to put us from the Island by their treachery, which our Nation hath diverse times had experience of: wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more; and so put them in mind of being gone, for the Glass six times run, they must expect shot from the shore: and if in case they did reply and did shoot unto the Land, or shown any discourtesy or wrong unto the people of Polaroone, we would take it as done to us, and would defend them being now becomne our King's subjects. They would have stayed until the next day, but we would not grant it, doubting that more of their Ships might have comen over. They then desired till midnight, which we granted if we might see them about to way their Anchors: and that we would sand unto the shore and persuade the Bandaneses to forbear. Also I demanded of Dedall the cause of their coming to molest us, who answered, It had been formerly a custom in passing by the Island. I told him that was untruth, 
The English were the first Christians that ever came into the Road of Polaroone.  for that the people of the Island had reported unto us, that there was never any Christian ship in the Road till we came, and that we were the first. So he was silent and would not maintain his report. They came into the Road about three of the clock in the afternoon, and departed thence about eleven at night. We have been since informed that they came purposely to betray us, and to have beaten us out of the Road, or to have taken our ships; and had given the attempt, but that they perceived we were fortified on the Land. If they had then begun, 
The Hollanders came to beat us out of the Road.  we doubted not but to have made our parties good with them. For we had both Forts ready, and our Gunners ready to give fire upon our watchword or sign from the ships.  
The tenth of januarie, a Holland Ship and Pinnace came forth from Nero: the Pinnace came edging near the small Island or high sand adjoining to Polaroone, called Nylacka, belonging unto Polaroone, and consequently to the English. There are no Inhabitants upon the said Island or sand, but it is full of Trees and Bushes, and Polaroone men resort thither daily to fish about the said small Island. 
The Hollanders sand a Pinnace to sound the depth by Polaroone, and to invade us.  Now the said Pinnace came nearer the said Island and did sound the depth as she went, which we perceiving made four shot at her from the Defences Fort, not intending to strike her, but shot wide, giving them notice to forbear and be gone. The Pinnace at every shot replied with a Base, or some such like piece, unto the small Island amongst the Trees, where there were some English and some Bandaneses of Polaroone, which were in danger of their shot. And seeing they braved us in such manner, the Gunner was bid to do his best, who then made a shot, which fell close over them at the Stern of their Pinnace or Frigate, which made them cry out and presently get off. They were Hollanders, and seemed men which came to sound the depth and where to landlord, purposing to come with their forces, and there to fortify and so to put us from the great Island.  

john Davies in the Swan would go out of the Road to fetch water.  januarie the thirteenth, Master Davey complaining he wanted water, and purposing to go over for Wayre upon Lantore side and there to water, we acquainted the people o● Polaroone herewith, who would by no means consent he should go out of the Road: neither would we, doubting some injury from the Hollanders. And the people of Polaroone told us, that they would rather fetch them water over upon Lantore with their Prawes. I went presently aboard and acquainted Master Davey herewith, but He and the Company would not yield hereunto, but spoke all in general against it, and said, that the Bandaneses wo●ld bring them rain water▪ or such as might be unwholesome for his men to drink: saying, it was but six or eight days time.  
The same time there came over unto us from Wayre, a free Town upon Lantore, also from the I'll of Rosinging (an Island of itself) the Principals of both those places, to have parley with us, to surrender both the said Wayre and Rosinging unto his Majesty, as the people of Polaroone had lately done. Now, the surrender of both those places being drawn, and all concluded upon at Polaroone, 

The I'll of Rosinging and Town of Wayre desire to surrender themselves, and to have some go to take the same surrender.  
The Swan and four Merchants go to Rosing. and take the surrender. The people of Rosinging and Wayre go with goods to the Swan.  
The Star takes the Swan, slaying five men using cruel violence, and proud insultation.   they desired that some English might go over to receive the same from all their hands, and to see all rights thereunto performed. Now, Master Daveys resolution being to go over to water, we concluded that Master Sophonie Cozock, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over for Wayre and Rosinging in the Swan, to perform the said business, or see it done, and the Swan there to water; after which dispatched, it was ordered that Master Sophonie should return again in the Swan, and the other three should remain upon the Island of Rosinging for possession, till further order. All business being there ended according to our expectation, diverse men of Wayre and Rosinging desired, to lad Nuts and Mace in the Swan, and passage for Polaroone, there to cell their Spices to us for Rice and Cloth. All being granted, they shipped twelve of themselves with Nuts and Mace, a great quantity.  
The Swan set sail and went for Geulegola, being but a little way from Wayre, as I understand, and there watered; after which they set sail and eight leagues of land, a Holland ship or two gave them chase; which they in the Swan perceiving, asked the Master what he meant to do, thinking that he purposed to fight with them. Master Davey answered; they see my Colours and I see theirs, I know him to be a Hollander, they me to be an Englishman; I know no hurt I have done them, and I stand for my Port of Polaroone. And in short time, the Holland ship the star, being come within shot, never haled the Swan, nor said word of their intent, but let fly great shot and small in most violent manner; the Swan having received two or three great shot thorough and thorough, before she ever replied, and some of the men killed. The fight continued, as Master Davey writes, one hour and half, wherein five men of the Swan were killed, viz. Sophonie Cozock, Merchant, beaten in pieces with a great shot; Robert Morten, quater-master and Drummer; Christoper Droop, Edward Murtkin, and a Bandanese of Wayre, a passenger. Three others were mained, having lost Legs and Arms, and almost all hope of life, if not dead already: Moore, eight men wounded, most of their wounds deadly. And in this their cruelty, a villain of the Star standing upon the Poop with a drawn Sword, braved with these words, English Villains and Rogues, we will kill you all (thus he spoke in Dutch.) It seemeth that the Swans men were much discouraged, seeing many of their men lie dead, wounded, lamenting; insomuch that none would stand by the sails to trim the ship for their best advantage: so that the Holland ship lay still in her quarter pouring in small shot and great, and so took her, boarding her both Soldiers and others; broke up Cabins and pillaged them, 
Egregiam vere laudent▪  and the men also in most base manner, both of clotheses and all things else, throwing over board what they liked not. The Spaniard never used more cruelty in their professed War. The Star had in her one hundred and three score men, most Soldiers, taken from Nero and Polaway Castle: the Swan having not above thirty able men to fight, the rest sick and lame: and the men somewhat wearied out in toilsome labour at Polaroone, in landing the Ordnance and making two Forts. Ten also of their company were left in Polaroone to defend the Forts, two of which were Gunners, viz. Harman Hammon, and john Day.  
The Swan being taken they carried her presently under Nero Castle and all the men, 
The surrender of Polaroone was taken in the Swan, so we procured another verbatim from the Polaroone men, which I have brought with the Surrender of Rosinging, and delivered bo●h at Bantam, etc.  she being much battered and torn; they much glorying in their victory, and showing the Bandaneses their exploit, in the great disgrace of the English, what they could, saying, that the King of England might not compare with their great King of Holland, and that one Holland ship would take ten of the English ships, and that Saint George is now turned child, and that they care not for the King of England.  
The Swan being brought to Nero, they presently sent our men on shore and keep them all prisoners, many of them in irons, neither Man nor Boy having liberty. The Swan set sail from Polaroone the sixteenth of januarie, 1616. wee expecting her return in eight or ten days at furthest; but never heard of her till the five and twentieth of February by Robert Fuller, who being at Rosinging and Wayre, heard of an English ship under Nero Castle, and came over to Polaroone to acquaint us herewith.  
Presently we dispeeded away Robert Hayes, Purser of the Defence, with some principal men of Polaroone, to land upon Lantore side being our friends, so to go as near as might be to the Holland ships, and to make sign to them by a white Flag of Truce. Our Messenger stayed almost two hours. At last they came with their Boat to fetch him, 
A Messenger sent to know why they took our ship. Their boorish usage of him.  but made him wade to the middle, and so carried him aboard one of the Holland ships. The Principal and Assistants of Nero meeting him aboard, our Messenger demanded, why they had taken the Swan, and what was becomne of the men, the reason of detaining the Ship, men and goods. They answered, that Time should bring to light. Our Messenger still urging to know, and therefore he was sent, they used many disgraceful words of the English, 
Their vaunts and threats.  and that they would come over to Polaroone with their forces, and drive us from the Island and other places. Hays replied, they had already done more than they could answer: and returned, without sight of any man of the Swans company. The poor ship there lay rend and torn in view of the Country people. In short time after, they sent over unto us a Messenger with a Letter, which we answered, as we did others after sent, their Messenger still coming with a Flag of Truce, all which said Letters and Surrenders I brought with me to Bantam and delivered to Captain Ball.  
Now we were still threatened by their Letters, as also by word of mouth from their Messenger, 
Reports that the Hollanders were preparing ships against Polaroon.  that as they had the Swan, so would they also come to fetch the Defence, and drive us from the Island. We still answered, that we expected their coming in regard they had so often threatened us, and that we would defend it as long as life lasted. Many brauadoes they made, daily shooting at Nero and Polaway, forty, fifty and sixty pieces of Ordnance, thinking to affright us therewith. Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting their ships, and shipping Plank and Earth, which we imagined was for Land service, having then seven Ships, four Galleys and Frigates, and many men: and that they pretended to come over to fight with us. 
Hollanders practise to fire the ship Defence.  And that they had instigated their Blacks (which are Slaves) that if they could by any means go over to Polaroone, and there set on fire the Defence, they should be Freemen, as also some other reward they should have. Also the Hollanders reported, that we should carry no Spices from the Island, 
Hollanders threaten that we should have no Spice from those Lands:  or any the Lands of Banda. Hereupon we considered, that having made a contract with the people of Polaroone, Wayre and Rosinging, and had trusted our goods unto them: Also a good quantity of Nuts and Mace being ready to dispatch away, lying ready upon Polaroone: The Hollanders threatening to come over and force us from the said Island of Polaroone, and to take the Defence: Hereupon we resolved, to maintain the Honour of our King, and good of the honourable Company our employers; to landlord all the guns out of the Defence, 
Our people fortify Polaroone.  and all provisions else, and to fortify upon the small Island adjoining unto Polaroone, there being no people on the small Island, but full of Trees and Bushes. And there the Hollanders purposed to have landed and to have fortified, which had they performed they would have commanded the Road and done us much injury; for that the people also of the Island Polaroone, could not have fished as they were acuustomed, neither could the English have come into the Road, but that they on the small Island would have beaten them off. And to prevent all dangers, we landed all the Defences Ordnance (only four great pieces, and some Bread and two Butts of Cider, also a Terce of wine) and were all fortifying upon the said small Island, with the help of the Bandanese.  
The Master of the Defence, Master Hynsley, being also on the small Island, and all men else at work, and landing things, some men being left aboard the said Defence to keep the Ship, a conspiracy was plotted, 
Nine men went away in the Defence unto the Hollanders: john Christmas Boatsons mate john Owers, William Carter, Richard Taylor, Edward Bridges, john Harris, William. Rockwell, Hugh Woodlock.  and the same night the twentieth of March, 1616. either they let the Ship drive, or cut the Cables, and so driven off in the night, which we perceiving from the small Island, presently sent a Boat after them; advising them to return with the said Ship: but those Villains would not hear them, neither suffer the Boat to come near them, but bent their pieces against them, and discharged a Musket shot at them. They being not able to overcome them, forsook the said Ship and came back unto us at the small Island, acquainting us what had passed. The next day we perceived they run into Nero Road, under sail, and under the command of Nero Castle; some of the men went presently, as we understand, on shore, and mee●ing with the Hollanders, reported unto them of their exploit, and contending amongst themselves who should be the best Pilot in conducting the Ship thither; one reporting it was I; and another, it was I: and as the Hollanders Messenger reported unto us, afterwards coming over unto us, that they brought a can of Wine ashore and drank unto the Hollanders, as soon as they came on shore. Presently the Hollanders took possession of the said Ship the Defence, and had all the Villains into their Castle, and examined them of all our proceed at Polaroone; and they discovered all how we were fortified, and what passed amongst us. These Villains took the course to cut all our throats upon Polaroone; 
The Hollanders encouraged by the Villains that run away.  for the going away of the Ship bred a jealousy in the Bandaneses, that it was a pretended plot amongst us to join with the Hollanders, and so to betray them. Also their discovering our weakness upon Polaroone might have encouraged the Hollanders to have attempted, that in which else they perchance would have doubted of victory. And indeed, many sharp threats we had after the running away of these fellows, and expected daily their coming over; which had they come it would have cost many man's life. For their having taken the Swan, and killed our men, abusing them with imprisonment and fetters, and all the disgrace that might be, hath much hardened the hearts of the English against them.  
The three and twentieth of March, 1616. we dispeeded away a Letter unto the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who being landed upon Lantore, the people of Lantore being then in parley with the Hollanders, about a factory, that the Hollanders desired upon Lantore, and also would build a Fort there, 
The people of Lantore will not accord with the Hollanders.  but the people of Lantore would not grant it; This time our Messenger could not pass, but desired to stay three or four days with kind words from the Lantore people, so our Messenger returned. The effect, to demand the Defence, Men and Goods.  
The five and twentieth dicto, a Messenger came over unto us from Laurence Ryall, principal General, being newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, understanding what had passed, desiring to have parley with us, and would have Master Corthop and myself to come in a Praw, 
Offers of parley betw●ene the Hollanders Agents and Factors of Polaroone.  and two of his principal Merchants should do the like, and so to meet each other half way betwixt Polaway and Polaroone, to parley. But we refused their demand, doubting the treachery, for they might have men lie secret, and so carry us away perforce.  
Also the same time, and by the Hollanders Messenger, we received a Letter from Master Davey being prisoner at Nero. The effect, disliking of what we had done and still did maintain, 
john Davis' his judgement by information of the Hollanders.  in keeping the said Island of Polaroone, and that our commission could not warrant what we had done, and advising us to have parley with the General, Laurence Ryall, and to come to some agreement that no more blood might be spilt. All which he hath written, I conceive, was by the instigation of the Hollanders, possessing him with many untruths▪ as hereafter it plainly appeareth: the first and principal they had so wrought him in humouring him, and made him believe that they had our King's Majesty's Letters to take any English ships, if they found them to the Eastward of the Selebes, which news made us much to marvel: and that if any such things were, we must obey it.  
Hereupon we did writ a Letter unto Laurence Ryall General, by his Messenger, that if he would sand over unto us two of his principal Merchants, viz. Henrick de Watterfoord, and Peter Young, and to landlord them upon the small Island; and having received them into our charge, Master Corthop and one more to attend upon him, would presently go over, so their M●ssenger departed; and two days after, viz. the third of April, returned with this answer, The two Merchants, before named, which we desired for pledges could not come: the one gone to Sea in the Horn, the other his business such, being principal Book keeper, could not be spared. The said Laurence Ryall propounding two others lately come over, and principal Merchants, called Cornelius Neep and Hans Rogers. We returned the said Messenger, accepting them: And the sixth of April their Galley came over unto us and brought these two men. Presently received them into our charge, and a Tent being set up near the place where they landed, there lodged them, because they should not come near our Forts to take any view how we were fortified, and placed a Guard always about the Tent, twelve English men with small shot, and that they might receive no wrong of the Bandanese. 
Nath. Corthop upon pledge goeth to parley with the Hollanders at Nero▪  Presently Master Corthop went into their Galley and went over to Nero, and arrived there near night and was received; no words passed that night but referred until next day: so the next day did discourse▪ many Oppositions on both sides, which I leave to relate because of the Letter of Master Corthop, which I brought from Banda and delivered unto Captain Ball, will certify your Worships at large. Only a little I will touch, Many threatening words they used, and spoke of many abuses they had received by the English. Imprimus, 
The Hollanders accuse our people of untruths.  that Sir Henry Middleton did wear the Hollands colours in the Read Sea, in the Trade, and gave out they were Hollanders. Master Corthop replied, that was an untruth, for that he came forth in the said Ship, and continued in her as long as she reigned, and never knew her to wear Holland's colours; and replied, That Sir Henry was a Gentleman that much scorned to wear the Hollands colours. Also reported, 
The Hollanders report ●hat they have our King's Let●ers for taking of ships, etc. all untruths.  That they had the King of England's Letters to take any English to the Eastward of the Selebes. So Master Corthop urged them that he might see the same, and that if they could show him that we would obey it and begun, but they could show no such Letter. divers other things they alleged, but no truth; and many persuasions to leave the Island of Polarcone, persuading him the great error we were run into in holding the same. All this while, Master Davey, neither any the English were permitted to come near Master Corthop. The General, Laurence Ryall, seeing he could not pervaile and to have his desire, grew much discontented, and threw his Hat on the ground, and pulled his Beard for anger: Master Corthop answering him, that he could do nothing of himself, but was joined to a counsel being Assistants, and would relate what had passed when he came to Polaroone, and that we would consider of it, and so writ our direct answer. Thus I advised him to say, that he might get the more freely away: 
The Hollande● deny to restore our ships, but upon conditions to tender Polaroone.  Also Master Corthop demanded the Defence, Men and Goods in their possession, but they would deliver neither Ships nor Men except upon composition. Thus being Laurence Ryalls demand, that we would permit him to come with his Ships and Galleys unto the small Island adjoining to Polaroone, where our Castle is and twelve pieces of Ordnance, and there to landlord his Men and his Ordnance, and being possessed, would deliver unto us the Swan and Defence, and all our Men; and for the goods, he would make restitution to all to a penny. All this would not do; then to conclude, Desired Master Corthop to set his hand unto a Note which he had drawn, The effect, That the said Laurence Ryall had made these proffers unto us; Master Corthop likewise refused and would not put his hand hereunto.  
Now, they had so wrought with Master Davie, that they were persuaded that he would persuade somewhat: he was sent for by the General, and admitted into the room with Master Corthop. So Master Corthop and he had much discourse, speaking of the Letter which they should have, and was persuaded that it was true, and that we continued in a great error. Than Master Corthop acquainted him what had passed in discourse with Laurence Ryall, 
Laurence Ly-all.  and what proffer we had made him, if he would show us the said Letters: which Master Davie perceiving so reasonable a proffer, 
The men of the Swan did complain of want of food and clothing, in their imprisonment in the Hollanders hands, and that they had sat in judgement upon them, and given sentence upon them. A Praw sent toward Bantam from Polaroon.  which they could not, according as they had verified unto him, make good: Master Davie presently in great fury railed against them all, saying, they had done him great injury, in telling him and possessing him with so many falsehoods: and further said, that they promised him and his men good quarter, but his men complained much of want of food, and clothing, and hard usage; and that they had sat in judgement upon him and his company, and had given them all condemnation, there to remain until they heard out of Holland; and could be content to remain, so as we could keep them from the Island of Polaroone, etc. So Master Corthop took his leave and was brought over again unto us, and being landed, we presently released their hostage, and so departed for Nero. Now the easterly Monson being come, we fitted a Bandan Praw to dispeed away from Bantam, to give advice what had passed. It was concluded, myself, Mr Hynsley Master of the Defence, and others, to the number of four English, and fourteen Bandanese of Polaroone should go. We had the greater number of men, doubting of the Hollanders laying wait for us, whereby we might by rowing free ourselves, and indeed the Principals of Polaroone desired it. These which we brought, five of them are principal men, one is the Sabandors' son, the principal of the Island his father is; the other four are Orencayas, and the rest their servants: These also came to deliver the Nutmeg tree and earth of the said Island, and to manifest their loves unto the English.  
We set sail from Polaroone the seventeenth of April, 1617. and as we fell with Bottone, standing our course for Moccasor, 
A Holland ship and pinnace gave chase.  we discovered a great ship and pinnace, they seeing us, gave us chase bearing a press sail, so that we had no way to escape them, only we must perforce stand in for Bottone, and did. Half a day they gave us chase, and had fetched us up had we not rowed hard, so we were near the Town of Bottone by night, thinking they would not have come so fare into the river. Next morning we perceived this ship and pinnace, almost within Musket shot of us, presently we landed most of what we had in our Praw, and carried it into the Woods, and went presently unto the King, and gave him a Present (such things as we had) to the value of thirty Rials, desiring his protection, which he promised us in all kind manner, and sent his servants to put all our things in house, and put us into two several houses to lodge, and to keep in, 
Heathen kinder than Hollanders to the English.  that we were not seen abroad; so we took our leave. We were no sooner gone but presently comes the Hollanders, and gives a Present three times the value of what we gave, enquiring what we were that were landed: but the King replied, that he did not know. The King demanding them how long they meant to stay, they said, six days: hereupon the King advised us to stay so long time, to see if they will go or not, that we might go with the more security. The six days being expired, they would stay six days longer to mend their Mast, as they reported. So, seeing their intent, and our Praw lying in view of their ship and Pinnace, that we could not go about to fit our Praw, but they would have taken notice thereof. Wherhfore I bought a Praw, and the King commanded all our things to be carried by his slaves into the same, 
We by the help of the King of Bottone, got another praw, and came to Bantam.  lying out of sight of the ship. And all things being fitted, sent his men out of the river, passing near the Holland ship with the praw, and to carry her about on the backside of the Island, and sent fifty men with us, and conveyed us over land unto the said Praw, where we went presently aboard, and kept under the Island until near night, and so stood our course for Moccasor, heard no more of them. We were informed that the Hollanders kept watch every night upon the water near our Bandan Praw at Bottone.  
We arrived at Moccasor the seventh of May, 1617. and there we found the Attendance pretended for Banda, but could not beaten it up, the Easterly Monson being come. So we shipped in the Attendance, an hundred and eighty suckets of Mace which was bought at Moccasor, and sedt the Praw for Beniarmasin and Suckadania for advice, and that a supply of goods was not yet come to furnish those parts, as was pretended, for that the Solomon was not arrived yet at Bantam, being long expected.  
The third of june we arrived with the Attendance at Bantam, understanding of the death of Captain George Barkley. 
The surrendry of the I'll of Banda, brought to Bantam, and delivered to Master Ball.  And Master Ball succeeding him Captain of the house: unto him I delivered all things, viz. two Surrenders, the Hollanders Letters, and other Copies of Letters to them written by us, and all things else of our proceed in Banda; all which, I doubt not, but your Worships shall receive by the first conveyance.  
Also, may it please your Worships to understand, the Messenger that came over first unto us from the Hollanders, having been with us two several times, with Letters from the Principals of the Hollanders at Banda; This Fellow called Christopher van Loare, as he reported, came over unto us in a Praw, and three Blacks with him, saying, that he was run from the Hollanders upon discontent, the Captain of Nero having abused him, and that he loved the English, and would serve us: also was exceeding earnest with us, presently upon his coming over, and importuned us extraordinarily, that we should go that night upon the Island of Polaway with fifty men, and he would warrant us the Island of Polaway, and would bring us so that we should take the Castle, discovering unto us his plots. I could not believe him, but told him, that he was sent to betray us; This fellow hereupon protested, and swore most deeply to the contrary, and that the Hollanders would presently hung him, if ever they did take him. We told him, we would not seek it by force of Arms, for we had no commission so to do: not doubting but they would be made to deliver the said Island, by right of Law and justice: 
The I'll of Polaway taken from us by force of Arms. A sergeant messenger or dissembling runaway.  the English having the first possession and surrender of the said Island, and were by force of Arms put from it. Upon his protestations, Master Corthop accepted of him, and gave him liberty, and went with him wheresoever he went upon the Island, so that he saw all our fortifications and occurrences of business (which much grieved me, for I counselled him many times to lay him fast, at the first place where he was received, which was upon the Defence-fort, and told him often my opinion, that he was a villain, and was sent to betray us; also it was the opinion of the Bandanese:) yet all would not persuade Master Corthop: so I thought good to have him with me to Bantam, and that he might be sent for England, for that he knew of all wrongs the Hollanders have done unto us. And he hath said unto me and others, that the three ships that were with us at Polaroone, which before I noted, came purposely to fight with us, and to have beaten us from the Island; and that the Horn had plank, brick, and lime, and other provision to fortify upon Polaroone, or the small Island, but that we were before hand. Also he did manifest unto us of four other great ships that were sent from Nero, which ships we saw come forth, and plied for Polaroone: but they were by the strong currant put to leeward, and so forced for Amboyna. Also he told us, 
The Hollanders suborned their slaves to set fire upon the ship Defence.  that their condemned slaves were set to work to fire the Defence at Polaroone; and if they could perform it, they should have their liberty, and be freemen. All this he manifested and averred to be true. Within three days after our arrival at Moccasor, this Fellow published that the Swan was taken by one of their Pinnasses, and other disgraceful words tending to the disgrace of the English: which as soon as I heard thereof, I presently charged the Master of the Attendance with him, and so sent him aboard: hereupon he vowed to have my life. Shortly after we set sail for Bantam, and coming near, put him in the Bilboes, and searched him and his Chest for Letters which he might have of advice, to convey unto the Hollanders, and found a draught, which (he said) was of Polaway Castle; also a Letter pretended unto the principal of the Hollanders, or English at Bantam: all which I delivered unto Captain Ball. 
Captain Ball.  This fellow reported he was a director in the building of the Forts at Polaway, and that he had experience therein: and when he came over to us, brought two hundred Rials of eight. So at my arrival at Bantam, I did acquaint Captain Ball of businesses, and advised that the fellow might be carefully looked to, and kept prisoner, that he ran not away, to do us hurt. He willed to have him brought ashore; Myself and others went and fetched him and delivered him prisoner in the house. 
The sergeant Hollander suffered to escape by the toleration of G. Ball.  Captain Ball had some discourse with him, who it is likely gave him good words, as formerly he had done, with many protestations of his loyalty: and had his liberty in the house (never made fast with irons, nor in any room.) And many times I spoke to Captain Ball, to make him sure, and told him he would watch his time to run away: whose answer was, he should run if he would, little regarding it, it much grieving me to harbour a Traitor in our bosoms. He having been two months in the house, the second of August, 1617. got out, and ran into the Dutch house, whereas I had advised to keep him sure, and sand him in the first ship for England, so to have witnessed against the Hollanders, as he must have acknowledged and spoken truth upon oath; which would much have advantaged your Worships in the prosecution in Law, touching the main business.  
The four and twentieth of August, 
Hollanders sent ten English men from Bantam to Holland▪  1617. departed from Bantam an Holland ship of advice directly for Holland: and two days after her departure, they reported here, that ten Englishmen were sent in the said ship for Holland. What they are, we cannot learn, but imagine them the men that ran away in the Defence, the Hollanders thinking to make them say any thing, by their instigation, which may make for them. And it may be, they will say, that the Defence was left as a Wrack, which is not so. The Master and Company would have gone away for Bantam, but we held it not good: for that the people of Polaway understanding thereof were discontented, and said, that we had built a Fort for the Hollanders. The Master writing a note, that he would set sail that night, having no goods at all in the ship, Master Corthop was going aboard to persuade the Master and Company to the contrary: which the Polaroone men understanding, called presently a Council, and shown many reasons that it was not fitting the ship should go away, and would not let Master Corthop go aboard by any means, doubting of his going away. It was propounded, that I might go aboard to persuade the Master, or to command him and the rest to stay; and to charge them, that if they went, if we lost lives and goods, it should be laid to their charge. Long it was before the Bandaneses would permit me, so jealous were they; but at last, through o●r earnest request granted it, and sent six men with me of Polaroone. I acquainted Master Hinsley the Master, and the Company, of the many inconveniences and dangers, both of loss of go●ds and lives, and scandal to our Nation, and that if we should have gone about to have laden Spi●es, the Hollanders would presently have had notice thereof, and laid wait to have taken the ship, and brought all into their hands: 
The Mariners were kept at Polaroone with much difficulty.  neither had we men, munition, or victual, to maintain the Island of Polaroone, nor the small Island Nelaro adjoining. All the ships company would have gone away, being unruly and perverse, saying, they came not to be soldiers, nor would they stay: so that we were fain to give way, and entreat them by fair means, like children, so little in their resolution regard they what may ensue, caring for nothing so they may get free. The people of Polaroone perceiving a difference amongst us, did murmur, taxing us with our promises before mentioned: and that if the Defence and men went away, we could not resist the Hollanders our mortal enemies, whom we expected daily. And if they came and had the victory, we that should there remain, must expect none other but rigour on both sides. The People of Polaroone would have conceited that we betrayed them, and the Hollanders would have had no remorse, setting their slaves a work to murder, wherein themselves would not have been seen. And should they have gained either the great Island, or the small (as they might and would have done, had not the ship stayed) we had lost all, goods, debts, credit of our Nation, without hope ever to be there respected. 
The runaways in the Defence in many respects worthy of death.  All things considered, we resolved the Defence to stay and land all things: and to let her ride it out until further opportunities. But in the mean time, these villains ran away with the said Defence, endangering all, and therefore worthy of death.  
At my coming from Polaroone, it was concluded by us, that another Praw should be sent for Bantam for advice, twenty days after our departure, doubting the Hollanders might have pursued and taken us (as they did their best) and so all our proceed had been obscure. Accordingly a Praw was sent, 
170. suckles of Mace shipped in a junk w●th eight English, which was lost by the negligence of one Stacie, who had charge of her.  and therein laden an hundred and seventy suckles Mace (containing three thousand three hundred sixty six Catees, at a Rial the Catee, each Catee six English and near two ounces better) which if it might have come safe, it would have yielded in England five thousand pound. In the said Praw were eight English, and thirty Bandaneses: the charge committed to one Walter Stacie, once Master Hinsleys Mate in the Defence. But it seemeth his knowledge and care answered not our expectation: for near the Island of Bottone, he ran the Praw upon the shoals, being rocky ground, and there bilged her, and lost all the Mace; the men got ashore. Stacie is put in fault by the rest of the company, for that some of them told him they saw land on the lee bow, but he being peevish and headstrong, called them all fools, not regarding it.  
Also may it please your Worships to understand, that the Hollanders having been by some of our people, told of their vile abuses done unto us, and that it will lie heavy upon them at home, being known; the better sort of them have replied, that they can make as good friends in the Court of England as you (the Honourable Company our Employers) can: and that this which they have done, 
Hollanders brags that they can make friends in Court, etc.  will 'cause you, the Honourable Company, and them to join, and that a chain of gold will recompense all, and that they have Rials enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, so as they may hinder us from the trade at Banda.  
All being considered, we hope, you the right Honourable and Worshipful, our Employers, will so prise the blood of your servants, by them murdered, maimed, and wounded, the rest all prisoners: also all damages, interests, and hindrances in the return of ships and goods; also poor men's percitular losses, as also Master Corthop, myself, Sophonie Cozocke, and George Muschampe; we all presuming what we had in the Swan to be as sure as on the shore, and now have lost all: that they may better advice themselves how they attempt the like again. Likewise Master Davie told me many times, 
john Davie had 700. Rials of eight by him when he was taken: and further fear.  that if it pleased GOD to sand him well home, he would come forth no more, finding himself decayed and weak in body, and that he had six or seven hundred Rials to employ, with which return, and other his wages, he should have a competent living: all which money (as fare as I can learn) he had by him when he was taken: now these crosses, I am persuaded, will kill him; or else, I doubt, they will make him away by poisoning him, that he shall never see England again.  
Now, for advice as touching the trade at Banda, the Island of Polaroone is reported to be the worst Island, and is about eight English miles compass: and the small Island adjoining called Neluco, about one English mile compass. There is pretty store of Mace and Nuts growing upon Polaroone, and more would be if it were well husbanded. Lantore and Rosinging yield great store. Rosinging is a fine Island, and yields the largest Nuts and Mace. Now, if we hold Polaroone, 
Description of Polaroone, etc.  we cannot want Spice: for the people of Lantore, Rosinging, and other places thereabouts, will come over to us, and bring their Spices, if we bring Rice, Cloth, Salt, Pepper, Mellases, and other Necessaries for food, and some Moccasor gold, which will pass at Banda, as currant as Rials of eight, and at the same rate, being worth at Bantam but two shillings four pence, 
The profitable trade.  or two shillings six pence the piece, called Mass. Our Cargason which we had was but small, having but one hundred quoynes of Rice, our Cloth at Moccasor much decayed, lying there two or three years. If we had had three times as much Cloth and Spices, we could have sold it all for Nuts and Mace at Polaroone,: and were entreated for Rice and Cloth by Lantore and Rosinging men, and others; but had it not for them: and some returned with part of their Spices home again. They come over to Polaroone with Prawes and Correcorries in the night. The Mace and Nuts were very good, but lying so long must needs decay, by the many molestations of the Hollanders; we having no time, nor lime to make wherewith to preserve the Nuts. The Trade will prove profitable, if we may quietly enjoy the Island, and we must buy Rice at a lower rate than at Moccasor, it being by report at Iap●n about half the price.  
May it please your Worships to understand, that after my arrival at Bantam, 
A land quarrel at Bantam with the Hollanders.  the Steward of the House being at the Market to buy provisions, the Hollanders Steward there present quarrelled with him, whereof (whiles they contended) notice was given at the Dutch House: and presently Timon (the second Merchant) ran forth with twenty japons, and Hollanders, 
A very Timon▪  and Blacks, to the Basar or Market, running upon our Steward with their drawn weapons, he having but two English all disarmed, enforcing them to shifted and give way. Mean while Richard Hunt, chanced to come by and drew his sword, whom presently they assaulted and gave him three wounds, whereof he died within fifteen days after on the four and twentieth of july, 1617. Notice hereof being brought to the English house, we with our japons ran forth and met with them, before they could recover their House, and wounded two Hollanders, whereof both died shortly after; also one of their Blacks then killed outright, and one or two more of them were hurt; and so drove them home to their House. They gave after that great words, that they would put us all to the Sword, and did lie in wait for our people with their Pistols and Pieces, whereof we had notice by the javans, and stood upon our Guard night and day to receive them, if they had given any attempt on the House, or abroad.  
Now concerning the Lands of Banda, and especially Polaway, Captain Castleton might have made it sure unto the English, as I have heard reported by diverse: 
Our right by Law and Equity unto Polaway.  and the English have still more right on that Island, both by Law and justice, than the Hollander, although by force of Arms they put the English from it. The easy obtaining, and Captain Castleton denying the right and possession the English had there (as it is reported) emboldened the Hollanders to use the violence at Polaroone. And except it be supplied this year, and the possession maintained, the name of English is utterly disgraced, and little hope of being received there again: which if we hold until your Worships have resolved what to do herein, we shall in short time procure as much Nuts and Mace as they; which may in time prove an entrance into the Moluccas for Cloves. The Hollanders pretend they have right unto the Moluccas and Banda by the King of Ternates 
* In the quarrels first moved betwixt Capt. Keeling and them, 1609 they never make such Title, but pretended agreement, and intended and extended force. See above pag. 202. their own Articles of their right.  son, having him prisoner. But the Bandaneses deny any right the King of Ternate hath in their Lands, every Island being free of itself, and governed by Sabandors and Orencayas, generally appointed. Now it is meet that a supply be sent the Bandaneses and English, for Rice, Victuals and Cloth, and other necessaries, to hold the possession, and bring away the Nuts and Mace there in readiness, in Godownes. The Hollanders give out that they will take your ships that shall go into those parts and cut them off, so to famish both English and Bandaneses. So your Worships may charge them of all damage already done, and may expect to hear of further abuses from them. Wherhfore it requireth an earnest and speedy prosecution, that we may quietly trade without molestation unto those parts, that have surrendered and desired Trade with us: viz. Polaway, a Paradise by report (the Hollanders report it to be as good unto them, as Scotland to his Majesty) Polaroone, Rosinging and Wayre, Wayre being a Town upon Lantore. And if in case of necessity your Worships cannot agreed for Polaway, yet if you may enjoy the three last, we shall procure Nuts and Mace enough for England, as also to transport both thence and hence for Surat, and other places in the Indieses. Now is the time or never upon the vile abuse of bloodshed and murder committed by the Hollanders. And for the Trade there, it will prove very profitable, I make no doubt. What hath passed formerly I doubt not, but Captain jordan hath certified at large; what since, myself. It is requisite that I should relate the particulars of all Occurrences, in respect the business is of so great importance. Here is bound home for England the Charles and Hope, I pray God sand them well at London. I have sent your Worships a brief abstract of our Cargason for Banda, and sales there made. If I seem tedious, I humbly crave pardon: with my humble duty I end, beseeching the Almighty to prospero and give good success to all your designs: humbly taking leave.  
Your Worship's most humble servant in all duty, THOMAS SPURWAY,  
Endorsed. To the Honourable and Right Worshipful Company of the Merchants of London, Trading to the East Indies, these be delivered.  
By Captain Henry Pepwell, whom God preserve.   

CHAP. FOUR Relations and Remembrances, taken out of a large journal of a Voyage, set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed, the james, the Anne, the Newyears Gift, the Bull, and the Bee; written by JOHN HATCH, Master of the Bee, and after in the Newyears Gift; and lastly, came home in the james.  
THe fift of March, 1616. we set sail from the Downs. The seven and twentieth 1617. we saw the Canaries. 
1617.  April the tenth, we met the Tornadas in six degr. From thence to the twentieth, we observed a Current setting to the North. The thirtieth, the Tornadas left us, in latitude thirty minutes North, longitude three hundred and fifty degrees fifteen minutes, that night we crossed the Line. june the one and twentieth, 
Soldania Bay.  we came to anchor in Soldania Bay, accompanied with the Gift and the Bull, having lost our Admiral and Vice-admiral the night before, by fogs and hazie weather. 
The Hound.  They came in the next day. There we found riding the Hound, wherein was Master William jourdaine. Here we could get no refreshing for our sick men, wherefore on the first of july, some were sent to march up into the Country to get provision, which they did (without loss of any, only two hurt) in great abundance. The thirteenth, we set sail from the Bay. 
Molala or Mohelia.  August the thirteenth, we anchored in the Road of Molala. The seventeenth, we had both our Cables cut with the Rocks. The eighteenth, we set sail from thence.  
The five and twentieth, in latitude at noon four degrees forty four minutes, longitude fifty three degrees five minutes by judgement, we found ourselves hindered by some Current: at six in the evening the water was changed white, 
Sea white.  and at seven as white as any Whey, which made the Sky also white and hazie. This night we sounded often and had no ground: thus the water continued all night in the strangest manner that ever I saw, 
Current to the South South W●st. Socotora.  until the day light did altar it. It so continued together with the Current: the six and seven and twentieth was but little whitish, and the Current also forsook us. The fourth of September, we passed by Socatra, but came not within sight by reason of the Monson, jest it should be done before we came to Surat. We found in the four days before that, 
A great Current to the North.  by help of a Current, the ship had passed three score leagues more than otherwise she could have run; which now left us. The seventh, a leak sprung in the Admiral (which Master Copeland, their Minister, hath with much feeling related how dangerous, 

Danger by leak, of this yo● have Master Pr●ngs own report, in his relation written since this, which hereafter followeth.  
A 〈◊〉. English men of war.   either by villainy or negligence of the Shipwrights, as after appeared, when they came to careene her▪ being a great hole slightly stopped, and much hazarding ship, goods and men: they had none other mean there in deep water to stop it, but by stitching a Bonnet or piece of a sail full of Ockam or calking stuff, which by force of the water running into the ship, being haled down to the place, was sucked and forced in, and so stayed the leak till itself decayed in time, than the leak renewing, and again stopped: which in the careening was found and remedied.) On the eleventh, it was stopped. The twelfth, we took a Portugal ship which came from Mosambeek, laden principally with Elephants teeth, and bound for Diu.  
In the sixteenth, we saw two junks, one of them chased by two Ships, which were the Francis and the Lion, Ships set forth by () The junke they chased was the Grtat Mogul's Mothers, of the burden of twelve or fourteen hundred Tons, having in her above a thousand persons, and nine and twenty Tun of silver (some report more a great deal) we chased the Chasers, and in the evening came up unto them with the Bee and the Gift, and so saved the junke, with whom and her two Chasers, we anchored on the twentieth, between the River of Surat and the Bar of Swally. 
Surat.   
The thirteenth of March, we weighed: the fifteenth at night, we anchored to the South west of Damon. 
Damon. 1618.  The seventeenth, the Anne departed from us to the 
* This voyage you have hereafter.  Read Sea. The seven and twentieth, 1618. we espied many sails and fetched them up with the Bee, being five and twenty sail (fourteen sa●le of Frigates men of War, eleven of Merchants the Molucca fleet) and two great Galleys of Goa, which exchanged some shot with us, but as soon as they could clear themselves from us, went away: and being so fare off at Sea, they all escaped us, not without great trouble, in three Vessels, whence they heaved Chists and other things overboard, to make room for their Oars, and eight of them got into Cochin, the rest to Goa.  
The nine and twentieth, came aboard a Boat with one Woman and four Men from the King of Calcutta. The Woman was interpreter and spoke Portuguise. April the first, we came to anchor two miles to the North of the Road of Bring john. 

Bri●ion▪ Brim john or Bring john.  
How to know it▪   About two leagues to the North of Brim john is a read Cliff, and to the South of it a low sandy shore, and the next high Land or cliff is within a mile of the Road of Brim john, where on the second we anchored. Master Coytmore and I agreed the next day with the Governor for forty Rials to water there, and seventy men were landed to guard the watering place for fear of poisoning; for they are treacherous people, which also came armed the next day very strong, and would not permit us under twenty Rials more.  
The twelfth of April, we had much ado (the Current setting us right on the Island of Zelon, half a league from Cape de Galia) to double it with tacking off and on that night. 
Master Hatch made Master of the Newyears Gift. Nicobar.  The thirteenth, the General came aboard the Gift, and established me Master of her. The fourteenth, the Bee departed from us for the Coast of Coromandell. The six and twentieth, we were near the Southerly Island of Nicobar. The nine and twentieth, we anchored on the Main of Sumatra, the high Hill Lambre (by some called Pedire) bearing South South east half East from us, and the East point of Achen Road West by North half North, four leagues and hal●e off. The King his Courtiers with his Women were there on hunting, who the next day sent his Chop by the Sabander and William Nicholas, our chief Factor there: at whose parting we gave twenty pieces of Ordnance to honour the King's presence and his Women, which was well taken, and went the same night nearer to Achen: and anchored the first of May, a little to the West of the Court.  
The tenth of june, we weighed to go for Teco, but with foul weather were put back again. The nineteenth, we again set sail. The fourth of August, we came to an anchor in the Road of Teco. The first of September, we set sail for Bantam, where on the two and twentieth we anchored. On the five and twentieth, arrived there the French Pinnace from jambe, on the Coast of Sumatra. On the thirtieth, came in the Unicorn from Musulpatan. The fourth of October, we set fail for jaquatra, and then anchored on the sixth; and thence again on the twentieth to Bantam, with the james, Unicorn and Bee. The seven and twentieth, the james had her leak broke out again, which did increase by report two foot water in a glass, 
Leake again in the james.  and five foot in hold before they knew of it. The eight and twentieth, they stitched a Bonnet with Ockam, and haled it under her, which having been there a quarter of an hour, the leak stopped, so that the water increased not above half an inch in an hour. They resolved to careene her, and we hasted to get out our Ordnance and Provisions. The twelfth o● November, she was in like case, and men were sent from every ship to pump her (and haling the Bonnet again to her keel, she was sight as before) at the Island where she was to be careened.  
The fifteenth, the Rose anchored at Palamban point from Teco. The nineteenth, four Ships out of England, the Moon, the Clove, the Samson, and the Peppercorn; 
Sir Tho. Dale.  Sir Thomas Dale and Captain jourdaine being both in the Clove; the Sun being lost at the Island of Inganio, and the Globe lost their company between the Cape of Good Hope and Saint Laurence. They had most of their men sick at their arrival. The eight and twentieth, they anchored by us at the Island, being in all thirteen sail, the james, Gift, Unicorn, Clove, Samson, Moon, Peppercorn, Thomas, 
English ships, thirteen sail together.  Bee, Advise, Rose, little Francis, and the Prize. This afternoon the Sun's Skiffe came aboard the Moon from Inganio with the Master and Cape Merchant, the Minister, and twenty men more, the Ship being split in pieces, and all her sick men drowned, being eighty or ninety of them. The Inhabitants of Inganio came down on them which were gotten on land, 
Sun perished.  and slew seven or eight, hurt the Master and others, with wooden Darts. Than they made them another Boat of boards and broken pieces that came from the ship. So there came sixty or seventy men in the Skiffe and this Boat; and nineteen or twenty were left on the Island sick and hurt, which were after taken in by jowa Prawes and brought aboard the ships, being in miserable case, with want of clotheses, bruises with the Rocks, and burning with the Sun and salt Water. The nine and twentieth, the Globe arrived.  
The third of December, the Bee set sail for Inganio, to see if they could have any thing, but was forced back with cross winds. The fourth, 
Black Lion▪  the Black Lion of the Hollanders arrived from the Coast of China, Palatina, and other places; her lading, Pepper, Rice, Sugar, and some China commodities, by report, to the quantity of six hundred tons. This night Sir Thomas Dale caused men to go out of other ships aboard the Moon, the Clove, the Samson, the Globe, being but weakly manned: which the next day anchored close by the Black Lion, which yielded on composition. She was, by report, of eight hundred tons, had in her eighty men, and two or four and twenty pieces of Ordnance. The nineteenth, Sir Thomas Dale in the Moon, Captain Pring in the Gift, with the Unicorn, Clove, Samson, Globe, Peppercorn, Thomas, Bee, Rose and Black Lion, set sail for jaquatra, where they found riding seven sail of Hollanders, ready to fight. The one and twentieth, came a Holland ship from jambe, which sent their Boat for jaquatra with twelve men, two great murderers and eight small shot, with each man his sword: but we way-layed her and took her with the Barge, and the Ship put to Sea again.  
The two and twentieth, we thought to have fought, and plied to and again as occasion offered. The three and twentieth, we began the fight, and the jambe ship got in amongst them. This fight continued about three hours, 
Fight with the Hollanders fleet. See Capt. Pring and Master Corthops journal. Hollanders fled.  in which time we received in the H●ll and Masts between fifty and sixty great shot, most in the Hull, yet had but one hurt in the fight, and he died of it. The Hollanders and we came to an anchor all night close by each other. The next morning we set sail and plied to windward: but the Hollanders seeing we would get up to them, weighed and fled between half way Island and the other Island to the East, and so bore away to the East, between the Lands and the Main. And when they came thwart of their Island, they saw a little English Pinnace, which in flight from them had run on a ledge of Rocks, 
Little james sunk▪  and was there cast away. They sent their Boats, which by our pursuit they were forced to recall; and we stood after them amain and chased them (being now by addition of another from jaquatra nine ships) three or four miles to the East of jaquatra, and night coming on, anchored. The five and twentieth, came a China juncke on fire driving thwart our half, but we perceived it betime, let slip and avoided it, so that it did no harm at all. We made after them, but they were under sail to the East, and the wind at South South-west. The same day we took out the Thomas Ordnance, being an old ship, and sunk her near the Hollanders Island. The eight and twentieth, 
Thomas sunk. Black Lion burnt.  they aboard the Black Lion, cried out, fire, and she was suddenly on a light fire, and nothing saved, but her company, which went into the Boat and Skiffe. This happened by some which had been at Dices all night, and went and broke up a Scuttle where there was Rackupee, 
Rackupee, or Aracape a hot Drink.  which so soon as they had broached, took fire with the light they had, as it is reported.  
The third of january, Master jackson, the Land Captain of the james, died of a shot which had taken away his leg at jaquatra. The seventh, Shot and Powder were sent to the King of jaquatra to take the Hollanders Castle. The ninth, we weighed from this place to the Westward. The twentieth, we espied two sails to whom we gave chase in vain, they sailing better than we: the next day we espied four, which we chased as the wind would give leave till night. The five and twentieth, the Bee was sent to Marough for provision; The one and thirtieth, we anchored in the Road of Bantam.  
The three and twentieth of February, Sir Thomas Dale weighed to go for jaquatra, with the Moon, Clove, Globe, Samson, Peppercorn, Hound, Bee, Rose. The seven and twentieth, the Great james, the Gift, the Unicorn, and the little james weighed from Bantam leaving in the Road the Advice and the Mosambeeke or Prize.  
The first of March, the Flemings saw us and weighed, and we made all the sail we could to get up to them, and they keeping the weather of us, their Admiral let fly two Pieces at the Great james first: 
Another fight.  and then we went to it on all hands. As we fought, one of the Flemings ran aboard their Admiral by chance, and bore overboard his own Botspret and Beak-head, and the Admiral's Ancient. The other two Flemings seeing that, shooting a shot or two, ran away and the rest after. We tacked and chased them, but they going better, went from us exceedingly, and we gave over. The thirteenth, the Bee came to us in Bantam Road, from Sir Themas Dales Fleet at jaquatra.  
The seven and twentieth of April, 1619. there came a juncke amongst our Fleet from Patania with Fleming's goods and a Fleming in her, which we took. The eight and twentieth, the Dragons Claw came to an anchor at Palambam from Surat.  

Marough.  The twentieth of May, we set sail in the Road of Marough, to go for the Coast of Coromandel, being eleven Sail in company, the Great james, Moon, Gift, Unicorn, Clove, Globe, Peppercorn, Bee, Rose, Advise, and the Surat Pinnace. At five in the afternoon we anchored betwixt Bess and 
* 
The Blacks call the Salt hill so.  
Owen Bodman.   Cracatawe. The one and twentieth, a Council was held aboard the Admiral (the Moon) wherein Owen Bodman was condemned for burning the Black Lion and other trespasses, who was hanged the next day aboard the Moon at the Yards arm.  
The thirtieth of june, we came to an anchor nine leagues East from Masulipatan. We stayed in these parts till the tenth of December.  
The nine and twentieth of july, the Unicorn's Shallop was cast away at Penara, wherein M. Rice and Harris, and four men more were drowned.  
The five and twentieth, we anchored near Teco, and saw three ships, which the next day came to us, 
A new fleet.  being a new Fleet; the Palsgrave Admiral, the Elizabeth Vice-admiral, the Merchants Hope Rear-admiral. We all weighed and went into the Road of Teco.  
The fourth of March, we all set sail in Teco. The fifth, the james met with a should, and they had much to do to save her from grounding. This should lieth from the White Island, Southeast, two thirds East, three leagues within two Glasses, the james and Unicorn met with another should, 
Shoalds.  and stayed upon it at five fathom water, and within a Cables length of fifty fathoms, and then the White Island bore Northwest by West eight miles and an half off. The ninth, 
Nimtan.  we bore up to go to the South of Nimtan. This Island is near twenty leagues long, and lieth South Southeast, and North Northwest. On the Westerside is great shoalding, on the East deep water hard by the shore. The twentieth, at night we had a great storm, and had many Corpo-Santos, 
Four Corpo-Santos.  viz, at the head of the Maine-top-mast, and on the Meson yard, the Fore-top-mast, and the Mezon Topmast. The next morning, the storm began to break up, and we saw the high-land of Manning Cabo.  
The five and twentieth of March, 1620. we anchored near the point of Ballambin; where on the six and twentieth our Cable was cut asunder with a Rock, which we recovered the the seven and twentieth.  

Pola Tellore and Ballambin.  At the South-west point of Sumatra lieth the Island Pola Tellore in five degrees fifty seven minutes of South latitude, South Southeast from which is Ballambin, where is good refreshing and watering, thence to the South point called Cape Bublathore, is two leagues South Southeast three quarters East, and from thence to the next Easter point is three leagues, and in the second Bay from the said point is a River where we watered, but the water not very good.  
The sixth of April, 1620. we weighed to go for Bantam, with a full resolution to make an end with the Hollanders one way or other, they being eighteen Sail, and we ten, little and great. The eight, between two and three of the clock in the morning, being short of Sangang we met with the Bull and two Hollanders bound to look us to bring news of the peace betwixt us and them. The eleventh, 
Peace betwixt us and Hollander●.  their Fleet being thirteen besides the former two came unto us from jaquatra: and we saluted each other with many Pieces of Ordnance. The twelfth we went for Bantam where we found two Hollanders more. The seven and twentieth, the james and the Unicorn departed from us for japan, to careene there. The thirtieth, we anchored in jaquatra Road.  
The one and twentieth of May, the Elizabeth, the Bull, and the Hope, set sail with the Harlem, and the Dutch Hope. The Elizabeth and Harlem were bound for Leque Pequena, 
Leque Pequena▪  there to stay for the Bull and the Dutch Hope which were appointed to go for Moccow, and the English Hope for Patania, and then to meet with the other four at Leque Pequena, thence to go all for japan, there to meet the rest of the Fleet for the Manillas. The thirtieth, peace was published at jaquatra on shore and aboard the ships. 
Fleet for japan and Manillas.   
The fourth of june, the Moon, the Palsgrave, the Bantam and the Praw, set sail from jaquatra for japan, and the Manillas. The seventeenth, we set sail to go to Cracatow to cut new Masts and Timber to sheathe our ship, and being a league and half from the Road, met with a should where we had but two fathoms water (being suddenly on ground) at the ships head, and five at her stern: but praised be God, got o●● without hurt. 
Should.  It is Rocks and Coral and lieth half way betwixt jaquatra Road, and the Sand to the East of Hector's Island. If you keep the Flemish Castle and the top of the highest hill one right over the other; you shall go clear in or out. If you cannot see the hill keep the Castle South Southeast, but if you keep it South by East, You will be near it, or on it. On the nearest part of the next Island to the East of Pola Lacka is a dangerous should two miles off, and seldom showeth itself. The one and twentieth, we anchored and moored our ship a Cables length Northwest of the little round Island, and road till the one and twentieth of july, in which time we cut about seventy pieces of square Timber for our decayed ship, 
Crocatow a very sickly place.  and to pay the Hollanders two and twenty borrowed, for their house at jaquatra, by our Merchants. This place is so infectious that most of our men were taken with swollen legs, or bodies, some breaking out with Sores and Byles, others taken with dizziness and dimness of sight, almost every one losing his stomach, and given to vomiting with a strange costiveness: six died, and thirty seven were sick and lame, all weak, vomiting, sack, rack, beverage; nothing stayed.  
The seven and twentieth, we anchored in Morough Road near the shore, 
Morough.  which is no good Road, but we were forced, so to command the Town wi●h our Ordnance in succour of our Boats, if the people should have betrayed them, as they had done the Hollanders of whom they slew eight men. We lost an Anchor there (they cut off the Boys that we could not after find it) and could get little refreshing, or none.  
The nineteenth of August, we anchored at jaquatra, having been from thence two months, and in one month which we were returning from Cracatow, we lost with the former six, one and forty men, besides forty five sick in the ship; nor had we above twenty of our own Company that could go up and down the ship. The eight and twentieth, the Hollanders surrendered the Star again to the English. 
Star rendered▪   
The first of September came in a Fleming from Holland, which told us of the Lion arrived at the Cape from Surat; and of six English ships with her in Soldania from England, 
News of English ships.  two bound for Bantam, and four to Surat, which were to stay in Soldania for four Flemings to go to Surat with them. The one and twentieth, the Dragons Claw arrived from Achen with news that the Charles, the Ruby, and the Diamond, were all at Sea coming for jaquatra; and that the Bee saw a Frenchman of War on the Coast of Sumatra, 
French man of War.  which would by no means speak with her. They were in all four ships, but she had lost her consorts.  
The first of October, the Schedam arrived with news of three English ships in the Straitss of Sunda, the Royal Exchange, the Unity, and the Bear, the Bee also with them, 
New fleet.  which on the second, and the tenth arrived here. The four and twentieth, the Dragons Claw departed hence for the Moluccas. The six and twentieth, one of our men suspected for stealing Cloves, was drowned. He had wished before me a little afore, if he knew of the Cloves, that he were so fare under water that he might never rise again; and going over the ships side, a step of the ladder broke, and he fell overboard, & never rose again. The thirtieth, the Bear and Diamond were sent for jambe in hope of Pepper. The eleventh of November, the Globe departed from jaquatra for japara, to fetch sheathing board and cattles: and the fifteenth, the Unity set sail for Achen. 
japara.   
The second of December, the Roebuck arrived from Teco with Pepper. The third, the Samson arrived from Patania, and brought in her the Purser and three others of the Unicorn, 
Unicorn lost.  which was cast on the Coast of China. The fifteenth, the Globe arrived with boards and planks from japara. The sixteenth, arrived a juncke which brought some of the Samsons men, some of the Unicorns, and those which were left on shore at Patania, when the Samson and the Hound were taken. The one and twentieth, the Ruby departed for the Moluccas. The six and twentieth, the Clove arrived from jambe and Patania. The nine and twentieth, the Royal Exchange, the Star and the Roebuck, set sail for Amboino with a Holland ●hip in their company.  
The second of january, the Bee went to Hector's Island to careene. The same day the Hollanders had four ships that went for the Moluccas, 
The Dragon still serving the Dutch.  the Dragon being one, and the next day the New Holland, and in her john Peterson Coen General of all the Indieses, for the Hollanders: who carried a float with eight or ten Demicanons, and forty great Prawes to land men, and a great company of Soldiers. 
Return of the james.  The eighteenth, the james Royal arrived in jaquatra Road from japan, where she careened both sides to the keel. The one and twentieth, arrived the new Zealand from Masulipatan, and brought in her Captain Ball, Thomas jones, and Richard Thomas. The thirtieth, the james began to take in Pepper to go for England. The one and thirtieth, the Bee returned from Hector's Island, careened to the keel, and the Globe four or five strikes on a side· In the james Royal bound for England. The six and twentieth of February we set sail.  

Their return home, 1621.  The nineteenth of May, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania: where we set sail the second of june. We found there riding the Anew, wherein was Captain Walter Bennet, and the Fortune a Victualler, and three Hollanders bound for Bantam. The one and twentieth of june, we saw the Island of Saint Helena, bearing West by North sixteen leagues, and on the two and twentieth anchored there. 
Saint Helena.  Here we took store of fresh fish by the ships side. The nine and twentieth, we set sail, and the eighteenth of September anchored in the Downs:   

CHAP. V The Voyage of the Anne Royal from Surat to Moha, in the Read Sea, for settling an English Trade in those parts: Anno Dom. 1618. extracted out of Master EDWARD HEYNES his journal, written thereof.  
SIr Thomas Roe, Lord Ambassador for his Majesty with the Mogoll, having given diverse Articles of instructions unto Captain Andrew Shilling, Master of the Anne Royal, together with joseph Salbanke, Edward Heynes, and Richard Barber, Merchants; for Trade at Dabul, and after as they saw occasion in the Read Sea: it was thought meet by Captain Martin Pring General, and Thomas Kerridge, and Thomas Rastell (the twelfth of March, aboard the james Royal, the time being too fare spent for Dabul) that the said ship should sail directly for the Read Sea. Thus they sailed from the Road of Swally.  

Aden▪  The tenth of April, we had sight of Aden. The thirteenth, we passed the Straight of the Bab or Babel Mandel (an Island in the entrance or mouth of the Read Sea, which causeth the Straight) about seven in the morning: 
Mocha,  and about five in the evening, we had sight of Mocha five leagues off. Night coming on, we anchored, and a Canon came aboard us from the Governor to know what we were and our intent, which we answered, and they having begged a few Biscuits departed.  
The next morning we anchored a league and half from the shore, and saluted the Town with nine Pieces. The Water-Bayly brought us a Present from the Governor, a young Bullock, two Goats, Mangoes, Limbs, Cucumbers, and Water Melons, welcomed us, and desired to sand one on shore to acquaint the Governor with the cause of our coming. We answered, we were Englishmen, which came to seek Trade there, but durst not adventure on shore without sufficient pledges. About three in the afternoon, came a jew aboard (borne in Lisbon) together with an old Venetian turned Turk (one in good respect with the Governor) which from the Governor assured us of all content.  
The fifteenth, Allee Asgee, the Chief Scrivano sent a Present of Goats and Fruits to welcome us, with two old men of good quality: sent from the Governor to remain as pledges for such as went on shore, 
They go on shore.  with many protestations of good usage. Hereupon Master Salbanke and I went with our two Linguists and one Attendant, with a Present for the Governor, viz. six yards of broadcloth Stammel, six yards of green, a Fowling Piece, and Looking-glass. At our landing, a thousand people expected, and diverse Officers were ready to receive and conduct us to the Governor. His house was fair and large, built of stone and brick. At the entrance was a fair gate with a Porter's lodge, and diverse servants there attending. Within is a great Court, 
The Governor's house and state.  whence arise winding stairs about thirty steps to a square Tarris; out of which we were brought into a large room, having at one end a great bay window opening to the Sea, in which the Governor sat: on the sides others of like bigness, looking unto the Wharfe or landing place. The flore was covered with fine Mats, and near the Governor, with fair Turkle Carpets and Persian Felts. That whereon himself sat was a party coloured Satin Quilt, with rich Damask and Velvet Cushions. He was clothed in a Violet colour Satin Vest, his vnd●r-coats fine India Linen, having on a Satin Cap wreathed about with a fine white Shash. He was accompanied with the Chief Scrivano, the Principal Customers, some Turks of better fashion, many Indian Merchants, and one hundred servants. He is about fifty years old, and named Mahomet Aga.  
When we came near, he bowed himself and we did reverence: then bade us sit down, and demanded our Nation and business. We answered, we were Englishmen, of London, 
Their conference.  Merchants, who by command of the Ambassador of His Majesty of England, resident with the Great Mogoll (with whom we hold league and amity) are comen to this Town to treat for licence of free Trade: That we were friends to the Grand Signior, and had traffic at Constantinople, Aleppo, and in other places of his Dominion, and ●oped the like here: that we were come to desire his, and the Bassa's Firman, for like liberties here as is granted us by the Grand Signior, both for present and future times, as intending to visit their Ports yearly with plenty of English and Indian goods: that we had likewise in command from the said Ambassador (which had heard of diverse Pirates, English, Dutch, French, Portugals, Malabars, and others which infested the quiet Trades of this Port, and principally the Guzerats, our friends) to take them, and free those Seas of such encumbrances, protecting all honest Merchant's ships and lunckes from injury: and these were the true causes of our coming. He than rose up and bade us welcome; 
They still suspected our ship a man of War, by reason of some excesses of some of our Countrymen in those Seas.  applauded our design, and demanded why we were so fearful to come on shore without pledge. We answered, that about six years since, some of our Countrymen were here with kind shows and promises enticed ashore, and by the then Governor betrayed, imprisoned, and many murdered: whose harms made us cautelous for our own safety. But that we were no otherwise then we professed, they should shortly know by the testimony of two Guzerat juncks, one of which had not come this year, but for the pass and promise' of the said Ambassador that our ship should defend them homeward bound from Men of War in these Seas, having escaped rifling last year by men of our Nation, through our opportune coming to our rescue; who delivered her safe at her Port, and sent their chief Commanders into England to answer those wrongs to our King's friends. He acknowledged our Nation good and friendly, promised that we should live on shore and negotiate as secure as in our own Country, that he would also procure the Bassa to confirm the same, and would give us any content. That for the ill usage formerly, the Governor than was an ill man, long since removed, and now living in disgrace at Stambola: and swore by his Mahomet and by his Beard, that not one hair of us should be diminished, nor any wrong offered: 
Constantinople.  that he would therefore proclaim our liberties that none might pretend ignorance to discourtesy. He wished us also to look out a house in Town fit for our persons and goods, commanded two of his principal Chanses to attend us, and till we could fit ourselves better, recommended us to the jew-merchant his entertainment, desiring him to assist us in all things.  
Thus after our Present delivered as from our Captain and many kind thanks, 
The visit the Scrivano.  we went by the jews persuasion to visit the Scrivano, who is likewise chief Customer, whose servants (himself not being then at home) entertained us with much civility, and brought us into a fair room, not much inferior in building, or furniture to that of the Governor, where we had left him, and whence he soon returned and welcomed us with much courtesy, assuring us of whatsoever the Governor had promised, and that he himself would see all executed, who had power also to right us. We were informed that this man's authority was no less in the Town than the Governors, who was by him directed in matters of weight: he seemed a hearty old man. After he had made us Drink Coho and Sherbet, we took our leave and rested that night with our jew.  
The next morning, we spent an hour to view the Town and observe the countenances of the people toward us, whom we found gentle and courteous, 

They view the Town.  
The description thereof.   especially the Banians and Guzerats, of which here life's continually great store, as Merchants, Shopkeepers, and Mechanike Trades, their shops neatly built and cleanly kept. Their Market or Bazar appeared well furnished with all necessaries, besides fruits daily brought out of the Country. The Town for the most part built with brick and stone fairly plastered over with Plaster of Paris: the building flat-roofed some two stories high, with Tarrises on the top, whereon they build Summer houses of Canes and Mats, in which they rest in the nights and pass the first quarter of the day, having at that time a fresh breeze from the Sea; all the rest of the day so hot, 
Heat at Mocha. Their neatness.  that men cannot well endure any clotheses, not so much as a shirt. It lieth level alongst the Seaside, being about two miles from North to South. There are many fair houses and three principal Mosques; the streets kept clean, each man's door every morning and evening watered and swept, seeming liker sandy bowling allies than streets; no filth suffered to be cast abroad, but carried to a place appointed scoured by the Sea: In fine, I have not lightly seen, a sweeter, cleaner, better governed Town then this of Mocha. Betwixt the Governors and Scrivanoes is the Wharfe, about twelve score square, near which adjoining to the Governors' house is a platform raised, built with hewn stones, with Battlements towards the Sea, about forty paces square, in which are mounted thirteen or fourteen small Pieces of little force. Against the landing-place are two fair Brass Pieces about five foot in length; on the other end is the Alfandica, and a Brass Piece of six foot, which carrieth a Bullet as big as a Canon. This is their strength for defence of the Town. Yet at the North end is a stone house in manner of a Fort, and in it some few Pieces, but they put small trust in their Ordnance, relying most on their Soldiers, of which two hundred reside continually in the Town, the rest (being in all to the number of five hundred) live within a day or two days journey, and are in readiness upon any occasion.  
Hoia Nassans' son, the principal India Merchant of the Town, professed and promised all kindness (for we went to his house) and after a cup of Coho and Tobacco (which is usually amongst these people) we went again to visit the Governor before we went aboard, who rose and met us, caused us to sit by him, welcomed us, promised as free Trade here, as in any other place of the Grand Signiors Dominion, 
Another Governor expected.  nor would deny us any thing reasonable: said that another Governor should shortly succeed him, but one as his brother, honester than himself, who should perform all the promises which he had now made; at our request, commanded the Water-Bayliffe to furnish us with Boats at all times to carry us, or water from shore for the ship aboard. After this we visited the Scrivano, and found him very courteous, promising to come aboard to see our ship, and bid our Captain welcome, and after a health of Coho dismissed us to return to the ship, where our two pledges approved their kind usages, whose departure was honoured with five Pieces.  

Feast on shipboard.  On the seventeenth, the Scrivano, our pledges, the jew, and twenty persons attending came aboard, brought a Bullock, Bread, Quinces, and other Fruits, and a Cake of great roundness and thickness like puff-paste, wherein were baked Hens and Chickens very well dressed, and pleasing enough to a dainty palate; we also with a Quince Pie, Crabs, Sack and Strong-water, added our best welcome. He would needs be sworn brother to the Captain, which was solemnised with a Cup of Sack, and after much mirth and view of our ship, he departed with great content.  
We had water brought by poor people at reasonable rates. We also had given good reason to the Governor and Scrivano (who approved it) to make every juncke that should arrive to anchor by us, and there to ride till they had discharged their goods. The Governor was willing, we should examine and compel them hereto, because some junckes passed by their Town to other Ports for Trade, to the loss of this.  

Storm and heat.  The one and twentieth, six at night, we had a storm of wind off the shore with Thunder and Lightning very vehement, but no rain, which continued half an hour, the rest of the night extreme hot. This storm brought sand and dust aboard in abundance, notwithstanding, we road a good league from shore. The five and twentieth, we had a message from the Scrivano, that the Governor and himself had received Letters from the Bassa of Sinan, commanding them to receive and entertain us with all kindness, to permit us to live and Trade amongst them freely and quietly.  

New Governor arrived.  Ignorance of a new Governor must excuse us of the charge of a new Present to him. His arrival was on the seven and twentieth, the Ordnance of the Town, and junkes, and of our ship welcomming him. He sent our former Pledges aboard with thanks, and a Present of Plantans, Limbs, Mangos, Melons, Bread, and one Bullocke, promising in the Bassa's name like trade here, as at Constantinople. The two Pledges remained aboard all night, and went with us on shore the next day, where we found the new Governor, and the old sitting at the end of a large room, adorned much what as at our first arrival, or better. He is about four years old, named Raiab Aga, was accompanied with diverse principal Turks, and all chief Merchants now in trade of Surat, Diu, Dabul, Sindu, Calicut, and Cananor. At our approach he only moved, so did the Turks: the Merchant's rose, and saluted us. He caused us to sit down by him, told us that the Bassa, the Vizier of the Province, informed of us, had commanded to give us content: and besides his Lords command, he knew us to be friends of the Grand Signior, and to have. Trade at Constantinople, Aleppo, and other places of his Dominion, a Nation of friendly and honest disposition, and therefore we should found him our good friend, and ready to do us any courtesy, and give us as free Trade, as we any where had under the Grand Signior, or Great Mogoll. 
English fleet of five ships.  We told him we were Merchants, and our ship Vide-admiral to a Fleet of five ships, one of which, was departed from Surat homewards, three from Bantam and other places to the South, and our ship by his Majesty's Ambassador employed hither (with such circumstances as before are delivered) that if our just requests of free Trade be granted, we purposed at our next coming to settle a factory here, and yearly to frequent this Port with shipping with English and Indian goods: signified our intents against Rovers, and what already we had done in that case against our own Countrymen: 
Factory intended at Mocha.  intimating that it was needless to press with the inconveniences which might arise from denying us Trade, who were able to force it, and hinder others from coming; the fear of which had caused some already to pass by this Town to Gudda, the Port of Mecca, one hundred and fifty leagues farther up, a Town of great Trade, and others to other places. He replied, we should be as welcome as to any place in our own Country, and vowed by GOD, Mahomet his head and beard, we should live as secure from hurt as in our own Land. We asked what security he would give us; besides his oath (he answered) his Firman under his Chop, and procure the like from the Bassa. With this we seemed content, and gave him thanks: nor did ever people seem more willing to give content than they: which, I think, ariseth not from conscience, or love, but fear, seeing us able to interuert their Trade. After some questions of our Ambassador, now residing at Constantinople, and touching the Portugals, and Spaniards, (which he said were proud and unfaithful Nations) some speech happened of Sir H. Middleton: we demanded the cause of that treachery towards him: he answered, the Vizier at that time was a bloody, cruel, 

'Cause of Turkish treachery to Sir H. Middleton.  
Let English Christians read, blush, and amend.   and ill-minded man of himself, and made worse by the instigation of others, Turks, and Arabs of this Town, who observing the uncivil behaviour of our people, as pissing at the gates of their Churches; forcing into men's houses to their women; and being daily drunk in the streets, would fight and quarrel with the people; things hateful in these parts: these things were in part, but the Governors' covetousness (hoping to get their ship and goods) was the main cause of that ill dealing, for which and many other bad actions, he was not long after sent to Constantinople to answer it, and is either dead, or lives in disgrace to this day. We dined with the Scrivano, and hired a house of Hassana Ga', one of our Pledges, at seventy Rials of eight the Monson, (which is all one with the yearly Rent.) The Scrivano would needs swear himself our friend on his Koran: yet denied this Governor to be the man which captived Sir H. Middleton, which was after found Turkish faith. We agreed for Custom three by the hundred, both inwards and outwards (which he vowed all others paid five) and for silver, and gold, and money, to pay none. We supped with him also, and gave him a Present.  
The nine and twentieth, we had thought to have had our Firman read before all the Merchants, and proclaimed to the people; 
Death of the Grand-Signior Achmet.  but the most part of the day was spent in a ceremony by the Governor and Chief at their high Church for the death of the Grand Signior, and the establishing his brother in his room. They came riding affront our house, we sitting in our window open to the street: they seeing us, bowed themselves, and we did reverence: their horses were accommodated with rich furniture. At four of the clock, we were sent for, but our Linguist had got to a jews house that sold Rack, and was drunken, and we pretending Master Salbankes present in disposition, promised attendance the next day. On the one and thirtieth, the Governor sent for us, and made known to all the Merchants our welcome, causing his Scrivano to draw a Firman as large as we could require, which he would sign with his Chop, and at his principal Scrivanoes, in the afternoon we should have it. The Copy whereof is as followeth, translated out of the Arabic.  
A Faithful and perfect Firman given by the grace of GOD to the worthy Captain of the English, Andrew Shilling, to the Merchants, and to all such as are come with him at this present; and to all the Nation of the English, which shall come to this Port hereafter: For their good usage, and friendly entertainment by the grace of GOD, and by the Faith we have in our holy Prophet Mahomet: with the licence of our Great Lord and King, to whom the Great GOD of the World give long life: by the fidelity, truth, and authority of the great Vizier of Sinan, Mahomet Ba●ha; 
Mahomet Bassa▪ Raiab Aga.  whom the Great GOD give strength, and power in his Kingdom: and by the faithfulness, and true meaning, and command of me Raiab Aga, now Governor of the Town of Mocha; to be given to the Great Nation of the English, with all faithfulness.  
I The Governor Raiab Aga, do give liberty and licence to the English Nation, to come hither to this Port, to receive friendly entertainment, to bring ashore their goods, to buy and cell with all freedom; to carry such goods as they buy aboard, without let or hindrance: and have made contract with them, that for all goods they land, they shall pay three by the hundred, not in ready money, but in goods; and for what they carry away aboard so it be Merchandise, and not provision for their ship, as Victuals, or such like, that they shall pay ready money at three by the hundred likewise, neither more nor less, but as it is contracted by our agreement. That no Inhabitants of this Town, nor People of the Country, neither Turk nor Arab, shall injure them; but they shall have their liberty to their contents. And that this my Firman and Contract is given them with a good heart, and true meaning to see it performed, I witness the truth before the most high GOD, and our holy Prophet. Signed with my Chop, the fourteenth 
* Either the difference is from their different computation, or that the Seal was deferred to this day.  day of May, in the year of our Prophet Mahomet 1027.  
I have thought good to add the Bassa of Sinan his Firman, translated as before.  
IN the name of God. This Letter written with the word of truth of the most high GOD: To all Nations, Governors and Officers over the people under my government: GOD keep you all.  
Know ye, that we have given our faithful Firman unto the hands of Signior Andrew Shilling Captain of the English, joseph Salbanke his Companion, and to their friend Edward Heynes Merchant, which are come to the Port of Mocha, for them to go and come with their ships to the said Port, and there to buy and cell all manner of Merchandise freely, and with all content. And we do further give them by virtue of this our Firman in the Faith of the Great GOD, and our holy Prophet Mahomet; in the Faith of our Great Lord, whom GOD preserve; and in the Faith of Ourself, Governor of the Province and City of Sinan; free licence for to cell and buy there, here, and in all other of our Ports, and Towns of Trade within our Government, as freely and quietly, without injury, let, or molestation, as any of the Traders and Merchants which come to that Port of Mocha, or any other, of what Nation soever. And do consent and agreed with them, to pay for Custom of such goods as they bring, three by the hundred, and for what they buy and carry forth, three by the hundred likewise. And do promise and swear, in the true way of an Oath, to keep our word with them in this Agreement; and give you all hereby to know that they shall pay neither more nor less. And further, that they shall receive neither injury, hurt nor danger, nor any discontent given them, either to their persons or goods, but they and their Nation shall have, as from their first ship that came to this Kingdom, now this, so ever to the last ship that shall arrive hereafter, the like friendly entertainment, and good usage, as we have commanded to be given them at this present. And that this is my faithful meaning, This our Firman which comes to your hnnds shall be a witness of the truth. Written and signed with my Royal Chop, from our Court of Sinan this eighteenth day of julie, in the year of our Prophet Mahomet 1027.  
The Copy of the Governor of Moha his Firman, given to Master Salbank for good usage in his way to Sinan, is this.  
IN the Name of the great GOD. This Letter of commandment in the name of our great Lord (whom GOD keep) to all people, Governors of Towns and Cities. Know ye that it is our will and commandment, that when the Bearer hereof joseph Salbank, or any of his people, or any of the Nation of the English, come to your places of Government, you use them, him, and all whomsoever, friendly and with all courtesies: that you make them pay for victual, or other necessaries, no more than ordinary; but rather make provision for them, and assist them. And for what goods they shall carry away, or bring up into the City of Sinan, you shall take no duites of them, as it the custom to other men, but let them pass free, doing them neither wrong nor injury. Wherhfore, all you to whom this Letter or Command shall come, which I have given into his hand, I command you all, in the name of the Bassa, (whom GOD bless) to see this performed with all diligence. Given at Mocha, the twentieth of june, A. 1027. of our Prophet Mahomet.  
It was agreed betwixt us, that Master Salbanke and I should follow the business on land, and Mr Barber should remain aboard to prepare such things as should be sent for. The fift of May, we went to the Scrivano to get leave for Rack to be made for our sick men: 
Rack is a wine or strong drink made of Rice.  for by reason that our Linguist, and others of our company had been drunk in a jews house, we complained and desired the jew might be prohibited to cell them any: whereupon the Governor forbade the jews and Turks the selling of Wine or Rack in the Town. The Governor, at our and the Scriuano's request, gave leave only that a jew by his appointment, should brew it in our house; but to prevent disorders, would permit none elsewhere. On the eight in the afternoon, understanding the Governor and principal men were set in the Custom house, ●●pecting the Surat Captain then coming ashore, he went also to see the manner of his entertainment. At our coming, we found the Governor sitting at the upper end of a long room upon a Bench of stone, on a Carpet: by him in a row, on the same Bench covered with fine mats diverse Merchants, and men of quality about twenty; on the other side against him, were about as many set in Chairs: between them was made a lane reaching down to a square place, three steps high from the floor railed in and matted, in which the Scrivano and Officers of the Custom house sat on Carpets. The Governor bade us welcome, told us he had given the chief Broker order to come see our goods, and procure their sale; caused us to sit down, 
Entertainment of the Surat Captain.  two Merchants offering us their places, and called for Cohoh and Tobacco. After half an hour thus spent, the Captain came ashore, in his own boat curiously painted, rowed by twenty of his own servants, all in white linen, with a Tilt of read silk, many silk Streamers, his Sail of fine calico, with diverse Drums, Waitss, and ill Trumpets, his own junke, and the Towne-Chambers adding their reports to make up the music (if such confused sounds may be so called) Attended by a few slaves trimmed up with Silks, and course Satins, he entered the place where we sat, where the Governor rose and saluted him, and placed him next him: and many compliments of welcome passed from him, and from the rest of the Merchants: only he in the height of his pride, neglected us, and we accordingly him, though we thought, the Captain's courtesy to him, sending his longboat and men to free his junke (being four or five hundred tons, and aground) with his kind entertainment aboard our ship, had deserved better respect. After a little time in compliments, Cohoh was again brought to all the company, and after it six Vests, two given to the Captain, and four to his four Merchants, which being put on, and Salams given, they again took their seats, sitting like so many painted Images, their Coats being of course Gold and Silver Velvet. One thing we observed as the usual custom of this Town, at the arrival of any junke, and the landing of the Captain, there is free liberty to all the Mariners and Passengers of the same junke, to bring ashore as much of their goods as each man can carry on his back, free from paying any Custom: in which manner passed by at this present, three hundred persons of that junke, with their luggage, to their habitation without molestation. On the ninth, our Landlord and the Scrivano told us of three junkes of Diu, and four Malabars that stayed at Aden, hearing of our ship, 
Fear of the English.  and would not come without our Pass, which they entreated us to grant. The form of our Pass subscribed by the Captain and three Merchants, was this.  
WHereas the Governor of the Town of Mocha, understanding that there are diverse junkes now riding before Aden, fearing to come to this Port, as doubting good usage from us the English; hath entreated us to give unto him, our Certificate or Pass, for the said junkes, or for any other that usually trade to this Port, to come in freely, without any injury done unto them, either in body or goods by us, and to have good and friendly quarter, as loving friends and Merchants amongst us: We finding good usage by the Governor himself, and forwardness by all men to give us free Trade and commerce, and as well out of our good disposition, and inclination to peace, as for the satisfaction of the Governor, in his request; We, by these presents, do promise and give them all freedom to pass quietly, and assure them friendly usage, to their content: so as they be not enemies to our dread Sovereign, the King's Majesty of England, or his Subjects. In witness whereof, we have put to our Firmes, etc.  
A larger Pass at the Governors' request, and more general, for the quiet departure of all junkes, etc. was after made, which I forbear to transcribe.  
The tenth, the Captain of the Dabull juncke invited us to his house to a Banquet, where we found the Governor with fifty principal persons, besides Attendants; 
Dabul Captain his feast.  All rose and bade us welcome: we sat not long but Coho and Sherbet were brought, Tobacco, and diversity of Fruits, as Plums, Apricockes and Mangos, we thinking these to be our Feast, and ready soon after to departed. But the Governor and Captain desired us to stay, and eat Bread and Salt with them, which we did; at last, though late, our greatest cheer coming, being about sixty Dishes of sundry sorts of meats, baked, roasted, boiled, stewed, and sodde, but all mingled with Rice, with diverse sorts of Salads, in manner as in India.  
Our Cargason was of bad wares for the most part, which had lain in India, till they were near spoilt, and so hung on our hands; we therefore importuned the Governor, 
Freedom of egress and regress.  and he charged the Broker to procure our sale with great earnestness: we obtained leave also, contrary to the common custom, to come and go aboard and ashore at our pleasure without demanding any leave, and charged the Water-Bayliffe not to molest us. On the twentieth, it was observed in general that the Monson changed.  
The four and twentieth, The Scrivano told me that he understood that our men of the Ship, 
Peddling of some.  at their coming ashore, sold in the Bazar, Baftas and Sword blades: he said, the Governor had promised for the poor men's goods to demand no custom, and therefore they should not fear to bring it ashore, but to cell it at the house; for at the Bazar, was a disgrace to us and our Nation. On the one and thirtieth, the ship was in danger to have been burnt, one taking Tobacco in the spritsail yard arm, and the coal falling in a fold of the sail, 
Danger by Tobacco.  which there burned two or three breadths, and was long smelled before it could be found: and Tobacco taking was prohibited, except in the Cookroom or Captain's Cabin. In regard of recovering our sick men, discovering the cost, and procuring ballast in stead of Lead, taken out of the ship, it was concluded, that the ship should go over to Assab on the Coast of Africa: 
The ship goes over to Assab.  and Master Baffen Masters Mate, was sent to sound and discover before.  
The tenth of june, we had speech with the Governor, and in other discourse learned of him, that he was Governor of Aden when the Ascension came thither, where he imprisoned the Captain and jos. Salbanke two days; as he said, doubting they were not Merchants, but a man of War: that he was Governor here at Sir H. Middleton's apprehension, which he excused by the ill rule of our people, and bad disposition of the Bassa; that he was blamed for the fact; but the Bassa, whose servant he then was, commanded that and a great deal more. God knew his unwillingness to it, and sorrow for it: but these things are past, fear you nothing. Here we saw how fare he and the Scrivano were to be trusted.  
On the thirteenth, the Governor sent for us, told us that he had acquainted the Bassa with our purpose, to sand up one to him for his Firman, who had promised his welcome whether we came or sent; he thought it our best course that one should go, and we should have Horse, Camels and Servants of his to attend us; and he would writ in our behalf.  

Loss of a Monson▪ how dangerous.  The nineteenth, arrived a junke expected from Gudda, which brought Chamlets, bad Coral, Amber beads, much Silver to invest in Spices and Indian Linen, many passengers from Mecca. She brought news of a Ship laden hence the last year for Grand Cairo, by loss of her Monson through contrary winds, forced to stay a little above Gudda till next year. By this junke the Governor received letters, that the Gran Signior had sent diverse ornaments of State to the Bassa of Synan, and had confirmed to him his government for seven years longer, and himself in this Town of Mocha under him for the like time, whereof he seemed not a little proud. In regard of my continual indisposition, it was thought fit Master Salbank should go, and a Present for the Bassa to be prepared, with some merchandise also to carry with him. The Scrivano offered Master Salbank his Mule to ride upon, 
M. Salbanks journey to Sinan.  which he accepted with thanks. He was furnished with two Camels, one Cook, one Horsekeeper, three Servants of the Governors, whose wages he had compounded to pay, with Alberto a Linguist, and taking leave and letters of the Governor. On the three and twentieth, he departed about six in the evening, the nights being the accustomed time of travel. That morning we received a Letter from our Captain of his safe arrival at Assab; of their good health, and finding ballast and other provisions.  
On the six and twentieth, the Governor sent me a Horse by one of his Servants, desiring me to ride with him in company of other Merchants to his banqueting house, some half mile out of Town, there to spend the day in mirth. About half an hour after came the chief Scrivano to call me, with whom I rid and met the Governor in the way, whom we accompanied to the place. It was in the midst of a grove of Date Trees, in which was a fair house, and within it a large Tanke, and other rooms of pleasure to sit in. After a little while, He with diverse others went into the Tanke, and sported therein half an hour. Than was Cohoh brought and given the company; 
The Governors' feast.  after that, Grapes, Peaches, Musk, and water Melons, Almonds blanched with others, Raisins in great abundance (for he had at lest fifty or sixty Guests, besides attendants) and always between whiles Coho and Tobacco. Thus with Music, indifferent good, he spent the forenoon. After prayers he went again into the Tanke with others, wherein he spent an hour in sport with his company: after which, the rest of the time was spent, some at Cards, some at Chess, himself beholding juggling tricks until four at evening. Than were brought in at lest a hundred dishes of diverse sorts, 
Cards, chesses, jugglers.  good meat, but cold and ill dressed. Every dish might well have served four men with good stomaches. He used me well, and was earnest to have me into the Tanke, which I excused by my late sickness. He answered, if at any time I had a desire to wash, he would have me come hither and take my pleasure, and the Keeper should permit me and use me well.  
The twelfth of july, at evening was a great show made by the Surat Captain before the Governor, being the time of the New Moon: Many figures artificially made in fireworks, rare and excellent. 
Good firework, figures.  The Governor sent for me to see them, placed me in a Chair by him, told me of Letters that day received from Sinan of the Bassa's Firman, granted before Master Salbanke came, who hearing of his coming stayed it and made another, as he gave instructions, and delivered it him with his own hand.  

Gudda of great Trade. Kitchine.  On the thirteenth, passed by the Road of Gudda a junke of four or five hundred tons, bound for Kitchine, a day's sail within the entrance of the Read Sea; I suppose it not fare from Cape Guardefui on the Coast of Africa. She is reported to be rich in gold, Royalls of plate, and many sorts of Merchandise: yearly comes to Mocha, brings Myrrh, Trunks for Coho seeds, at the first beginning of the westerly Monson, 
Aliambo.  and dispatching here, goes up to Gudda or Aliambo, and there sells her Coho and Indian goods which she taketh in at Kitchine, brought thither by Portugal Frigates from Diu, 
Portugal junk.  and other places. Her lading outward is Indico's, all manner of Indian Linen, Gum, Lac and Myrrh; she is freighted by the portugals, and the Governor wished we might meet with her, which it is likely we had done, had not our ship been absent, which returned into the Road on the one and twentieth. I went aboard, and was told, that the King of Assab with his brother and brother's son, 
Return of the ship.  had been aboard and received good entertainment, in requital whereof, the King promised to sand for store of Beefs and Goats: but in the evening, by sign of a light given, fled with all his people up into the Mountains, pretending a pursuit of his enemies, and never returned so much as thanks.  
The seven and twentieth, before day, Master Salbanke returned in perfect health and content with his Firmans. 
M. Salbanke his return.  He related to me of his hard journey, good respect given him by the way in all places; being always met before he entered any Town of note, with Horse and Foot, to guard him to the Governors, and of them received with good welcome; his provisions provided by their Officers (but at his own charge) the Governor of Moha● servant in the name of the Bassa, 
Relation of his voyage and entertainment  procuring his good usage. Before he came into Sinan he was met a mile without the City by forty or fifty brave Turks well horsed, sent by the Bassa to bring him in; which conveyed him to a house ready and richly furnished against his coming. He received friendly entertainment of the principal Xeriffe and the Bassa's chief Treasurer, which were both appointed to welcome him. And two days after, the Bassa himself gave him hearing, of whom he received courteous entertainment and two Firmans, both of one Tenor, but one written in a fairer Character than the other, to show to the Grand Signior, if occasion required.  
I found, by his report, that the City of Sinan with the Country adjoining, will vent yearly some quantity of English cloth, those parts for three quarters of the year being cold; yea, 
Sale of English cloth likely.  in this Summer time a man might well have endured a furred Gown. Besides, there is a Court kept, to which belong forty or fifty thousand gallant Turks, most of which wore garments of Venetian cloth of great prices. Also not fare from thence lieth a Leskar of Soldiers, to the number of thirty thousand, 
Arabia, not wholly subject to the Turk.  that continually are in the field against an Arab King not yet conquered, which liveth in the Mountains adjoining, all which, he saith, are reported to wear Coats quilted of Cotton made of India Pintadoes, which is dear and little serviceable, for want of cloth to keep them from cold, which there is extreme. To this I may add the City of Tyeis, and the Leskar of thirty or forty thousand Soldiers, governed by an Almain turned Moor, subject to the Bassa of Sinan, where is much cloth worn, not above five days journey from Mocha, yet very cold.  
The second of August, the Governor sent our Captain a vest, a rich one, by his chief Shabander with Drums and Trumpets, 
The Captain vested.  his Boat bedecked with Flags and Streamers in great bravery, which was delivered with great reverence, and received accordingly.  
The eleventh, the Captain of Dabul Melic Maruet, and Nakada Rooswan the Chaul Captain, sent us their Letters of recommendations to their Kings, according to our desire, certifying of our friendly usage here, and promise' to defend them homewards bound from Pirates, and therefore beseeching, in our behalf, freedom of Trade and friendly usage in their Kingdoms. The fourteenth, we gave our Passes (as at other times to others) unto two Captains of the Malabarres, Amet Ben Mahomet of Cannanor under Sultan Ala Raia, and to Abu Buker of Calicut under the Samorine.  
This day came into the Road a small Galley from Cairo, with many passengers, Turks and jews, rich in Royals, Chekines, Coral, Damasks, Satins, Chamlet, Opium, Velvets and Taffatas. She had been in her voyage but thirty days. I had conference with the jews, one of which had been of my acquaintance in Barbary. They report, that the Grand Signiors brother, being made Emperor, had imprisoned his two Nephews, done to death some Grandes, and otherwise discontented the great Ones, and that he was deposed, imprisoned, and the eldest of his Nephews created. That there were two hundred thousand Soldiers sent against the Persian, for the conquest of Gurgistan, with other things; whereof some proved true, others false, according to the fate of Merchant's news. 
Many passengers both for Merchandise and Pilgrimage to Mecca.  Some jews and Turks desired passage for them and their goods in our ship to Surat; and it is likely when they know us better, much profit may be made this way, their junkes being so pestered usually with uncivil people.  
Thus having sold and bartered our goods as well as we might, hope of such a Cargason, and dispatched our business, we visited the Governor and desired his Letter testimonial to the Lord Ambassador, which he gave us; we took our leave the nineteenth of him, the Scrivano and principal men of the Town, from whom we received protestations of much kindness always, came aboard, intending the next day to set sail for India, in company of the Surat junke, according to our instructions.   

CHAP. VI Brief Notes of two Voyages of Master MARTIN PRING into the East Indieses; the first with Captain NICHOL●S DOWNTON, General of four ships, in which he went Master in the Newyears Gift Admiral.  
FRom England to the Canaries, we used our Channel Compasses, 
Compasses.  and from thence our Meridional. Whiles we used our Channel Compasses, we gave not any allowance for the variation; which afterwards we did in all our Courses. Wednesday, the fifteenth of june, 1614 we anchored in the Road of Soldania, the latitude whereof is four and thirty degrees, 
Soldania.  the longitude from the Lizard eight and twenty degrees, of a great circle East, the variation one degree, thirty minutes, North westing.  
The fourth of july, we had the Cape of Good Hope East seven leagues off. On Saturday, 
The River of Saint Augustine  the sixth of August, we escried the Land of Saint Laurence. The River of Saint Augustine hath in latitude twenty three degrees, thirty eight minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope twenty three degrees, of a great Circle. We left it on the twelfth: and the thirteenth we had Westminster Hall (which is a flat Hill, lying North-east by North from the Road of Saint Augustine) Southeast by South nine leagues off, 
Westminster Hall.  being in latitude three and twenty degrees, variation seventeen degrees and twenty minutes, North westing. On the fourteenth and fifteenth, we found that the Current had set us to the North, of our account, six leagues.  
On the eighteenth, by observation of the Sun at noon, we found the elevation of the South Pole to be seventeen degrees and twenty six minutes. The three and twentieth, we descried the land of joanna. 
joanna.   
The second of September, we passed the Line: the ninth, we anchored in Delisha Road on the North side of Socotora, in twelve degrees and thirty five minutes, variation eighteen degrees and thirty minutes, longitude eleven degrees and twenty minutes, of a great Circle to the East of Saint Augustine.  
Their anchoring, and what passed at Swally, ye had before in Captain Downton. The second of March, we left the Road of Swally. On the fourth, we were as low as Damon, and saw the Viceroy with his Paderosa Armada, which chased us till the sixth at noon, and then left us. The night before we came in sight of Damon, 
Whirlwinds.  we had many Whirlwinds, the weather being clear, as if the two Monsons' had been striving for victory. The sixteenth, Cochin bore three leagues of East half North. It stands in ten degrees close by the water's side; the Land so low that we could see nothing but Trees: but up in the Country are Mountains: variation fifteen degrees North North-easting, this evening.  

Eclipse.  The nineteenth, at noon being Sunday, there was an Eclipse of the Sun, the end whereof by my observation, continued till one in the afternoon and forty five minutes. The distance of the Sun from the Zenith, was twenty seven degrees and thirty minutes, just as the Eclipse was ended. Monday, by observation of the Crosiers we were in six degrees, and by the Stars of the great Bear also. 
Z●ilan.  Tuesday, at five in the morning, we descried the Coast of Seyloan five leagues off, which near the water side riseth full of small Hummocks, and up in the Country are Mountains, whereof one like a Friars Cowle. Friday, Punta de Galia North-east half North eight leagues off, we perceived that the Current set westward. By observation of the Star in the great Bears back, we were in five degrees and thirty minutes.  
The fourth and fift of April, we perceived the Current had set us five leagues and two third parts to the North, 
1615. Currents.  being in one degree and fifty minutes, when by our way we should have been in one degree thirty three minutes. We found a like Current on the ninth. The two and twentieth, we found that the Current had carried us in four days thirteen leagues to the South of our computation. The third of May, at noon, we were in four degrees and thirty minutes, and found that since the former noon the Current had carried us four leagues South of our computation. We had sight of Sumatra. The like we found at noon the next day. We saw the I'll of Enganio, the North point bearing South-west eight leagues off. The sixth, at noon, we were in five degrees and thirty seven minutes, carried to the South of our accounts five leagues by the Current. 
Salt Lands. Pumicestone I'll. These Marine discourses are here abridged and cut ●ff▪ partly ●●c●use I think few will much affect that part, and now many Mariners kn●w●th ●m by experience; and in the borrowed books of the Company, I was forced to be Scribe myself, the tediousness of w●ich wearied m●. Ye● have I now in on●, and another while in another, expressed the most material in this kind.  We saw the South point of Sumatra East Southeast low by the water.  
On the seventh, we were at noon in six degrees and ten minutes, the Current having set us six degrees and an half to the South of our accounts.  
This morning we saw the Salt I'll, which is in the entrance of the straits of Sunda, bearing East, two third parts North. The tenth of May, the Southeast winds began to blow fresh, only now and then a gust which would sometimes altar it, and that about the change or full of the Moon, or else we had it always between the South Southeast, and the East Southeast: but most commonly at Southeast. On the tenth, the General (we being able to do no good the other way) thought best to bear up to the North of the Salt Iles, where under the North end of the Northermost, we anchored in twenty fathoms oaze, within three quarters of a mile of the shore, finding the like depth all alongst the North end of this Island in that distance. Between the high Salt-Ile and this, is Pumicestone-Ile, which always burneth, and casts forth Pumicestones like to Fuego. The Northermost we called Coco, of the fruit found there. These Pumicestones we cast into the water, which swum like Cork. The twelfth, the Pinnace was sent to Pulo-Beced for water: it was brackish. On the sixteenth, our men found a Pond of fresh water, on the North end of the Salt I'll, in the flat ground by the water's side, and filled water there. We set sail thinking to have gotten to the South of the Salt I'll, the wind being at North-east, but could not prevail against the Currant. The nineteenth, we were in six degrees, five minutes of South latitude.  
The twentieth, the Current North Northwest and Northwest, whereas before for ten degrees it had set directly West between those Lands.  
After much contending with the weather and Current, having had very good water from Palmeto I'll, half a mile within the East point in a sandy Cove.  
The first of I●ne, we set sail and stood to the South, making a South-west way by means of the Current that sets West South-west, alongst the shore. On the three and twentieth of june, Master jordan came aboard: and the next our General sent a Present to the King of Bantam▪ Note, that while we rid in the Straitss mouth, we found the Current from twelve at noon, till four in the morning to run very swift, and from thence till noon very easy. Sunday the sixth of August, our General departed this life.  
The tenth of October, Captain jordan came in the juncke from jacatra, and related his kind entertainment, the King being wholly devoted to us, and hating the Dutch.  
The seven and twentieth of November, the Flemings set upon Kewee his house (he was our Merchant to buy Pepper for us) with intent to keep him Prisoner in their own house: But Captain jordan having notice thereof presently went and rescued him in despite of the Flemings, and brought him to the English-house. The two and twentieth of December, having received our lading, we left the Road of Bantam. 
Their return.   
The seventh of january, we were in seven degrees five minutes of South latitude, we found that the Current had set us South Southeast nine leagues in twenty hours, the variation this evening was three degrees forty minutes North-westing. The two and twentieth, our General Master Thomas Elkington departed this life.  
The first of March, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania, 
Soldania.  our Company most part in good health. The next day we set up our Tents ashore, landed our sick men and our water cask. On Sunday the third, Cory came down unto us, who told us of one Captain Cross, 
Cory.  which lived upon Penguin Island with eight men and a Boy: to whom Master Dodsworth had given a Boat. I sent the Pinnace which brought three, and left there other three. These reported, that on Saturday last, Captain Cross with two others, their Boat being split in pieces, 

Cross with other condemned persons left to inhabit there.  
Cross lost.   made a Gingada of Timber, and had gotten half way betwixt the Island and the ship, when two Whales rose up by them, one of them so near, that they strooke him on the back with a wooden spit; after which they sunk down and left them. Captain Cross thus terrified with the Whales, and benumbed with the water, returned to the Island, and having shifted a shirt and refreshed himself, adventured the second time, giving charge to one of the Company, to have an eye on him so long as he could see him. This fellow saith, he saw him a great way from the Island, and on the sudden lost sight of him; which is the last news of him.  
The eight of March, (all things ready) we departed, having gotten good store of sheep and some Bullocks. From the Tropic till we were in one degree eighteen minutes of South latitude, we met always with a Southerly Current, which set us to the South about seven or eight miles in four and twenty hours. The reason I guess to be, because we were always to the East-wards of that Current, which sets towards the Northwest from Saint Helena, so that we went in the edge of the Eddy of the Northwest Current. The five and twentieth of june, 1616. we arrived in the Downs.   

CHAP. VII. The second Voyage of Captain PRING into the East- Indieses. Or a Relation of the fifth Voyage for the joint Stock, set forth by the Honourable and Worshipful of the East- Indie Society: consisting of five Ships, viz. the james Royal, of burden a thousand tons, ROWLAND COYTMORE Master: the Anne Royal, nine hundred tons; ANDREW SHILLING Master: the Gift, eight hundred tons; NATHANIEL SALMON Master: the Bull, four hundred tons; ROBERT ADAMS Master: the Bee, one hundred and fifty tons; JONH HATCH Master. All under the Government of MARTIN PRING.  

§. I. Occurrents in the way, at Surat, Bantam, and jacatra.  
ANno 1616. The fourth of February, our Fleet departed from Gravesend. Thursday the sixth, Master Maurice Abbot, Deputy with diverse of the Commissioners were aboard the ships, and mustered all our men and paid their harbour wages. The next day they departed, and all our men were entered into whole pay. After much foul weather. The fift of March, we departed from the Downs. March the seventh, we had the Lizard North four leagues off, which lieth in fifty degrees ten minutes. From the Lizard we steered away by a Meridional Compass, giving allowance in all our courses for the Variation. The seven and twentieth, 1617. at noon we had in latitude twenty eight degrees ten minutes, the North-east point of the Gran Canaries West Northwest five leagues off.  
The two and twentieth of june, we had sight of Soldania point, and the same afternoon anchored in the Bay, whence we departed on the thirteenth of july. On the three and twentieth, we descried Terra de Natal.  
The third of August, we descried the land of Saint Laurence, in twenty two degrees forty six minutes of latitude. On the eleventh, we saw the I'll of Molalia. The King's name is Fanno Marry O Fannad●ll: Paemon the name of the Port where we 
* An Eclipse.  road: Commoro by the Inhabitants is called Angazija. The next Island to the East is joanna: and the next to the Eastward of that is Mawotta.  
The six of August, at night the Moon was totally eclipsed, when the foot of the Crosiers was nine above the Horizon: it began at eight, and continued till it was passed eleven, and was totally eclipsed for the space of an hour and half. The five and twentieth of August, at night between seven and eight a clock in South latitude four degrees twenty minutes. The water of the Sea seemed almost as white as Milk, and so continued till the next morning: and then as the day came on the water began to altar again. The next night we were in the same water again, but not altogether so white. The thirtieth, before day we saw the foresaid white water again: and likewise the next night, but could found no ground.  
The eight of September, we mounted the rest of our Ordnance; this night at twelve of the clock we had six foot and an half water in hold, which in four hours with both Pumps was freed, and after that the Pumps did suck so much in the space of half an hour, that it would rise twelve inches water.  
The ninth, in the morning, I caused the Chief Commanders of the Fleet to come aboard, where after that I had given them notice of the Accident, I willed them to sand for their carpenters to have their advice in searching for the Leak, 
A great and dangerous Leak.  and some of their Companies beside to help our men to pump; others to rummage in hold, and the rest to stitch our sprit-sayle with Ocom, wherewith we made trial diverse times under the bildge of the ship, but could not found the Leak, yet by diverse experiments within board, we found that the Leak was before the Mast, and therefore the next morning being the tenth, we fitted our sprit-sayle again, as before, and let it down before the stern of the ship, and so brought it afterwards on by degrees, until by our judgement it was under the scarf of the keel, and the stern, and there (God be praised) our Leak was partly stopped, for it rose not above six inches in a Glass, where before it rose twelve inches. After this comfortable news, we steered away our course, and within three Glasses after the Ocom was washed out, so that we came to our old stint again; this night we sent for one of the Bull's Pumps to free our water from before, where there was always till then a foot and an half water more than was in the Well.  
The eleventh▪ we fitted our spritsail with Ocom, and let it down again, in which action it pleased God so to favour us, that within an hour after, our ship was thighter than at any time before, which I pray God long to continued.  
The twelfth, in the morning we descried a sail which the Gift did fetch up in the afternoon: 

This ship did belong to Don Pedro de Alm●yda▪ and also mo●t of the goods.  
Moçambique. Captain Neuce and jones. At our arrival at Swally, we heard of two Dutch ships c●st away at Gowdever, viz. the Rotterdam o● a thou●and tunne● and a small Pinnace; the one forced ashore. The 18. ●he other. The 19 of july 1617. one in sight of another.  
Portugal spies.   this was a Portugal which came from Moç ambique, having about fif●ie Kintals of Elephants teeth. In the morning, the Bee came to us from Swally Road, and gave us intelligence of the rest of the Fleet, that they were all in safety in the Road of Swally, which was no small joy unto us. Likewise, we understood that they had brought the juncke and the two ships, which they chased the s●xteenth of this month, into the Road with them; the juncke being a great ship of Surat, belonging to the Mother Queen, the other two English ships which had her in chase, the one of the ships was called the Francis, a ship of one hundred and sixty tons, belonging to () the other the Lion of one hundred and twenty tuns, set forth by Philip Bernardy, an Italian Merchant in London. The Captain in the Francis was Neuce, and of the Lion Thomas jones, who in former time had been Boatswain of the Hector.  
This evening (God be praised) we arrived in Swally Road without the Sands, where we found the rest of the Fleet; the foresaid juncke, and the two Englishmen of War; the Bull and the Lion being got in on the bar. The five and twentieth, I gave order that the Francis should go in also, that we might be more secure of her and her Consort; the same evening, the Bee and the Prize went in also.  
The ninth of October, at night, I sent up one and twenty chests of Coral to Surat, which was landed from the Anne two days before; at night I sent eight ton, four hundred of Elephants teeth to Surat from the Prize. In the morning, we had a consultation aboard the james, where it was determined that the Anne or Gift, should by God's grace be laden for England.  
This afternone, twenty sail of Frigates from Goa, arrived at the bar of Surat, the Captain Maior, Don Pedro de Asadedo, from one of those Frigates, five of the Country people came ashore amongst our men, which being discovered, three of them fled and two were taken by our guard, who confessed that they came from Goa a month before, being commanded by the Vice-Regent to range the Coast, to discover the English; which found, they were to return again, if not descried, to proceed on for Cambaya to waste the Caffallo.  
The fourteenth 
* This morning, the 17. sail of Frigate departed for Cambaya, passing fair by us.  in the morning, I sent fourteen ton of Elephants teeth to Surat, from the Prize, which were guarded up with thirty six men that went for the Convoy of our money to Amadavar. The seventeenth, we sent up twelve ton, and four hundred teeth.  
The seventeen Frigates aforesaid returned again fair by us, and stood to the southward, we sent the rest of our teeth to Surat. On the two and twentieth, and this afternoon we landed sixteen chests of Coral, and two of Mors teeth from the Bull.  
The fourteenth of November, being Friday, we dispeeded the Bee for jasques, a month's pay was given to all the Company in the Fleet, (the chief Commanders and the Merchants excepted) which amounted to three thousand three hundred and two Rials of eight. And after that, this afternoon we landed Cloth, Tin, Cases of Wine, and strong Waters, with the rest of the Presents that were in the cabin.  
The seventeenth of january, being Saturday, the Bee returned from Persia: this day seven Mallabar junckes Road in the offing, to whom I sent out the Francis, who brought in two of them, and the Be other two.  
Thursday, the twelfth of March, we departed from Swally Road, the same evening we anchored near the Bar of Surat. The seventeenth, in the morning, the wind veered up Northerly, and in the afternoon the Anne departed from us, bound for the Read Sea. Tuesday, the eighteenth, I dispeeded the Bull. At noon we had gone Southeast by South twelve leagues, latitude, eleven degrees twenty five minutes, the winds (as four or five days before) at night a little breath off the shore, by day in the afternoon a fresh gale from the Sea; this day in the forenoon we saw eight sail of ships to the Southwards of us, and three between us and the shore; moreover, two Galleys and ten Frigates, these were chased to the North-wards, by the Bee and the Francis, which I had sent the night before, to keep fair the shore. The eight and twentieth, in the afternoon the Francis and the Bee being near the shore, 
K. of Calicut.  and thwart of Calicut; the King sent off a Boat pretending to be very desirous to speak with me, but I was too fare shot to the Southwards before that I heard the news.  
The second of April, 1618. in the morning, we got into the Bay of Brin jan, 
Brin jan and the refreshing there.  where we anchored in fourteen fathom water, within half a league of the Town, a high picked hill like unto a Sugarloaf, bearing North-east by East by the Compass, which is the best mark if it be clean, to know the place; here is good refreshing to be had, Hens and Coco Nuts in abundance, Goats and great store of fish, also good fresh water springing from a Rock; but we were fain to pay seventy Rials of eight, a Vest of Cloth, a small Piece, a Looking-glass, and a Sword, and all too little to give her content. For after the Governor had received the Present with the money, and granted us leave, he came again with seven or eight hundred men, 
Perfidious people.  and demanded more money, and had we not kept a strong guard at the spring, he would have put us by it after our money was paid. Sunday, the fifth, at one of the clock at night, the wind coming off the shore, we weighed anchor and departed. This evening we were thwart of a headland, which lieth Southeast by East from Brin jan eight leagues, from whence unto the Cape East, two thirds South are seven leagues. near unto the first head-land lieth two Rocks a good height above water and a mile without them, there is a most dangerous Rock, 
Dangerous Rocks.  which is ever with the surface of the water, but if you come not within twenty six fathom, you shall go clear enough.  
On the seventh, in the evening at six we had Cape Commorin North North-east one third, North five leagues off, being in thirty fathom. The nineteenth of june, 
Cape Commorine.  Captain Ball and Master Pickham came aboard. This afternoon (God be praised) we arrived in the Road of Bantam.  
The four and twentieth, I went to the Pangram, 
Bantam.  to compose the matter between Captain Ball and the Chinese, whose juncke Captain Ball had arrested for certain debts due by the Chinese; where (according to Captain Balls desire) I made proffer of the re-delivery of the juncke, conditionally, that the Pangram would do us justice; which he passed his word to perform. Monday, the sixth of july, in the afternoon, I went again to the Pangram, 
Pangram of Bantam his unjustice.  Master George Ball, Master Rich, Master Pickham, and diverse other Merchants in company. His malice was so great against Master Ball, that he would not grant him access, whereupon I sent him word that Master Ball had brought the bills of debt, and was only able to give a reason of all passages betwixt the English and the Chinese, whereof I was utterly ignorant, his Messenger returned the second time, and told me that Master Ball might not be admitted, and so we left the Court.  
The first of September in the morning, the wind being off the shore, we weighed, and stood towards Point Air, keeping along in seven fathom upon the main, 
Point Air.  until we were within three miles of the said Point, where we had seven fathom wanting a quarter the one cast, and the next but three fathom; 

The Dutch had 3. great ships▪ which did ride right in the way that we were to pass: 3 at the Careening place, and 1. in the Road of jacatra. Deliverance from 3. dangers.  
The 19 of this month, the Angel a Dutch ship of 500 tons, came from Amboyna laden with nuts & clou●s, and departed from thence the 25. of the same.   some supposing that our ship did touch, but I could not perceive it. Of this Point there lieth a flat should almost with the frame of the water, but you have seven fathom within two Cables length of it. This afternoon, as we stood in with the Dutch ships, which road in the fair way betwixt the two Lands, even as we came within a mile of the ships, our ship came aground, but (GOD be praised) we got her off again without any hurt at all, and so stood in the Bay, where again we came within two Cables length of another should, which lieth Southeast by South from the Flemish Isles, one league and an half off.  
Wednesday, the second of September in the afternoon, it pleased GOD to bring us into the Road of jacatra in safety, having delivered us from three imminent dangers the day before, GOD grant we may always remember it with praise and thanksgiving to his holy Name.  
The six and twentieth of September, being Saturday, early in the morning, I went to visit the King the second time, remaining in his Park; and finding him in a pleasant vain, I moved him concerning of former business; and before I left him, we came to a final conclusion, which was this: First, in consideration of our free importation and exportation of all manner of Commodities, to give him seven hundred Rials of eight per annum, and fifteen hundred Rials of eight, for a plat of ground to build on.   

§. II. Dutch wrongs, and the Fights betwixt Sir THOMAS DALE and them.  
SVnday, the seven and twentieth in the evening, Master Bishop arrived in this Road, in a Praw, which came from japparra, wherein was a Cogee which brought the Matran his Letter to Captain Ball, wherefore I dispeeded him for Bantam the same night: he left two English behind him at japparra, one of them being fled from the Dutch, 
Dutch injuries to the English.  and had Letters from diverse of our People that are prisoners in the Moluccas, and amongst the rest, one was directed unto me from Master Richard Tatten, wherein he complaineth very much of the boarish usage of the Dutch, that will hardly allow them Rice to put in their bellies, and that upon every idle news of the coming of any ships, they are still put in Irons.  
The thirteenth of October in the evening, Cornelius Marthon, Commander of the French ship taken by the Dutch, 
French ship taken by Dutch.  came into the Road, and the same night came aboard of me, and after some discourse told me, that we had six ships coming for this place out of England, Sir Thomas Dale Admiral, 
Sir Thomas Dale Admiral of six ships. A leak again.  for some special business at the Moluccas, and that he was bound thither with the French ship, the Souldhailer, and the Neptune, to attend the coming of good friends. The seven and twentieth in the evening, we had four foot and an half water in the james Royal, which we freed in two hours with both our Pumps, and afterward kept our Pump going until the next morning about ten of the clock, at which time by letting down of a sail basted with Ocum, it pleased GOD to stop the leak again. The one and thirtieth, I discovered a place for the careening of the james Royal, 
Tanium point.  upon the little Island, that lieth next within Tanium point in the Bay of Bantam, we made all things ready to repair unto the foresaid Island.  
The fifteenth of November, the Rose arrived from Teco, bringing news that the Hollanders had a factory there established soon after that ours was dissolved. The ninteenth, the Moon, the Clove, 
Viun point. Polo Paniang.  the Samson, and the Peppercorn, arrived from England, and anchored between Viun point, and Poolo-Paniang. This day I went aboard of them, taking with me such fresh victuals as our ship did afford to congratulate their coming. Coming near, I perceived the Clove to be Admiral, and therefore went first aboard of her, where I found Sir Thomas Dale the chief Commander, and Captain jordaine the Precedent; I understood by them, that they lost company of the Globe to the Westward of the Cape, and (which was fare worse) that they left the Sun (Admiral of the Fleet) in great danger of casting away, 
Sun lost at Engano.  upon the I'll of Engano: they themselves having much ado to double the Island. Two days they road still in this place expecting her coming, which was long before bildged upon the Rocks, as afterwards we understood to our great grief. The two and twentieth in the morning, the foresaid ships stood in for Bantam Road, and as they passed by the Island where our ship lay, we saluted them with fifteen Pieces of Ordnance, which we had formerly planted on the shore, and withal, took in our Flag, to show our respect to Sir Thomas Dale, the Admiral of that Fleet.  
The eight and twentieth of November, came two boats from Engano, with sixty eight of the Sun's men, who brought lamentable news of the loss of the said ship with many of the company, upon the foresaid Island. The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Globe arrived; this day our leak broke out again, 
Leake again.  but was quickly stopped (GOD be praised) by removing of the Bonnet. The thirtieth, our ship being cleared from stem to stern, the Carpenter went down to search for the leak, and as they passed forward, still taking up the ceiling as they went, in the foremost room saving one, they found the leak being an augur hole left open in the middle of the keel; which was four inches and three quarters about, 
Their leak found, being an agur hole left open.  which leak, if it had sprung upon us alone in the Sea, would have tired all our company in four and twenty hours, herein the great mercy of GOD did manifestly appear, in that it never broke out but when we had a Fleet about us for our aid, GOD give us grace always to remember it with praise and thanksgiving to his holy Name.  
The second of December being Saturday, Sir Thomas Dale and Captain Ball came aboard, because we had proclaimed a Fast through both the Fleets, 
A Fast in both Fleets.  and the Exercise to be aboard the james the next day, which was the Sabbath: on which morning, the Precedent and diverse Merchants came aboard, bringing Master Wren in company: the Preacher of the Sun, who exercised in the forenoon, and Master Copeland our Minister, in the afternoon. 
Master Wren, and Copland.  This day the Bee set sail for Engano, being formerly ordained to go thither, in hope to recover some moneys and goods they hold of the Sun. The fourth in the afternoon, the Swart Leo arrived from Potania, and road to the Westward of Poolo Paniang; Master Denton in regard of his acquaintance amongst the Dutch, was sent aboard of her in the barge, to inquire from whence she came: who when he came aboard, found one Hendricke janson his old acquaintance, a man that had been chief Factor for the Dutch in Potania a long time. This man with another inferior Factor came aboard the Moon with Master Denton, where they were well entertained, till Sir Thomas Dale came aboard, and soon after were set on shore at Bantam the same night, before day we resolved to go forth with four ships, the Moon, the Clove, the Globe, and the Samson, that we might the better encompass her. At break of day we were fair by her, and after a few exchange of Parles, they yielded up their ship, 
The B●acke Lion a Dutch ship taken.  upon condition that they might departed with all such goods, as did properly belong unto them. On the sixth, we brought her in near the Island where we had left the rest of our Fleet.  
The fourteenth, the Bee returned again beaten back with foul weather, that she was not able to get out of the straits. On the sixteenth in the afternoon, there came twenty Portuguezes aboard the james Royal, fled from the Dutch at jacatra, which were freely received, and kindly entertained. This evening, we were ready to set sail with eleven ships great and small for jacatra, in hope to beaten away the Dutch ships from thence; 
The English ships.  The names of the ships were the Moon, in which Sir Thomas Dale went, the Gift, wherein I went myself, the Unicorn, the Clove, the Globe, the Samson, the Peppercorn, the Thomas, the Bee, the Rose, and the Swart Leo; leaving behind us the james Royal, there to take in her provisions, also the Prize, and the Advice, because they had most of her provision in them. The ninteenth in the morning, we set sail with our Fleet aforesaid, and the same day we anchored between Poolo Paniang, and Poolo Tunda. The twentieth in the evening, we anchored with all our Fleet about a league to the Northwards of Hector-Iland. This night we sent the barge to the Flemish Lands, where they found no people at all upon the Souther Island, there lay a Dutch Galley which they set on fire, and so returned aboard the same night. This evening, we descried seven roders in the Bay of jacatra. The one and twentieth early in the morning, these seven ships stood off with us until they were somewhat near the Lands, and there they came to an anchor altogether. This afternoon we stood in towards them, and anchored a mile to windward of their Fleet. This evening, we had a consultation aboard the Moon, where it was resolved, 
Consultation for the Fight betwixt the English and Dutch Fleets.  That the next morning we should assault the Holland Fleet in manner following: The Globe, and the Samson, for the Sun; and the Thomas to pass in between them, fitted with combustible matter to set her on fire; the Moon, and the Clove, for the Golden Lion; the Gift, and the Bee, for to attempt the Angel; the Unicorn, and the Rose, for the Devil of Delfe; the Peppercorn was sent forth to surprise the burget boat come from jambee; riding about three leagues off; whose boat with thirteen men, our barge had taken as she was standing in with the Holland Fleet, about seven of the clock at night: this our determination being written down, we departed aboard every man to his charge, but after we were gone, Sir Thomas Dale sent his boat aboard the Thomas, for three Sakers, which held them in work till eight the next morning, so that the Hollanders were all away b●fore these Ordnance were aboard the Moon, which made us all in a hurly-burly to weigh, and get to seawards, that we might have sea-room, and the advantage of the sea-turne; the which at length we attained, getting without the Isles of Point Aire: the Holland Fleet passing between them and the main of java. So that the same night they anchored fair above the Coast of java; and our Fleet in the offing without the Lands.  
On the three and twentieth, in the morning, the Holland Fleet stood off to the Westward close under Anti-Lackie. The Devil of Delft borrowing so near that she came agroand, and sat fast for a quarter of an hour; which was no sooner perceived by us, but forthwith we made towards them with all our Fleet; yet before we drew any thing near, she was slipped off again; 
The Fight. See 〈…〉 Ma●●er Cortho●s journal wh●r● you may 〈◊〉 Sir Thomas 〈◊〉 Lett●r and● Master Iordans.  and she with all the rest of the Fleet standing off to the Northwards: our Fleet having the weather gadge, we paid room upon them, till we came within spot, and then the Moon, (wherein was Sir Thomas Dale the Admiral) began the fight with the headmost ship of the Dutch, named the Sun; our fight continued the space of three hours, during which time we spent some twelve hundred great shot amongst them, and so left them for that night; they standing off so fare to the Northwards, that they got the Burger boat into their company, and then anchored to the westwards of us, about half a league: there they road all night.  
The four and twentieth, both Fleets weighed anchor, ours plying to the westward to gain the wind; and the Hollanders ran in to the shore, towards Point Aire: in the mean time we descried three Sail coming from the westward afore the wind, which coming near, we perceived to be the little james, the Hound, and the Francois; and after they were come near us, we joined all together, and chased the Holland Fleet, through the Bay of jacatra unto the Eastern point of the same; where we all came to an anchor in the evening. This night there was a junke sent from the Flemings at jacatra, filled with combustible matter, and set on a light fire, which came so near unto our Fleet, that we were fain to weigh o●r anchors and be gone. The five and twentieth, being Christmas day, we saw the Flemish Fleet again, standing to the Eastwards, and the same day, we sent out our barge to follow them all night, and see what course they took, because we had left the james Royal in the Bay of Bantam, with the Advice, and the Prize, which ships they might have surprised, if they should get Bantam before us; for there was no ship of defence, but the james, and she unprepared, by taking in of her goods.  
The seven and twentieth after midnight, the Black Lion was set on fire by the wretched carelessness of three wicked fellows, and burnt down to the water. The thirtieth in the morning, 
john jordan went ashore at jacatra. Master jackson slain.  the Precedent went ashore to the King of jacatra, with Master john jackson in company, to view their fortifications, where an unfortunate shot took away his leg, and so consequently his life.  
The first of januarie, the james Royal, the Advice, and the Prize, arrived from Bantam. The second, Sir Thomas Dale went a shore to visit the King of jacatra, and to understand his resolution concerning the Dutch Fort: The King gave both the Precedent and him great content in words, promising to grant any reasonable request, if the English would assist him in surprising of the Dutch Castle. This morning before day, the Francois departed for Polaroone, with diverse provisions for relief of that worshipful Gentleman, Master Nathaniel Corthop, and his company, 
Aide to the King of jacatra.  GOD sand her thither in safety. The sixth day, we held a consultation aboard the Moon, where it was resolved, That out of our greater ships we should landlord six Pieces, three Culuerings, and three Demi-culverins, with powder and shot, convenient to assist the King of jaccatra against the Dutch, also that Sir Thomas Dale should remain in the Road with eight Sail, to countenance the business, and myself with six ships to ply for the Straitss of Sunda, to lie in wait for the Holland Fleet. The five and twentieth, being Monday, we got into the Road of Becee, and anchored in fifteen fathoms oze, about two miles from the shore, the South point of Becee, bearing South-west one quarter West, and the North point of Sabaioa: (the Wester I'll of Poolo Tiga, being shut in upon it) did bear North by West three leagues off. The twenty seven and twenty eight, we watered our ships, and cut wood; and myself with Master Coitmore, and other Masters went ashore twice, to view the Harbour; which we found to be an excellent place for refuge of a small Fleet against a greater force. The one and thirtieth, by order from the Precedent, we put into Bantam Road with our Fleet.  
The first of February, Captain john jourdan the Precedent came aboard; who acquainted me with all the passages betwixt them and the Dutch, in the Castle of jacatra, during the time of my absence; 
This agreement was crossed by the Pangram of Bantam who give us leave to beaten the bush, and thought himself to have caught the birds, but in fine was deceived.  which was that the Dutch had condescended to deliver over their Fort unto the English, upon condition they might departed with bag and baggage, and a ship for two thousand Rials of eight, to carry them for Coromandell. On the fourth, Sir Thomas Dale with six ships, viz. the Moon, the Clove, the james, the Peppercorne, the Hound, and the Advice, arrived in Bantam Road. This afternoon, the rest of the ships came in. Here, after our arrival understanding that the Pomgram of Bantam had dealt underhand with the Dutch, to have the Castle of jaccatra delivered into his hands (who before had unjustly disappointed us of it) we thought it fitting, that the Precedent, and the rest of the Principals should repair aboard, and forthwith to get all their goods and provision from the shore. The tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, we were employed in getting the Honourable Companies moneys and goods aboard the ships: during this time, the Pangram sent diverse slight messengers unto the Precedent, to demand (as from themselves) the reason of his departure, he (as he said) giving them no other just occasion, so to leave his Country: whereupon the Precedent drew certain Articles of the several wrongs and grievances, that the English had received from time to time at his hands, which were to be translated into the java language, and sent unto him.  
The seventeenth, Master Vfflet advised from jacatra, that the Flemings were fortifying daily. And also, that when the Messengers of the Pangran demanded the surrender of their Fort, with part of their Monies, Goods and Ordnances; They answered, That it was their Master's goods, and therefore not fit for them to give them away. About noon, we heard of the arrival of two Dutch ships, in the Road of jacatra. The same night, Sir Thomas Dale with eight ships, went for jacatra, in quest of the said ships, and I remained here with four to attend upon the Precedent. The six and twentieth, we had certain intelligence that four Holland ships were at anchor in the mouth of the streights of Sunda: this evening we went out with the james Royal, the Gift, the Unicorn, and the little james; and the next morning anchored near Poolo-Pen-Iang, to pridy up our ships, and to take in water and planks that lay by our side.  
The first of March in the morning, we weighed again, and plied towards the mouth of the Streights, where we descried the four Dutch ships aforesaid at anchor, near unto the Island called Tamporon, which lieth about three leagues to the Westward of Viun or Pallambam point. So soon as we descried them we made towards them with all speed: and they in a careless fashion plied it to and again with their top sails half mast down, 
Dutch bravery.  and at length as we drew near unto them, the Admiral and the rest bore up with our ship, being the window most of our Fleet; and gave us two shot, one through the ships side under the half deck; and the other in the steeridge side.  
This I declare, because men may the better understand the insolency, 
Vinivalencie of the Dutch.  or rather vinivalencie of of this arrogant Nation, to come on with such a Spanish bravado, and so soon to run away. They had no sooner begun, but they were as quickly answered from our ship, in such a measure, that within the space of two hours (by the gracious assistance of Almighty God) we made them as quiet as Lambs; the Admiral, that first gave the onset, being the first that ran away, 
Their flight.  and after him all his Fleet; whom we chased until night, and then finding them too light of foot, gave over the chase. The night we stood over towards Poolo Tunda. The second in the afternoon, we anchored again in the Road of Bantam; this day we had news from jacatra, that one of the two Dutch ships aforenamed, was fast on ground hard by their Castle, and that they themselves at sight of Sir Thomas Dales fleet, had set her on fire. 
Dutch ship burnt, and another cast away.  The other ship which took in some rich goods out of the Castle, was likewise cast away upon certain Rocks, ten leagues to the Eastwards of jacatra. The fourth dicto, we received the Letter from Io. powel, residing in jacatra, that Sir Tho. Dale departed from thence the first of March with the Moon, the Hound, the Rose, and the Bee, to search out the Fleming that was cast away. The fourteenth in the forenoon, we had news from Sir Thomas Dale, that he had gotten almost in shot of these four ships; and then they were taken with a calm the space of twelve hours, and after this calm there did arise a tempest in the night, which scattered them so fare asunder, that the next morning they were out of hope of their chase, and so returned to point Air again, 
A Tempest.  determining forthwith to come unto us with the Moon, and to leave the rest of his Fleet to take in some provisions from jacatra.  
The of March, we consulted aboard the Unicorn, of our best course to be taken with the Fleet, where it was resolved, that we should go for the Coast of Coromandell, which (as we were informed) is a good Country for the health of men, and abounding with Rice, Wheat, Butter, Gravances, etc. which could not here be had for any money.   

§. III. Their departure for Coromandell: Occurrents there: Sir THOMAS DALES death. English ships taken by the Dutch. Consultation and provisions at Teco, and departure thence.  
APrill 19 1619. being Monday, all our ships being together that were in this place, and the three junks at anchor amongst us, we resolved in counsel to put the honourable Companies Commission in execution, which was to appropriate the Chineses goods unto them for former debts. On Tuesday, Kewee came aboard to the Precedent, accompanied with the three Nochadas or Captains of the juncks, to know his intent; who answered them, That if the young King of Bantam would displace the Pangran, he would then come and Bichir with him, and deliver over the juncks again. The eight and twentieth in the morning, all our Fleet being ready to set sail, intending to go for Morrogh, there to take in water, 
Morrogh.  and to discharge the juncks; we descried a sail coming in from the Westward about Pallambam point, which we found to be a Portugal Frigate, taken at jasques, and having twenty English men aboard of her, and was sent from Captain Bonner, as an advice to the Precedent in Bantam. These men gave us to understand, that Sir Thomas Roe the Lord Ambassador, 
Sir Tho. Roes return to England.  was gone for England in the Anne Royal, having quitted the Country with great honour and reputation, both for himself and the honourable Company our Employers. Bodman, who was the cause of setting the Black Lion on fire, was hanged. On the two and twentieth of May, this night we set sail from hence.  
The thirtieth, we parted with Sir Thomas Dale, who haled in with his Fleet, under the Island: and we held on our course for Messulapatan, having in company the Gift, the Unicorn, and the Bee. The thirtieth of june in the morning, we anchored in nine fathom about two leagues of the shore on the Coast of Coromandell, here we road for the space of four days, during which time, 

The cause that put us to leeward of Messulapatan, was the violence of the Westerly winds, and the Current setting so strong to the Eastward.  
From the place where we first anchored unto the foresaid point, which we supposed to be nine leagues we had seven fathom water, all alongst two leagues or two leagues and a half off soft Ozie.  
Cape Comfort.   we were hardly able to visit one another, by reason of the West South-west winds, and the continual Currents setting to the East North-east. The breach also was so lofty on the shore, that we durst not adventure to put to shore with any of our boats. At length when we met together, Master Roberts, Master of the Unicorn, gave me notice of a Bay, lying in seventeen degrees upon this Coast, about five leagues to the Eastwards of Nassapore, where there was good riding for a Westerly Monson, which was the only thing I now desired, seeing there was no hope against Wind and Tide to recover Messulapatan. The fourth in the morning, we set sail and stood to the Eastward, the Coast lying West South-west, and East North-east, and having run about nine leagues by judgement with the Wind and Current, we found the Land to lie away North, and North and by West, which gave me some hope of a good Road: by this point of Land there cometh out a great River, the stream whereof hath raised a great Rise or Should of the sharp of the Point, extending itself half a mile into the Sea, which maketh the smother Road about the point, for you may bring the said sand South South-west, and ride in six degrees and an half fathom Oze, two miles of the nearest Land. Two leagues from the Northwards of this point (which for distinctions sake I call Cape Comfort) issueth out another branch of the former River, which maketh the head-land itself an Island, of the mouth of this River lieth likewise a long ridge of sand which is dry at low water; the Northermost point of this ridge beareth Northwest half a degree West from us, where we ride in six fathom and an half, three miles off; and the should of Cape Comfort beareth South South-west three miles from you, and the nearest land between them both about two miles off: The next point to the Northwards of Cape Comfort is three leagues & a third part distant from it, and did bear from us (whence we road) North Northwest, half a degree West, two leagues and a third part off; to the Eastward of this point lieth another sandy Should, the Eastermost part of it bearing North from us about four miles off: in the setting of all these Points and Shoalds, I have allowed the variation, which in this place is twelve degrees nearest.  
The fourth of july, in the afternoon, we sent the Unicorn's Shallop into the second branch of the River (which we call Mullet Sound) to see if they could discover any Town, 
Mullet Sound.  where they might procure a Guide to conduct Robert Pickering and William Clerk unto Messulapatan, by whom we had sent our Letter to Master Methwould. Tuesday the sixth in the morning, the Shallop returned aboard, reporting that they had gotten a Guide to direct our Messengers at a little Village three leagues up the River; they brought aboard twenty Hens which cost two shillings. Friday in the afternoon, the Barge returned aboard from Captain Ball with one and seventy Goats and Sheep, and nine and thirty Hens, leaving Captain Ball and the rest at a Town called Narsapela, which is six leagues up in the Country. The twelfth in the morning, 
Provisions.  Master Methwould came from Messulapatan in one of the Country Boats, and brought with him twenty Hogs, two great jars of Rack, six Goats, and two baskets of Bread; he brought us news of a Dutch ship richly laden, in the Port of Messulapatan, and ready to departed for Holland.  
The six and twentieth in the evening, I went in the Barge to seek out some Barge which might lead us unto Vingeron, 
Vingeron. Coranga.  the chiefest Town that is nearest the Sea side: The same night I passed in over the Bar of Coranga, and about two miles up in the River, I lodged in the town of Coranga, where I found the chiefest of the town very ready to entertain us in the best manner they could, and gave the Governor of Vingeron notice of my coming the same night. The next morning, having rowed up about three miles in the main River, and two miles in a little Creek we had sight of Vingeron about twelve miles off. Here I landed and went towards the Town; but before I came to the Town's end, the Governor sent his Horse for me with all the music that the place afforded; amongst other instruments there were two huge brass Horns in stead of Trumpets: The Governor received me very kindly, but more kindly my Present, which was two pieces China Velvets, and six pieces China Taffetas; our congratulationss ended, I took my leave of him, who had then caused his Pallankeen to be made ready to convey me unto my lodging, which was an house near at hand, that he himself had allotted for me.  
The first of August, I returned aboard the james, where to my grief I understood, that the Unicorn's shallop was cast away three days before, 
Men drowned near to Ponara.  near unto Ponara. Master Harris being drowned with two of the Coxsons gang, and one Black; Captain Spaulding, Master Yard, and the rest, very hardly escaping the danger. Saturday in the morning, the Governor of Vingeron came aboard to see our ship, in expectation of some great Present; on whom I bestowed a piece of China Damask, and four pieces of China Taffetas, which gave him more content than the sight of a thousand ships, and so he departed, when he saw that begging could no further prevail. On Monday the three and twentieth, I caused our men to repair aboard, intending to ply up towards Messulapatan: This evening we got aboard two hundred and fifty Goats for our provisions at Sea.  
Tuesday in the afternoon, here arrived a Ballegat from Nassapora▪ bringing in her twenty six Candees of Gravances, 
Provisions.  a Candee of Butter, and one hundred Gallons of Rack; this day I received letters from Messulapatan, importing the doleful news of the death of Sir Tho. Dale, 
The death of Sir Tho. Dale.  he departed out of this l●fe the ninth of August, 1619. in Messulapatan.  
Monday, the sixth of September, in the morning, having road most part of the former night about three leagues South Southeast from the Bar of Nassapore in nineteen fathom, 

Of the River of Nassapore, we found the Current by day to set South Southeast by night North North-east, after half a league an hou●e.  
They arrive at Massulapatam.   finding the wind at Northwest, we set sail again and plied it up towards Messulapatan. This night we anchored four leagues to the Eastwards of Messulapatan.  
The seventh in the morning, we saw the English ships in the Road of Messulapatan four leagues off. This afternoon, the Bee being fare southerly, we stretched it alongst the shore, and in the evening arrived in the Road of Messulapatan; where we found the Moon, the Clove, the Globe, and the Advice, which being found unserviceable was here cast off, and her provisions put aboard the Moon and the Clove. Wednesday, in the morning, Master Spaulding, Master Ball, and Master Methwould, came aboard the james, giving me notice of all matters that had passed in my absence, also of the state of the honourable Companies business at present. This afternoon I accompanied them ashore, that we might the better consult and determine how to proceed in these weighty affairs; the first thing proposed, was the union of both Fleets, which was thought most necessary, and therefore soon concluded, which business ended, 

Both fleets united.  
Capt. Pring Admiral● of both.  
The Lion at Mocha in the Read Sea. Novemb. 6. Nassaporpete.   they made choice of me to be Admiral and chief Commander of all these Ships and Men thus united, according to the honourable Companies direction. The eighteenth of October, being Monday, here arrived a ship from Mocha belonging to the Town, who brought us news of the Lion being at Mocha, and a small Frigate in her company. The Bee arrived from Nassaporpete, with provisions from the Fleet.  
The nineteenth, the Dragon's Claw came from Nassaporpete, almost laden with Rice and Paddie. Thursday, the ninth of December, in the afternoon, Master Ball, Master Methwould, and the rest of the Merchants, that were to remain in this Country, went ashore.  
Friday, the tenth, in the morning, we left the Road of Messulepatan, and in the afternoon anchored of the head-land to stay for the Peppercorn, which came out to us in the evening, between the I'll Engano and Messulepatan, 
The longitude between Engano and Masulipatan.  I made nineteen degrees and thirty minutes of great Circle in longitude, which although it give not the true longitude in these parts near the Equinoctial, custom hath called it so, and so do I, because I would not savour of innovation. The next morning very early, we descried the Land of Sumatra, the Hill of Passaman, bearing East North-east half North twelve leagues, 
Passaman in Sumatra. Too Shoalds, and their escape.  and the high Land of Priaman East half South fourteen leagues off. Here we met with two Shoalds, the one within a mile to the Eastward of the other; the Gift came over the Eastermost, and had no less than four fathom and a half: over the Wester Should I sent the Claw, who found four fathom: in the first place she crossed it, and had but two fathom as she returned, which was a little more to the Northward. This morning before day, the wind began to duller again, which was the only means that pleased God to use for our preservation, his holy Name be praised for the same. This morning about nine, the wind came up Southeast, and so continued until three in the afternoon, which brought us to the Southward of all these Shoalds again, and so with little wind we spent all the next night between the foresaid Shoalds and the I'll of Battoo. 
I'll Battoo  A sagging Current setting to the Northwards, brought us so near unto these Shoalds; for had the Current, as in former time set away to the Southeast, our course would have lead us near unto Tecoo, 
Tecoo.  but contrary to our expectation, we found that it had carried us to the Northward, and this deceived our judgement.  
The four and twentieth of januarie in the morning, the Hill of Passaman did bear East North-east one third part Northerly, and the high Land of Priaman East one third part South twelve leagues: here we saw a dry Should in form of the Hull of a great Boat, lying South-west by West of the Hill of Passaman, about ten leagues from the shore, and West Northwest from this Should four leagues, we saw the breach of another Should, which by God's gracious providence we happily escaped. This evening at six of the clock, we had sight of the Isles of Tecoo, and half an hour before eight, we anchored in forty four fathom streamie ground, the said Isles of Tecoo bearing East by North seven leagues off. Tuesday, the five and twentieth in the afternoon, with the first of the Sea-turne, we weighed again and steered in towards Tecoo. As we drew near we descried three sail, standing to the Northwards of the I'll of Tecoo; 
Three sail of Engl●sh.  which ships came to anchor fair by the shore the same night; and we with all our fleet about a league without them. Thursday in the morning, they weighed anchor and came up with us, which were found to be the Palsgrave, the Elizabeth, and the Hope; by these we heard the doleful news of the taking of the Dragon, the Bear, the Expedition and Rose, by six Holland ships, as they were at anchor within the Isles of Tecoo; 

The Dragon, Bear, Expedition and Rose, taken by the Dutch.  
The Star, Samson and Hound taken.   also of the loss of the Star in the Streights of Sunda, taken by the Dutch. Moreover, how they had sent four great ships, double manned, in quest of the Samson and Hound, of the safety of which ships we are very doubtful; so that the English ships which they have taken, do almost equal the number of our three Fleets, now joined in one.  
Monday, the one and thirtieth of januarie, we held a consultation aboard the james Royal, concerning our future proceeding, 
Consultation.  where it was with one consent agreed and concluded to go to Achin, in hope to meet with our ships from Surat, that we might keep our Forces together, according to the honourable Companies directions: The reasons moving us hereunto, were the want of Rice and other provisions, which could not at this time be procured at Bantam. Secondly, the consideration of the Hollanders forces, holding it no wisdom for us to adventure the whole estate, that the honourable Company hath now in India, upon such desperate terms; they having at this time four ships for one of ours. And lastly (Causa sine qua non) the necessity of careening of three of our ships, which may no longer be differred without imminent danger of all three, viz. the james Royal, the Gift, and the Unicorn. And therefore we have resolved, by the grace of God, to go for japan, where we are given to understand, that there are all things necessary for the careening of ships, and store of provisions for the relief of our men.  
The eleventh, at night, Master Mills arrived in the Bee with three hundred sacks of very good Rice, and eleven Hogsheads of Oil, giving us great encouragement to sand thither again. Saturday, the twelfth, at night, the Claw was dispeeded again for Pedang and Cuttatinga, to procure Rice, etc.  
Tuesday, in the night, we returned the Bee to Priaman to provide more Rice and Oil. Saturday, 
Provision.  in the afternoon, the Claw returned with four and thirty bags of Rice, sixteen thousand Coquer-nuts, ten Goats. This night, the Bee arrived from Priaman with nine hundred and eighty sacks of Rice, procured by the great labour and industry of Master Mills, Merchant of the Elizabeth. 
Master Mills his care.   
Friday, the third of March, in the morning, we departed from the Road of Tecoo: intending by the grace of God, 
Nimtam.  first to touch at Nimtam, for the dispatch of the Bee for England; and from thence, God willing, to go for Achin, in hope to meet the Charles and the Ruby from Surat. This day afternoon, we anchored in five and twenty fathom Ozie, the middle I'll of Tecoo bearing East Southeast, about two leagues off. Saturday, in the morning, we set sail again and stood off West and West by South: This afternoon, we anchored again in three and forty fathom ground, the Isles of Tecoo being East from us about eight leagues off, and the White Rock West by North half North four leagues off. This White Rock lieth West one third part North from the Isles of Tecoo, 

Upon the highest of this Should our Boat found but three foot water.  
From this Should the White Rock did bear West Northwest four leagues: and the Hay Recke, which is the ●lattest of the three hammocks to the Northwards of Teco, did bear East North-east half East, nine leagues off.  
Escape of danger from Rocks. Samanca. Ballambeen. Anniar. Cracat●w and Becee.   distant eleven leagues. Sunday, in the morning, the wind at North, we weighed anchor and steered away South-west, for that the Current (did then) set to the Northwards: we had not gone above one league this Course, but the wind veered up at South-west by West, so that we could lie but South by East, and before we had run three mile's South Southeast, our men from the spirit sail top descried Rocks under the ship, at sight whereof we brought our ship astayes, and shot off a piece of Ordnance for a warning to the Fleet. Before our ship was come about, we had but three fathom and a half; yet, I thank God, we never touched. Our ships being tacket, we stood to the Northwards, thinking the safest course to return the same way we came: but we had not made above two mile's North and by West before we saw other Rocks again under our ship's head, upon which we had but seven fathom. The depth that we found all this day, when we were free from these dangers, was forty and two and forty fathom: and therefore, seeing it had pleased our gracious God to free us from both these dangers, we edged in again a mile or little more within them, and there anchored again until the next morning.  
The thirtieth of March, 1620. we all anchored in the Bay of Samanca, about a mile of the shore, where we took in water and wood, and other necessaries. The last of March, our shallop was sent unto the Bee at Ballambeen to call her away. The first of April, we sent the Unicorn's shallop for Anniar, to inquire of the Dutch forces, and how the Pangram stood affected towards us. At eleven, at night, two and twenty of our men run away with the Barge: In the morning, the shallop returned from Anniar, and brought news of fifteen sails of Hollanders at Bantam and jacatra, whereupon we resolved to go for Bantam, to treat with the Pangram, hoping that the Hollanders would not venture upon us. This afternoon also, the Bee arrived with our shallop from Ballambeen. The sixth, we set sail for Bantam: The seventh, we came in between Crackataw and Becee, where we met with a Praw, with some of our people, come from Anniar.   

§. FOUR News of the peace betwixt English and Dutch: the mutual congratulation: Voyage to japan, return thence and home.  
SAturday the eight in the morning, at four of the clock, we met with the Bull come from England, with the joyful tidings of peace between the Dutch and us; which God in his mercy long continued, she had a small ship in her Company called the Flying Hart, which was sent out with her, having Letters from their General; to advice us or any of their ships of the agreement and uniting of both the Honourable Companies.  
This afternoon we anchored all together near the point of Pallambam. On the eleventh of April, in the morning we descried the Dutch Fleet, who came from jacatra to meet us, and to congratulate our arrival: General Coen being there himself in person. So soon as the Hollanders General was come to anchor, 
General Coen.  we began to salute each other with our great Ordnances, to signify unto the Country people our great joy, that we conceive in this happy tidings.  
The twelfth, we came into Bantam Road with both our Fleets; ours consisting of twelve sails, theirs of fifteen; beside, two of their ships, which we found in that Road. This day Master johnson, Commander of the Dutch Fleet, came to visit me with the fiscal and diverse others: Master Brockendon, Master Spalding and myself were invited aboard the Admiral ship, where we conferred with the General concerning our future business; and after we had compared the Articles and Letters, he was content that we should proceed jointly according to the Honourable Companies instructions; but would not publish the same, until the arrival of some ship from the Low Countries. Friday the fourteenth, in the morning, by a general consent, we sent M. Beaumont, and Philip Baduge, with one Dutch Merchant ashore, 
Pangrams hate to the Dutch.  to the Pangram, to make him partaker of our good news; and that we being now united, desired only a good composition and reasonable agreement that we might remain in his Country in peace, and enjoy free Trade as we had in other parts of India. But the Pangram was so impatient at the news, that he would afford no answer: but oftentimes demanded of them, why we would be friends with the Dutch, and so they were fain to return without any answer. Saturday, the fifteenth, we sent the same message again unto him, but then they were not suffered to come on land.  
Wednesday, at four in the morning, I departed from Bantam Road in the james Royal, 
Voyage to japan.  having the Unicorn in Company intending by the grace of God, to go for japon, there to careene and trim our ships: Master Brockendon the same time departing with six ships for jacatra, having resolved about one month after our departure, to sand five good English ships, and five good ships of the Dutch after us to japon, 
* 
The Voyage I have set in a Paragraph or Section by itself: that the studious of Marine knowledge might make use of that, which would perhaps to others seem to interrupt his more easy and delicate Muses, with a sea-sickness. Here we found the Swan, and Expedition sent hither, as I suppose, to the disgrace of our Nation in tho●e remote parts of the World.  
They arrive at Firando. Sashma. Nangasaque. Charles Cleavengar.   that from thence we might take the fittest time of the year to go for the Manillas.  
We arrived into a Port of Ferando, called Cochee, which is about four English miles and an half to Southwards of the Haven Ferando. Tuesday, the five and twentieth of july, Captain Cox sent good store of Funnies or toe Boats aboard of our ship to help us. This day in the afternoon (God be praised) we arrived in the Port of Firando. This day, before we got into Firando, the Elizabeth brought in a Frigate with her, wherein there were found certain Silks, Hides, and some Sugar; the Mariners were japoneses with certain Portugals, whereof some were Friars: the Elizabeth came into Cochee also, Captain Adams, Admiral of the United Fleet, arrived in the same place about three hours after me in the Moon; likewise William johnson in the Trow.  
The six and twentieth, in the morning, a general Council of English and Dutch were assembled in the English house at Firando, where it was resolved that the ships which lay near the Coasts of Sashma, should be called in, because we were certainly informed, that the Frigates of Macao were newly arrived in Nangasaque. Sunday, the thirtieth, the King of Crats came aboard the james Royal, and seemed much to rejoice to see such an English ship, demanding of the jurabassa, if this were one of the English Frigates; whereby we supposed that the Dutch had given out, that we had none but small ships like unto Frigates.  
Tuesday, the first of August, a general Council was holden at the English house, concerning the choice of two men, the one English, the other Dutch, to carry the Present to the Emperor, where (after it was considered, that I could not so long be spared from the Royal james, nor Captain Adams from his Fleet) at length we made choice of Master Charles Cleavengar Commander of the Palsgrave, and joseph Cockram Cape Merchant of the Fleet, to go in the behalf of the English, and jasques le Febre of the Harlam, with Matthia de Brooke, for the Dutch. On the sixth, the Palsgrave arrived in the Road of Cochee. The seventh, the Bull came into the Road of Cochee, having cut off all her Masts by the board (as they say) to save ship and goods; Captain Adams and I did visit the King of Firando, carrying with us a small Present which was very well esteemed, and we of ourselves very courteously entertained. Wednesday, the ninth, the King invited the English and the Dutch to Dinner, where to show his respect unto our Nation, he caused us to sit down on the right hand, and the Dutch on the left; and the first Dish of every course, was presented unto us. 
A Tuffoone or Tempest.   
Monday, the fourth of September, we had a great Tuffone with the wind Northerly, which forced the Moon on shore, and ouer-set the Expedition, so that she sunk down suddenly. The Trow had likewise been ouer-set, had not the Master of her soon prevented it, by veering of her stern ashore. Tuesday, the fifth, I caused many of our men to come aboard the Moon, to help hale her off, where we all strove along time to no purpose. The thirteenth, the Moon was got off again, to the great joy of us all, having received no hurt at all by her lying so long on shore. The nineteenth, the james Royal having all things taken out, but only certain bars of Lead, to help trim her over was heaved down almost half way to the keel. Thursday, the one and twentieth in the morning, 
The james careened.  the james Royal was brought down so low, that we saw part of her keel, and so began presently to sheathe her. In four days the Carpenters sheathed one side of the james, from the keel up to the lower bend. Wednesday, the seven and twentieth, I sent a Cooper, two quarter Masters, and a Butcher to Nangasaque; to kill and salt such meat as was provided for us.  
Thursday, the twelfth of October, we had the james down to keel again on the otherside, on this side we found four dangerous places, where the main plank was eaten thorough by the Worms; in each of those places we graved in a piece of plank, and in one of them we driven a trunnell, where there was never any before: also we nailed a piece of Lead upon the end of the bolt, which was formerly driven through the keel to stop our great leak; our ship was righted again both sides, being finished up to the lower Bends. Saturday, the one and twentieth, the Moon was finished on both sides. Tuesday, the four and twentieth, we had news that Nangasaque was burnt, 
Nangasaque burned.  that a fire beginning in the Portugal street, consumed four or five of the richest streets in the City.  

Their departure from Firando.  The seventh of Dec. being Thursday, we departed from Firando: and the same evening we anchored in the Bay of Cochee. Saturday, the sixteenth, Captain Cleavengar, and Captain Le Febre arrived in Firando, from the Emperor's Court, with the joyful tidings of good success in their business. Sunday, the seventeenth in the morning, I took my leave of them, and about noon, the wind being fair, and the weather clear, we left the Road of Cochee.  
Thursday, the sixteenth of january in the morning, seeing four ships in Bantam Road, we weighed and stood in, a little within Paniang, at length there came the Pepper-cornes boat aboard our ship with the Master, 
Coming to Bantam.  one Morton, he told me that there were two Dutch ships in the Road, and one French ship; to whom the Pangram had granted Trade, and that the English and Dutch had consorted with him to share the Pepper in thirds amongst them. I also understood by him, that the most part of our lading was ready for us at jacatra.  
Wednesday, in the morning, I set sail for jacatra, and the same evening anchored near unto Antilaky. 

Arrive at jacatra.  
Unicorn lo●t on the Coast of China.   Thursday, the eighteenth, at night, we arrived in the Bay of jacatra, where we found the Charles, the Gift, and the Clove, and two Dutch ships, viz. the Leyden, and the Sun, and at Hector Island, the Globe, and the Bee. Here I met with the Master of the Unicorn, and diverse of his Company, who came hither in a juncke: their ship being lost upon the Coast of China. The james having discharged her lading, was ready to relade for England. Hear was at this time in the Charles, the Clove, and the Gift, about six hundred tuns of Pepper, & the Bear daily expected from jambee with two hundred tons more, which gave us good hope that we should very near make up our ships lading with Pepper, Benjamin, Clou●s, and Silk.  
Monday, the six and twentieth of February, in the morning, I departed from the Road of jacatra in the james Royal, having taken in our whole lading of Pepper, saving fifty five Peculs; also, certain Sapetas of Silk and some Cloves. This business ended about ten of the clock this forenoon, 
Return for England.  we set sail for England. I pray God in his wont mercy to conduct us unto our Native Country in safety, in his good time appointed.  

Soldania.  Sunday, the twentieth of May, 1621. in the afternoon, we arrived in the Road of Soldania, where we found the Anne Royal, and the Fortune, ships belonging to the Honourable Company of London, and three Dutch ships, viz. the Gawda, the black Bear and the Herring, all bound for Bantam and jacatra. The one and twentieth, we romaged our ship. Tuesday the two & twentieth, we sent some Water-caskes on shore, and set up a Tent for our sick men and Cooper's, and sent five and twenty men on land to guard them. This night, I ordained sixty men to go in company with sixty Dutch in quest of Cattles, who returned the same night in vain.  
The second of june, in the morning, we left the Road of Soldania, with the wind at South Southeast, Southeast from the twentieth at noon, until the one and twentieth at six in the morning, 
Saint Helena.  West fifteen leagues at this instant (God be praised) we descried the Island of S. Helena; the body of it (to our judgement) bearing West, two third parts North, about fifteen leagues off. This evening, we got within five leagues of the Island, and there plied it off, and on until five the next morning, and then we did bear in about the North point of the Island, and the same forenoon, 
Chapel Bay.  about ten of the clock we anchored thwart of the Chapel Bay, half a mile from the shore in six and twenty fathoms. The North point of the Island bearing North-east two third parts East, one league off, and the other point South-west by South one league and an half off: between which two points there are seven Valleys, and the Southermost of the seven, leadeth upright to the Limon Trees. Monday, the five and twentieth, we weighed anchor again, and road off the Valley, about half a mile from the shore, in twenty seven fathoms, black sand and small Coral, the Northermost picked point bearing North-east half East from us two leagues off, and the Southermost point in sight South-west half South, two miles off, this is the best Valley for refreshing that I know in all the Island.  
At this Island we remained seven days, during which time we filled our water, and got at lest fifty Hogs and Goats, and above four thousand Lemons. Friday, the nine and twentieth of june, in the morning, at nine of the clock, having very well refreshed ourselves, 
The greatest variation on the Western side of S Helena, which we found was fi●ty deg. fifty six min. Easterly.  (through the good providence of Almighty God) we departed from hence, and the same Evening at six, we had the body of the Island Southeast by South eight leagues off, the wind at Southeast, the weather overcast.  
The sixteenth of August, at noon we saw the high-land of Pico East North-east about fifteen leaagues off. The seventeenth, at noon we had the top of Pico North six leagues off, being in the latitude of thirty eight degrees, twelve minutes. Whereby I perceive that the Southside of Pico lieth in thirty eight degrees thirty minutes nearest.  
The fifteenth of September, we had the Lands end of England eight leagues off. Tuesday, the eighteenth, we arrived in the Downs.   

§. V The Voyage from Bantam to Patania, and thence to japan, with his return to jacatra; set by itself for the use of Mariners.  
THe seven and twentieth of April, being Thursday, we took leave of this Fleet, and steered away to the North-wards, borrowing within half a league of the Easter point of Poolo Tunda, and in the evening, came to an anchor about a league of the North-east point of it in twenty three fathoms water ozie; 
Poolo Tunda.  where we road until the Western stream began to return to the Eastward again, which was about ten at night.  
The eight and twentieth at night, we anchored in twenty eight fathoms ozie, Poolo Antekero bearing North-east three leagues off. Poolo Antekero lieth from Poolo Tunda, 
Poolo Antekero.  North North-east half East about eight leagues off. The depth between them from sixteen fathoms to six and twenty, and so to twenty two, twenty, eighteen, sixteen, fourteen, and twelve fathoms ozie. Poolo Antekero is the Wester-most of all the row of Lands, which extend themselves from the mouth of the Bay of jacatra, to the Westward.  
Saturday, the nine and twentieth, to the evening, we were in fifteen fathom. 
jacatra Bay.  Poolo Kero bearing North by East half East of us, two leagues and an half off. 
Poolo Kero.  Poolo Kero lieth from Poolo Antekero North North-east nearest, distant six leagues from the time that we had Antekero, North-east three leagues off, we had twenty, eighteen, sixteen, fourteen, twelve fathoms ozie.  
Sunday at noon, we had the Poolo Kero, South half East six leagues off. Our depth continuing thirteen, twelve, and eleven fathoms the same ground.  
The first of May, at noon, we had Poolo Kero South half west, nine leagues off, being as much as we could see it at our top-mast-head, the depth twelve fathoms. Here by observation of the Sun we were in South latitude four degrees forty five minutes from noon, 
Latitude▪  until five, North North-east four leagues. Here we anchored again in twelve fathoms ozie, having Poolo Kero, by estimation South by West from us, thirteen leagues off. This night at nine, as we were at anchor in the same place, by observation of the Crosiers, I made the ship to be in four degrees, forty minutes South latitude, allowing twenty nine, for the compliment of the declination. Tuesday, the second in the morning, between four and five of the clock we set sail again, and the same day at noon we had run about six leagues North North-east. The depth continuing as before, thirteen, twelve, eleven fathoms. From the second to the third, at noon we made an East by South way, five leagues, finding such depths as the day before. The ground from Bantam Road hitherto all ozie. From Bantam for the space of two days we had Sea-turnes and Land-turnes. From thence, until the second of May in the afternoon, the winds between the East and the Southeast, and then the wind came up Northerly, and so continued until the third at noon. 
Poolo Peniang. Current.  From Poolo Peniang unto Poolo Antekero the Current did set us to the Westward, for the most part somewhat strong, but from thence until we drew near unto the Streights of we found but an easy Current, which did run almost upon all points of the Compass, every twenty four hours. From the third at noon, until the fourth at noon North North-east eleven leagues, the depth from twelve to ten, half a fathom ozie. From noon, this day till seven at night, North five leagues and a half, where we anchored in ten fathoms and an half less.  
Friday, the fift in the morning, we weighed again, having little wind and variable, until half an hour after six, and then the wind came up at South-west and blue fresh. From four to nine we made North-east half Easterly three leagues: and from nine until noon Northwest by North half a league, the depth ten fathom nearest. This day at noon, we were in three degrees and thirty minutes South latitude, 
A little Island.  where we descried a little Island North North-east half East four leagues off, which appeared at first sight like a great Tree rising out of the Sea, from noon to six Northwest five leagues: here we saw two or three Hummocks like Land's North by West from seven leagues off. From hence until three after midnight, West six leagues: at six we had nineteen fathom, which as we stood to the Westward in the night increased to ten, eleven, and twelve fathom; and afterward it decreased unto eight fathom, where we came to an anchor, the stream by night set Southeast, by day Northwest.  
Saturday in the morning, we weighed at six again, and steered away West Northwest one league and a third part: here we had sight of many Hummocks rising like Lands, which at length we perceived to be all one Land, as we drew near to it: after we had gone one league and a third part West Northwest, as aforesaid, we came into seven fathom a half less, and therefore tacked about to the North-eastwards, making a North North-east way until noon, about two leagues and a half; at which time by observation of the Sun, we were in three degrees and twenty minutes nearest South latitude, being gotten into eight fathom water again; where we found the Current to set away Northwest by West: here also about noon this day, 
Cheribon.  a junck of jore came up with us, which had been at Cheribon upon java, and was now returning to jore. This afternoon we steered in with the Eastern part of this H●mmockie Land, and making our way as the Eastern Point did bear from us, which was North North-east half North, in this our course we came again to seven fathom, and so increasing to four and twenty fathom, and from thence decreasing to seven fathom a quarter less, where we anchored again the said Point of Land, bearing North North-east, one third part North four leagues off.  
Sunday, the seventh in the morning, we weighed and stood in nearer unto the Point, in hope to have passed through between this Point and an Island, which lieth three leagues to the Eastward of it, but as we stood in, we found the depth of the water first to increase from seven fathom unto seventeen fathom; and from thence again unto six and four fathom a quarter less. And about two miles of the Point in the fair way, we had but six foot water, which our shallop found as she was sounding of the Channel. To the Eastwards of this place there appeared many small Lands, 
Many Lands.  and by the report of the people in the juncke, the Sea is full of Lands between the Southeast end of Banco, and the I'll of Burneo. Now this was the Southeast end of Banco, which did bear North North-east, half North about two leagues off; and the Land from this Point unto the entrance of the Streights of Banco, 
Sea full of Lands 'twixt Banco & Burneo.  did lie West by South nearest about thirteen leagues: there as we were at anchor, the foresaid Point bearing North by East half East two leagues and a half, we found (by observation of the Sun) the ship to be in three degrees and eight minutes South latitude.  
Monday in the morning, (having little hope to found a passage between the Southeast end of Banco and the foresaid Lands, by reason of the fearful shoaldings which we had already found) we resolved by the help of God to go through the Streights of Banco, 
Streights of Banco.  and there withal presently came to sail, steering off as near as we could judge, the same course that we came in: in which course we found more dangerous shoalding in our standing off, than we had done in our coming in before. After we had gotten about eight leagues of South South-west from the Southeast point of Banco, 
Current.  we steered away South-west by West, the Current setting North west, which made a West by South way nearest; this course we run five leagues, and anchored in eight fathom Ozie, about nine at night.  

Lucepara.  The ninth in the morning, we descried Lucepara North Northwest seven leagues off, and steered in near with it until we had it North two leagues. In this course we came over a spit where we had but four fathom and a half and five fathom a quarter less, but drawing nearer unto Lucepara, we had five fathom and a quarter, and when it was North two leagues of all Ozie ground. And so all the way before, now, and after that we had brought it North two leagues off, as I have said, we steered Northwest by North, until Lucepara was North-east of us, and had five fathom the same ground: and then we went West Northwest, having always Ozie ground till we were within two leagues of Sumatra shore in six fathom. Here we had our Isle of Lucepara East Southeast three leagues and a half off. And a Hill upon Banco with a deep swampe North by West nearest, being a sails breadth open of the Point of Sumatra, which was then North by West half West from us, about three leagues off: we steered from hence away with the foresaid Point North by West, and had six and a half and seven fathom, soft ground, until we came within a league of the Point, where edging too near the same, we had but five fathom and a half, and four and a half in the Boat hard by us: but had we kept a little further of that Point, we might have gone away in seven, eight, nine, and ten fathom, and so all the Streights alongst, borrowing carefully with our Lead upon the Sumatra shore; but he that keepeth any thing nearer unto Banco then unto Sumatra, shall have very uncertain shoalding, sometimes deep and otherwhiles should, and commonly soul ground, whereas on Sumatra side if you should come into should water, yet the ground for the most part is soft, ozie, and the sounding fare more certain; all which will more plainly appear by my description of this place.  
Friday, the twelfth in the evening, having brought the Northwest Point of Banco North-east, we opened two smooth Hills with a little Hummock between them, the Northermost of them being the Northermost Land of Banco, and bearing from the Northwest Point aforesaid, North-east nine leagues off. This night we steered North North-east, to go through the Channel between Linga and the North end of Banco, finding twenty three, twenty two, twenty, 
Linga.  eighteen, and sixteen fathoms ozie, until we came near the entrance, and afterwards fifteen, fourteen, thirteen fathoms, going through the passage. Linga riseth at first in three Lands, the Northermost being bigger than both the other, rising full of Hummocks, being near two leagues in length. The Isles of Linga have certain fragments of Isles intermixed amongst them, showing like Haycocks, which is a good mark to know them. From the smooth Hill, which is the South end of Banco, until the South Westermost I'll of Linga, North by West ten leagues, East North-east half North. From the middle of the greatest Isle of Linga (which is the North Eastermost of them) lieth another smooth Island nine leagues off, and about two leagues to the East North-east half North. From that there is another flat Island, and off the North Point of the round smooth Island, lieth also a little fragment like a Rock. In the way between this smooth Island and Linga you have fourteen and thirteen fathom water, also being in the midway between them, your course is North, to pass alongst by the Easter-side of Bintam. This day at noon we were in one degree South latitude, the greatest Isle of Linga South-west five leagues, 
A little Island.  whereby we gathered that the great I'll of Linga stood in one degree and ten minutes nearest. This afternoon we saw a little Island to the Westward of us, about eight leagues off, which lieth North Northwest nearest from Linga.  
Sunday, the fourteenth at noon, having made a North way four and twenty leagues, by help of the Wind and Current, which did set North, we had sight of the high land of Bintam, 
Bintam.  rising with two Hills and a deep swamp betwixt, being to our judgement twelve leagues from us. At this time also we had sight of three or four Hummocks, rising like Lands, South-west by West eight leagues: here we sounded and had ground in twenty fathom. From Linga unto this place we had fourteen, fifteen, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, and twenty fathom, as we supposed, streamy ground; for we had not means at all times to try it. From midday the fourteenth unto the fifteenth at noon, North a third part West, seven and twenty leagues. This four and twenty hours, twenty one, twenty two, twenty three, and twenty four fathom. This day from twelve to three, three leagues and a half. Here we saw Poolo Loar, 
Poolo Laor.  bearing Northwest half North from us, by our judgement about twelve leagues off, at this instant we had seven and twenty fathom, the ground like unto Fuller's earth; this night Poolo Loar being Northwest by West eight leagues off, we had nine and thirty fathom ozie. From the fifteenth at noon, unto eight the next morning, we made a North Northwest half West way fifteen leagues. The sixteenth at eight, Poolo Loar did bear South-west by South of us six leagues, distant the very body of the Island Hermano de Layo, 
Hermano de Layo. Poolo Timon.  West South-west half West seven leagues off: and Poolo Timon the South end West half North ten leagues; and the North-east end West Northwest half west ten leagues off. This evening we anchored within four miles of the North Point of Timon in four and twenty fathom, streamy ground, the Point itself bearing West by South half South. This evening, I sent our shallop about the Point, where they descried a Town and a junke, riding close by the shore, and diverse Praws a fishing, whereof one came to them to inquire what Nation they were, and told them, that at the Town there was good fresh water, and Buffels, Goats, and Hens.  
Wednesday in the morning, about four of the clock, we sent the Unicorn's long Boat with ours to the said Town, who returned in the afternoon with four Butts of water a piece, not willing to fill more because it was brackish. At the watering place they found a junck of jor, 
A juncke of jor.  which was set out for a man of War, and having twenty small shot besides Lances and javelins; he reported to our people that he had taken a China juncke, and sold her on the Coast of jor. And sent me word, that he would take my part against the Portugal, as long as his life did last. In the next Bay to the Southwards of the North Point of Poolo Temon, we found very good fresh water, but we could not conveniently take it in with our long Boat, for she drew five foot water being laden. Thus having spent our day in this place to little purpose: I set sail the first of the night, directing our course for Patania, steering away due North with little wind all night. 
Patania▪   
Thursday at noon, we were in three degrees and forty minutes South latitude, having made a North half West way, by means of the Current, which did set a way North by West about a mile an hour. This afternoon at four, having made a North half West way about eight leagues, we descried the I'll of Tingoran North Northwest fifteen leagues off: 
Poolo Tingoran.  This night we passed along by Poolo Tingoran, about six leagues to the Easterward of it having twenty eight, thirty and thirty two fathoms soft ground.  
Friday, at six in the morning, we had Poolo Tingoran West South-west seven leagues off: here we had six and thirty fathom the same ground. This day at noon we were in five degrees and thirty minutes. Tingoran bearing South one third part East fourteen leagues off, whereby we conceived that the I'll of Tingoran standeth in four degrees and fifty minutes. This day at noon we had likewise the South-Ile of Poolo Rowdon, Nortwest by West seven leagues off: and in the same night at eight of the clock, I observed the Crosiers, and made the ship to be in five degrees forty eight minutes, 
Poolo Rowdon.  the Eastermost (which is the greatest of the Isles of Poolo Rowdon, bearing West four leagues off. From eight at night until noon the next day, our way was nearest Northwest by West nine leagues; in this course the depth we had from twenty eight to seventeen fathoms: then the Northermost Island of Poolo Rowdon was South, one third part East, four leagues off; being a round Hummocke much like to Pomo in the Gulf of Venice, but somewhat higher, and more complete: these Isles of Rowdon are good high land, and a fair depth from the one end to the other, on all the Easter side, and as I am informed a fair Channel between them and the Main, there are in all, thirteen or fourteen Lands great and small. Saturday from noon, until Sunday, eight in the morning, our way was West Northwest nine leagues: here we saw two hills by the water side, bearing West of us five leagues off, rising like two Tortugas. From Poolo Tingoran unto Potania, is very high land alongst up in the Country; and low land by the water's side, with a sandy Strand at lest twenty leagues to the Southward of the Point of Potania, and how much farther I know not; but so fare I have seen. This Saturday in the afternoon, as we stood in West Northwest to the two hills aforesaid, we came from seventeen unto fourteen and thirteen fathoms, hard ground; and as we drew nearer the hills, the depth increased again to nineteen fathoms ozie, and thence to eighteen and seventeen fathoms, the same ground.  
Sunday the one and twentieth, from eight in the morning unto seven at night, our course was Northwest three quarters West thirteen leagues, keeping for the most part, within four leagues of the low sandy shore, the depth all the way fifteen, fourteen, and thirteen fathoms: here at seven we anchored in thirteen fathoms and a quarter streamie ground, the Northermost point in sight (falling down from a reasonable high land at the end of all the low land) did bear West Northwest half North, near three leagues and an half off. Six leagues Southeast by South from this Point lieth a Rock, 
A Rock.  as high above the water as the Hull of a small ship: we passed along about a league and an half to the Eastward of it, finding no alteration of our former depth: 
Gurnet's Head.  this point aforesaid I call, the Gurnet's Head. From this Point, the land trendeth away West Northwest, and West by North, unto the entrance of Potania Road, being all low land from the Gurnet's Head unto the very Point of the Road, and lowest of all at the same Point. From Gurnet's Head unto the said low Point, the distance is six leagues; and all the way of fair depth, until you draw near the low Point of the Road: but there you must give a good birth, because there lieth a should from it half way over unto the Wester shore: therefore you must not borrow too near it, before you have the shoalding of the Wester shore: and there you shall found the softest ground. From the low Point, as you range over the Bay unto the Wester shore, you shall not have above five fathoms, and four fathoms and an half, when you are in the Road; where you shall have the low Point East North-east one third part East, and the highest mountain on the Wester side of the Bay will then bear South South-west one third part West.  

Anchor at Potania, or Patania. jambe.  Thursday, we anchored in the Road of Potania, where we found the Samson, and a Dutch Pinnace. The day before we came into the Road, I went ashore to the English factory. Where I found Master Adam Denton, and Master Richard Welding, lately come from jambe in a Praw with diverse English of the Samsons company, who were all glad men to see such English ships in that Port. At my coming to the English house, I acquainted Master Denton with the cause of my coming, which was, for Rack and fresh Victuals, whereof we stood in great need; whereupon he presently gave order, to lay out for all things necessary; that within six days we were furnished with sixteen Butts of Rack and Rackapee, 
Rack, and Rackapee.  whereof three Butts of Rackapee, we had from the Dutch; which courtesy they did us, to hasten our dispatch: Beefs, Goats, and Hens, we had here in plentiful manner. Here also we bought Dammar and Oil for the trimming of our ships, because I understood it was very dear in japan. Hear also I found a small Frigate, bought by the English, which being of no great use in this place, by general consent it was thought fitting, that she with most of the English Sailors should go along to attend upon the james Royal.  
The last of May, we departed from Potania.  

A Rock dangerous. Camboia.  The first of june, at seven in the morning, we descried a small Rock, which appeared but little above water, lying very dangerous for ships that go from Potania for the Head of Camboia: when this Rock did bear North North-east half East, a league off, than the high-land over Gurnet's Head was South South-west half West, thirteen leagues off, and by computation, the low point of Potania Road was eighteen leagues off, West South-west half South from us. After we were out of the Road of Potania, in seven fathoms, the depth increased orderly to eight, ten, twelve, fourteen, sixteen, eighteen, twenty, twenty two, and twenty four fathoms, until we had sight of the Rock; and about two leagues from the Rock, five and twenty fathoms ozie: and such was all the ground from Potania to this place. This day at noon, this Rock being West from us about four leagues off, we found the ship to be in seven degrees twenty minutes.  
From hence until the third at noon, East half North forty five leagues, here we saw Poolo Hube East North-east half North, eight leagues off, having fourteen fathoms ozie: 
Poolo Hube.  all this eight and forty hours we had ozie ground, the depth from twenty seven to thirty six fathoms, and from thence decreasing again to fourteen fathoms, which was the depth we had when we saw this Island. This Poolo Hube riseth first with one round hill, then as you come nearer, you shall see a shoulder of somewhat high land rising in hummockes: but not above two third parts as high as the round hill, being all one land with it, and then shall you see another lesser round Island rise, which is near about the height of the hummockie land, and lieth close aboard the greater Island. At the East end of this lesser round Island, there are two little Lands very near it, and a mile to the Eastward of them lieth a long Rock like the Hull of a Galley. 
Two little Lands, and a Rock.  This night we anchored in thirteen fathoms and an half ozie, about three leagues of the greatest Island, which was also the highest. The next morning we weighed again, and stood away East by South, and East by East, having but little wind. This evening at six, we had the body of Hube West by North, four leagues off. From hence we steered away East by South, and East, until six the next morning, but the Current checked us to the Northward, 
Current.  by which means we made our way to the Northward of the East.  
The fift, from six at night until six in the morning, we ran fifteen leagues, the course aforesaid, and here we had sight of a very little round Island, bearing four leagues off; and to the Southward of it about a mile distant, a long flat Rock a good height above water. From Poolo Hube until we came three leagues of this little round Island, we had thirteen, fourteen, fifteen fathoms, and fifteen, fourteen, and thirteen again, all ozie ground. When we were within two leagues of this small Island, we had thirteen fathoms sandy ground. Here we descried Poolo Candour, the Norther end of it bearing East by North, 
Poolo Candor.  from this Island about seven leagues off. This day at noon we found the ship to be in eight degrees forty two minutes North latitude, the highest land on Poolo Candour being East from us six leagues off: from Potania until we were in sight of Poolo Candor, the winds for the most part were at South South-west. This day at noon we steered away North-east, North-east by North, and in the night North North-east; so that we made North-east by North in all until the next day at noon, about four and twenty leagues: In this course we found thirteen and fourteen fathoms ozie.  
Tuesday, the sixth at noon, we had sight of two Hummockes upon the Coast of Camboia, 
Camboia.  bearing North by East, and to the Westward of that low Land. From Poolo Candour until we came in sight of this Coast, we found the Current setting East by North: here also when we saw those Hummockes bearing North by East nine leagues off, we had twelve fathoms streamie ground. Wednesday the seventh at noon, we found the ship to be in ten degrees forty two minutes, having run from the former noon until this present, North-east a quarter North five and twenty leagues: hereby we found, that the Current setting East by North, had carried us ten miles to the Northwards of our computation, our depths from twelve to sixteen, twenty, and twenty four fathoms; and so to twenty, eighteen, sixteen, fourteen, again, sandy ground. From the aforesaid two Hummocks, as we did coast it along within eight leagues of the shore, and sometimes more, sometimes less, we saw high Land all along up in the Country, and in many places by the water's side, a smooth Land about the height of the Lizard, with many plots of white sand upon it, as well as by the water's side. The first white spots that we saw upon the smooth Land, was upon the very Point that is ten leagues to the Westward of the Cape Cessier, 
Cape Cessier.  which at first seemed to be a Town with fair houses and white walls: this Cape did bear West Northwest half West from us, about six leagues off, this present day at noon, when we were in ten degrees forty two minutes. Thursday at noon, we were in eleven degrees thirty minutes, having gone twenty leagues North-east half North, from the former noon. The night before, at eight of the clock, we came to an anchor in twenty two fathom streamie ground, where the Current did set East half North, until twelve; and then finding that it had recourse to the Westward, we weighed anchor again, and steered away North-east, and North-east by North, all the night; and so until the eight at noon aforesaid: in which course we had from twenty two to twenty eight, thirty two, thirty six, forty, forty four fathoms; and a little before noon, forty seven, and after that we had no ground. The cause why we anchored that night was, that we found very uncertain shoalding, having had eighteen, twenty, twenty two, and twenty four fathoms: and after noon on the sudden we came into sixteen, fourteen, twelve, and the Unicorn being fair by us had but nine fathoms and an half.  
From the eight until the ninth at noon, we steered alongst the shore North North-east sixteen leagues, North by East six leagues, North six leagues, and North by West nine leagues; which made in all a North by East one third part Easterly way, thirty six leagues: here we had Cape Varrella West South-west eight leagues off, 
Cape Varella.  being in the latitude of thirteen degrees thirteen minutes: this Cape is called by the Chinese (jentam) which in their language doth signify a Chimney, because it hath a sharp Hummocke on the top of the hill, much like unto a Chimney on the top of a house. From the ninth until the tenth at noon, North two third parts West twenty six leagues, the latitude fourteen degrees thirty minutes: here we were about ten leagues of the land; and the day before, we came not above six leagues of Cape Varrella, by which I gather, that the land trendeth away North by West from Cape Varrella. Sunday at noon, we were in sixteen degrees ten minutes, having run from the former noon thirty three leagues and one third part, due North. Monday at noon, twenty six leagues North North-east half North, latitude seventeen degrees forty minutes, the Current having set us six miles to the Northwards. 
Aynam.  This evening at six, we descried the I'll of Aynam, the high land bearing Northwest by North twelve leagues, we having gone from noon seven leagues North-east. From hence until noon the next day, North-east by East twenty two leagues: here we were in eighteen degrees and an half. This morning, we chased a Portugal Frigate, but she was of so light burden that we could not come near her.  
The fourteenth day at noon, we were in nineteen degrees thirty five minutes, our way from the former noon North-east twenty six leagues; whereby we found that the Current had carried us four leagues to the Northwards of our account: and yet this day at noon, with our boats in seventy three fathoms ozie, 
Current.  and found no Current at all. Here we saw many Ripplings like over-falls, 
Ripplings.  as though there had gone some great Tide, but found none as yet. This afternoon at six, we anchored again, with our boat in sixty eight fathoms ozie sand, and found a small Current to the Southward. The fifteenth at noon, we had run seventeen leagues North-east by North: here we were in twenty degrees thirty minutes, the Current having carried us seven leagues to the Northward, here we had forty five fathoms sandy ozie. The sixteenth at noon in twenty one degrees and twenty minutes, we had sight of three Lands; the Eastermost bearing North North-east, the Westermost Northwest, the nearest land nine leagues off: here we had twenty two fathoms ozie sand; we met with the wind here at East Southeast, which blew very fresh: but from Cape Varrella unto this place, we had the wind always, from the South Southeast to the South-west. The next morning at eight of the clock, we had twenty eight fathoms ozie, having run from the former noon South-west eleven leagues: where perceiving the wind and weather to increase, we thought it better to anchor, then to run back the way that we came.  
Sunday the eighteenth in the morning, the weather somewhat fair, we endeavoured to weigh our anchor; but even as our anchor was apeeke, the cable broke in the half, being new, and never wet before; by which accident we lost a good anchor. The Unicorn, as we were almost apeeke, shot off a Piece, whereupon I sent the Shallop speedily aboard her, to know what was amiss; who brought me word, that she had sprung a great leak, which had almost tired all their men with baling: which as soon as I heard, I sent thirty men aboard of her, to ease their men by spells, until it should please GOD to discover the leak: this day the wind at Southeast, which stood to the Eastward, making of a North-east way, until six at night, at which time we saw the former high Island again, North North-east one third part East, ten leagues off, having twenty three fathoms. This evening, our men returned from the Unicorn, and brought us news, that the great leak was firmly stopped, whereat we all rejoiced. From six to twelve at night, we made a North-east way fourteen leagues, where we had twenty fathoms ozie. From twelve to five in the morning, we stood to the Southwards, making a South-west way three leagues and an half; here we had twenty six fathoms again, ozie ground.  
The nineteenth, from five this morning, we cast about to the land, the wind at Southeast, wherewith we made a North-east way: and at six of the clock were within eight leagues of the aforesaid high Island, bearing North by East from us: and at eight this morning, Master Roberts, 
Unicorn's leaks.  Master of the Unicorn, came aboard of us, and told me that they had another great leak broke out, and that they must needs seek out some smooth place to ride in, the better to search their leaks, and to fit their foremast better in the step: hereupon I resolved to bear up under the great Island, which was now North by East from us, in hope to found a smooth Road, the more speedily to effect their business. There were many more Lands in sight, both to the Westward, and to the Eastward of us; but this being the nearest to us, and the likeliest, we steered with it, being within three leagues of it, the wind began to duller, and the night was at hand, therefore we plied it to and again, until the twentieth in the morning, and then the wind was so fare Northerly, that we could not cease the place. This day I went aboard again of the Unicorn, to know what they intended to do; where I found them all very willing to stand it alongst, because the wind was fair; not doubting but that they should be able to overcome it. When I heard their resolution, I caused all my Laskayres to remain aboard the Unicorn, to assist them as occasion should require, and so we stood away all that afternoon until midnight, with a fair wind, and fair weather; but than it began to blow so much wind, that we were enforced to lie here a try with her main course all night.  
The one and twentieth in the morning, we saw the Unicorn a league and an half asterne of us, having a foresail and a spritsail out; which, as afterward I perceived, was to flat her about for the shore again: I presently caused our fore-course to be made ready to flat our ship after her, although we had little hope to assist her in any thing, because the sea was so fare grown, as our men were a losing of their fore-course, there came such a violent gust that they were fain to furl it again: it not, our sail would have been blown away. 
They loose sight of the Unicorn.  After the gust was over, we set our foresail, and to make her wear the rounder, we braled up our main course, part of it being blown out of the boult-rope before they could furl it, after that the mainsail was up, we put the helm hard a weather, thinking that the ship would have come round, but all in vain; for she would not wear above two or three points, and then come to again. Now the sea was so grown, that we durst not let fall our spritsail; and the wind so violent, that we could not lose our fore-top-saile: and this while the Unicorn was out of sight, when we saw that our ship would not wear, we steered away, as near as we could lie South by East, until noon; having made our way South by East thirteen leagues from the Southermost Island in sight overnight, which I called the Morocco Saddle, 
Morocco Saddle, or Saddle-Iland.  by reason of a deep Swampe on the top thereof. This Saddle-Iland aforesaid lieth in twenty one degrees forty five minutes North latitude, it hath on the Westerside four or five very small Lands close by it, and on the Eastern side three Lands in sight, lying all three next hand East North-east from it. From Saddle-Ile to the Westward, there are many Lands; some Northwest from it, others West Northwest, West by North; and the Southermost of all those Lands in sight did bear from this West, about fifteen leagues off. This afternoon, our ship waxed very leak, having on the sudden four foot and an half water in hold, which employed both our Pumps going a long time before we could free her. Towards the evening, it pleased GOD to discover three or four great leaks between wind and water, which when our Carpenters had stopped: 
Leaks.  we found great ease and comfort, for than we could let the Pump stand still half an hour, and free her again with one Pump in little more than a quarter of an hour. From this day noon, until the two and twentieth at noon, five leagues South South-west, with a pair of Coursers; and nine leagues South-west by West a Hull: here we had twenty seven fathoms and an half ozie. The two and twentieth in the afternoon, the violence of the wind began to decrease, and consequently, the fury of the waves allayed, which caused our ship to grow the thighter, whereby we plainly perceived, that the most part of our leaks were betwixt wind and water, and therefore the first fair weather I caused our Carpenters to search the ships sides, where they found and stopped many bad places, some of a yard in length, where the Ocum was all rotten in the seam.  
The four and twentieth day, we had sight of a great Island, bearing North from us, about seven Leagues off, having a high Hill on the Eastern end of it, which was the same Island that did bear West from Morocco Saddle, fifteen leagues off or thereabouts. From hence until the six and twentieth in the evening, our way was South by West twenty four leagues, the depth increasing from nineteen unto six and thirty fathoms ozie ground: Here we had a little round Island South-west by West two leagues off, which lieth in twenty degrees and twenty minutes nearest. This Island hath four small Lands in the South-west side of it, but none of them equal in height with this, we saw it at lest ten leagues off, rising like a Chinese hat. From hence until the seven and twentieth at noon East by North, two third parts North, twelve leagues: Here we had one and forty fathoms, ozie ground. This morning at two of the clock the wind veered up at South Southeast and about noon at South.  
From twelve the twenty seven, unto twelve the twenty eight, East North-east eighteen leagues, here we had almost one and forty fathoms ozie ground. This morning at two of the clock the wind veered back again at South Southeast. From the eight and twentieth until noon the nine and twentieth, East North-east eighteen leagues: Here we were in one and twenty degrees and ten minutes depth, one and forty fathoms ozie. The wind, this twenty four hours, from South to Southeast by South, and very fair weather ever since the storm. From the nine and twentieth until the thirtieth at noon, East North-east eighteen leagues latitude, one and twenty degrees and thirty minutes depth, six and fifty fathoms ozie, the wind Southeast by South, somewhat gusty weather.  
From the last of june until the first of july at noon, East North-east half North, two and twenty leagues latitude, two and twenty degrees and ten minutes, the depth five and twenty fathoms black sandy ozie: Here from the top-mast-head we saw land North Northwest half North, the wind in the night South Southeast, by day Southeast. This day from noon to seven at night North-east by North, six leagues, twenty four fathoms black and white sand with shells. From thence until two at noon South-west half South, nine leagues and a half, four and twenty fathoms sandy ozie. The first of july, at six in the afternoon when we were in four and twenty fathoms sand and shells, we saw three China Fisher-boats. The wind came up this evening at East Southeast, with which we stood off to the Southwards, and having cracked our main topmast but a little before, which was the cause that we could bear but course and bonnet of each, and therefore made our way of no better than South-west, as I said before. From this second day at noon until eight at night, our way was South four leagues, depth seven and twenty fathoms ozie ground. From eight at night until noon the next day North Northwest a quarter West, seven leagues five and twenty fathoms black ozie sand, like the former, the wind at East by North and East North-east; here we saw the land from the North to the North-east about twelve leagues off, rising in certain Hummocks, by which I conjecture that this land lieth in two and twenty degrees and five and forty minutes nearest. From twelve this day to four, North Northwest three leagues five and twenty fathoms black sand. From four to twelve the next day Southeast by South, ten leagues five and forty fathoms black sandy ozie. From the fourth untll the fifth at noon Southeast by South six leagues no ground in eighty fathoms. This four and twenty hours very little wind, for the most part at East North-east. From the fift to the sixth at noon North by East four leagues, here we had no ground in eighty fathoms. This four and twenty hours, it was for the most part calm, that lirtle wind that blew was at East and East North-east, when it was flat calm we made diverse trials with our Lead, and sometimes we should have sixty fathoms, otherwhiles fifty six fathoms, and then we perceived that the ship was carried to the South Westward with a sagging Current, and when the calm continued three or four hours, than no ground in eighty fathoms, as aforesaid. This afternoon, it reigned a downright shower, and after that, the wind came up at South and South South-west an easy gale with fair weather. From the sixth unto the seventh at noon, North-east half North nine leagues; here we had twenty six fathoms black ozie ground: the wind continued at South South-west with fair weather. From the seventh at noon until the eight at night, North-east by North three leagues and a half, twenty fathoms grey ozie sand, here by the Scorpians heart I found the ship to be in two and twenty degrees and five and thirty minutes. From eight to twelve, the eight North-east by North fifteen leagues, 
Logosse.  here the Sun made us in three and twenty degrees and six minutes. At this present we had sight of the high land of Logosse Northwest by North eleven leagues off, having nineteen fathoms, a gross white sand with small shells, the wind still continuing at South-west & West South-west. This morning, we saw eight or nine Fisher-boats, whereof one came within hailing of us, but we could not persuade them to come aboard. This morning, we came over a bank where we had but fifteen fathoms gross ground, 
A bank.  this afternoon, from twelve to four North North-east half North five leagues, twenty fathoms sandy gravel and shells, the high land of Logosse bearing Northwest by West nine leagues off. From four to eight, North-east by North five leagues, two and twenty fathoms sandy gravel. From eight to twelve, five leagues thirty fathoms sandy ozie. From twelve to twelve the ninth, North-east twelve leagues thirty four fathom, black sandy ozie, the wind at South-west, fair weather, latitude twenty four degrees, twenty minutes.  
From the ninth at noon, until the tenth, North-east one quarter East, twelve leagues thirty five fathoms ozie, this night the sky was all overcast, and the wind overcast with rain. This forenoon it was calm, 
Current.  and we making trial with the Lead, found that the Current did set us North North-east. 
Small Lands.  Here we had sight of certain small Lands, one of them rising in form of a Sugarloaf, and did bear West Northwest from us at noon about eight leagues off. This afternoon we hoist out our little Boat, which the Carpenters built upon our forecastle: by her we made trial of the Current again, and found it to set East North-east. This Evening, at eight we anchored in twenty eight fathoms, having made no way all this afternoon, but as the Current set us, which was North-east about a mile an hour. Tuesday, the eleventh in the morning, we set sail again, and so driven away to the North-east-ward, by means of the former Current, 
Formosa.  having no wind at all: this day at noon, we had sight of the top of Formosa above the clouds, the highest part of it bearing Southeast by East, about eighteen leagues off, and the nearest Island unto us on the Coast of China, 
China.  was at the same time Northwest from us seven leagues: here we had sight of many great Fisher-boats almost round about us, who sent certain little Boats aboard us with fish, for which we paid them double, the value at the first to encourage them to come again. This Evening, at six, the wind came up at North North-east, by means whereof, and a little help of the Current setting towards the North-east by East, which made an East way nine leagues to the twelfth at noon. Hear we had the highest Land of Formosa, Southeast, the nearest land about eight leagues off, the neither point of it East by North ten leagues of our depth, forty six fathoms ozie: the latitude twenty five degrees twenty minutes. From the high Land of Formosa, stretcheth out a lower Land to the waterside, being a white sandy shore, and smooth sand Hills farther up the Country, much like to the Coast of Barbary.  
Wednesday, the twelfth, from twelve to three East two leagues, here we were in the same depths, that we had at noon, viz. forty six fathoms, being four leagues off the foresaid sandy shore, and seeing we could lie no slent this way, we tacked and stood off again, stemming Northwest and Northwest by North, and North by West, making Northwest eight leagues, where we had forty fathoms. From hence we stood in again until twelve, the next day our way East by East six leagues, here we had the Norther point of Formosa, East Southeast ten leagues off, being in the latitude of twenty five degrees, forty minutes, the depth fifty six fathoms ozie: by this we perceived that the Current had carried us towards the East North-east. The thirteenth, from noon until six, we stood in East by South, and East Southeast until we had the foresaid point East Southeast half East, six leagues off forty two fathoms. Here we tacked about the Northward, lying North Northwest and Northwest by North, which made a Northwest by West way, till two at night about one half league, than the wind came up at Northwest by West, until six in the morning, with which half a league North-east by North, here the foresaid point was East Southeast half South. From six to twelve, it was calm with a cockling Sea, setting in upon the shore, and yet by means of the Current setting towards the East North-east, we had by noon brought the said point Southeast of us, about five leagues off, having forty four fathoms ozie, the latitude twenty five degrees forty five minutes.  
Friday, the fourteenth in the afternoon, we perceived that the former Current was done, and that our ship was driving to the Southwestwards with a contrary Current, wherefore we anchored, having forty two fathoms, a brown glistering sand, here we road until eight at night, at which time finding the Current to set towards the East North-east: 
Contrary Current.  again we weighed with a little breath of wind Southerly, and within an hour after, the wind veered up at West South-west, and began to blow fresh. At eight at night, the fourteenth unto the fifteenth at noon, North-east by North half East, nineteen leagues, twenty six degrees thirty minutes, the wind West and West by North. From the fifteenth at noon, until the twelfth, the sixteenth, North-east by North, twenty four leagues, latitude twenty four degrees thirty minutes, depth fifty five fathoms, black, sandy, ozie, the wind at West by North. From the twelfth, the sixteenth, until the twelfth, the seventeenth, North-east by North, seven leagues, latitude twenty eight degrees eight minutes, by this I perceived, that the Current had set us North-east four half leagues, the wind West South-west, depth fifty fathoms, black, sandy, ozie. From the seventeenth, until the eighteenth at noon, our way through the water, East North-east, ten half leagues, by the Current North-east one quarter East, five leagues latitude twenty eight degrees thirty minutes, the wind North by West, and North Northwest fair weather. From the eighteenth, until the nineteenth at noon, our way through the water North-east by North thirty four leagues, latitude twenty nine degrees forty five minutes, depth sixty fathoms, sandy, ozie. The wind at first North Northwest, and North Northwest until midnight with fair weather. From thence until noon, the next day West South-west and South-west very foul weather with much rain. From the nineteenth until the twentieth at noon, North-east twenty eight leagues, latitude thirty degrees thirty five minutes, depth fifty five fathoms, sandy, ozie, the wind for the most part South-west and West South-west, the weather showrie.  
Thursday, the twentieth, from three to six North-east two leagues & a half, depth thirty seven fathoms, black sand. From six to five, next morning, North-east by East nine leagues, eighty six fathoms, gross, grey sand with some shells. From five to twelve, the one and twentieth, North-east nine leagues & a half, no ground in ninety fathoms, here we were in one and thirty degrees twenty five minutes, South South-west South, and South Southeast, here I found that the Current had carried us ten miles to the North-wards of our computation in twenty four hours. From twelve, the one and twentieth unto twelve, 
Current.  the two and twentieth, North-east two third parts North, twenty five leagues, latitude thirty two degrees forty minutes, here the great sound of Langasaque, was East about nine leagues off, 
So●nd of 〈…〉  and the South 〈…〉 Goto West by North ten leagues off.  
The three and 〈…〉, we arrived in a Port of Firando, called Cochee, 
Cochee.  which is about four half English miles to the 〈…〉 of the Haven of Firando.  

THEIR RETAIN.  
THe eighteenth of December, Monday at noon, 
Isles of Mexuma  the Isles of Mexuma 〈◊〉 bear Northwest from us four leaugues off. Our course from Pomo being South South-west twenty five leagues, the wind Northwest. From the eighteenth, at noon to the nineteenth, six leagues South-west, little wind & variable, yet fair weather (as before) here we had the Isles of Mexuma, North-east by North nine leagues off, the latitude one and thirty degrees thirty two minutes, here we had seventy eight fathoms, streamy ground betwixt with a peppery sand and small shells. From the nineteenth to the twentieth at noon South-west fourteen leagues, latitude one and thirty degrees two minutes, the wind from the West Northwest to the North North-east, the weather very fair. From the twentieth, to the one and twentieth, South-west by West thirty leagues, latitude thirty degrees twenty three minutes, by this we found that the Current had set us thirteen miles to the North-wards of our account, the wind at North North-east, the weather fair. Friday, the two and twentieth, (from the former midday) we had made a South-west by West way twenty seven leagues, latitude twenty nine degrees forty minutes, here our latitude course & distance agreed well together. This day at noon we had thirty five fathoms, small sand & ozie, the wind North North-east and North-east fair weather▪  
From Friday, to Saturday at noon, South South-west thirteen leagues. This morning, we came up with a juncke of Nangasack, belonging to jan lowlson a Dutchman, and bound for Cambaya. I caused the Captain of her to bring his Passport aboard, which I perceived to be a Goshon from the Emperor of japan; I thereupon gave him leave to departed. This day, about noon, we had one and forty fathoms ozie. This twenty four hours the wind was very variable, the weather close and somewhat hazie: at four in the afternoon, forty seven fathoms ozie. From Saturday to Sunday noon, South-west half South, forty leagues, the wind at North and North Northwest, close weather.  
From Sunday noon, until Monday noon, being Christmas day, South-west half South fifty two leagues, here we had sight of certain Lands, which lie off the Coast of China, the nearest unto us was a small Island bearing West by South from us, about three leagues off, and did rise in the form of a Cayman, the wind North North-east, and North-east, the depth in this place about thirty three fathoms ozie. This forenone, we came up with a juncke that kept the same course as we did, she had the Holland's Colours on her Poop, whereby we conceived that she had a Pass from them, but had she been good purchas, we could not have dealt with her, because there was much wind, a lofty Sea.  
From Monday noon to Tuesday noon, South-west by South, fifty three leagues, here we had sight of certain Lands, which lie off Logoseo, bearing Northwest by West nine leagues off, here we had one and thirty fathoms, black peppery sand. From hence we steered in West South-west ten leagues, until six at night. At which time we had the Rocks of the point of Loamb West forty leagues off, our depth twenty two fathoms, and white sand mixed. From six to twelve South-west by South, eleven leagues, twenty five fathoms ozie.  
From twelve to twelve, the seven and twentieth, South-west half West, one and twenty leagues. This seven and twentieth, it blew a fair gale at North-east as before, and the weather cleared up, that we had sight of the Sun, which we had not of a long time seen before. From noon until midnight South-west half West nineteen leagues: here by the North-star and Canopus, 
Canopus.  we were in one & twenty degrees thirty minutes, the depth fifty five, sandy, ozie. From midnight the seven and twentieth, unto midnight the eight and twentieth, South-west nineteen leagues: here by the Sun, we were North twenty degrees, forty five minutes, the wind still at North-east, the weather fair. From the eight and twentieth, until the nine and twentieth at noon, South-west thirty eight leagues, latitude nineteen degrees fifty three minutes, the depth seventy five fathoms, sandy, ozie, the wind North-east, the weather faire● by this we gathered, that we had made our way to the Westward of the South-west by West, by means of some Current setting to the Westward. From the nine and twentieth, until the thirtieth, South-west half South, thirty eight leagues, latitude eighteen degrees thirty minutes, the wind at East North-east and East by North, the weather very fair, no ground in one hundred and twenty fathoms. From Saturday until Sunday at noon, which was the last of December, South-west by South, twenty seven leagues and a half, latitude seventeen degrees twenty minutes, wind East North-east, weather fair.  
The first of january, from the last of December until Newyears day at noon, South-west by South twenty eight leagues, latitude sixteen degrees ten minutes. Here the wind came up at North-east by North, the weather fair. From the first of january, until the second at noon South half West, twenty eight leagues, the weather overcast the wind at North-east by North. From this day noon, until two of the clock in the afternoon, South South-west half South three leagues, here we had sight of a point of Land, bearing West from us eight leagues off.  
From two in the afternoon, until twelves the next day, South half East, forty leagues, here we had Cape Varella Northwest by North eight leagues off. This twenty four hours we had much rain and dirty weather. From the third at noon, until the fourth at six in the morning, our way one with another upon a strait Line South South-west half West, thirty leagues, here we were in eleven degrees, North latitude, of our depth twenty four fathoms, as near as I could guess. Here also we had sight of Poolo Cecir, bearing South by East seven leagues off, 
Cape Cecir, or Cessir.  and the Cape Cecir North by West six leagues from us. From six until noon, West South-west thirteen leagues. From the fourth at noon, until the fifth at noon, first South-west by West twenty two leagues, than South-west half West six leagues, and then South South-west half South one and twenty leagues, here we were in nine degrees. The body of Poolo Candor, bearing South South-west about seven leagues from us. Our depths from the fourth at noon, 
Poolo Candor.  were from eighteen to fourteen fathoms: from sixteen to eleven, we felt a Current setting our ship to the southward beyond our computation, this same night at Sunsetting, we found the variation to be one degree North-westing. This evening, at six of the clock we had the Southeast end of Poolo Candor, Northwest four leagues off, the wind North-east. 
Current.  From six this evening, until twelve, the next South South-west thirty leagues, latitude seven degrees ten minutes, the wind at North-east, the weather very fa●re. From the sixth until the seventh at noon, South South-west thirty six leagues & a half, latitude five degrees thirty minutes, the wind at North-east, the weather fair. From Sunday the seventh, until Monday the eighth at noon South South-west half South forty two leagues, latitude three degrees thirty minutes, the wind at North-east by East and East North-east, the weather fair. This day at four in the afternoon, we had the North point of Poolo Timon, 
Poolo Timon.  South-west by South about seven leagues off, we having run from noon seven leagues South South-west. From Monday to Tuesday at noon, South South-west seven leagues, Southeast sixteen leagues, and South seventeen leagues; the latitude one degree twenty five minutes; by this we perceived the Current had carried us sixteen minutes to the Southwards of our computation.  
From this twelfth day until four in the afternoon South six leagues, our depth twenty four fathoms streamy ground: here we saw Poolo Pengran South-west by South six leagues, and the head-land of jore West South-west eight leagues off. From hence until four leagues of South Southeast fourteen leagues off, eighteen fathoms, the same ground: from hence till noon, the tenth, South twelve degrees, here we had seventeen fathoms. The tenth at noon, we had sight of Land. The Northermost high hummocke bearing West from us about six leagues off. This day at noon by our judgement, we were ten minutes to the southward of the Line.  
Thursday, the eleventh at noon, we were in one degree sixteen minutes South latitude, our course from the tenth at noon, South half West twenty two leagues. Here the Souther I'll of Poolo Tayro, was due East from us three leagues off: our depth fourteen fathoms, ozie. This Poolo Tayro consisteth of seven or eight Lands and Rocks mixed together, 
Poolo Tayro.  the longest tract of them is North Northwest, and South Southeast, the Northermost I'll is fare longer and larger than any of the rest. From this Norther-most I'll unto Poolo Pan, 
Poolo Pan.  Northwest half West nine leagues, the depth from the tenth at noon unto this present, was from seventeen to fourteen fathoms all alongst Poolo Tayro: when the Norther-most I'll of Poolo Tayro, East North-east half East three leagues from us, than the three hummocks on the North end of Banco did bear Southeast ten leagues off; 
Mannapin.  And the high Land of Mannapin South by East half East. From this day noon until midnight, South South-west half South ten leagues: here we anchored seventeen fathoms soft ground, where we rid all night. The next morning, we had the Hill of Mannapin, South Southeast half East, the low Land by the water side three leagues off, the next head-land to the North-wards, which riseth in three hummockes, when you are to the North-wards of it East North-east half North. About six leagues off, the twelfth at noon being at anchor in the same place, by our observation we were in one degree one and fifty minutes nearest, the wind at West Northwest, weather fair. This afternoon we weighed and stood in towards the Coast of Sumatra, and at midnight anchored in twelve fathoms of the River of Pallimbam, finding nine, ten, and twelve fathoms ozie, 
Pallimbam.  as we ranged along.  
Saturday, the thirteenth in the morning, we weighed again (the wind Northerly) and steered along by the Sumatra shore, through the Streights of Banco, until we came between the first and second point, which was at eight at night, where we anchored in sixteen fathoms about two leagues of the Sumatra shore. From the River of Pallimbam unto this place, 
Sumatra. straits of Banco.  we had nine, ten, eleven, twelve fathoms within two half leagues of the Sumatra side, all alongst until we came up near the second point (which maketh the narrowest of the Streights) & there we found about twenty fathoms water. Sunday, the fourteenth, we set sail again and borrowed fair aboard the Sumatra side in eight, seven and six fathoms until we had Lucepara, Southeast by East, and then we haled away South Southeast, Southeast by South and Southeast finding all the way five fathoms ozie, until we had brought Lucepara North by West about seven leagues off, and then the water began to deepen, having five fathoms & a half, six fathoms. Monday, the fifteenth, we were in four degrees fifty eight minutes, we being distant from Lucepara, thirty six leagues South by East from it. From hence until four in the afternoon South South-west four leagues. Here we saw a should above the water, about four miles from us, West South-west. The two Lands on the Coast of Sumatra, bearing upon the same point seven leagues off. Also Poolo Keero did bear East Southeast half South. From this should five leagues off, 
Marrough.  and the high Land of Marrough was South-west from the should aforesaid. This Evening, the wind did hearten in at Northwest: by which means we got in near unto Poolo Peniang after midnight, and there came to anchor until the next day.     

CHAP. VIII. WILLIAM HORES Discourse of his Voyage in the Dragon and Expedition, from Surat to Achen, Teco and Bantam; and of the surprising the Dragon, Bear, Expedition, etc. in a Letter to the Company.  
To the Honourable Governor and Right Worshipful Committees of the Company of the English trading in the EAST INDIA, etc.  
Honourable and Right Worshipful Sirs.  
THe passages of your business, in Captain Bonner's Voyage, to and at Surat (till then and long after very hopeful) you have by ma●● advices from themselves, and several relations from others, largely and particularly understood. Wherhfore I shall therein be purposely silent, intending according to my poor means and ability, (the one being lost with your ships, and the other having always been very small) to acquaint you only with such accidents as until the said ships taking happened. Wherein I shall humbly beseech, that you would be pleased to pardon my presumption, in offering to your view these imperfect and unworthy Lines, not doubting but others better able, will more accurately perform (what is by me omitted requisite your knowledge) than my insufficiency (especially at this time) is able to express, and poor employment in your service afforded not to be made partaker of.  


Dragon parted from the Anne 17. Febr. near Surat before Dabull.  
A junke of Dabull, laden and bound for the Read Sea.   The Dragon and other ships of that Fleet parting with the Anne, the seventeenth of February, 1618. the one and twentieth following, anchored before the Road and Town of Dabull, (it being formerly ordered by consultation to touch there) and not long after came a Boat from the Governour-deputie, to learn what and whence we were; whereof being certified, he again returned ashore: and toward night, a grave man, Captain of a juncke, then in the Road, laden and bound for the Read Sea, with his son came aboard, bringing ten Oxen, ten Goats, three hundred Hens, with great store of Rice, Fruits, etc. for a Present, to confer with our Captain about such things as should be propounded; and that night they lodged aboard. The morrow after (they remaining for pledges) Master Salbanke and Master Fursland went ashore to the Deputy (the Governor himself being then at Court, eight days journey distant) The Chiefs of the Town, 

Kind entertainment at Dabull.  
The Dabull●rs desire ●rade with us. Store of refreshing at Dabull and good cheap.  
Promising to buy quantities of cloth hereafter & L●ad, but we could not pu● of any of the Lion's remnant.  
The Captain of the Iun●ke desired an English Bible▪ to cau●e to be translated into Arabeck.   as they affirmed, entertained them very kindly, professing likewise that they were much contented with the English arrival, and had long desired to have commerce with them, and to that end entreated to have a factory left, or the ships to ride, till notice thereof might be given to the Governor, because without his approbation they could not conclude of any thing. We had at this place great store of very good refreshing, indifferently cheap, large Beefs for six Rials a piece, and Fruits, etc. great plenty for small prices: but none of the old remnants in the Lion could vend, yet upon future hopes, they promising fairly to deal hereafter for large quantities of broad Cloth, Led, and other English commodities, Captain Bonner deferred enforcing, advising thereof to Surat, that the next years Fleet might do to them as occasion required. The six and twentieth, the aforesaid Noghoda landed, to whom was given a fair in-laid Musket with the furniture thereof: He also earnestly desired an English Bible, which being given, he said, he would carefully keep till some English were there resident, and then with their help would have it translated into Arabeck for his own use.  
It hath been, I presume, long since related unto your Worships, how that during your Fleets abode at Swally, two Mallabar Frigates put themselves under command of your ships, affirming themselves subjects to a Ragia of Echaree near Goa, and pretending to be sent by the King their Master, to capitulate with the English about establishing a Trade with him for Pepper, his Country, by their report, yielding yearly sufficient to lad two great ships, the trial whereof being by consultation assented unto, they both attended the Fleet to this place: and here one of them desired leave to departed before to the King to advise of our coming, that his Pepper might be in more readiness against our arrival, and that an English Merchant might accompany him to view the commodities, and cut price with the King, for whom sufficient Hostage should be left abo●rd the Dragon. Which was likewise agreed upon, Master Wight, Merchant, and I●o Tucker with him for Linguist, 
The History of the offered Pepper at Bataquala.  were dispeeded with him, and eight of the Prime men in both 〈◊〉 left for pledges.  
The Lion being formerly disposed of for the Read Sea, it was ordered that thee should keep the other ships company to Dabull, there to vent, if possible, part or all those remnants brought from the R●d Sea, for ready money▪ or to force them Trade, and the proceeding thereof to be toward lading the Expedition with Pepper at 〈◊〉 but the unfitness of th●se commodity's for the Dabulleers, their fair promises and kind usage, procure their quiet this year, 
The Lion dispeeded to the Read Sea. Six hundred pounds detained for the lading of the Expedition.  for which cause the Lion's company being judged needless any further. The seven and twentieth, she was dispeeded upon her voyage: but before her departure, six hundred pounds sterling intended to be transported to Surat, was detained for speedier lading the Expedition: having left Letters to to be sent to Surat: toward night the Dragen, etc. set sail, intending next for Batachala. At Dabull enquiry was made for Tho. Sprage, who was sent from Brampoore into Gulcandawe, to recover a debt due by a Persian in that place, and at Surat it was reported, that the said Persian was forceably taken from him at this Town, and Sprage also very much abused. But they deny ever to have seen or known any such men, 
Sprage not heard off at Dabull.  but took notice from us to apprehended both or either if they should at any time happen on them.  
The fift of March, we anchored at Batachala, shooting three Pieces to give notice of our arrival: and the next day about noon, Master Wight with the other Mallabar Frigate came aboard, by whom we understood, that at the King's Town, some three days journey thence, was Pepper to the quantity of one hundred and fifty Tons or upward, but the price was held hard at fifty Rials of eight the Candee, and would not be brought lower than forty seven; 

The p●ice of Pepper at Battagala at fifty Rials the Candee.  
The Candee five hundred pound.   the Pepper worse than that of Tercoo, and in all likelihood he had no intent for to cell it, but to keep it for the portugals, with whom he hath continual Trading, and this to be but a device of those Rowers to free themselves from command of the English. The Candee at this place containeth near five hundred pounds.  
Our hopes of this place proving no better: the third present, we set sail thence. Running along this Coast, we saw and met with many juncks of the malabars, and not finding aught in them, save Coco-nuts and such trash, presently dismissed them, one excepted, 
A juncke of the Samorine detained.  belonging to the Samorine, which Captain Bonner caused to return with him, the sooner to procure satisfaction for goods and debts, left there by Peter Needham, etc. which juncke certified of another of the Samorines laden with Pepper, riding at Panana, some twelve leagues to the Southward of Calicut, and bound for the Read Sea, at which place also the Samorine then kept his Court, 

At Panana in the Samorines' country twelve leagues from Surat, was junk of the Samorine laden with pepper, bound for the Read Sea. Satisfaction of our debts demanded of the Samorine.  
The Samorines cunning. Pepper offered by the Samorine fraudulently.  
The Candee five hundred and two pound weight.   where arriving the tenth dicto, a Messenger was sent to advertise the ships arrival, to require satisfaction for his debts, etc. and to renew a Trade with us; all which motions he seemed willing to entertain, promising the twelfth following to meet and confer with Captain Bonner upon the shore near the Seaside, and after an end made of the old, to begin a new business. The King came at the time prefixed, having the day before drawn ashore and unladen his juncke, she riding within a River, at the mouth whereof was a great Bar, hindering our seizing her, whom Captain Bonner (attended with a Guard of fifty small shot, etc.) met, delivered our King's Majesty's Letter with a Present to him; and after long debating, it was concluded, that in regard we knew not the sum due by goods left with him and others, not having any notice thereof; the payment should be deferred till information from Needham might be procured, and with advice of his Merchant consented to cell us Pepper: at present, seven or eight hundred Candees or more, at thirty Rials of eight, free of all charges. The Candee we found by trial thereof, with our English weights, to contain five hundred and two pounds neat; whereupon resolving, it was concluded that the next day Master Wight and myself should view the quantity and quality of the commodity, which we were to certify Captain Bonner (than aboard the small Pinnace near the shore) who would thereupon have landed, money, etc. and gone to weighing.  
But that night the King's mind changed, and we landing early next morning, were refused sight thereof unless the King gave express order thereto, to whom also going, he demanded when our Captain would land, 
The Samorines' dissimulations: large discourse.  which we certified him would not be till we had seen the Pepper, and could judge of the quantity, and that then we should make sign for his coming. He then sent us back with one of his Kinsmen to the Merchant's house, willing us there to stay till he either came himself, or sent order for dipatch: but there we attended while past noon, and then not hearing aught returned to the King, who by his jurabassa fell to discoursing of our Country manners, had Tumblers playing before him, and with such trifling delays put off the time till near four after noon, when we entreated him to give us an answer, that we might return to the Captain, who all this while expected our coming. Whereupon taking us aside into a room from sight of his people, he told us, that he had many matters of import whereof to confer with the Captain, which he would not have his own people to take notice off, and to that end had appointed a private house to be prepared for his entertainment not far from his Court, and therefore willed that Master Wight should tarry and accompany him presently thither, and that I should return to the Captain and bring him to the place assigned. I desired to see it, but he refused, appointing one of his attendants to go with me to the Seaside, there to tarry Captain Bonner's landing, and conduct him to the foresaid house. But by the way considering, how indiscreet it would seem, to motion his going to a place I had neither seen nor knew, especially in such a treacherous place, I told my Companion, that unless I might first see where the King intended to meet, I would not advice the Captains landing; he perceiving me resolute, left me, and directed one of his Slaves to show it me; who lead me near two English miles up into the Country, and at length brought me to a little house (but handsome enough) sited in the midst of a small Wood, about which was a fair plain a quarter of a mile every way, and without that, round environed with thick and high Woods: which place ministering justly great cause of suspicion. I returned to the King, whom I met upon the way with forty or fifty attendants coming thither, with him also Master Wight; to whom I shown my opinion of the place, and that it now grew late, and therefore nothing to be done that night.  
Coming to the house, the King sat a good while musing without speaking, when we desired leave to departed, it being now near night and past time for the Captains landing, and that if he pleased we should again return on the morrow, as also to certify his desire of private conference with the Captain, but withal entreated, that we might loose no more days, but that according to his former conclusion, we might dispatch our business. After a little pause, he commanded all his own people out of the room, leaving none but Master Wight, Ino. Tucker Linguist, 
The Samorine denieth to perform with us according, to his promise's under forty Rials the Candee.  and myself. The doors being shut, he beckoned us, and then readily finding his Portugese tongue (till then concealed) told us resolutely, that he could not perform at the price contracted for; the Pepper being none of his but the Merchants of the Town, and that under forty Rials of eight the Candee he could not accomplish; and if they or any other would cell cheaper, he gave licence thereto, but if none, then at that price himself would furnish, and that he would satisfy his debt when we could certify how much and wherefore it was due: Also, that he had other business to confer with the Captain, which he said should not be mentioned, unless himself were present: 
Bonner threatened the Samorine, to take his juncke, and pay ourselves.  with which answer we returned aboard to Captain Bonner, who sent him word ashore by one of his servants who came with us, that the English should largely pay themselves upon his juncks, both for the goods he detained, and for this abuse also.  
The fourteenth of March we departed thence, the nineteenth anchored at Brimion; where failing of refreshing or water, the people by the portugals instigation, refusing to let our Casks be filled under eighty Rials of eight: the twentieth, altogether that night set sail, and that night doubled Cape Comorine.  
The two and twentieth of March, a consultation was held aboard the Dragon, wherein was propounded and concluded, 
A Pinnace ordered to be sent from Achen from Rob. Bonner unto Teco and Bantam.  sending the Portugal Pinnace for Bantam: and by the way to touch at Teco, to learn the estate of that factory (if any were) to stay there four days, and at Bantam ten, and then unless by Captain jordaine detained longer, to make all haste possible back to Teco, there to attend the Dragon's arrival from Argin, to inform the Companies affairs at Bantam. In her was appointed William Rickes Master, with twenty other, and my unhappy self also, that factory being likeliest to want attendance, and I willing to my best service, though in so mean a condition, as it hath pleased your Worships to dispose me.  
The four and twentieth dicto, about four after noon we parted with the ships, they standing away for Achen, and we for Teco, of whose proceed there I am altogether ignorant, and shall therefore presume to refer your Worships to Master Nichols his advice (if as I much fear hath happened) the rest from the Factors there have with your ships miscarried.  
The sixth of April, 1619. we arrived at Teco, and hearing nothing at this place, save what your Worsh●ps have long since been acquainted with, having watered and sent advice to Captain Bonner, of our arrival, etc. The eleventh following, we set sail for Bantam. Having had diverse days calm, and sometimes the wind contrary: the three and twentieth dicto, we anchored 'twixt the salt H●ls in the Streights of Sunda: and the seven and twentieth toward night, a small gale blowing, we weighed and intended to have put into Bantam Road before day, but the usual calm forced our anchoring some four miles short of Poolo-Paniang: and in the morning, 
The Pinnace arrive among our ships near Bantam, the 23. April.  ready to set sail, we descried ten ships and four juncks, riding under the foresaid Island, who with that breath weighed and stood toward v●, we knew not what to conceive of them, little expecting to have found so many English, especially those ships in that place; the better to make them, we hoist out our Praw and in her three men, to row until they could make their Colours; and if Dutch, to repair back to us; if English, to go aboard them, the latter whereof they did. E'er long the Admiral was thwart of us, whom Master Rickes saluted with three Pieces, he answered with one, and sending his Skiffe aboard, willed our Master to weigh and stand after him to Morrogh, and me to come aboard his ship, and bring such Letters as I had with me, which I presently did, where I have related all those miserable and lamentable accidents, which, I presume, your Worships long since understood by the james, safely arrived home.  
The nine and twentieth Dicto, the Fleet anchored Morrogh, and the next day Sir Thomas Dale, Captain Pring, etc. came aboard our Pinnace, and dispeeded her for Bantam, if possible to get som● provision for the ships, as also to learn if any Flemish ships were at jacatra or thereabouts: but speeding of neither, we returned to the Fleet the second of May. The ten ships then at Morrogh, 
Cap. jordain in the Samson and Hound went for jambe▪ Pata. Syam, to visit those Factories about the 9 of April.  were the Moon, Clove, Globe, Peppercorn, the james Royal, Gift, Unicorn, Advice, Rose and Bee: Captain jourdaine being some fourteen days before our coming gone with the Samson and Hound, for jambee, Patania, Syam, and other places, besides the four juncks, three whereof were from China, the other from Patania, and our Pinnace newly also by Sir Thomas Dale ordered for to attend his Fleet.  
The first of May, the China juncks began to be Romidged, and their goods taken into your ships, for debts owing by the Chinese to your Worships. After which, 

Four China junks taken by our ships, their goods laden in to the james, etc. the 1. May 1619.  
Owen Bodman was executed the 24. May 1619.  
Our ships set sail out of the Streights of Sunda, the 25. of May.  
A junke of Rice belonging to the Dutch.  
Our Fleet, Sir Tho. Dale being Admiral with all the rest of our ships did set sail out of the Streights of Sunda, 25. May, 1619. Some went to Ingano to weigh the money and ordnance left in the Sun. Our Fleet purposed to return again to Bantam by the last of Sept. The Pinnace sent back again from Bantam to Teco, Priaman and Achen.  
The Pinnace passage from Teco to Achin. Rich. Crane, miraculously saved.  
Price Hawkins stricken with lightning, but partly recovered.  
The Pinnace driven back again to Teco.   cutting down their masts, yards and sails, to prevent their lading the Pepper at Bantam, left them there riding: the quantity and quality of those goods exceeds my knowledge to advise, I being both a stranger, and by your Worship's order not to meddle in business of that nature.  
The four and twentieth of May, Owen Bodman was executed at the yard arm in the Moon. This day the Fleet fitted to sail, and the Rose in stead of the Pinnace, was intended for Teco and Achen, to advise Captain Bonner of proceed there with a Cargazon of Rice, Steele, etc. Confined to Master Fursland at Achen; In which ship also it pleased Sir Thomas to appoint my return. One of the foresaid juncks being of Patania, and most of her lading Rice, belonging to the Plemmings: so much thereof as was thought fitting, each ship's provision was taken out, and she this day dismissed. The five and twentieth Dicto the Fleet set sail, Sir Thomas Dale with the Moon, Clove, Globe, Peppercorn, Advice and Pinnace, standing for Ingano, to recover (if possible) part of the moneys lost, in the Sun, and to relieve those men left there, if any were alive; and Captain Pring with the james Royal, Gift, Unicorn and Bee for the Coast: intending there all to meet, and to come with their joint strength to Priaman, there to meet with the ships from England, and also Captain Bonners, and altogether to go to Bantam.  
The fifteenth of june we arrived at Teco, where we made little stay, but having watered, etc. and left letters for Captain Bonner, of the past proceed at Bantam, and future purposes for this place, departed thence the nineteenth Dicto from Achen, going betwixt the Main of Sumatra and the Shoalds, which from Teco lie four degrees or more of North latitude, and stopping every night: The ninth of july, about six in the evening, a storm began at Northwest (we being then anchored some fifteen leagues to the Northward of Barrous) which increased in great extremity till about midnight with very fearful Thunder, Lightning, and terrible Rain, we had but one anchor aground, having the Shoalds and the Main on every side of us within two leagues. In this extremity, not knowing what course to take, but only to attend God's mercy in our deliverance, our Cable broke, and we bore room back over these Shoalds in an exceeding dark night, with which formerly we durst scarce deal at noonday; yet the never forsaking mercy of the Almighty preserved us from all those dangers, and with daylight also sent us fair weather, when necessity enforced determination to bear back again for Teco: it is said we were the first ship that ever went this way, and I think no man that dare depend upon his skill, to adventure without sight of land, will ever sail that way again.  
The one and twentieth dicto, we had another great storm, which began about two after noon, with very much Wind, Thunder and Rain, which lasted above four hours, split our main sail, and blue away our spritsail; Rich. Crane, one of our company, being then upon the yard arm, the braces, lifts, and all the rigging of the spritsail yard at once broke, and he with his head downwards hung (at every set of the ship covered with the Sea) above a glass space, no man being able by any means to secure him, till at last, faintness & weariness made him let go, and as he driven by the ships side took hold of a Rope, by which means, next to the Almighty's mercy, his life was beyond expectation miraculously preserved; another, named Price Hawks, standing in the waste, was by a flash of Lightning strooke dumb and lame over all his body, lying in most lamentable plight for many days, yet, God be thanked, his speech is a little returned, but a kind of dead numbness in both his legs and arms, maketh him still continued a very miserable man, distressed as aforesaid.  
The three and twentieth dicto, we returned to Teco, and by reason of our wants, both of Cordage, Sailes, and Ground-tacke, of which there was no more in the ship than was at that time in use, no more than one Hogshead of flesh, no bread but Rice and that not sweet, no other drink for sick men, etc. but water; but nineteen men in the ship, whereof five very sick, and diverse others lame: It was resolved through importunity of the company thereto, to remain there and attend relief from the Dragon, or other English; but in the interim, a rumour of Flemish ships coming from Bantam, forced us change resolution: and the sixth dicto, with our weak crew put to Sea, in hope either to meet the ships from Achen, or to get our intended park, and by that means to ease ourselves of some of those miseries. 
The Dragon & Expedition go to Teco.  Having had since our departure from Teco a very fair gale: The tenth dicto, to our great comforts we met the Dragon and Expedition, betwixt the Island N●mtam and Batta: so soon as we came near, Captain Bonner sent his Skiffe aboard, to whom I went and delivered his Letters from Master Spalding, Master Ball, etc. Sir Tho. Dale by reason of his sickness having also referred him to them for advice. The next morning at a Consultation it was concluded, 
Two months Trade obtained at Teco. 1500. Bahars' remaining at Achen unbought, for lack of means.  that the Rose should return back to Teco, in regard of her unfitness for any Voyage, as also for that the goods in her would vend so well here, or better then at Achen, the Invoice whereof was enclosed in a Letter, sealed and directed to Master Rich. Fursland, which I then likewise delivered: By Captain Bonner I understood of two months Trade granted at Teco, of above one thousand and three hundred Bahars of Pepper, then in the Dragon, and of more than one thousand and five hundred remaining at Achen unbought, for lack of means. To the end that so little as might be of our short time should be lost; the fifteenth in the night, Captain Bonner sent off his barge with Master Nichols and myself, to go ashore, and acquaint the King etc. with our licence for Trade; as also to take an house, and so much as might be, to set each thing in a forwardness. The King seemed very willing; appointing, as we desired, a very convenient house close by the sea side, next to the Customhouse, and promised so soon as he saw the King's Letter, musters of our goods, and had concluded of the price; order should be given for present weighing.  
The nineteenth, Master Nichols went aboard the Dragon, riding two leagues without the Road, and brought the King's Letter ashore with him, which seen and read, Proclamation thereof was presently sent into the Country, and many in the Town had good quantities of Pepper, which they would not cell till the King had first begun. The one and twentieth, the Dragon etc. came into the Road, 
Pepper bought at Teco.  and musters of goods landed, the greatest part whereof was Cainkeenes, blue Selas; and the price was concluded, fifty Selas, thirty five Cainkeenes, sixteen blue Byronnes, 
The price of Pepper, and of Surat goods.  read Selas thirty two, and of Baftaes' according to the goodness, eight, ten, and twelve Pieces for a Bahar, which valued according to the rates worth in ready money, twenty Rials the Bahar; and it was agreed, that the next morning the King should begin to weigh (the Custom of goods not to be paid in kind; but to landlord whatsoever we would, and to pay fourteen the hundred Custom, 

Fourteen per centum custom at Teco.  
Little hope ever to have the great Custom abated.  
Fire and treachery usual in Teco.  
Alteration of the price of Pepper.   in Rials of eight: for all the Pepper should be paid, either with goods, or money; a very hard condition and wondrous unadvisedly consented to, by those formerly there employed; but now it is continued, and little hope to get it ever reclaimed. Some goods were this day landed, being first opened above, and sent ashore in bags, to prevent wetting; and small quantities at once, for fear of fire and treachery, both which are very usual here (but especially the latter) more than in any part of India.  
The two and twentieth dicto, the King etc. returned to the bailey, refusing their former Contract, and would not himself cell under forty Cainkeenes, and sixty blue Selas the Bahar; but gave free leave to any other that would; which was nothing: for till he began, none would cell a Catee, so that necessity enforced our assenting. The six and twentieth our trade began, and this day weighed the first Pepper, the contents whereof, and of the succeeding days, I forbear to recite, having collected it together in a note herewith unto your Worships. Master Nichols etc. being aboard the Dragon, this day Captain Bonner discoursing of the business passed at Bantam, and his own at present in the Dragon, fearing jest at the Fleets arrival, the Pepper in her should be taken out, and sent home upon some other ship that had been long in the Country, as also dreading the Flemings arrival (of whom he was always wondrous suspicious) affirmed, 
Bonner is very suspicious of the Hollanders, and disposed himself for a Man of War.  he had no intent to lad more Pepper in the Dragon, till he knew certainly how he should be disposed of; but would take it into the Expedition, whereto he said she should be presently fitted, and the Dragon kept clear and pretty for a Man of War, in case the Flemings should come: his reason was, that he could not at any time after take it into his ship, of which if he could dispose, he could likewise by the same power command the Expedition, and goods therein: in which determination he seemed to be firm; and gave order for the Expeditions fitting rooms. 

Upon the Arrival of the Bear, Bonner altered his resolution of fitting his ship for a man of War, and lad her into England.  
The Dragon pestered.  
The Dragon uncivil.   But the next day after, arrived Henry Bate Merchant, from the ship Bear; who the day before anchored at Priaman; and the eight and twentieth of August aforesaid, arrived at Tecoo: at instant of whose coming, but upon what presumption or reports I cannot certainly determine, Captain Bonner changed resolution, and proceeds to lad the Dragon, filling each place with lumber, rummaging her bread-roomes, and so cloying her decks, as was not poss●ble to use her Pieces in greatest extremity; by which unhappy accident, We your poor Servants have with loss of lives, or goods, or both, endured excess of most base, and past compare, contemptible usage, from an ingrateful and uncivil Nation, with many other never to be satisfied or forgotten injuries.  
The seven and twentieth, all night being very tempestuous, fearful thunder and lightning, and abundance of rain, we had under our house, in a room for that purpose, some small store of steel Bettle boxes, and such like; where also lay two men, appointed by Capt. Bonner to watch the house, 
Discourse of theft in Teco, the seven and twentieth of August.  the boat being left behind them ashore. That night john Cocket (alias Tucker) a youth, who had long lived at Surat, and he also lodged there: about midnight came thiefs to open the door, which one within perceiving, with crying out scared them away; two hours after, they returned; and one of them putting in his arm, was struck at with a sword, but miss, fled away the second time; and they within made the door so fast as they could (which was but hurdles.) About four in the morning, coming again, & opening the door, one went in, taking some Brass Bettle boxes, our men being all fast asleep; and in returning, rubbed against Tuckers legs, 
john Tucker slain the seven and twentieth of Aug.  who starting up, caught hold of him, and cried, A thief, I have him; which scarce pronounced, with a pitiful accent, cried out again, O, he is gone, and hath stabbed me with his Creeze: which was so suddenly done, as those who lay by him had not time to rescue him. There was at that time aloft the Surgeon of the Dragon etc. who presently ran down with a light, but too late; the villain having with a knife given him two wounds, one whereof to the heart, who without speaking more words then, Lord have mercy upon me, presently died.  
We in vain searched each bush and place about our house, and I went to call the Cowals (or Waiters) who every night till this, kept watch in a bailey within twenty paces of our house; missing whom, I went instantly to the Pongolo Cowallas house, and calling him, asked him where was the Watch; he said, at the bailey; which I denying, he affirmed to have charged one that night. Than I told him we had a man slain, and willed him to search narrowly, if any suspicious person could be apprehended, he forthwith went and acquainted the King therewith, who presently came down with the Chief thereabouts, saw the dead body, and affirmed, he would do what might be, to found the murderer: Master Nichols charged the Cowals to be actors, or authors hereof, and required to have them all sent for, and one after another to touch the Corpse, whereto the King gave order: and when each one had taken him by the hand, and no cause to suspect any appeared; Master Nichols demanded if there were no more Cowals; it was answered, no more save one, who was sick, and kept his bed; him the King commanded to be sent for, whose very looks and demeanour condemned him in the opinion of all, to be the villain sought for, the King commanded to take the dead man by the hand, which with extreme quaking, and many distracted gestures and answers he did, but would not hold it any time. Master Nichols urged this to be the man, and required justice. 
A story of trial of a Malefactor in a strange manner  The King caused him to be bound, and professed in his conscience that was the man who killed him, but that he must be tried by their Law also, whereto the fellow assented.  
And while preparation was made thereto, we sent word to Captain Bonner, who came ashore to see the event hereof: presently after whose coming, a fire was made, and an iron pan with a gallon of oil set thereon; which leisurely boiled till it came to such a degree of heat, that a green leaf but dipped therein was sodden and shivered. The prisoner then called, and persisting in denial of the fact, was in testimony of his innocence, to take out of the said oil a small ball of brass, little bigger than a Musket shot, with his naked hand; and that if any burning or scalding appeared thereon, he was contented to die: which he addressed himself to perform; stripping up his sleeve above the elbow, and taking a kind of protestation, desiring that as he was clear thereof, so he might prospero in this act; dipped his hand to the wrist in the burning oil, took out the ball, held it fast, and crying, Olla Basar, or, 

Twenty two Rials a Bahar of Pepper at Tecoo.  
The Dragon went out of Tecoo Road into deeper water.  
divers Boats laden with Pepper aboard the Dragon. Our men wearied about the Pepper.  
Six Hollanders coming into the Road, were adjudged English ships showing no colours Found by their Huls to be Holland ships.  
Set upon the Dragon unprovided, and her men wearied before.  
The Admiral and Vice-admiral laid her aboard, and all the other four ships discharged at her as they passed by; she being altogether pestered, no Piece free but one & could come by no powder o● shot.   great is the Lord, tossed it up, caught it again, and then cast it on the ground; showing his hand unto all that would, which had no more sign of hurt, then if he had experimented the same in cold water. The Devil, it seems, being loath at that time to loose his credit. The fellow was instantly released, and within an hour after returned in his holiday apparel, and none so lusty as he, though but a little before he had been sick, and so weak, as he was fain to be brought upon men's shoulders to his trial: and this was all the justice we could have, for our murdered man; though in all likelihood, and their judgements also, he was the actor.  
This business ended, the King propounded to Captain Bonner, that our time of Trade began now to be short, and that there was great store of Pepper yet to be had, which might speedily be bought for ready money: the people being unwilling to deal for any more Cloth, in regard the junkes from Argin were daily expected with great store from the King, who would force their taking thereof; and that having sold before for ready money, they would make the better shift: which he said was alike to us, our commodities being as vendible in other places; and the new ship (the Bear) having brought good store of money, which might be well employed: whereto consent being given, the price was cut, twenty two Rials the Bahar, and the assembly dismissed. That night good store of Pepper was brought down to be weighed the next day, many of the Chiefs affirming, that there was in and about Tecoo, above a thousand Bahars Pepper, which so fast as could be weighed, would be brought in. The King gave us leave, that if in the night we saw any about the house, we should detain them prisoners till the next day; and in case they refused to come unto us, being called, we should shoot them, and the peril to lie upon their own heads. The nine and twentieth dicto, Captain Bonner perceiving the Dragon to be already deep, and hoping ere long to have her full lading, weighed out of the Road, by the Island, and anchored without, attending a wind to go to the Southward of those Lands, there to ride, and take the rest of her lading.  
The first of October, about four in the morning, the Dragon weighed, and near eight, with the Breeze set sail, and came into the foresaid Road; not long after, all the boats and skiffs of the Dragon, Expedition, and Rose, came ashore to fetch Pepper, who laded so fast as they could; but before all were laden, six Sail were descried, standing with a fresh gale at South, toward the Road of our ships. The Boats forthwith put off, and had very much labour to row to windward, the men being much wearied before, with mooring the ships, and carrying the bags of Pepper: Captain Bonner judged them to be Sir Thomas Dales Fleet, who had determined to arrive there, by the fine of September; and therefore, till they came within less than a league, that their Hulls shown who they were, no Colours being abroad, not suspecting them: and then before any provision could be made for defence, the Admiral and Vice-admiral laid the Dragon aboard, all the other as they went, by shooting so many Pieces as could be brought to bear upon her, who had that day taken in above an hundred Bahars of Pepper, had all her men even spent with labour, 

The three other ships also taken without shooting one Piece.  
Hollanders most stern insulters and incomparable cruel Enemy's.  
If the Infidels had not been more merciful than the Hollanders, three hundred men had perished. The Hollanders put our men in Irons, in their ships all night in open air, in a most rainy and tempestuous night neither respecting sick nor maimed.  
The next morning turned them ashore with rags, amongst were forty six of the Stars men, even till now kept Prisoners. Rob. Bonner was sent ashore, offering to carry away the bed he lay upon, which for triple the value was redeemed. His death with commendation, 9 October. God moved the Heathen to favour our people.  
The King did visit Captain Bonner, and furnished him with needful, and offering all courtesy.  
The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty five sail ●esi●ging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, and the Hollander veying for slaughter one of another's people.  
Diego Fernandes beheaded, being taken for an Hollander.   and was at that time so cloyed as was never poor, all empty and full of cask, bread, and other provisions then upon her decks, and all her lower Guns so stowed up with lumber, as that in so little time, as was then to provide, not more than one could be cleared, and that but once discharged; powder, and shot in that extremity not to be come by. With those Ordnance which were clear, the Fight was maintained very hot about three glass, or more; till Captain Bonner (his worthy resolution approving his zeal to do your Worship's his uttermost service) received a mortal wound, with a shot in the right side, which remained in his body, who being carried down, the ship fired, in four or five several places most pitifully torn, and many men slain, she became a Prey, rather than a Prize unto them.  
The other four Dutch ships stood in to the Bear, Expedition, and Rose, who seeing, as is said, the Dragon's disaster, yielded also the two first without shooting a shot. Worthy Sirs, I was not at present an actor at this surprise, though I shall have always cause to bewail what I then suffered; and therefore must beseech your favourable acceptance of this small recital, till others therein employed, of fare better ability than myself, shall largely acquaint you with every circumstance: neither dare I persist in this subject, jest just passion, caused by remembrance of so late felt, and (unless by your Worship's clemency relieved) never to be recovered misery, should transport me beyond those limits, wherein I must now willingly contain myself. But thus much I may truly profess, if (as is a common Maxim) contraries hold the same reason of proportion in change of quality, they may be expected to be most kind friends, for already, we have found them most stern insulters, and beyond compare cruel enemies: and had not more true compassion, pity, and relief, been extended to us from Infidel Moores, then from these Dutch Christians, three hundred of your Servants (unhappy men) a great number of whom, would not, a few hours before, have changed fortunes even with the chiefest and unworthiest of that Crew, had left their dead Carcases a prey to beasts and fowls, and subjected their living bodies to miserable servitude, if a greater chastisement for our sins had not been inflicted.  
Being possessed of our ships, they strait way sent the English aboard theirs, and for refreshing after so great labour, as they had that day sustained, set them in Irons upon the gratings, in such a night of wind, rain, thunder and lightning, as either before or since I never saw; without respect to either sick or wounded: many of whose lives shortly after paid for that night's barbarous entertainment.  
The next morning early, they turned all ashore with such poor rags, as they would suffer them to wear on their backs upon the main at Tecoo, being the foresaid four ships Company, and forty six of the Stars men; till than also kept Prisoners, there being then a shore in the factory, William Nichols, Henry Bate, and myself; where so good order was taken for the sick and wounded, as the times Confusion, and poor means then there would permit.  
The third day following, Captain Bonner was sent ashore with a Guardian, attending him to the house sent by the Dutch Admiral, to carry back even the poor bed he lay upon, which for triple the value was redeemed, where Grief and Anguish adding a violent Fever and Spasma, to his former deadly wound: having heretofore well deserved the repute of a Worthy, now showing no less a Christian man, and with a resolution well sixth on the merits of our Redeemer; yielded his soul into the hands of the Almighty, the ninth of October, leaving us distressed justly to lament his loss, who were before enough sorrowful afflicted with remembrance of passed misery, and expectation of more and greater ensuing calamity, whose body as he desired, was buried upon the little Island at Tecoo, so near his Brother Thomas as could be guessed.  
Somewhat to comfort us in this distress, it pleased the Lord to give us favour in those people's sights, who used us fairly and well, as could have been expected in any Christian part of the World. The King would diverse times visit Captain Bonner, and each day present him with such Cates as were there esteemed fittest for so sick a man, desiring him also to be comforted, and that both they and Country should be ready both to protect and relieve us, which was well performed: for so long as the Flemings road there, one thousand men armed lay within a quarter of a mile of our house ready upon any occasion; and a continual Market for victual was kept at our door, wherein all provisions sold cheaper than before our ships were taken.  
The fifth dicto, the Hollanders having taken in their Pepper at Tecoo, set sail with these ships following, viz. The Vapan van Sealand, Admiral in her; William johnson, Commander of the Fleet; the Huerlam, New Zealand, Neptune's, English Star, Post-part, the Dragon, Bear, and Expedition for Priaman, intending thence for Bantam, to the rest of their Fleet, there consisting of thirty five sail besides them, and were then besieging Bantam. The Pangram and they Vying for dead men's heads, one for Hollanders and the other for javas, giving Rewards; and in which deadly difference, it was unhappy Diego's destiny to be a sufferer; who after his being taken in the Star and kept Prisoner, making an escape in a Prow from jacatra, intending to have secured himself in the English house at Bantam, was by the james apprehended and beheaded instead of a Dutchman; leaving the Rose in the Road, having first taken out all her Ordnances, Powder, and Munition, and in her twelve Hogsheads salt flesh, two Butts of Wine; 

The Rose left unto the English in Tecoo Road with the particulars in her.  
A man of Monanchabo, reported Capt. jourdaine to be taken at jambe. The men taken in ●he Star, do report that the Hollanders sent out ships double manned to take C. jordaine The Palsgrave, Elizabeth and Ho●e, arrive at Tecoo very happily, who took in all our men. William. Nichols & Henry Bates go to Achen to the King, to complain of the Hollanders.  
The Rose ordered to b● sent for England. The three ships and Rose departed out of Tecoo Road the 10. of Nouem. The Rose arrive at Soldania, the 28. of january. They found Capt. Adam's Letter and of 2. Dutch ships. The Saluage●● at the 〈…〉 slain e●ight of our men. Thought to be provoked thereunto by wrongs done the Dutch. Come from Saldania the second of Feb.   and some few bags of bread, and a very small proportion of water-caske, for the foresaid number of men, except such as in the interim ran away into their service, to transport ourselves whither soever we could.  
About this time there arrived at Tecoo a man (as himself said) belonging to Monanchabo; who reported confidently (but whether by the Flemings instigation, or his own knowledge I cannot determine) that at the place whence he came, two ships and a Pinnace were said to be taken at jambee by four other ships, which is much to be doubted of Captain jordan, etc. The English on the Star likewise, affirming they had heard of four ships which were double manned, and marvellously well fitted, sent purposely to take them, which the Lord, I trust, in his mercy hath prevented. The foresaid Black was thirty days from Monanchabo thither, and though not commonly yet sometimes advice from jambee, cometh hither over-land.  
During our abode at Tecoo, before the Rose could be fitted to sail, it pleased the Almighty to take compassion on our distress, and to deliver us from the many inevitable dangers, yea, even confusions, which were likely presently to light upon us, by sending in thither Captain Charles Cliffingham with the Palsgrave, Elizabeth and Hope; who by consultation at the Cape, were intended for Priaman, and arrived at Tecoo, the three and twentieth of October, aboard whom the men ashore were forthwith dispersed. M. Nichols, and Henry Bate sent in a small Praw to Achin; and the Rose, in that poor and weak state she then was, and no otherwise concluded, to be dispatched for England; to advice of these accidents and proceed. Concerning the intendments of the three foresaid ships, as also the end of sending those mentioned to Achin, I am ignorant, and therefore shall humbly refer your Worships to their own advices. The foresaid ships with the Rose, set sail all together from Tecoo, the tenth of November, & at Nimtam parted the fourteenth dicto, & the Lord of his mercy vouchsafed us so fair a passage, that with the loss of but one man, who also was sick before we left Tecoo; (notwithstanding our hard allowance, most of our Bread, and much of our Rice being consumed and spoilt with Worms and Vermin) was arrived at the Cape Bonae Spei, all in sound health, the eight and twentieth of january 1619.  
Going ashore at Soldania, we found Letters left by Captain Adams, (the Copy whereof is herewith enclosed) also of two Dutch ships departed thence homeward, left by an Englishman, passenger in one of them; the Copy whereof is herewith likewise enclosed. We had our Sayne ashore to fish, and the Country people demeaned themselves as formerly they accustomed, but the next day returning again ashore to fish and water. The most tragical and woeful accident befell us, that ever happened to any English in these parts: eight of our men going to the River by Land, carried the Sayne with them to fish, and were all by the Saluages either miserably slain or kept away from us; we having found the dead bodies of but four of them. The cause which should excite them to such an horrid and unheard of attempt I cannot conceive, unless (as is most probable) some wrong offered by the Dutch lately gone hence, have moved them to practise and exercise this Treachery to us now, and to be doub●ed, will be endeavoured to all that shall hereafter arrive.  
Having watered our ship, buried so many of the slain men as could be found, and left Letters for any that should arrive after us, we set sail from Soldania. The second of February, about noon, past the Equinoctial, The fifth of March, and the of arrived at in England. The Almighty having of his inestimable clemency protected and delivered us, from the exceeding many and eminent dangers of a most miserable Voyage, and vouchsafe us safe return into our Native Country, for which and all other gracious favours from our beginnings to this day extended, his great and glorious Majesty be extolled and magnified, both now and for evermore. Amen. Amen.  
Your Worship's poor Servant in all duty and service ever at your command, WILLIAM HOARE.   

CHAP. IX. The journal of Master NATHANIEL COURTHOP, his Voyage from Bantam to the Lands of Banda, being chief Commander of the two Ships, the Swan, Admiral; Master DAVIS, Master: and the Defence, Vice-admiral; Master HINCHLEY, Master: together with his residence in Banda, and occurrents there; containing the differences in those parts betwixt the English and Hollanders contracted.  

§. I. English kindnesses to the Dutch: the surrender of Poolaroone to His Majesty, and the fortifying there by the English: Dutch Hostility, their taking the Swan, Solomon and Attendance, and keeping the Defence betrayed by Fugitives, with other wrongs.  

Let none accuse me for tediousness, or being too punctual in this Relation: seeing the Dutch pestilence grew principally from hence: and hence may his Majesty's right to these Lands be known to future Ages: for which I add this witness after Spurway.  WE set sail from Bantam the last day of October, 1616. and arrived at Maccassar, the seventeenth of November, with the Swan: the Defence came in the nineteenth, where I went on shore to get ready our provision of goods and Rice, having no goods as then in Bantam, to serve those places; but had commission to take them here: where I found small store; the chiefest being one hundred Quians of Rice.  
The fift of December, I spied a boat alongst the shore, being a Skiffe of the Hollanders come from their ship (which was in the offing) thinking they had had a Factory here: but I soon certified them, it was dissolved, the people their enemies. Whereupon they entreated me to stand their friend: and I forthwith 
* 
English kind-people● the The King 〈◊〉 visit Captain B●nner, and furnished him with needful, and offering all courtesy. The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty five sail ●esieging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, a etc. the Hollan● ●●●veying ●i, p. 516 slaught 〈◊〉 reof ●ed to his pe●●iestie. ● fortifying there.  
Three Holland ships to disturb the English.   went to the King and entreated him to dismiss them in that they came ignorantly, who at my request let them go, giving them warning not to attempt the shore a second time. So being night I wished them to go aboard my ship to refresh themselves, and to departed at their pleasure. That night their Pinnace went out to Sea, but miss their ship which came the next day into the Road, and not understanding the news, sent their long Boat towards the shore, which the King of Maccasser perceiving, sent a number of Prowess which surprised her, and slew every man of them being sixteen in number.  
The ninth of December, we set sail for Banda, with the Hollander in our Company, and being clear of Maccasser, relieved them at their request with fresh water, and sold them two Quoines of Rice, with some few Hens and rack, keeping company as fare as Amboyne. Hence we proceeded, and the three and twentieth of December, being near Polaroone sent my Skiffe ashore to understand the state of the Islanders, who were glad of our coming, as being not able to hold out longer against the Hollanders oppression, keeping them from relief of Victuals.  
The same day we came to anchor at Polaroone, the Orankayes came aboard, and I enquired of them whether there had been any former contract between them and the Hollanders: who certified me, there had been none at all. Than according 
* 
English kind-people● the The King 〈◊〉 visit Captain B●nner, and furnished him with needful, and offering all courtesy. The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty five sail ●esieging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, a etc. the Hollan● ●●●veying ●i, p. 516 slaught 〈◊〉 reof ●ed to his pe●●iestie. ● fortifying there.  
Three Holland ships to disturb the English.   to my Commission, I required them to surrender their Land to the King's Majesty of England, which they presently did: and drew Articles of Trade and Conditions to be observed betwixt us; which being agreed on, we spread Saint George upon the Island, and shot off most of our Ordnance.  
The five and twentieth of December, we saw a Holland ship coming from the Westwards, and forthwith upon Council landed three Pieces of Ordnance out of the Swan, and mounted them on a Cliff fittest for that purpose, and made what haste we could to fit a platform for them. We landed three other Pieces of Ordnance, and mounted them on a point of Land which commanded the Road: thus fitted, I landed most of the goods and settled a Factory.  
Upon the third of january, there came three Flemish ships into the Road, flourishing with their Trumpets and came to anchor by us. We fitted our ships for fight, and I sent Master Muschamp aboard the Admiral, to certify them of the surrender, as also to demand if they could lay any claim to the said Land. They answered, no. I further offered them water or any thing the Island afforded; but they plainly told me, they came for no such thing: whereupon I told them the Country people would not suffer them to ride there under their noses; and that they had been doing, but I caused them to forbear: 

Master Sophonie Cozock. The Swan taken by the Dutch. See the manner of their unmannerliness in Spurway. Dutch peevishness.  
Quis tulcrit Gracchos de seditione querentes john Davis' his Letter. This and other Letters I had whole, and have taken that which I thought most fit▪ leaving the r●st: which are to be seen perfect in Master Cort. Iourna●l. I had above 60. Letters belonging to this and Master Hayes journal to peruse: some of which I here have from the original trans-printed.  
Neylackey ● little Island by Polaroon●▪ fortified. The Defence betrayed by perfidious K●●u●s to the Hollanders. King, Christmas, Hours Har●is, Bridges, Rockwell, Car●er▪ Taylor and Woodlocke. S● what a Dutch prison w●l● do; together with lying pretences of the Hollanders and fugitives. The Devil was al●o a Liar and Murderer from the beginning. Thus did the Dutch with General rial, W●y and all; I dare not ●ay Lie all, in pretence of Commission and t●e King's Letter.   and perceiving their intent to surprise us, and fearing they would lay us aboard in the night, I told them I could not stay the Country people any longer, if they were not gone before two Glasses were run. They thereupon weighed and departed. The fourth, there came a Holland Boat and sounded all alongst the little Island, at whom Master Hinchley shot from the Land, but hit her not, and they departed.  
The Swan being delivered, Master Davis' would go water at Wayre, obstinately contrarying my command. I being then very sick came aboard the Defence, and sent Sophonie aboard the Swan, which departed jan. 18. I after had uncertain news, that the Hollanders had taken her and sent the Sews over to Lantore to hear the news, which brought word that the Swan was in Nero Road. On the seven and twentieth of February, I sent Robert Hayes to the Hollander with a flag of Truce, to demand the reason of taking her. Their reason was, we came yearly to make our voyage and lad our ships, and be gone; they had the brunt of the War, and we came sneaking to do them injury. And further, they said, that the States of Holland and the Lords of the Council should confer of this business: and being demanded the manner of her taking, they said, Time should bring it forth. And further, threatened to fetch the Defence out of the Road. They asked what men we had at Wayre and Rosinging, and said, they would fetch them out of those places. They also sent a writing, the effect whereof was, that the wrongs we offered them could no longer be endured, and that they would have one sent over to come to composition with them. Hereupon by council it was agreed for the safety of our ship, lives and goods, to landlord all our provisions on the small Island, with most of the men to manage the Ordnance: which being subscribed by Corthop, Spurway, Hinchley, Hayes, Stacy, Helmore, and the second of March to be put in execution, none else of the ships company would yield thereto, but would keep the ship to death. The seventh of March, a Letter was brought from Nero, by a Hollander, with a flag of Truce from Master Davis', part whereof I have transcribed: Master Corthop commendations, etc. The Admiral and the rest have settled their resolutions to have you off from Polaroone, according to their Commission, and I know, that unless you do talk together, there will be much slaughter about it. For they are all double manned from their Castles, and must fight it out as I have proved already. For they did shoot at me twice before I began, although I was in the Sea eight leagues off when they chased me. We fought almost board and board for the space of one hour and an half, until they had killed five men, maimed three, and hurt eight. And when we began we had not thirty men able to do any thing, nor no wind to work withal, etc.  
I answered by a Letter to them, that we doubted of their Message and Letter, except they would sand an English man, one of the ships company, to notify things unto us: that we heard they had murdered our men in cold blood: and as they pretended commission to beaten us off, we had commission to maintain the King's Majesty's right of England. We thus sought to prolong time for our better fortification: and the same night sent Ordnance and Munition to the little Island of Neylackey which maketh the Road; and if they had planted there as they pretended, they would have beaten all our ships out of the Road, and have kept all relief from the great Island, so that we must have been gone for want of food. The tenth of March came a Hollander with Master Davies Boy and a Letter from him, to signify, that after the Flag was furled not one man was meddled with: Sophonie was the first man was torn in pieces with a great shot, etc. This Letter came with other Dutch Letters: but we now being almost ready for them, wrote them an absolute answer, that if we should come into their subjection as they desire, we should show ourselves no true subjects to his Majesty: and that our resolution was to stand to all hazards whatsoever, March 11.  
On the fourteenth it was concluded by council, to bring ashore our Provisions, and to bring the ship about, her Cables twice cut in two with the Rocks, and now having but two anchors to Sea-boord. But finding her leak and unlikely to be brought about, we agreed to bring her ashore under the Defences Fort. Master Hi●chley, on the eighteenth came to an anchor nearer into the Bay, leaving aboard john King Boatson, with some twenty more. And on the twentieth in the morning, the ship was driven almost as fare as Lantore; which when they which were a sleep in the ship perceived, and asked the reason, the King answered; Tell the Master I had the Watch, and being asleep, the ship driven▪ Thus some went into the long boat, the rest which were compacted stayed behind, and when the long boat was come away, they set their fore-course and went into Nero Roade, and delivered the ship to the Hollanders.  
The first of April 1617. the Flemings sent over letters with a flag of tr●ce; one from Master Davis' to urge a composition, advising very passionately, If I loose any more men by your arrogance, as here I have lost by sickness already, their lives and bloods shall rest upon your heads and your faction, and this I will writ with dying hand, God give me leave: for what they do or have done, their Commission will bear them out in: and are contented to let the Law decide between our Masters and theirs, or will come to any reasonable matter of friendship, that no more blood may be spilt on either side: For I plainly see how you carry it. You have caused the Master of the Defence, to landlord his pieces ashore from his ship and make wrack of her 
* Take this as the fugitives and Hollanders reports.  to drive up and down. Is it in our hands to defend an army that have order for what they do? He proceedeth to an invective, that they would defend treacherous Bandaneses, who are at Banda daily to make a peace with the Hollanders, that they may have time to cut your throats, etc.  
I made answer to the Hollanders, promising upon such two stays to come and confer, withal redemanding the Defence with her men and goods. Those pledges came not, but two others; and on the sixth went to Nero. Where the next day the general and Council offered me restitution of ships, goods, men and all losses whatsoever, on condition that I should take off my Ordnance from Polaroon and Neylackey and leave the Island: to which I answered, I could not unless I should turn Traitor unto my King and Country, in giving up that right which I am able to hold; and also betray the Country people, who had surrendered up their land to our King's Majesty; but promised to confer with my Council and sand him an absolute answer. I returned the eight, and sent him his pledges: The next day I called a Council, shown my Commission, where it was resolved to sand word to Bantam, and a resolute answer to the Hollanders, that we could not give away the Kings right without treason; and to betray the Islanders his subjects were both unchristian falsehood, and unreasonable folly to incur their fury. But if the Dutch would restore the Defence with men and goods, 
New proffers. Rial's threats.  and help to convey them to Bantam, giving under their hands, that no attempt should be made against the two Lands, till it be decided in England or Bantam, then etc. They returned the messenger to advice me by writing, to consider of it, and sand my full resolution in three days, or else he would bring all his forces and take us perforce. He not coming, we fitted a Praw to sand news to Bantam, and demand aid, wherein went Master Spurway, Master Hinchley, Christopher the Flemish fugitive, whom doubting, I gave order to leave at Maccasser. I wrote a letter of Occurrents to Bantam; signifying also the Dutch bravadoes (which they had made Master Davis' beleeue) as that they had our King's Letters to take any of us to the East of Celebes: He offered, 
* The Copy of the Letter for the length I durst not transcribe: a great part being the same that before you have read.  
* Reasonable offers made, if to reasonable men: but when conscience is removed from the h●rt to the hilt, and reason from the brain to the point of the Sword, Reason and Religion shall be no better dealt with then the English and Bandaneses here were. And note that the Hollanders can show no right to the Lands, but ius in armis. Fight of the Hollanders with the English, and taking two ships more, the Solomon and the Attendance, deep laden with Rice, Clotheses of diverse kinds, etc. as appeareth by the invoice which I have seen of Master Balls hand.  If they could show such letters, he would give up all, or if they could show any Surrender made to them by the Natives, or if they would carry us to Bantam, and not meddle till there, or in England, things be decided: that the Hollanders are hated of all Nations in those parts: that they vaunt they have the Copies of the Companies Commission before any ships come forth: that no English General hath the King's Commission: that they bring Letters from petty Kings (which are reputed as their slaves) as of Amboyna and Hetto, with the like: that if the Bandaneses will have their Countries in peace, they must submit themselves to the Hollanders, for that no Nation can compare with them: with request of supply the next winds: that he could have had all Lantore Lands delivered him, but did not think it fit, having no goods nor victuals for them; which if it come, in two days will be done, the small league they enter with the Hollander, being but to sustain their hunger; all of them being agreed to have no other peace with them, etc.  
The fift of june, the Holland General Laurence Ryall, in a small ship, came within shot of our Fort, upon Neylackey, having heard by the Defence-fugitives, that most of our men would run away, if they had opportunity: but he expecting them in the Skiffe, was welcomed from me with fourteen shot, that a man was not seen to trim the sails, but they bore up the helm and departed. I sent another Praw with advice for Bantam, jest the former might miscarry by Master Stacy, which departed the eight of july.  
The four and twentieth of December, we had news that the men of Lantore had detained seven Hollanders of their chief and their goods, killing one of them in the taking, the other ransomed for eighty five Bandanese: and so the league was broken. The three and twentieth of February, I had news that the Praw in which Master Stacy went, was cast away, and the King of Botton lent them another for Maccasser. The twelfth of March, we felt a terrible earthquake.  
The five and twentieth of March, 1618. we saw two of our ships about some five leagues from Polaroon coming from the Westwards, with the very last of the westerly winds, and as then being taken with an Easterly wind, which brought the four Holland ships (these we had seen looking out from the twentieth day) up with them, the great Bantam, the Trow the Star and the Swan: These fought with them from two of the clock till nine at night. The fight was in sight of Polaroon some three leagues off. And at midnight came the Attendance Skiffe ashore at Polaroon with four and twenty Bandanese, who told us of three ships, the Solomon, the Thomas, and the Attendance; and how the Thomas had left them in the Streights of Desol●m, and never was seen after; and that the ships could no longer endure the fight, because the Solomon, could not use her lower Teere, and their Powder was naught. The six and twentieth, we lost sight of all the ships, and in the nine and twentieth, all six came into Nero Road, where the Hollanders wore our Colours under their ships sternes in all disgraceful manner.   

§, II. The manner of taking the Solomon and Attendance, in diverse Letters described, Dutch abusive devices by lies to delude and dishearten our men: diverse Extracts of Letters of Master CORTHOP, 
* In Master Co●thops journal are Copies of Letters sent by him or to him.  with other Occurrents.  
THe first of April, Robert Fuller brought news from Lantore, that the Bandaneses were most of them slain by the Hollanders (in taking the ships) and that they fezed the Hollanders twice over board and slew many of them, but were oppressed with number. On the foureteenth, a Hollander with a flag of truce brought me a letter from Master Cassarian David, Commander of the three ships aforesaid, in these words.  
Pooloway, the fourteenth of April, 1618.  
MAster Corthop, my love premised unto yourself, and the rest of your good company, I wish you all health and prosperity. Having at this time (through the General's permission) gotten opportunity to writ unto you, I thought good to let you understand of that, which I think, you do already know too well, that is, of our being surprised by the Hollanders. The General and his Council do allege, that these Island Pooloway and Pooloroan with the rest, is their right, 
False pretence of Commission.  as you have formerly heard them say, and that if any of the English came there for Trade, they have a Commission to make lawful prize of them, and so late experience hath taught us here. For my part I cannot resolve the General of any determinate course, for want of your adui●e, but I wish you were all safe from thence.  
It rests that you do advice with the Merchants and the rest, residing with you, and (if you think good) writ down your determination, and sand it me by this Bearer, that I may the better answer to the General's Propositions, which I cannot do, till we understand each others mind, as for my consent it shall be grounded upon your knowledge and experience of the Island, whether you be able to keep it, or be willing to leave it.  
Our ships, the Solomon and the Attendance, ride at Nero, and our men shared amongst the Dutch ships, being stripped out of all money and clotheses. Myself with one English Boy to attend me, remain upon Pooloway, where the General and his Council do abide, at whose hands I do daily found much favour and kind usage, though watched and looked unto as a prisoner. The Thomas, which was my Vice-admiral, we lost in the Streights of Desalon, and by all judgement; she is there cast away, yet we have no absolute certainty thereof.  
I would be glad to have your presence here for our better proceeding in the business, and the General is willing to sand to Pooloroan a man of fashion to stay there as a pledge in your absence, but always provided, that you enter into a condition with the Country people, that the said pledge have no wrong offered him in your absence, but as you shall return in safety to Pooloroan, so he may return in safety to Pooloway again, of this, I pray you, consider, etc. and confer with the Orankayas, and sand it me in writing by this Bearer, whether you may do so or not: If you think good that it shall be so, fail not to advice me thereof, and the Boat shall come for you again, and bring the General's pledge. And so I commit you to the safe tuition of the Almighty: And rest  
Your ever loving Friend, CASSARIAN DAVID.  
Aboard the Trow in Nero Road, the twenty six of April, 1618.  
MOst loving and kind friend, Master Nathaniel Corthop, I hearty salute you, and beseech God to sand continuance of health unto you all there: Your Letters, yesterday being of us safely received here, ministered much joy unto us all in midst of our lamentations for you, understanding thereby the Flemings notorious lies, who can do little else, 
Lies of English distress.  reporting you all to be in all manner of wants and misery by the Bandanese, against whom they are speedily bend to make an assault upon either Lantore or otherwise Polaroon (but I hope you mistrust the worst) with five hundred Soldiers at lest, now they having here e●ght sail of ships of their own, and within two or three days expect them.  
It pleased Master Geo. Barkley, the twentieth of February, 1616. to sand me with Ric. Hunt, (who died at Bantam) upon the attendant to yourself, but the Monson being spent we could but fetch Maccassar, where I stayed but eleven months, in expectation of our Fleet for Banda, which was a hot one when it came (to encounter with such an Enemy) being but three ships, and the best of them run away aforehand, I mean the Thomas, Master William Hakeridge leaving myself and his Mate Tatten▪ and Pu●ser, with five more of his company aboard the Solomon, and God knoweth what is become of them, which had we been together, doubtless we had gelded them of their great Bantam, but being as we were so deep ships, having upwards of two hundred quoynes of Rice, besides Arack six hundred larres, thirty four bales of cloth with other provisions, as never was Poolaroon so fitted, if it had pleased God, we had all safely here arrived, for that we were too too much over-matched by their great Forces.  

Sickness at Bantam.  There hath been this year a great mortality in Bantam, the chief Factors there, with General Pepwell and the rest kept the ships there so long, that there died above two hundred of our men there before their departure from thence.  
The Frenchmen that arrived at Bantam, these Flemings took their Dutchmen out of them perforce, 
French arrived at Bantam, and how welcomed by the Dutch.  to the overthrow of their Voyage, and for any farther matter not worthy the writing thereof.  
Now to come to ourselves, and our taking the Bantam being nearest us, of the Flemings four ships, yet some distance off, and the five and twentieth of March last passed, about noon shot at us, whom we soon answered again with shot for shot all that afternoon, but our Powder was naught, and could not carry the shot home, when theirs came ever us, but never touched us to the setting of the Sun, soon after the wind coming Easterly, we were in the midst of our foes, and being so much overmatched, were by them surprised and taken, but the Bandanezes' eight of them fought very valiantly, and killed the Flemings, three men outright, and hurt them three more: but the tall man of Pooloway, and another little man with him, played their parts excellently, for they driven the Flemings overboard, by forty at once; some up into the four shrouds, some one way, and some another, that they had scoured the Decks of them all. I think if the Bandanezes had had them upon plain ground, they would have put the Flemings to the sword every man of them, 
Brave spirits of the Bandanezes.  for that they were exceedingly fearful to deal 〈◊〉 them, but by their Boats and subtlety, they killed the Bandanezes, and took seven or eight Boys prisoners, whereof one or two of them is run away and escaped from hence out of their hands, and I hope got safely to you there by this time. Now, after that we came to a parley with the Flemings, 
Base dealing of Brutish Dutch.  they killed us three men basely, both against the Law of Arms and all good manners beside, bringing us afterwards to Nero, where they made pillage (by the Dutch General his order) of all that we had, keeping our men in Irons, these Flemings being so close in all their doings, that their own Skippers cannot know their determination; and yet then General is bound with them in company, or else I think little would be by them performed, what I can I will advice you, though I cannot persuade you, but I beseech God bless you, and all with you.  
Master Cassarian David is kept by the Dutch General at Pooloway, being sent by the chief Factor and counsel at Bantam, Cape Merchant of the Fleet upon the Solomon, and myself his second upon the Thomas, consigned all by Commission unto yourself and is referred to your appointment. The first present I writ Master Cassarian at Pooloway, advising him to acquaint you with all Occurrences what hath passed, that you might not be ignorant of any thing, nor frustrate your hopes in expectation of what now cannot be, I say, the more to blame them at Bantam, so cares●y to keep these ships there so long, unto the eight of januarie, last before, they sent them away from thence, which hath brought upon us all this misery. The ships arrived at Maccassar the second of February last, and through extremity of foul weather it was the seventh of March, before we could set sail from thence. I pray you return my hearty commendations unto Master Muschampe, Master Hayes, and Thomas Ford, with all the rest of our loving friends, there likewise Master Lane, Master Churchman, Master kelum, and Thomas Fowl, commend themselves hearty unto you all, I cannot yet hear from Master Cassarian, I think hereafter we shall go for Amboyna, where Master Davis' is and twenty men more, the rest are at Ternate, I pray you excuse my not formerly writing to you, because I doubted the delivery, and thus much at present shall for this time suffice, and with my kindest commendations unto yourself, I beseech God to keep you out of the hands of all your enemies, and make our meeting joyful to each other, and so in haste I rest,  
Want of conveyance maketh a long passage.  
Your ever loving friend here now Prisoners, Geo. jackson, in the behalf of jacob Lane, Bartholomew Churchman and the rest.  
These Flemings report that the day after we were taken, their other three ships took up the Attendants Skiffe, half full of bloody water, and think those Bandanezes that went away in the Skiffe, 
This was a Lie, for it arrived safe at Poolaroone.  killed one another; and got not to Poolaroone. Wherhfore in your next, I pray you writ the certainty of it, likewise, they report that our men did not run away with the Defence, but would have carried her for Ceyran, but that the Flemings manned out two of their long Boats, and took the Defence, and brought her into Nero.  
Pro idem GEO. JACKSON.  
A Letter from Master Lane Master of the Solomon. From aboard the Trow of Amsterdam, in Nero Road the twelfth of April.  
Loving Friend Master Nathaniel Corthop, I hearty salute, these are to certify you, the seventh of March we departed out of Macasser Road, with the Solomon, the Thomas and the Attendance, Master Cassarian Davis' being our chief Commander of all the ships, the thirteenth of the same month, being near the Streights of Saler, we lost company of the Thomas, which we never heard of since all of us being bound directly for Poolaroone: the five and twentieth of the same month, being break of the day, the Solomon and the Tendance being within four or five leagues of Poolaroone, we saw four sails of Dutch ships, three of them being to the Eastern of us, the other being their Admiral, was near unto the Island of Poolaroone, that day being calm with little wind Easterly, we towed with our Boats and made the best means we could to get the Island, the Dutch ships having the wind of us, bore with us at two a clock in the afternoon, the great Bantam Vice-admiral got within shot of us, and plied her best to us, and we requited her to our power at four a clock; the Star which took the Swan, and the Swan likewise got within shot of us, at eight a clock at night. The Admiral got within a ships length of us, and plied their great Ordnance upon us, killing three men, and hurt thirteen or fourteen men, but would not board us, commanding the chief of us to come aboard their Admiral, and to strike down our Sails, and to take in our Flag, which Master Cassarian caused to be done, and commanding the Skiffe to be manned to go aboard of them, and likewise Master jackson, in another Boat to go aboard another of them, they being there, I could hear no answer from any of them, the Dutch having our two Boats aboard with our chief Commander, sand their four large Boats full of men, to the number of one hundred and forty, or one hundred and fifty men to keep our ships, and to take the Bandaneses which they killed, the Arankayes to the number of twelve of them, the rest they saved alive, and carry them ashore to Nero, for Master Cassarian he is and hath been at Pooloway since we came in here, but for my part with my Mate Churchman, and Master jackson, with thirteen men more, are aboard of the Trow in Irons; but we three, for Master Villes which was Master of the Attendance, he is aboard the Star with many of his men, for the rest of our men they are aboard the Bantam, and the Swan not suffered to go to one another, 
Dutch cruelty.  but lie and far more like slaves than men, which I think will kill many of us. For our things they have taken away all that every man had to their clotheses of their backs; Sir, I understand, that your wants are great at the Island, and that the Country people have got the Castles from you, 
Lye-devices▪  and that within short time they mean to sand you all over here unto the hands of the Dutch, which I wish you could rather get for Macasser, then to come in their hands. The Dutch hath no ships at Buttone, three ships they have now in the offing, or at Amboyna five ships, they have heard if, the three ships get in here, they purpose to come all for Poolaroone, otherwise I think not this year, yet I hear within this seven or eight days, the old Horn a ship of seven or eight hundred tons, with the small Galley and other Boats are to come for Poolaroone, where they understand that the small Castle shall be delivered up unto the Dutch, for the rest of their ships that be here, I heard within this three weeks they are to go for Amboyna. Sir, I have saved these two Letters which Captain Ball delivered me for you, which I used the best means I could to save them for you, and to sand them to you with the best means I could to save them for you, and to sand them to you with the best means I could use, which I desire you may receive, and to sand me answer how all business standeth with you in this case, and I will be glad to pay the Coat off my back to the bearer for an answer, other Letters we have for you and the rest of your company on the Island, which if I can shall be sent you.  
Sir, the Solomon was deep laid with Rice, the Thomas laded with Rice and Rack, and other provision, the Attendance laded with Rice, Fish and Rack and other provision. Thus with my love unto you with the rest of your company, I cease, beseeching God to bless you in your proceed, and deliver us out of the hands of these Tyrants, and sand us all a joyful meeting.  
Your Friend to his poor power to command, JACOB LANE.  
Sir, the General of the Dutch had given express authority unto the Commanders of those ships, that if they meet us, either to sink or burn us before we should recover the Island, or else he would hung them that should be the occasion.  
Adie in the Prison of the Castle Pooloway, july the fifteenth, 1618.  

The Cop●e of a piece o● M. jacksons Letter to M Ball from the Prison in Pooloway Cast●e, july 15. 1618.  Howsoever William Hakeridge hath dealt with me, yet I rest much bound to yourself for your love to me, that thought so well on me, whose thankfulness should undoubtedly have turned to your credit, had it not been by these arrogant thievish Flemings, and Master Hakeridge: otherwise prevented, which mischief grew from a Molajo Letter, written by a Fleming Whore in Maccasser, and sent in a Trunk to Amboyna, advising of our coming: otherwise we had been at our Port before that the Flemings had heard of us. Hereupon the Flemings laid weight for us, with four of their best ships of War, and three more ready to second them if need required. Now the Thomas being lost out of our Company: we plied our Voyage with the Solomon, and the Attendant sailing to the southward of the shoalds that are off a Buttone. And the five and twentieth of March last, by day break we had sight of Polaroone, about five leagues off, presently upon this we descried three sail of Flemings to the Northward, and one to the Eastward, to say, the Bantam, the Trow, the Swan, and the Star that took the Swan, which of these ships the Bantam came somewhat near us about noon, and had we here had the Thomas in our Company, we had surely Gelded them of their great Bantam for that ship was some distance from her Consorts, and seeing our weakness, began fight and shot at us, whom we soon answered again with shot for shot, but our Powder was naught and could not carry the shot home, when the Flemings shot over us, thus we continued but no hurt done of either side to the setting of the Sun, for that we were some distance off, and being sent to too late: the Monson fails us, the wind coming now Easterly, and in the night brought our enemies round about us, at which time of being sent by Master Cassarian aboard their Vice-admiral. The Bantam to know their intent which was according to their protest made at Bantam against us, than the Trow their Admiral very basely shot: the Solomon twice thorough and through, killed there four men, and hurt us ten men more, thus were we by the Flemings surprised, taken Prisoners, and pillaged; who kept us first in their ships at Nero, and now close Prisoners in Pooloway Castle ten of us, 
Perfidious Dutch.  the rest are carried for Amboyna, and the Moluccas.  
Now if our three ships had been sent sooner, we had not only arrived safely at Polaroone with two hundred and fifty Quiens of Rice, for that I know there was no less provided in Maccasser, but also we had gained the whole commodity of Nuts and Mace, with both Country of Banda, and people likewise; and the Flemings could not have bought two hundred Suckles of Mace whereas now they have bought at lest two hundred Tons. The neglect of which thus much importeth, though it prove not the loss of both commodity and Country hereafter.  
The five and twentieth of May last, the Flemings marched with seven hundred and fifty Soldiers against Lantore, but the Bandanezes gave them such a repulse, killing them four men, and hurt them sixteen more, that the Flemings came off again, and never beat their Drum. The Dutch General would not be entreated of us to show us any kindness, neither would he ransom us for any money, it may be that he thinketh the English will take so many of his men, and so ransom one man for another.  
Thus not willing to be over tedious, I beseech you good Sir, to consider our misery, and do what may be for our Releasement.  
Your ever loving Friend to command, George jackson. Pooloway, the 18. of September.  
I sent an answer offering upon pledges to come over to Pooloway, in the Vessel which they should come in.  
The seventeenth of April, the Orrenkayes of Lantore came over to me to confer about keeping the Island another year, which they promised to keep out the Hollander from trading with them, only relying upon our Forces the next year. We agreed to hold it out till the next year. The eighteenth, by a Praw that went to Bottoone, I sent a Letter for Bantam, to be conveyed by that King to our factory at Maccasser, 
M. Courthops' Letter to M. Ball.  signifying the taking of these ships, the unadvisedness in sending them so unseasonably (for one day sooner had brought them in) neither was there above half a day of Westerly winds to bring them to Nero) that many poor men were slain, maimed, or held in slavery worse than Turkish slaves; and had not four or five java junckes come in, for want of victuals we must also have given up, and still line on Rice only with a little fish, which in foul weather is not to be had; daily expecting an assault from the Hollanders, and wish it not so much able to stand out, as willing to make them pay dear, etc. He sent another also for refreshment to the Factor at Maccasser.  
The twentieth of April, we were advertized that within two days the Hollanders would assail us, but they came not. The thirtieth, they trained their men, about seven hundred. I sent another Letter to Master Ball (where, in relating the fight these words are used.) The Attendance before they yielded gave the Bandanezes their small Boat; so they escaped to Poolaroone. But the Solomon was so belayed: that the Bandanezes could not go out of her. Master Cassarian yielded in that manner that if I had been in his place, before I would have done it, I would have sunk down 
* Thus he did foretell his own death in the cause and manner.  right in the Sea. That was in this manner: After they had fought from two till nine at night, being almost board and board, the Dutch called unto him to take in his Colours, strike his sails and come himself aboard, which all he did, they detained him and his Boat. So our men in the ship played a good and wise part likewise: for they perceiving their Commander kept aboard the Dutch ships, went and got the Bandanezes' Swords, and hide them from them: only two of them kept their Swords privately: nineteen had no weapons, and stowed themselves in the ship, and some eight or ten of them with their Creezes and two Swords, at the Hollanders entering of our ship killed the Hollanders at lest forty of them, and hurt diverse more of them; most of this slaughter being done by two of the Bandanezes only. For at their entering our men kept themselves in the forecastle apart, whilst the Bandanezes fought; but at last being taken, the Hollanders killed some twelve, and saved seven of the youngest. So fare as can I perceive, they neither respect right or justice, but stand altogether upon force of Arms. I have but thirty eight men to withstand their force and tyranny, our wants extreme: neither have we victuals or drink but only Rice and water, they have at present eight ships here and two Galleys, and to my knowledge all fitted to come against us. I look daily and hourly for them, etc. He signified also both to him and in a Letter to the Factor at Maccasser, that he had not, since first he came into these Lands, received one Letter or advice from any English.  
In a Letter from Master Lane to M. Courthop, is written that he had sent away the Bandanezes, but one Richard Tawton Master's Mate of the Thomas would not suffer it, for fear of the Dutch severity: and that they seeing no remedy, shot William Shoply, after Master, and cut the ear off of the Gunners Mate near off; another they ran thorough the back. This is like to be the cause of taking away their Swords. The seventh of May, the Solomon went from Nero laden. The five and twentieth, the Hollanders gave an assault on Lantore landing eight companies of Soldiers, containing about five hundred men, but were repulsed with loss of four of theirs and one Bandaneze. The two and twentieth, for further certainty I sent another Letter to Master Ball.  
The eight and twentieth of june, I had a Letter sent me from Master Cassarian David, wherein he signifieth the Dutch threats of perpetual imprisonment, if I came not to better consideration: which I answered, 
Dutch lies to sca●re the Engglish, and sauce their imprisonment.  refelling the Hollanders lies touching the Attendants Boat taken up by them with blood; and another, that I shoved sand the General a Letter to surrender the small Island; and that I have but ten English here: also that the Blacks had possession of my Ordnance, etc.  
The last of june, Master Balls Letter was sent me by Master Lane, which is as followeth.  
MAster Courthop, my hearty commendations to you, and all the rest of your company, with my prayers for your health, and happiness, etc. Yours of the eleventh of April, by Master Thomas Spurway, and the thirtieth of june, by Master Stacy, I received understanding thereby of the Occurrences happened in Banda, which, albeit in many things contrary to our expectation, yet as now not to be avoided, nor by any fair course hoped to have it amended, was it to be doubted that surrender being made to his Majesty of England, of those places, and his subjects in possession, that in so apparent and just cause; the Flemings durst have fallen out into open Hostility with us, in taking the Swan, and making themselves Owners of the Defence, with the imprisonment of our men, but now we have too manifest a proof of their insolency, and that they dare do any thing, that is not above their force, and make the best show of a bad meaning.  
They pretend contracts with the King of Ternate, for defence of his Countries, and with his subjects for their Epices, and all Trade whatsoever, even to the exclusion of all other Nations, justice is too weak to deal with force, and consequently, no pleading with them without force, which I hoped we should have been able this year to have effected, albeit that it falls out to the contrary, but the next I doubt not, but we shall have force to make them know, that free gift and possession is better than contracts, and that they are not to conquer Countries to themselves, under pretence of defending the King of Ternate, being to them in nature of a Prisoner; that are in no command of him, in the mean time our endeavour must be: for the right of our King and honour of our Country, to make good what we have; Master Spurway in his return was charged into Botone by the Flemings, and so belaid for, that had not the King of that place stood his very good friend, he, and his company had fallen into their hands: but by this means while the Flemings waited before the mouth of the River for their coming out, they were conveyed over a neck of Land, and so escaped for Maccasser, where meeting the Attendance they took passage, and came hither, Stacie that Owl, blind in his self will, cast away his Praw upon Botone, the goods all lost, the men only saved, where he left the Ban●anezes, who chose to stay there, in hope to save something for themselves: and by the King's favour got a Praw, and came thither by the way of Maccasser, all the Bills of exchange, only the hundred Rials of Peter van Loa●e: I paid also the Honourable our Employers, loose one quarter thereby, the Cattee of Mac● take● there at a Rial, worth here not three quarters of a Rial, and for him the said van Loare, as he came to you an espy in that place, so at his best opportunity he left us here; leaving, though very loath, his money behind him.  
Captain jordane departed hence in the Clove for England, Christmas last a year, and Captain Barkley our Chief, departed this life the first of March past: here arrived the Fleet of Captain joseph, but not himself, being slain about the Lands of Comora, in fight with a Carrack; who having no means to escape, ran ashore and fired, there was in her besides goods of diverse Fabriques', three and twenty hundred thousand pieces of eight, a pretty Cargazon, and would have done well in our Factories, but it is fallen out, a lass, to the Portugals, and no gain unto us, neither in purse nor credit, as you may understand by others.  
It is given us to understand, by Letters from our Honourable Employers of a second joint Stock, subscribed for twenty hundred thousand pounds; It began the first of this year, the first joint Stock ended in the Fleet of Captain Pring, consisting of seven ships, whereof two, to say, the Hope, and Hound came directly hither, the other five went by, by off Surat, I pray God to bless them, and that performing effectually there, they may arrive hither in safety, the Governor of the Flemings hath been here, but we conferred not together, the cause proceeding of pride in them, and no submission in me: but to be short, as they began, which you see they have continued unto us in Hostile manner. The six and twentieth of November, the Speedwell, Robert jackson Master, bound for jacatra, was taken, and the men all (but one that was slain in the entering her, and one that is since dead) are in Chains, the Governor after the taking of this Pinnace came with sixteen ships into Bantam Road, to brave us which we were content to suffer, in respect of their too much advantage. And now you may understand I have dispeeded these two ships, the Solomon and Thomas for Maccasser, to lad Rice already provided for them, with a good Cargazon of goods, beside of cloth, of diverse sorts for Banda, according to the Inuoyce here enclosed sent you, whereof not doubting your care and diligence for Sales and Returns, I omit in that respect to insert to your memory. For other News and Occurrents here passed since your departure, I commend you unto the Bearers hereof, and so for this time, I commit you to the might and merciful protection of the Almighty.  
Bantam, the seventh of january, 1617. Your ever loving Friend, GEO. BALL.  
The seventh of july, I sent Robert Hayes to Lantore, to view the Road, what convenient place our ships might ride in, free from shot of Nero Castle, and what place we might plant Ordnance to defend our ships, and endamage the Hollanders, which returned with a draught of the Roads there, on the eighteenth. The two and twentieth, I wrote again by a Iaua ●uncke to Master Ball (touching the taking of the ships, the Hollanders proud wearing our colours at their stern, and a long time never ceasing shooting day nor night, as though they had taken half the goods in the World. The third of this present, the General with five ships set sail to the Westwards, sending me word some four days before, that he would come by me, and sand me some flying Messengers to know how I did: but like a bragging, lying, etc.  
The second of August, I sent Master Muschamp in a Banda Praw, with the Sabandar of Pooloway and Inche Tungull, to give intelligence at Bantam: by whom I writ (touching the intolerable pride and tyranny, that the Hollander useth in these parts upon us both, in bodies, and name, and that with a good conscience we may proceed in regard of the great outrage and infamy they have offered us in these parts, both in disgraceful speeches to our King and Nation, and in their barbarous tyranny they have used to our weak forces, being captivated by them: having written how we may offend them by planting Ordnance at Oretaton, etc.  
The thirteenth of August, there came fifteen Portugals borne at Goa, which had been surprised by the Hollanders, from Nero in a Praw, and I gave them entertainment. The fifteenth, I received a Letter from Master Cassarian David, in the name of the English at Pooloway, urging to right what was amiss, 
* M. Courthops magnanimous mind is not more seen in withstanding the Hollanders wrongs, then in bearing the impatience of his Countrymen impotently urging right.  and to call conscience to the Bar (words showing what a hard imprisonment and fair glosses may do with impotent and impatient spirits) which I answered the next day, both with best reason, and sending them relief. I received also a Letter from Master wiles, as followeth.  
From Pooloway, the fifteenth of August, 1618.  
Loving Friend, Master Courthop my love remembered to you and to all the rest of our good friends, etc. Master Courthop, the urgent occasion at this present is to let you understand, about sending the Blacks ashore was this, first about ten of the clock the same day, we being chased by three sail, for my part I went aboard of the Solomon, to see what they were minded to do. Master Cassarian willed me presently to go aboard again, and to be ready to defend ourselves, and to keep fair by him, which indeed I did, and also I could have gone from them at first sight if I would, but I could not have gotten the Island if I had gone at ten of the clock at night, we were fair by the Flemings, the Solomon being within call of us. The Blacks that were in the Solomon, were got into the ships Boat for to go ashore, then was I called to to have our Blacks, for to make themselves ready to go with them, which I did, and looking when the Salomons Boat would come, thinking they had been gone. I gave them our small Boat to carry them: and for my part fain would I have sent you a Letter or some other thing, but being at that time so employed, that I had not time to do as I would: Feign would I have writ more at large, but that time will not permit. So I rest, praying to the Almighty to bless you to in all your affairs. Yours to command, I pray commend me to Master jones. Use to his power the Chirurgeon,  
Matthew wiles.  
Loving and kind Friend, Master Courthop, hearty commendations unto you and the rest of your good company, with all health & prosperity to you in all Affairs: for to relate of our cross Voyage and misfortunes, it is no news. But I hope to see the proudest of them pulled down one day, although we endure the misery of it in the mean time: I am glad to hear of your good prosperity and welfare; the which, I much doubted, long since of your wants: but God will provide for his Servants, although he gives these Horse-turds leave to domineer awhile, whosoever lives will see their Pride abated. I must needs say they do use us well. For I do not know to compare it nearer than to Ludgate, or Newgate: not an inch liberty nor allowance more, than the worst Prisoner they have in keeping, which was commanded at the receit of your last Letter to the General, in the which case I wish you were able to do us any good: but in the mean time I hope God will provide for us. There is this year to come to Bantam the best fleet of ships that ever came out of England, one Martin Friend is General. The Horse-turd that took us was at the Cape with them, in all five ships: the Royal james a new ship Admiral, the Ball Vide-admiral, the Gift rear-admiral, with two ships more which went to Surat: we had the last year eleven ships at Bantam, but the reason of no more coming this way, as I hear was by Master Lucas his coming from the coast, and setting Captain Ball and Captain Pepwell together by the ears: because Lucas must have a ship to go home: for afore Lucas came Captain Pepwell was minded to come this way, but time will not permit to writ any more, so in haste I take my leave.  
I had a Box of stones of yours which I did employ for your use in Rice. Some of them, and the remainder I brought back, but all is lost: for I had some necessaries for you, as linen and some clotheses, but all is gone, and not able to help myself: you shall receive a Letter from Captain Ball, which I got out of the Solomon after she was taken, but it was opened. I pray commend me to Master Muschampe, Mastrr Hayes, and Master Ford, Thomas Miller.  
Yours to my power, kelum Throgmorton.  
The nineteenth, Master David sent me a Letter from Master Ball, bearing date the six and twentieth of january, expressing his cares and endeavours for furthering the Banda business; that it falleth out so late in the year before I sand unto you hath been caused through discord betwixt Captain P. and myself, who of himself weak and extreme covetous, 
Disagreement of the English, advantageous to the Dutch: I had the whole Letter, which being long I have expressed this only.  and instigated by his proud and insolent Masters, did obstinately insist to cross our Designs, thinking to bring us under his command. If this Captain and his Masters had been, they had this year come for Banda, to have made further trial of these Flemings, that threaten fire and sword; but have sent only two or three ships that are worst able to hold out; which if not catched up by the Fleming, will be sufficient. But if taken, the loss will be the less unto us. I shall not be able to sand you Beef, Pork, or Powder for your relief, because I can get none from these new-come ships, how much it doth grieve us, that we are able to do no better, etc.  
The Commander Captain Derickson used the English Prisoners with some kindness, 
Some of the Dutch kind to the English▪  and more would, but for Rials strict command: him therefore I did writ unto, with thanks, etc. who also passed on the three and twentieth of August, by the Island of Neylackey, and strooke his main topsail; 
D●ricksons kindness.  and there was shot in kindness betwixt us on either part some five or six Pieces; he going for the Moluccas. The six and twentieth, the Hollanders Frigate fetching water at Solomon, were beset by Lantore men, one killed and diverse hurt, and had been all taken but for discovery by Solomon men.  
The tenth of September, I sent Will●am Newbegin with supply of two Goats twelve Hens, Mackerel, 
The Captain his kindness, to the English.  Oranges, and other trifles to the English at Pooloway. The Messenger returned with a Letter from Master Cassarian David, commending the usage of the Captain since the departure of the Commander, in what he might be bold without offending orders prescribed unto him, that the Solomon and Thomas were sent away with goods and victuals, and one and twenty days after the Attendance, 
English dissensions & vanity  wherein I was to shape my course directly for Poolaroone: but by reason the Solomon and Thomas as both ware their flags in the mayne-top, and that in sight, in going out of the Road of Bantam, the Precedent thinking it done in pride by the two Ship-masters, as also shaping a forbidden course for water at Pontang: therefore it was decreed that I should first go to Maccas●er, there to take the government of the three ships and dispose them after the order of a Fleet. If it had not been for striving for authority between Captain P. and Captain B. You should have been visited last year with the Charles and the Unicorn, and other good ships. But multitude of Commanders maketh a confused government, which is the only cause of ours, and your faring the worse this year, etc.  
Here followeth also a Letter from the English at Amboyna, to Master David.  
Captain, I hearty commend me unto you and to our Master and his Mate, and all the rest of the Company, this is to let you understand, that I am in good health, and all the rest of our Company, only Andrew Keel and Thomas Sweet is dead, but all the rest are in good health, but used very basely: for we are kept in Irons night and day, and if we have not a Releasement the sooner, I think it will make an end of us all. I marvel much we could not hear from you by the Frigate, which made me the more forgetful to writ unto you. Not more at this time, but the Lord have you in his keeping. From Amboyna, this third of October, 1618.  
Your Friend to command to his power, Richard Nash.  
I received Copies of certain notes, The first a petition of the English for shift of clotheses and to be freed of Irons in the day time; 
Petitions of the English Prisoners to the Dutch General cruelly rejected.  which was in some sort granted. The second, that each man might come before the General to speak for his liberty, which would not be granted. The third, that the Dutch General might give us an old ship, Pinnace or Praw to carry us to Bantam; or that he would set a ransom on the English Prisoners, which he would neither grant nor hear of; but answered, that he would keep us Prisoners so long as any English were upon Poolaroone. The seventh of june we were sent for Pooloway. The fourth humble petition of the Prisoners in Nero Road. The fourth of june, 1618. Humbly showing unto your good Lordship, that whereas your Lordship's poor Petitioners and Prisoners, being altogether doubtful of any speedy Releasement, and desirous to avoid the dangers of sickness and mortality, incident to all men in these unwholesome Countries, do therefore beseech your Lordship, that it may stand with your Lordship's pleasure to grant unto your Lordships said Petitioners, licence & favour to go for Holland this year in your Lordship's ships. And so your Lordship's poor Prisoners shall do our best endeavours to do your Lordship's service in our passage, wishing there may be a good end of all these differences; and thus hoping of your Lordship's favourable charity herein towards us poor Prisoners; we will pray for the prosperous success of your Lordship's Affairs. The Petition would be granted. The fifth, on the second of july, Humbly showeth unto your Lordship, that we poor Prisoners now in this Castle of Pooloway, do petition unto your Lordship, that we may be allowed such victuals as may sustain our bodies without famishment, and that your Lordship will be pleased to spare us money to buy such things as are needful for us: for our clothing at this time is but very bore. Wherhfore we beseech your Lordship to take some course for us before your Lordship's departure from hence. Likewise we beseech your Lordship, that we may be suffered to walk abroad at several times, as your Lordship shall be pleased to give order. And so your Lordship's poor Prisoners shall pray for the good success of your Lordship's Affairs. Which would not be granted.   

§ III. Other Acts of the Hollanders in diverse places of the Indieses: Encouragements from Sir THOMAS DALE, Master JORDAN and others, and various events in those parts till his death.  
THe seven and twentieth of September, I sent Robert Hayes with a white flag to visit the English Prisoners, and to carry such refreshment as Poolaroone affordeth, who being kindly used by the Hollanders, returned that night. The eight and twentieth of October, I likewise sent Arthur Atkinson to Pooloway with refreshing. The tenth of November, the Hollanders made an ambushment ashore at Oretaton, but caught one slave only whom they cut to pieces. The thirteenth of December, 
News of the Thomas.  here arrived a Keydupa Prow laden with Coco Nuts: she brought news that the Thomas was gone for the Moluccas.  
The fourteenth of january, I had provisions from Lantore, with Abraham that went with Master Mustian for Maccasser, who by the unskilfulness of the Pilot ●ell w●th Rosingang an Island six leagues to lee-wards to our great troubles, to fetch provision in small Boats hither. He brought diverse Letters, one from Master Staverton, in which is mention of the Hollanders, 
M. Stavertons Lette●▪  that through their brutish usage and rapine, taking of junckes of all places, they have excluded themselves all java, and the Rice Countries, except where they hold by force: for Bantam, jacatra, and sapara, I refer you to the Precedents Letter.  
The two and twentieth of November last, here came three of their great ships braving, to this place, and first came to an Anchor of Tennacooke Castle, without showing any Colours. And at night, it b'ing fair Moon light, they came nearer into the Road: and one of them went and road under the Island under point jantava. And in the morning, they commanded two java junckes of jacatra, having in them some fifty Quoin of Rice, and by the java No●hoda, sent a Letter ashore to the King, and great men of Maccasser, pretending Debts and required satisfaction for their men's lives murdered two years since, which they would balance with so many lives of men of quality at Maccasser. The King sent an answer, what I know not, and they writ again, but he answered not. They burned one of the java junckes, and on the six and twentieth, set sail as we conjecture for Amboyna. 
The goods in the ships which the D●tch took.  The last year I wrote what provision I laded on the ship Solomon, one hundred and one Quoin, three hundred seventy seven g. of Rice: on the Thomas seventy five q. eighty four g. On the Attendance sixteen q. five hundred seventy six g. (one hundred ninety three q. two hundred thirty seven g.) eight hundred sixty five jars of Aracke, most upon the Thomas: also sundry other provisions divided upon the ships, which with Rack and Rice amounted to three thousand nine hundred and sixteen Mas. What provision was laden from Bantam and jacatra, 
* 
But for prolixity I had added the invoice of goods from thence which I had▪ written by M. Ball. D●●th of many; of Captain Newport. Spaniards and Portugals at Io●tan, kill M. jackson.  
Iap●ra spoilt. Iaca●ra abused, Bactam frighted.   I know not, etc. The last year▪ happened great mortality; there died out of the Hope, Captain Newport that worthy Seaman and Commander, also Henry Ravens Master, and forty more of that ships company. Out of the james, Captain Child, etc.  
He sent to me Master Balls Letter to him (wherein is relation of Master jacksons loss with juncke, goods and slaves, except three which saved themselves by swimming, as by writing from his Father appeareth. For wanting Rice and necessaries he put into jortan to the number of three and twe●tie, under colour of bringing provisions aboard, entered the juncke, and killed him and all his company but three which leapt overboard, and carried the juncke away: the rest of the Port remaining ashore are Prisoners to the King to answer for their fellows. The Flemings landed at japara by night, fired the Town, and seven or eight junckes in the road. The people fled to the Mountains, they have forcibly built a Fort upon the main at jacatra, and another upon the Lands over against the watering place, which makes the Pangram of Bantam, look about him.  
The seven and twentieth of january, here arrived a small Pinnace called the Francis, with advice from the Fleet and relief, Master Robert jackson, Master.  
Sir Thomas Dales Letter, as followeth.  
MAster Courthop, as unknown I remember my love, which I will always be ready to express, in respect of your worthy service, for the honour of our Country, and benefit of our Honourable Employers: and do desire you ●o proceed in your good resolution, with the rest of your honest Company; nothing doubting▪ but that the Company will recompense your deserts to the full. I have sent you by this Beare● only to supply your present wants; the particulars are enclosed in the Precedents Letter: and will, if God spare me life, 〈…〉 follows my stay being only, to revenge in part the abuses received from them, having now an 〈◊〉 tunitie by a difference betwixt them & the King of jacatra▪ to put them from thence, if God give the blessing, which I intent forthwith to put in execution: If it shall please God to give good success, I shall leave all safe behind me, and may proceed with the better resolution: if otherwise, yet I must adventure forward to affronted them there, although I leave an ill Neighbour behind me. I have already given them a taste of twelve hundred great shot from six of our ships within the space of four hours, between Bantam and jacatra: which they did so much mislike, that they left us in the plain field, and fled before us to the East-wards thorough the Bay of jacatra, in sight of their Castle Real. For other news I refer you to the Precedents Letter, not doubting but that he hath satisfied you at large. And thus with my best wishes for your health and safety. I take my leave until I come.  
Remaining your assured Friend, THO. DALE.  
The PRECEDENTS Letters.  
MAster Nathaniel Courthop, we hearty salute you with the rest, we have thought it good at present to sand you this small Pinnace, the Little Francis, as an Adviser with such provisions as she is able to carry, thereby to comfort you and your Company in the interim, not doubting but as you have begun, so you will continued with a constant resolution to defend the place: when you are also to encourage the Country people of Pooloway, Poolaroone and Lantore, and for the better satisfaction of the Country people we have sent in the Pinnace one or two of the Bandanezes; to relate unto them the just wars that we have with the Dutch. For shortly after our arrival at Bantam, the two and twentieth of November, with five ships, wherein is Admiral for the Sea, Sir Thomas Dale Knight, we understanding so many injuries and insolences done to our Nation, aswell in those parts as in all other places of the India, we took one of their ships called the Read Lion, laden with Rice, Pepper, and other Commodities. Whereupon out of their great pride they imprisoned two of our Merchants at jacatra, and chained them in their Gatehouse, to the view of all the Country people. And not content herewith, their house being strong fortified with much Ordnance in it, shot at our Goodoung, and set fire to it and burned it to the ground: as also they shot into the java quarter into the King's house, and killed many javas, and razed the China quarter to the ground with their Ordnance, and with fire. And the King hath shot some Ordnance against their house or Fort, and hath had many Skirmishes with them, so that of both sides there hath been slaughter, but most of the javas. Now the King of jacatra seeing himself in a strait, sent a Messenger to Bantam, desiring aid of us. And calling here a Council, concluded to sand a fleet of eleven Sail of ships, wherein goeth Sir Thomas Dale, and Captain Pring Commanders, not only to surprise their ships, but also to destroy their Fort, if it please God to give a blessing thereunto. Which being once effected, by God's grace, we determine to proceed for Banda and the Moluccas, hoping in God that we shall be able to lay some part of their insolent pride. If not altogether this year, yet the next we expect a fare greater fleet thereby at once to finish all. And whereas the proud Laurence Real (the Dutch General that was) hath falsely reported that he hath Letters Patents from his Majesty of England to surprise us in those parts of Banda, and the Moluccas, we take notice thereof, and will put it in print amongst the rest of their lies, out of whose mouth there cometh not a true word. We like very well of your former proceed, and of your large advice concerning those parts, praying you to continued therein, and with a steadfast resolution, notwithstanding the Hollanders threatening, to defend the place until we sand further aid. And no doubt, but the Honourable Company will highly reward you and all those that faithfully and truly do their endeavour in their affairs. Thus leaving further to insert at present, referring all things to our next, in which God willing, we will writ you more at large, praying God to prospero your proceed to his glory, and your hearts desire.  
Bantam, the three and twentieth of December, 1618. Your loving Friends, 

john jordan,  
Augustine Spaldwin,  
George Ball.    

Postscript of Master jordan.  THe james and the Bantam arrived at Bantam from jambe, the one and twentieth dicto, by whom we understand of the death of Master Richard Westly, murdered there by the Dutch, they inviting him to their house, to give him his soy, he being bound for Bantam in these ships, and there ended his life. The three and twentieth dicto, I set sail in the james, Hound and Petty France from Bantam, towards the Fleet, which lay about the Lands of jacatra near the Holland fleet, hoping to have been with them before they had begun any fight. But the very same day in the morning, the Fleets had a very hot encounter for the space of four hours, our men valiantly fight, and they no less defending our Fic●ec, having shot about twelve hundred shot to the Hollanders; so that they have had such a breakfast that they will not abide a second, but fly before us, as we suppose, only to draw us to the East-wards from their Fort, supposing that we shall not be able to come up this Monson. But we have not followed them further than the Easter point of jacatra, whereas we have lost sight of them, and know not as yet which way they are gone either to the Eastward or to the Westward.  
Your loving Friend, john jordane.  
The second of February, we by council ordered that the Francis should ride under the Fort, to relieve such junckes as should come thither for relief: diverse of which with some Praw or Curracorra they had intercepted, so to starve the Inhabitants. The fift, came a Praw from Pooloway with Letters from the English Prisoners, 
Letter from the Prisoners complaining of many of them dead by misery of imprisonment.  deploring that lying in misery and irons many of them have lost their lives, who if they had been at liberty might have been alive, and have done their King and Country good service, and praying to supply their wants by that Praw with money and what else could be sent, not knowing whether they might be suffered hereafter to sand or no: which I answered with Certificate of the news and provision.  
The thirteenth of February, there were three ships in Nero Road, one whereof had her beak head shot off, and shot thorough in forty places. I guessed it one of the ships which were in the skirmish at jacatra.  
The eighteenth, I received a Letter by a Praw from Wayre, from Bartholomew Churchman, wherein with thanks for things sent, he certifieth that the Angel came from Amboyna that night, where they left their General to get all their forces together, 
Dutch preparation.  which will be fourteen or fifteen ships with the old General too, that cometh from Ternate: and shortly they look for their Fleet from the Maneelos, which is ten ships. And they say they will go all to java together, and where they had the overthrow, there again they will set upon our ships to recover their former loss and disgrace in sight of all the javas. But I think they will be hanged before they meet upon equal terms. Three days after we had received your Letter, they brought us all to Nero, where they do allow us now more victuals and liberty, than they did before (God be thanked therefore) and within two or three days we are to go for Amboyna in the Angel etc.  
The two and twentieth of April, 1619. I did writ to Master Staverton at Maccasser, and also to Master Precedent, certifying that at that time there was neither Holland ship nor Galley in Banda: and had the English ships comen as they promised, I verily think there would not at the end of this Monson been left one Hollander, enemy to us in Banda, by reason, I know, the World was never so hard with them: their wants being extreme, both for men and victuals: likely that few of their Soldiers but would have fled to us: we having neither stock nor victuals, but bore encouragement of words, etc.  
The eight of june, the Pinnace set sail for Setran, and returned the fourteenth of july, with fifty thousand Cakes of Sago.  
The three and twentieth of August, I sent her thither again. She returned the five and twentieth of November, so full of leaks, that the third of December we haled her on shore, and found her so rotten that we saved what we could, and set fire on the rest.  
The fift of December, there came a Lantore Coracora, which brought news that four days before they had taken a Holland Praw rowing from Nero to Pooloway, there being four Holland Prawes in company, bound for Pooloway, who came by Lantore daring the Banda men to come forth: who manned two Prawes, and followed them almost to Pooloway, and took one of them, and killed all the men, being twenty Blacks and nine Hollanders. The Lantore men are now in heart: and now I have gotten the Banda men to repair the Fort at the Island, being much out of reparations. The four and twentieth of December, here arrived a juncke from Maccasser, which brought us some provision, but no news from the West. That day Master jackson misse-behaving himself to the Captain was censured.  
The twelfth of january, an Holland Coracora which came from Amboyna with Letters to the Captain of Nero, put off by a gust, was taken by the Islanders. The Letters contained their losing of Bachan to the Spaniards, and their troubles at Amboyna and Luho, but no news from the West. The thirtieth, I sent over Robert Hayes with the Priest of Pooloway to Lantore, 
Surrender of Lantore talked of.  to confer with the Orancaias there about the surrender of their Land to the King's Majesty of England; to which they all agreed, that the Sabandar of Lantore should be the man to come over and agreed with me about that business. And that whatsoever he should agreed upon, the whole Country would affirm unto. Also I sent to them concerning their making Islams of all such Hollanders as came running from Nero, which caused so few to come. They promised it should be no more so: but hereafter, as they should see cause, they would either kill them or sand them to me. 
Making Mo●●es of Christians.   
The eight and twentieth, went by a Holland ship, and never touched at Pooloway, nor Nero; only a Boat came aboard her, and whither she went I know not. I guessed, they brought no relief, and therefore would not stay for fear of Mutinies amongst the Soldiers, they being in great want and distress for victuals. Whiles Master Hayes was over at Lantore, the Hollanders broke league with the Solamon men, taking three Prawes of theirs.  
The thirteenth of February, came in a java juncke, and a Praw of this Island, with Sago from Buro. 
Holland Fleet reported thirty four Sail.  The javas could tell us no certain news of our shipping, but they reported that thirty four Holland ships w●re at Bantam, and that fifteen English ships were gone thorough the Streights of Sunda: and thought that no English ship would be here this year: which was cold comfort to me, which had neither direction nor stocks. Many junckes arrived which could tell no other news, one a Portugal Frigate, and in her Mattheus a Black whom I had sent the last Easterly winds to Maccasser, which brought Letters from thence, but juncke and Letters were cast away. He came in this Frigate which was bound for the Moluccas, but having stricken on a Rock and leak, was persuaded to come to Poolaroone. I took up all his lading, God make me able to pay him.  
The twentieth of March, I received a Letter sent from Master Staverton at Maccasser, dated the seventh of February, wherein is mentioned the report of the Hound and Samson, taken at Patania by the Dutch, the B●are, Rose, Hope, and Dragon at Tecoo; and at Bantam, a ship called the Star, 
Seven English ships taken in diverse places by the Hollanders.  new come out of England: complaining also of wants there, by neglect at Bantam. The two and twentieth, here arrived a Praw from Maccasser, with one Guilliam Gaultier a Frenchman's goods sent me to cell for him. The loss of the ships aforesaid, I thought good to add out of a Letter of Master Muschamp, to Master Courthop.  
Laus Deo in jacatra, this ninth of March, 1619.  
WOrthy and respected friend hearty salutations: my hope was to have been my own Messenger, but there was an unfortunate change, and time spent to little purpose, the manner I refer to future relation, not being desirous to censure my superiors, only to clear myself of the trust you imposed upon me, which I prosecuted with all: ●endeuours, and to perform my promise in returning, freed myself from the chief Merchant's place in Bantam. After all hope was passed of coming to you I was appointed chief for Siam, and went with the Precedent for Patania, where we fell in the hands of our Enemies, and in the defence of our ships and goods, performed what we were able: but the Elements fought against us▪ for contrary to the common course, we had neither wind nor tide to thwart the ship to bring our Ordnance to bear, and they breathed themselves to our great disadvantage, which we might have helped overnight, if the Precedent had not stood too much upon points of honour in the sight of the Country people, which in his own person he endeavoured to maintain, with as much resolution as ever did any Commander, and most part of us seconded, with our best endeavours as long as we were able, until many of v● were killed and hurt. Than the Precedent sounded a parley, and in talking with Henrike johnson, received his death's wound with a Musket, and they presently surprised our ships, made pillage of all we had, but gave most part of us our liberty, by reason of our wounds, where I continued four months in miserable torture with the loss of my right leg, (shot off with a Canon) for want of Medicines to apply to it. Afterwards we came to seek our Fleet in three Prawes, and left two of them with Master Weldin, and forty men for the defence of our factory at jambe: the residue being six and twenty with myself, came for Bantam, this king to have found our Fleet, where we were surprised with their ships and boats, and now remain Prisoners with them, which is more grievous to me then the re●t, by reason of the want of my leg, and urgeth me to solicit to go home in their ships, which will be an unseasonable and discontented passage at this time, but in the case I am in, I do not much value my life, and have every day less comfort and courage to remain in these parts for either you or myself, howsoever I make no question, our honourable Master's will truly vain your deserts. God sand you well home, to receive the guerdon thereof, and the comfort of your friends, who as I hear are very desirous to see you, 
His name Robert Holding now at japarra.  and your elder brother wished the Pursers' Mate of the Star to tell you, that you should come home with the first, and that while he had a penny you should not want to receive it.  
The news since our taking, as followeth.  
The Star comen out of England, taken in the straits of Sunda: the Dragon, Expedition, Rose, and Bear taken at Tecoo, with six of their ships, they came upon them unprovided, and the Decks of the Dragon was so pestered with Pepper and other things, that they could not use one quarter of their Ordnance, so that they were taken without any great resistance: the residue of our Fleet are at the Coast: viz. ten ships, where it is supposed they stay to join with seven ships that are at Surat, and three of the King of Denmark's ships, which will be of force sufficient to revenge our injuries, if God be of our side and that they have no new force out of Holland: they have now not above fourteen ships before Bantam, and the Pangram continues their mortal Enemy, all the forces they have (which was thirty sail at one time) cannot bring him to any composition, but wholly relieth upon our Fleet, and his own strength, which will much advantage the Companies Trade, if they be of force to make their own way, and assist him according to expectation.  
Excuse my unperfect advice, for I have neither time nor place to writ as I would, when occasion shall serve, you shall found me always ready to deserve your love and friendship, remember my love to Master Hayes, Master jones, john Elmor, Thomas Dobins and all the rest, with my dearest affection to yourself: I rest now and ever  
Your faithful friend to his power, George Muschampe.  
The eight and twentieth of March, 1620. here arrived a juncke from jortan, laden with Rice. The third of April, three Holland ships sailed into Nero Road.  
This year I had no Letter nor any advice from our Commanders at Bantam, nor any supply: and am enforced to take up all my men's goods, to buy victuals, to pay fifty per cento, per annum interest. The thirtieth, I sent a Letter to the Precedent and Commanders signifying my wants, and if the Portugal Frigate had not come in, I must have given over the place, whom yet I am enforced to sand to Bantam for his payment on my Bill. God grant me good getting out of these Country people's hands: for they have spent their Gold and estates, beggering themselves: and diverse of them losing, some their lives, others their liberties in holding out in expectation of the English forces. Can the Heathens sail to and again, as also all other Nations, French and Portugals, and only the English fear to adventure the Companies goods, passing over the matter with rub out another year? we have rubbed off the skin already, and if we rub any longer, shall rub to the bone; I pray look to it, etc.  
The third of May, the long expected jurotinge arrived with his juncke, Master West died of the Flux.  
The twentieth of june, I sent Letters to Maccasser, with a Letter enclosed to the Precedent and Commanders, advising to sand a ship with provisions, and of the Lantore men holding out still in expectation, and that except some such course be taken, they should see me before they should hear any further from me.  
The three and twentieth of September, jurotinge set sail for Maccasser, whom I sent to fetch Rice: and with him three China men, which ran from Nero to the Blacks at Lantore, which but for me would have forced them to turn Slammes.    

CHAP. X. The continuation of the former journal by Master ROBERT HAYES, containing the death of Captain COURTHOP, succession of ROBERT HAYES, surrender of Lantore to His Majesty, news of the peace, and after the peace Lantore and Poolaroone seized by the Dutch, with abominable wrongs to the English.  
THe eighteenth of October, 1620. Our Captain Nathaniel Courthop came to me Robert Hayes, and said that he heard say, there were two Prawes gone into Lantore yesterday, which were Key Prawes as he thought (yet were not) and in regard of former abuses to jurotingee, he would go and revenge the same. I prayed him to stay till he heard from thence whether it were so or no: 
This jurotinge, M. Staverton in a Letter of his which I have, calleth an unlucky fellow (as here he proved) seeming a black Sain●, being a black Devil.  But he refused saying, if they were not of Key, it were but so much labour lost, & now he might go with the Priest. Thus went he over that night with his Boy William, well fitted with Muskets and weapons; promising to return in five days, and bidding me sand for water on the three and twentieth, which I did, but he came not, and sent me word he would come the six and twentieth at n●ght. He came accordingly part of the way, the Priest staying at Lantore, because it was a great Feast with the Blacks the next day. There were one and twenty persons in the Boat with six Muskets and Fowling Pieces of the Companies, and goods of the Captain to the value of one hundred and fifty Rials of eight or upwards. Coming thwart of Pooloway, about two or three a clock in the morning, they met with the Hollanders Cor●cora and one Praw more with some forty small shot, and coming up with them fought with them: where the Captain behaved himself courageously until diverse of the Banda men were slain. And the Captain also receiving a shot on the breast sat down, and with all his Piece being cloyed threw it overboard, and then leapt overboard himself in his clotheses, 
Captain Corthop wounded, leaps overboard.  the Praw being too hot to stay in. And what became of him I know not: but the Blacks say surely he there sunk, by reason of his wounds and his clotheses all about him. There came of those one and twenty persons, seven ashore, who had not been wounded, and were strong to swim, the space being some five miles. The same night rial a Dutchman (formerly turned Moor) ran away to the Hollanders with a small Praw.  

Master Hayes succeeds.  The seven and twentieth of October, I went to the Fort at Neylackey, and calling the Company together, demanded of them their purpose: and they all promised that as formerly they had been ruled by the Captain, so now they would be ruled by me Robert Hayes, as knowing before that I was to succeed in case of Mortality. I took order concerning better watch, having but twenty three men on Neylackey, and two barrels of Powder with that which was in the Guns. The one and thirtieth, I sent a small Praw to Lantore, with four men to certify Robert Randall of business. 
New agreement betwixt the new Captain and the people.  The same night the Sabander Rato, came with a Coracora and an Orankay, well provided to bring over the Priest and Robert Randall with them. So all the chief of the Country came to the Fort on Saturday in the Evening the fourth of November, and called all our company, demanded whom they should now (our Captain being dead) trust to take charge: they all answered, Master Hayes: they further demanded, if they would stand to that which I should promise', because they were not to make agreement with a multitude without a head. They all answered, they would perform all my agreements and promises to the utmost of their power. I then being settled in my business, demanded thirty men each night to come to watch with us, viz. fifteen at the Island, and fifteen betwixt the two Forts; for that I feared assault in the night: and it was agreed.  
The fift of November, the Sabander Rato came with the Priest to me, to know my determination about four Pieces of Ordnance, which the Captain had promised to Lantore, as Master Randall knew & myself; and perusing the Precedents Letter to go thorough with them of Lantore, as we had done with them of Poolaroone and Pooloway; I answered, that if the Chief would come over and agreed with me, I would perform their request. The seventh, Robert Randall went back with the said Sab. Rato in the Corocora, which Rato said he would certify the S●b. of Lantore and the Orankayes of my answer; and that within three days I should expect them again. At present here were seven Key Prawes in the Road, and the seventeenth, I manned our Oranbay with a Murderer, and seven Muskets, and went with other five Muskets on the Flanker at F●riat, and sent to the Key-men that two of their Chief should come and confer with me about the cloth stolen from jurotinge: 
Key-men chastised.  But they all swam on shore, till the Country people took up the matter, and gave me two Key-men pledges, whom I kept at Neylarkey.  
The four and twentieth, came three Corocoras with other Prawes from Lantore, for the Guns promised: and upon their demand of aid of us, and agreement to surrender their Land to the King's Majesty of England, I gave them two Sakers and one Demiculuerin. The same day the Key-case was ended. And the same day they of Lantore surrendered the Land to the Kings most excellent Majesty. 
Lantore surrendered to the King.   
The six and twentieth of November, we saw a sail to the West, and all the chief of Banda being here put off with thirteen Corocoras, and came up with her, being a Holland Aduisor from japan and Amboyna, 
Dutch Aduisor taken.  with Letters for Banda. They killed four and kept three alive, being in all seven Hollanders. The Letters they brought me, but I could not attain to the full contents by want of the Dutch Language. Only thus I found that the English and Hollander were agreed at home, and I read the thirtieth Article of agreement betwixt us and them: so that I thought it not unfit to sand the Letters to Pooloway. I would have kept the business from the Banda men; but than it would have been worse for us. I therefore disclosed it to the Priest of Pooloway, so to frame our answer to the whole Country, namely, that ships both English and Dutch were to come thither to end the business, and that it were good those Writings should be sent to the Hollanders to redeem their three men with six Blacks. We were glad of the agreement, but knew not how to clear ourselves of the Country people, in case of peace.  
The eight and twentieth, I sent Robert Monday with six Banda slaves to Pooloway with a flag of Truce and that packet of Letters, and to redeem their men, and to sand word whether they would persist in their rigorous courses, or be still till ships came: which if they refused, that they take notice that the Banda men are in hand with a stratagem against them (f●r they purposed to make use of their Ordnance, and beside, to set on their Frigate, but I would not disclose the particulars.) The nine and twentieth, my Messenger came back with a Letter written.  
To his loving Friend Master Robert Hayes, Factor for the English upon Poolaroone.  
WOrthy Sir, your Letters of the eight and twentieth of November, we have received, also the packet of Letters which were by it, and have with great joy and gladness understood the friendship and agreement between both our Masters: wherewithal is ended war which was begun with great blood shedding, 
The Letter of the Dutch to the English about the peace  not fitting for two Nations which have been so good Friends as yours and ours have been. We have further understood with sadness the loss of the Campas and the kill of four men at the taking of her: likewise of three which are the Banda mens Prisoners, for the redeeming of which they will have six men: howsoever, I will not leave them un-redeemed. The Captain Nathaniel is killed in the Prow, for which God knoweth I was hearty sorry. 
M. Courthop buried by the Dutch.  We have buried him so stately and honestly as ever we could fitting for such a man.  
He proceeds with desire that Master Hayes and an Orankaia should come that they might confer upon some truce with the Bandanezes till the ships coming, wherein they should well agreed if they would let them have Mace and Nuts for their money: with promise of security, a present, thanks and commendations.  
Dated Pooloway, in the Castle of Revenge this ninth of Decemb. Anno 1620. stilo novo. Your loving Friend William van Anthon.  
The second of December, the Priest was content to take man for man, but freemen; and if they had not, so many hundred Rials of 8. for the third. And I writ so by Ed. Twelves, and advised them of going between Lantore and Guning Apee, and of an action in hand, etc. The third my Messenger returned with a Holland Prow rowed by Spaniards, and two Hollanders, the Minister and an Ancient-bearer which brought Nocoda Ishmael, Mirnie, and one hundred Rials of eight. And I suffered no Banda man to come to the Island but only the Priest, and exchanged the Prisoners. I entertained the Hollanders in the best manner I could, but would not suffer them as they desired to speak with a Banda Orancaia, suspecting it was for trade. In the Letter of van Anthon, he writes, Touching the truce of which you writ, is not only between Yours and Our Masters made a truce, but also a good and sure peace. Therefore there is nothing to say between you and us. When it please you, you may go wheresoever you list, etc.  
The fift day, the Western Monson blew with rain, God be thanked, 
Monsons'. Want of water  for we had no water fell to any purpose, since the beginning of june last being six months, so that we went to Lantore seven times for water, besides that I hired the Key-men once. The same day came a Praw from Beynawre, 
Beynawre.  and told of twenty Corocoras gone from Seyram to Amboyna against the Hollander, besides many small Prowess. There came over the Sabander Rato, and Sab. Lantore with a Coracora and two Oranbaygs for their other Gun: and told that the Hollanders sued for peace and Trade with the Lantore men and those of Solomon, but were deferred till ten days for answer. I bade them remember their Surrender, and how they had promised in writing to cell no Spice but to the English. Thus the Hollander sought by policy what he could, notwithstanding the news was public.  
The eighteenth, I had word that the Hollanders came to seek for Trade with the Lantore men, which would not agreed except they would restore them one of the Lands of Nero or Pooloway: whereupon the Hollanders Messenger returned to Nero, and pulled down their white Flags which had stood some ten days, and set read in place, and sent the Frigate to shoot into Lantore. And at night the Lantore men sent three Blacks in a small Praw to Nero, which killed a Hollander in a house without the Castle. And the Sab. Rato sent me word that they would keep their Spice for the English only.  
The one and twentieth of December, here arrived at the Lucon a China juncke from Maccasser, with a little Rice and Rack from the Factor and Letters, but no news from the West; so that we knew more News here then they there. He also protested in his Letter, that he had that on trust, having no means left but borrowing, the people censuring and the Portugals laughing hereat. Dated the nine and twentieth of November, to Captain Courthop.  
The nineteenth of january, I sent over the Sews to fetch Letters from Master Staverton, in a Portugal juncke. I heard then by Master Randall Letter, that the Hollanders had burned the great China juncke with our Flag in her, and took our Letters and all the China men Prisoners: but the Lantore men will redeem them with two Hollanders, they took in a small Prow, 
Dutch cunning.  having killed the third. But the Hollanders care not so much to redeem their men, as to have Trade with the Blacks. They do what lieth in their power to set the Banda men and us at difference. For any Sails they see they pursue, under the reach of Ordnance: and being pursued by Banda Coracoras, put out a white Flag to us: which I think basely done. They were entreated by me to be still till the Fleets came but they will not, though themselves go by the worst. They profess friendship to the English, and skirmish with the Bandanezes, with whom we live.  
The Letters which I received from Hoia Murad, was the Copy of a Letter from Master Hayward the Factor at Succadania to Master Staverton of the place. Dated the seven and twentieth of October. It was under-written by Master Staverton, with promise of relief, his best endeavours, the Copy of the Articles sent from our Commanders at jacatra, under-written by Captain Furresland Precedent, Master Brokden, Master Spaldin, etc.  
The five and twentieth of january, Matthew Richards was censured for misdemeanour, in pulling down the Orders set up in our place of Common Prayer and uncivil speeches, by consent of Council.  
The ninth of February, the Dragons Claw arrived and brought us Letters and a Cargazon. The eleventh, 
Hollanders preten●e to Lantore.  came by eleven Holland ●hips, and I sent my Prow aboard to hear of our shipping. I received a Letter from Master Bates from Amboyna, wherein I was certified of the Hollanders pretence to take Lantore with two thousand Soldiers, besides a thousand more of all Nations; which was strange news to us, expecting nothing less, in respect that Land was surrendered unto us, and we had a Factory there, with men, Ordnance, and goods. I expected directions from jacatra concerning this affair, but I had no knowledge concerning it. Three days after, in came some three ships more.  
The sixteenth at night, I wrote a Letter to the Dutch General, to give him notice of the surrender of Lantore, 
Notice given to the Dutch General, which would give no answer.  and of our men, goods and munition there. The eighteenth, my Messenger returned certifying me that the Dutch General read my Letter, but would not answer it, but bid my Messenger ●e gone. Now the Dutch sent to the Lantore men to yield up their Country to them, and to put the English from them; but they would not. Neither would I sand for them to come off, for I could not answer it, namely to forsake the Companies goods there, or to leave the Land so surrendered to the King's Majesty. The Lantore men sent over to me, to know what we meant to deceive them, and not to secure them as we had promised. I sent over my Prow with men in her for the defending of the Companies Spice there But for that the Country saw I could not relieve them, denied that we should put out our Flag, in regard they must defend themselves for all us. So all the men returned except Robert Randall, and two more English.  


Hollanders invade Lantore, and burn the Town.  
The English villanously abused by Hollanders.   The first of March, the Hollanders forces went on shore at a place betwixt Loquee and Maude Anginy, and so marched to Lantore, and took the Town and fired it; there being small bloodshed on either party. The Inhabitants fled, and Master Randall & the other two English standing by the Companies goods were taken and stripped to their skins, bound, beaten, thrown over the Town-wall; and carried aboard the General, and put in Chains. They took all the Companies spice, goods and moneys by account of Robert Randall, three and twenty thousand four hundred pounds English, of Maces, and one hundred and twenty thousand pounds English of N●ts, Monies, five hundred Rials, Cloth and others to a small quantity.  

Dutch slights.  The third day t●e Star arrived here at Poolaroone: so I went aboard and made Master Welden and Master Bates acquainted with these Occurrents. The fift, they went over to the General a● Nero, to know his pleasure about settling of Factories in Banda: but he pretended business for three or four days, and then we should hear further. At Master Weldens being there, he spoke with Master Randall with much ado, who told of his usage. But release could not be gotten for our men. Further, the General demanded, if we had Poolaroone men in subjection, as he h●d the Lantore men; otherwise he would come and do it. His pretence (as I suppose) is to pick a Quarrel with the Poolaroone men to get us out, and after to settle us under them.  
The sixth of March, the Hart came and anchored at the Lucon, and twenty five Prowess containing some fifteen hundred men, 
Hollanders arts at Poolaroone.  came and lay off: and the fiscal came aboard the Star. Now the Country people came flocking to know what these Prowess meant, and whether they came in peace or war. 
The Fiscals threats.  The fiscal entreated Master Welden to go ashore with him: but Master Welden said he had business aboard, desiring me to go on shore. The fiscal then told the Country people they had nothing to say to us: but as for them, if they did not come and submit themselves presently to the General, that they should far as those of Lantore: & would know how they durst surrender Poolaroone to the English. 
The people plead subjection to his Majesty. High-way-law.  The Country said that they knowing it to be peace betwixt them and the English; and they themselves subjects' to the King's Majesty of England, doubted not that the Hollander had any further to say in this matter. The Advocate replied, that if on the morrow they would not come over and surrender their Land to the General, that then they would come with their forces, etc. and so he departed. And the seventh day, the Country being afraid that we could not withstand the Hollanders (as indeed then we could not) they went to the General and told him they had brought the Land unto him, 
Note well.  but it was not theirs to give, being formerly given the English: therefore let them and the English try for that as we would. The ninth, came the Advocate with certain Soldiers and Amboynezes, to command the Blacks to pull down their walls, and deliver up their weapons, which they did: and afterwards bid the Blacks take off our Guns from the Land; but the Orankay answered they could not do it by reason of former agreement. 
Sententias loquitur Carnife●.  Than the fiscal would have me to take them off, but I would not. The fiscal said that if the Blacks would not give them the Land clear without bushes on it (meaning by us that then he would come with his forces. So by their policy they set the Blacks against us to cut our throats as much as lay in their power.  
The thirteenth, the fiscal came to see if the Blacks had pulled down their walls, and was at them to pull off our Guns, and left their flag standing upon one of the carriages of our Guns which were at the Town, the same time Master Welden went to Nero to the publication. The fourteenth, came in the Exchange, 
Captain Fitzherbert.  and I related to Captain Fitzherbert of the Occurrents here, who wished he had been here sooner, and that night sent one of his men on shore, and carried away the flag into Nero Road the next day: and sent word back to sand the Star presently away for Nero, which I did as soon as I could on the eighteenth.  
The twentieth, the fiscal and the Captain Solar came with twenty Soldiers, and threw down all our Ordnance of the main Island, being nine Pieces, and broke them, 
Dutch hostility to the English.  and carried away the Pieces thereof. Also they took away a flag from one of the Forts, and carried away a Coracora of the English for Pooloway. As for the little Island they meddled not with it at all, but as we had it, so we might keep it. The flag which they took, the fiscal said was in revenge that Captain Fitzherbert had taken away their flag.  
The one and twentieth, the Claw arrived from Amboyna. The six and twentieth, 1621. the General of the Hollanders sent to the Orankays of Poolaroone, 
Imperious Dutch.  commanding them to cell us no more Spice.  
The second of April, Master Bate went to settle at Poolaway. The Pinnace was sent on a Voyage to Seyran, to buy slaves and Sago. The eight and twentieth, 
Dutch Empires.  we heard of a strange Massacre, that the General cut in pieces forty four Orankays of Lantore for Treason.  
The second of May, the General signed Articles of agreement with the Poolaroone men, which were all one in effect with our Articles formerly signed with them; only, that they must pay Tenths to the Prince of the Country. The fourth, 

Seran treachery.  
English suffer for Hollanders faults.   he sent to take the Orancks of Poolaroone their Oaths to be true to the Prince of Orange. The two and twentieth, I heard of the Claws misfortune betrayed by Seran men, losing twenty two slaves and half their Sago, being glad to get aboard themselves; lost two men and all whatsoever on shore. The cause sprang from Lantore men that ran thither, saying, that the English and Hollanders were all one and had massacred their Orencaias.  
The fift of june, I went in the Claw from Poolaroone to Amboyna, where I went ashore on the ninth.  
I have added to this journal of Master Hayes (by him kindly communicated to me) a Letter of Master Fitzherbert to him, sorting with these Dutch Affairs.  
I have added Master Fitzherberts' Letter here printed out of the original, because the Dutch in their Answer make him an Approver of their Dessignes.  
MAster Hayes, these are to require you to discharge these three Dutchmen out of the Companies service, and to dispatch them off the Island, for so much I have promised unto the Dutch General who is much offended with them, that he saith, he will have them howsoever. It doth grieve me to turn away the Companies Servants in this manner, preferring in my mind the time of our infortunate war before a troubled peace. Other news I could writ, but I refer it to better occasion. From aboard the Royal Exchange in Nero Roade, the eighteenth of March, 1620.  
Your loving Friend, Humphrey Fitzherbert.  
FOr the Readers more full satisfaction in these Affairs of Banda (the original of the Wars betwixt the English and Hollanders in the Indieses) I have reprinted three Letters before published: as also the Declaration of the Hollanders in answer thereto; and the same refuted by certain Mariners, together with Depositions touching the Premises. And lastly, the state of the Quarrels betwixt the Dutch and the Bandanezes, and betwixt ours and them, is more fully cleared by the Author.   

CHAP. XI. A Letter written to the East India Company in England, from their Factours.  
ABout the month of December, 1620. the Dutch General having prepared a force of sixteen ships, declared to our Precedent, that he intended an exploit for the good of both Companies, without mentioning any particulars of his Designs.  
And seeing us to have no such forces ready to join with him, he said he would attempt it alone. And the third of january, 1620. he did set sail from jaquatra with his said forces, and arrived at Banda about the third of February following.  
Presently upon his arrival, he made great preparation against the Island of Lantore, which Island was formerly by the Inhabitants thereof delivered over unto our people for the use, and under the subjection of the King's Majesty of England, whereof our Captain of the I'll of Polaroone had taken possession, and had also settled a Factory there.  
When our chief Factor 
* This was M. Hayes, Captain of the English.  in our said Isle of Polaroone, heard of the purpose of the Dutch General against the said I'll of Lantore, he wrote a Letter unto the said General, advising him that the said I'll of Lantore did belong unto the King of England, and that therefore he should not attempt any violence against it, seeing there is an accord made in England between us. Which Letter, the said General threw from him in a great rage, scarce vouchsafing to read it over, and caused the Messenger to be thrust out of doors, requiring him to advice our Factor of Polaroone, presently to sand to Lantore, and fetch away all such of our people and goods as were upon that Island; for whomsoever he should found there, he would take them as his utter Enemies, and they should far no better than the Inhabitants.  
And within ten or twelve days after he landed all his forces there, and subdued the said Island. So long as the fight endured, our Factors and Servants there (being three English and eight Chinees) kept themselves within doors, and afterwards our people came out of their houses, and told them, the house wherein they were, was the English house, and that therefore they should not meddle therewith.  
Nevertheless they sacked our house, took away all our goods, murdered three of our Chines Servants, bound the rest (as well English as Chinezes) hand and foot, and threatened them to cut their throats, binding them three several times to several stakes, with their weapons ready drawn out, 
Robert Randall.  and did put a halter upon our principal Factor's neck, drawing up his head, and stretching out his neck, ready to put them to death, yet did not execute them, but as they were bound hand and foot (as aforesaid) tumbled them down over the Rocks like Dogs, and like to have broken their necks, and thus bound, carried them aboard their ships, and there kept them Prisoners in Irons, fourteen or sixteen days.  
After the conquest of the Island of Lantore, the Dutch General threatened to do the like unto Polaroone, wherefore our principal 
* This was M. Welden.  Factor of Polaroone being there but newly arrived, went unto the Dutch General unto the Castle of Nero, and told him that he heard that he purposed to take Polaroone by force, which he could not believe, although his own Messenger sent to Polaroone, to speak with our Factors, had given it out also, that the General himself should say, that if the English did not come presently unto him, and yield the said Fort of Polaroone unto him, he would sand his forces, and overrun all the Country, but hoped he would enterprise no such thing against that place, considering the Articles of agreement, and knowing how many years (to the great loss and charge of the Company) we held possession and maintained the place to the use of his Majesty of England.  
The said General made little answer to it, as though there were no such matter intended, whereupon our said Factor took his leave and came away.  
But the next day he was followed to Polaroone, with an Armado of twenty six Prowess, and one ship, which did put the Inhabitants of Polaroone in such a fear, as they knew not what to do; whereupon our chief Factor there asked the Commander of those forces, what his purpose was with such a Fleet there, and that if he attempted any thing against Poolaroone, it was a breach of the Articles it being in our possession. This could not prevail with him, but said the Land was theirs, and they would have it by fair means or force, and as for our profession, they would not acknowledge it (the Inhabitants and not we being Masters of the place) and so the Dutch Commander went ashore unto the Inhabitants.  
Whereupon the said Inhabitants asked us if we could and would defend them, but perceiving we were not able to defend ourselves, much less to secure them: they were forced to yield themselves and the Island into his hands.  
The Dutch took down the English colours, and set up their own, and caused the Inhabitants presently to bring in all their weapons, and to throw down all their walls, and would have forced them to have taken all our Ordnance out of our Fort, which they at the first refused to do, alleging that they had formerly given and surrendered the Land to the King of England, and in respect they had lived so long with the English, they would not now offer us any injury or violence.  
And when our chief Factor went ashore to expostulate the matter with the Dutch Commander, he could obtain nothing at his hands, but that the Land was theirs, and things must be so, and should be so.  
Whereupon our said Factor went again unto the Dutch General to the Castle of Nero to confer with him thereabouts, but he would give no other answer, but that he had referred those businesses to his said Lieutenant sent thither, with whom he might confer▪ who in the absence of our chief Factor, had brought some of his Soldiers ashore upon Poolaroone, and forced the Islanders to throw all our Ordnance over the Rock from the place where they were planted (being nine pieces) whereof four broke with the fall, and were all carried away by the Dutch.  
Moreover our Captain of Poolarone who had defended the Island four years together, 
Nathaniel Courthop.  going to Lantore (at the request of the Inhabitants) to receive the surrendry thereof for our King's Majesty's use (as aforesaid) and returning back again about the beginning of November, 1620. was slain by the Dutch. And it is very probable, they did it after the time they had intelligence of the publication of the accord at Bantam, in March 1619. For presently upon the said publication, they sent secretly to the Lands in those parts, where they had trade, to prevent us of our part of the Spices due unto us by the accord.  
After the said Dutch General had subdued the fore mentioned Island of Lantore, he constrained them to deliver unto him, the principal of all their children for Hostages: Than he took away from them all their small Vessels and Boats, and then he also required all the men of Lantore to be brought unto him, and they brought him all the principal men, but this did not satisfy him, but he would have all the Bandanezes, which had aided them, as also all their wives and children, small and great to be brought as Prisoners aboard his ships.  
Which when the Bandanezes perceived (doubting that he meant to make them all slaves and to carry them to some other places) they agreed together to retire themselves into the highest and strongest places of the Land, and there did fortify themselves, whereupon the Dutch slew of them and took twelve hundred persons Prisoners, most of them being women and children, which they have since carried to jacatra and other places.  
Printed according to the original Copy the eight of February, 1621. Stilo Novo.  
Reverendo in Christo Fratri D. Domino Adrian jacobson Hulsebus apud jacatranenses Batavos Praedicatori, Salutem & pacem ab Authore utriusque.  
Loving Brother: I have received your Letters, and according to your desire, have returned these few lines in answer thereunto. If I have not so fully satisfied the particulars of your Letters, as I wished and purposed, I pray you impute it not to any want of will, but unto my disacquaintance with your Dutch Tongue and hand: I should peradventure have given you better satisfaction than now I do, if you had written to me in the Latin Tongue. But to leave excuses and come to the matter, the thing you touch in your Letter is but too too true, to wit, that the hatred and dissension among Christians (if it continued, as God defend it should) is, and will be the cause of much innocent bloodshedding amongst friends, and of estranging the hearts of Heathens, from the worship of the true God. And therefore that enmity amongst friends may cease, and that such as are yet without, may be alured to submit themselves to the Sceptre of jesus Christ: it standeth us upon (who are Preachers of the Gospel of Peace) to be instruments of peace, which for my own part how willing I am to do, is not unknown to such as know myself, and among whom I do daily converse. I have always both in public and private, by Letters to our Worshipful Company in England, and by lively voice to our Commanders here in the Indieses, declared how good a thing ●t is for us that are Christians professing one Faith, one Christ, one Baptism, to live in peace, and to devil together in unity. And of this my earnest desire to be a Peacemaker, Master Brancraft your Master of the Black Lion, who remained after his taking some weeks aboard of the Royal james, can give evident testimony and witness. And now that you have written to this end, I will stir up myself, and set afresh upon the work of reconciliation. It is pelf indeed and pride that is the makebate breeding strife and discord: for, had not the riches of the Molu●●as▪ and the robbing of the Chinees and others by you, under the English Colours, fathering thereby your theft upon us, cast you into a deep and deadly Lethargy, you would not as you have done, have abused your best friend's abroad, that have shed so much of their dearest blood in defence of you and your country at home; but now you are freed from the Spaniard at home, you fall out with your friends abroad. Is this the recompense of our love and blood shown unto you, and shed for you, to keep you from the supposed thraldom of Spain? Did David thus reward his three Worthies, who adventured their lives to satisfy his longing, & to quench his thirst? Did he not say, Lord, be it fare from me that I should do this: is not this the blood of the men that went in jeopardy of their lives? 2. Sam. 23.17. Do you thus requited us, as Lot did Abraham, Who, when as he with the three hundred and eighteen that were borne and brought up in his house, did recover Lot and his goods, and women out of the hands of the Conquerors, cared not for him but to serve his own turn, and being delivered, did in a manner scorn Abraham's company. Well, though Abraham being the elder and worthier might have stood upon his right, yet yielded of his interest, that he and Lot might live as brothers, and the rather because both of them at this time sojourned among the Canaanites and Pheresites, who were ready to take notice of their discord, and so to curse their God and holy Religion. Yet what gained Lot by separating company, but a shower of fire and brimstone, which reigned upon Sodom wherein he lived and would have consumed both him and his, if God had not been merciful unto him at Abraham's request.  
It is not long of the English that we expose ourselves to the mockery of Infidels: our Company love peace, and trade peaceably: they have put up for peace sake more wrongs at your hands, than they mean to do again. You writ and publish to the world, that the Sea is free, and ytt by your encroaching upon it, are not you both the Mothers and Nurses of discord? One of our Commanders, wrote (as I think, or at lest sent word by one of special note amongst yourselves) to Coen your Commander concerning a parley before the shooting down of our Turret at jacatra: but the first and last news we heard of him, was it not the beating down of our house there, and the defaming of our Nation, with Penoran at Bantam and others here?  
And think you that this is the way to make peace?  
The present Captain of your Fort at jacatra promised to the Right Worshipful Sir Thomas Dale our chief Commander, upon the faith of a Christian, that M. Peter Wadden (now your prisoner) should have free ingress and egress in and out of your house to parley between us, to return to our Ships: and yet is either promise or oath kept? hath he not, and doth he not continued your prisoner to this hour? You remember jehu his answer to jehoram, What peace whiles the whoredoms of thy Mother jezabel, and her witchcrafts are yet in great number? 2. Kings 9.23. Not sound league of friendship or reconciliation can be made, or being made can continued, till the wrongs which men have done one to another, be reproved, and removed; and satisfaction given by word and deed, where it may possibly be performed; else it will be like a wound or sore, that being cured outwardly to the eye, doth bleed and fester inwardly; many hollow reconciliations are daily made amongst men, which afterwards break out to the hurt of both parties, and scandal of others: As a wound that is ill cured, by an unskilful or an unconscionable Chirurgeon. As for mine own part, I would to God that if it were possible, I might with all my best skill and cunning be the Chirurgeon to cure this wound, that our reconciliation, when ever it shall be made, may not be h●llow, but holy and firm: yea I wish from my heart, that my very blood might be the milk to put out this wild fire which now is kindled, and (if it be not quenched in time) is like to devour, not only the ships and goods (as it hath done some already, and is like to do more) but the precious lives of many of both Nations, and of those also that are as yet unborn, who (it is like) will curse the time that ever the English and Dutch knew the Indieses. All standeth not in one side, there must be a yielding of both sides, if ever there be a sound peace. But you say, both sides are stout, who shall begin? I answer, what availeth anger without strength to bear it out? What is fierceness of spirit without wisdom of heart? but even a fool's bolt against himself. And to such a one may not the saying of Archidamus to his son, being too foolhardy, be as fitly applied as a glove to a man's hand: Son, son, either put too more strength, or take away some of this courage? You cannot be ignorant that when Herod intended to make war against the Tyrians and Sydonians, how they came all with one accord, and persuaded Blastus the King's Chamberlain that they might live in peace, or else they should all of them be starved, Act. 12.20. Take heed you come not to this when it is too late. Are you so well able to live of yourselves in Holland, that you have no need of your neighbour country England? Are you so high above the waters, that the sluices of heaven cannot drown you? Or are the Seas so low beneath your Netherlands, that you fear no deluge? Shebna the Treasurer, was he not as surely seated as your Grave is in Holland? or the greatest amongst you here in the Indieses, even Coen himself? and yet was he not tossed up and down as a football in a strange country? and were not the Chariots of his glory the shame of his Lord's house? Esay 22.18. But I have run myself a little beyond that I intended, and now to recover my breath, by these lines I promise', and by word and deed will, God willing, with sail and care labour to bring to pass, that we may live as friends and neighbours both here and at home. Thus I have returned you an answer to that you desire, and look that both of us should do our best endeavour for the good of our present Fleets, and of such as hereafter may live to bless us. From our Royal james riding near to▪ Bant●● Road, this 20. of April 1619.  
Your loving brother Patrick Copland.  
From aboard the Bee in the Road of jacquatra on the Coast of java, the five and twentieth of February. 1620.  
AVgust the second 1619. our ship and goods were taken by the Flemings in the straight of Sunda near Bantam, and set ashore at jacquatra. 
Ships taken by the Hollanders at Banda, Before this, they had taken the Swan, the Solomon, the Attendance, and kept the Defence which fugitive knaves betrayed to them: Likewise the Speedwell● Pinnace they are reported to have entered and taken out the English, leaving only three ignorant Blacks which for want of wit or skill, suffered her to be lost: the cause, for that she would not strike to the Dutch, pleading freedom in sea, as subject to a free King. The Star was taken in the straight of Sunda. In all, these infortunate ships, are twelve.  September the eight 1619. the Flemings dispersed us into their ships, and on the coast of Sumatra the first of October 1619. they took four other English ships. viz. the Dragon, the Bear, the Expedition, and the Rose. And on the second of October they turned us all ashore at Tecoo amongst the Indians, where our Merchants had no trade, but for eight days. We were then three hundred seventy and odd men, all or the most part undone. About fifteen men were killed in fight. They left us the little Rose to shifted for ourselves.  
The three & twentieth of October, 1619. there came into the Road out of England three other ships, the Palsgrave, the Elizabeth, and the Merchant's hope. From Tecoo we sailed too and fro, and at length came to anchor at an Island called Amyncan, where we had fresh water and some fish, but is no place of trade, nor is there any man that knoweth of any thing that grows upon it. The people are thought to be men●aters. After this we returned back for Tecoo, & near the same twenty nine of january 1619. we met with General Pring in the Royal james, and his whole fleet of ships, in number nine. All the fleet being then twelve goodly ships, were resolved to sail for Bantam: and in sight of two Flemish ships, (which we purposed to take) Captain Adams in the ship called the Bull, together with one of the Flemish ships came up with news of peace. We than sailed for jacatra, where by the way met us seventeen sail of goodly Flemish ships, with whom (had not the peace then come) we must have fought it out. But peace being then concluded between the Flemings and us, our English factory was again settled at jacatra; and the ships divided, some for one place, some for another.  
The six and twentieth of April 1620. the Royal james, and a ship of some eight hundred Tons, called the Unicorn, set sail for japan, the distance near about a eleven hundred leagues. The second of june 1620. The Unicorn was cast away on the coast of China, near a certain Island called the Macoio Island. In the ship were two English women; both which, and all the men were saved: for they ran the ship near the shore. Most part of all their goods they lost. As we sailed for japan at a place called Patanie, we heard of Captain jordan, who being there with two ships, called the Hound, and the Samson, there came into the Road and fought with them three Flemish ships: Captain jordan was slain in that fight, and the Flemings took both their ships. The seventeenth of December 1620. The great james being well trimmed at a place called Firando in japan, came away from thence: and the fourteenth of januarie 1620. we arrived safely at jacatra, where she is now loaden for England.  
The ships that since my coming from England, have been taken and lost, are the Sun, cast away near Bantam; the Star, taken near Bantam; the Dragon, the Bear, the Expedition, and the Rose, taken at Tecoo; the Hound and the Samson taken at Patany; the Unicorn cast away on the coast of China; two or three other ships taken and lost at the Moluccas.  
Men of good command, dead, are, Captain Parker of Plymmouth, Sir Thomas Dale, Captain jordayne killed at Patany, Captain Bonner killed at Tecoo while we were at japan. The Flemings yielded up again the Star to the English, and she is gone to the Moluccas.  
Thomas Knowles.   

CHAP. XII. The Hollanders Declaration of the affairs of the East Indies: faithfully translated according to the Dutch Copy, Printed at Amsterdam, 1622. Written in answer to the former reports, touching wrongs done to the English. And an answer written by certain Mariners lately published: with Depositions further opening the iniquity and cruelty of the Dutch.  

§. I. A true Relation of that which passed in the Lands of Banda, in the East Indies, in the year of our Lord God 1621. And before printed at Amsterdam 1622.  
ALl the Lands of Banda, from the tenth of August 1609. by a special treaty and agreement made with the ●ranka●es, or Magistrates of the foresaid Lands, were put under the protection of the high and mighty, the States general of the united Provinces, on condition to defend them from the Portugal, and other their Enemies, provided that they of the said Lands, are bound to deliver unto the Fort called Nassau, or unto the Committees of the said Company, all their fruits or spices at a certain price, and so forth, as by the said treaty of agreement more at large appeareth. These articles of agreement, being for a time by them performed, were afterward broken and violated, as well in keeping back, and withholding the said fruits and spices, which they were tied to deliver to the Netherlands Company; as also enforcing and robbing their Warehouses, and contrary to solemn treaty and promise; murdering at sundry times and places, diverse of the principal Officers, Committees, and Servants of the said Netherlands Company, in taking away diverse small Ship provision, their open invading of the places and Countries, withstood also lately under the subjection of the High and Mighty the State's general, and in conquering the inhabitants thereof, whom with a strong hand they forced from being Christians to become Moor's again, or those which withstood or gainsaid them, they sold as Slaves, and in committing all kind of perverse wickedness and treachery: during which passages and doings, there was again certain contracts on the aforesaid conditions agreed upon, with the said Bandaneses, as in May, in the year 1616. by one of the Netherlands Commanders called Lam, and by their Governor General Laurence Real, in the year 1617. which indeed were shortly after broken and violated by the Bandanese, and that through the animating by the English, who did openly aid and assist the foresaid Lands, and maintained them in warrage, the Netherlands Company with victuals, and Munition, great Ordnance, Men and Ships, thereby to withhold from us the fruits and spices, which the Bandaneses were tied to deliver. In this wilfulness the Bandaneses continued, till in june 1620. Till that at jacatra was published both amongst the English and the Netherlands Fleet, then riding there in the Road: the treaty concluded and agreed upon, between his most excellent Majesty, the King of great Britain, and the High and Mighty Lords the State's general, for to reconcile upon certain conditions, the English and Netherlands East India Companies.  
The which Treaty, and by conference of handling concerning the Moluccaes', Amboyna, and Banda, all disputes and differences between the English and the Netherlands Company concerning the same, were to that time abolished, and a general force of Ships of War was ordained between them, for the defence of both Companies in their rights, and the commerce which they had obtained in the Indieses.  
The Reduction of the wilful Bandaneses unto the Netherlands Camp, was hindered a year or two, (through the actual proceed which the English in Banda itself, since the year 1616. and afterwards in the year 1618. about the coast of java, and whole India through) by open hostility did attempt: whereby the aforesaid Bandaneses being encouraged, and made bolder, did withdraw themselves wholly from under the subjection of the Castle of Nassaw, doing unto us and ours all wrong and hostility, and withholding from us their fruits (to say) Nutmegs & Mace, which they did not only cell unto the English, and to the Indians, but also to the Portugals, who are both their and our Enemies, with whom they seek to make nearer alliance of friendship, as already in the great Island named Banda, were come fifty or threescore Portug●ls, who by some more assistance, considering the natural force of the said Island, would have been sufficient to have deprived both the English and the Netherlands Company of the rights therein, and the fruits thereof, without hope hereafter to have any redress.  
In regard of those inconveniences, after the publication of the contract that was made, the General of the Netherlands Company, in the common Council for defence, (consisting of Englishmen, and Netherlanders) propounded the necessity of the taking of Banda, as also the redressing and assuring of those Quarters, and of the trade in Amboyna and Moluccaes', to the which end, both the Companies according to the contract were bound together, to use all the force and power that he could, for the preservation of the places, as much as concerned the trade, for both the Companies. And it appeareth by the Act made by those of the said Counsel for defence, bearing date the first of january 1621. stilo nova, that the English Committees there declared, that the necessities of the business was well known unto them; as also that they were very willing together with us, to do some common exploit: but for that as then, they wanted both power and means of men and ships, that they could not for that time furnish any thing towards the same: Whereupon, the Netherlands Governor General declared, that with the particular power of the Netherlands Company, he would take the same in hand, and effect it in such manner, as God should be pleased to prospero his proceed.  
And to that end, upon the t●●rtenth of january, the Governor General went from jacatra to Amboyna, where he arrived upon the fourteenth of February▪ and from thence went to Banda, to the Castle of Nassaw, lying in the Island Nero, upon the seven and twentieth of February 1621. In the mean time, one of the English Counsel for defence, that had been at jacatra upon the first of january 1621. and was privy to the contract made, lying then in Amboyna, when the Governor General went from thence to Banda; sent-Letters in our own Ships to the Englishmen, lying in the small Island Polaroon, and made known and discovered unto those of Banda, in what manner the General of the Netherlands Company, intended to assail the great Island of Banda: & when the said Governor General was come to the Fort of Nassaw in Banda, he understood that the Englishmen in Polaroon, had added them of the Town of Lantore in the great Island of Banda, with four Pieces of great Ordnance; and that if they had had longer time, that the entrance of the General of the Netherlands Army into Lantore Haven, should have been let and withstood by a great battery. As also that some Englishmen, in Lantore, assisted these of Banda, ours, and (according to the contract) their enemies, both with counsel and force, encouraging them with their presence, & notwithstanding that the said General required the said Englishmen of Lantore to leave the Town, for the causes and reasons aforesaid, as also for that they themselves, according to the Contract and Order made by the Counsel of Defence, before that time might not buy any Fruit in Moluccas, Amboina, and Banda, as after the publication of the Contract they may do, and that only together, and in common places with the Netherlanders, yet some few of them stayed still with them of Banda our common enemies. Notwithstanding also that the Governor general protested, that he was not therein to be blamed, if by that means any hurt were done unto them, being among and with our common enemies, from whom they should and aught to have separated themselves.  
First, the Governors' general determined to assail the great Island of Banda on the South side, (by some called Lantore, because the principal Town is so called) by land in a place called Luchny, and to that end caused the ship called the Hart to anchor thereabouts, which lay not long there but it was shot at by an English Piece of Ordnance, whereby our men were forced to tow the said ship with a Galley from the shore, and to leave two Anchors and two Cables behind them, or else it had been in great danger of sinking or burning, our men assuring us, that an English Gunner had shot at them, and that they perfectly descried and saw him, although the Englishmen seem to deny it.  
Whereby altering of their first purpose, the General of the Netherlanders resolved to land upon the inward part of the Island of Banda, there to encamp themselves, and then to go up upon the Hills, and there to plant their Ordnance, and to that end upon the eighth of March, 1621. landed with seventeen Companies between Comber and Ortatten, they marched along the shoareside, within the reach of three Pieces of great Ordnance lent then by the Englishmen, and not long before planted there, whereby if they had marched forward many of our men had been slain, and so we should have found no place there to encamp ourselves, but the Enemy from the Hills would have domineered over us, no man knowing what counsel to give, whereby we might get up upon the Hills. The way whereon above three years before we had been, being all entrenched, whereupon the General determined to enter again into his ship with the whole Army, to take another course. They of Banda not once pursuing after us, but with flouting and mocking let us go, and so thinking thereby, that they had gotten the upper hand of us, most part of them brought their wives and children again into Lantore. After these two erterprises, partly hindered by the English Ordnance, were in that manner crossed. The General, for a third resolution, determined to assail the great Island of Banda on both sides, that is, on the inner side of the Land with six Companies, and on the South side with ten Companies. That they on the inner side should landlord an hour before the others should land, by that means to draw the Enemy forth, and so to make place on the other side, while a Company of chosen men should landlord on the North side, to climb up upon the Hills, and others in other places of the Land should also be in a readiness, being three hundred and thirty persons, whereof one hundred and fifty were Musketeers, appointed for the manning and assuring of thirty boats, which the said Company would bring on the South side of the Island.  
This was effected upon the eleventh of March, and accordingly six Companies by break of day, went on land between Comber and Ortatten. Captain Voghel with certain chosen Soldiers marching forward, who climbing up upon the Hills, found such resistance, that all their powder being spent, they were in great danger to be spoilt, but being well followed and seconded by the rest, the Enemy was forced to retire: and while this skirmish continued, the other ten Companies landing out of the said thirty boats, went on shore upon the South side of Banda, in a small Bay, some with Ladders, and others without, climbing up upon the Cliffs; and being gotten up, th●y marched to the backside of Lantore, without any resistance, but only those that set upon the first Troops, being some ten or twenty Musketeers, by whom one of our men was slain, and four or five hurt, whereby Lantore was taken on the South side by the said ten Companies, while the other five Companies skirmished with those of Banda upon the Hills, and as soon as Lantore was taken, those of Madiangi, Luchny, Ortatten, and Sammer, presently forsook their Towns in the said Island. When they of Banda saw the aforesaid thirty boats, they thought we would have sailed round about the Land, as we had done three times before, whereupon making no reckoning of our landing, they were suddenly surprised by break of day.  
As soon as Lantore with the rest of the places aforesaid were won, the rest of them of Banda, namely Slamma, Comber, Owendender, Wayer, and those of the Lands of Rosinging, and Poolaroone, made composition with us, which we granted upon condition, that they should break down their Forts and Walls, and give us their Shot, Pieces and Muskets, etc. Which by them being done, all of them together, according to their Contract and promises, yielded to hold their Countries and Lands, of the Lords the general States of the united Netherlands Provinces, promising to do whatsoever they should be commanded, and acknowledge the said Lords the general States for their Sovereigns, notwithstanding their former Oaths taken unto any others.  
Those of Lantore and others being first overcome and vanquished, and that saved themselves among others of Banda, also asked pardon and sought for Peace, which was granted unto them upon the condition aforesaid, though they hardly held the same, and secretly sought to begin a new rebellion, and were commanded by the Ge●●●all to show themselves all together upon the Strand, that they might be appointed in some other convenient place to live as fellow Citizens freely together, without the loss of their goods which they then had. Whereunto some of them obeyed, but the greatest part fled upon the high Mountains in the great Island of Banda, to whom also many other Towns resorted, and slew a Netherlands Merchant, one other, and a boy, where they were enclosed and hindered from victuals by our men. By this means all the Towns and Places in Banda were won, and made sure, only Poolaroone, which was not meddled withal, because they of Banda therein behaved themselves peaceably, for the aid, or rather the service of those of Poolaroone. The Englishmen planted nine Pieces of Ordnance upon a small Island in Poolaroone, having entrenched the same: and when those of Poolaroone, according to the composition, were to yield up their Arms, and disarm themselves, as they willingly did; yet our General did not once speak of those nine Pieces of Ordnance standing in the said small Island, because the Englishmen should have no cause to make any question, that our men had done any thing against their Fort or men.  
The English Commander, Humphrey Fitz-Herbert, with his ship called the Exchange, lying before the Castle of Amboina, and having intelligence of the General of the Netherlands victory in Banda, shot off fourteen Pieces of Ordnance for joy thereof.  
This that is formerly declared, is the true state and proceed of that, which hath been done now lately, and before in the Island of Banda, wherein nothing hath been done, but that which (according to the Law of Nations, and the aforesaid Contract, made, and promised to be holden, and without any wrong done to the Liberties of the English Company, agreed upon with the Company of the Netherlands) might and aught to have been done.   

§, II. An Answer to the Hollanders Declaration concerning the occurrents of the East India, contracted somewhat briefer than in the former Impression.  
THere was of late two Currents published, bearing date: the one, the eight of February: the other, the eight and twentieth. In these two Currents sundry, both incredible and intolerable wrongs and grievances were made known, which the Hollanders of the East Indies had inflicted and enforced upon the English Company of the East Indies. Since the printing of these two Currents, the Hollanders have published a Pamphlet, entitled, A declaration of the Affairs of the East Indies. This declaration was published (as by the discourse may appear) in answer of the two Currents above mentioned, for the whole scope of the declaration tendeth to no other end, but to justify their own right in the East Indies, and thereupon to charge the English with wrongs done to them, that thereby the world might be made believe, that whatsoever extremities or hard measures they offered to the English, they were urged and provoked thereunto by the unjust dealing of the English, and the wrongs first offered by them: howsoever the English provoked the Hollanders in India, the Hollanders by this Declaration, do urge and provoke the English to defend themselves against so false and fabulous slanders imposed upon them. Is it not too much that the Hollanders most unjustly oppressed us in India, but that they must proceed further to slander us in England. Maiora sunt famae & fidei damna, quam quae sarciri possunt: The loss of a good name, the loss of trust and credit are losses irrecoverable. But thanks be to Almighty God, who doth always protect the innocent. This Declaration of the Hollanders intended and published for our utter undoing and disgrace, offereth unto us, in two respects, both hope and help, thanks be to Almighty God, who hath converted Hamon his Jailhouse intended against Mordocheus, to his own confusion, like as he hath suffered you to publish a Declaration to cut your own throats. What could you device to writ and publish, more opposite to what you intended; more to disgrace yourselves, in convincing you of falsehood; more to honour, acquit, and clear the English, than this Declaration? All which shall manifestly appear in the examination of your Declaration, which followeth.  
To begin with the very first lines and page; you affirm, That all the Lands of Banda, from the tenth of August, 1609. were by a special Treaty and agreement made with the Orankayas' the Magistrates of the Lands, put under the protection of the States of the Netherlands: how untrue this is, let all men judge; when as you confess in the latter end of the first page, 
* Understand the pages as they lie in the former impression.  and in the beginning of the second, were afterward broken and violated; and that the Islanders withheld their Fruits and Spices, that they enforced and rob their Warehouses, murdered at sundry times and places, diverse of the principal Officers, Committees, and Servants of the Netherlands company, taking away their ships and provision, what could the Hollanders say less then to pretend an agreement? and what or how could allege and prove more directly to convince themselves of untruth then so plainly and largely confess the recited hostilities, practised by the Bandanese against them: what an agreement could this be, where there was so great an aversion of the Islanders minds, declared by the hostile deeds which they practised against the Hollanders; they might perhaps say there was a Treaty, but such hostile practices manifestly prove there could be no Agreement.  
The Hollanders proceed further, from the year 1609. to the year 1616. where they speak of another Agreement concluded in May, by one of the Netherlanders Commanders called Lam. And another Agreement made by their Governor general called Real, in the year 1617. which they confess were both shortly after broken by the Bandanese: but how? Hear cometh in the main matter; The Bandaneses rebelled through the animating of the English, who did openly aid and assist them with Victuals, Munition, great Ordnance, Men, and Ships. It were necessary that the Hollanders should set down the causes which moved the English to join so fare with the Bandanese, for the causes do either lessen or aggravate the charge imposed upon the English: they must either say, the English aided the Bandaneses directly against the Hollanders without further respect, which they cannot prove; or they must allege, which themselves in their Declaration do prove, that the English did endeavour to defend them with whom they had free trade and traffic; who lovingly and with free consent sold to the English their Spices, etc. who put themselves under the protection of the English; who yielded the Lands of Poolaway, Poolaroone, and Lantore, under the obeisance of the King of England: which if they would they cannot deny, for they confess that the English had mounted Ordnance upon all these Lands: why should the English plant their Ordnance upon these Lands, but to defend their Right; how could the English plant their Ordnance upon the Lands, but with free consent of the Bandanese; at what time did the English plant their Ordnance in these Lands of Banda? The Hollanders confess, before they came to the Lands; for they found them in the Lands: now, where is the wrong that the English have done the Hollanders? and in what? because the English did hinder the agreements so often made betwixt the Hollanders and the Bandanese, why for eleven years the Hollanders confess there was never any, as in the third page they say: In this wilfulness did the Bandaneses continued till in june, 1620. Thus hitherto it is plainly acknowledged, the Hollanders never had any landing, any Castle or Fort, any trading in the Lands of Banda, but what was gotten by force and absolute constraint: If the Hollanders could prove so much for themselves, as they do for the English; the English then might have blushed for shame. In all this time that the Hollanders maintained hostility with the Bandanese, there is no mention made, that the Bandaneses ever offered any opposition against the English, or once denied them their Spices, but that they had trade and traffic with them freely and friendly: now, if consent and prescription of time be the best claim the Hollanders would have for the Lands of Banda, why the Englishmen go fare beyond them; the Bandaneses did never violate any agreement made with the English; they never kept any pretended agreement made with the Hollanders; the Englishmen in eleven years were never expelled; the Hollanders in all that time were never entertained, but in all hostile manner; the Englishmen had offer at all times of Nutmegs and Mace; so had the Hollanders never at any time, but what they got by violence and compulsion; all which is acknowledged in the third page, and the beginning of the fourth. We pass over many acknowledgements and confessions of the Hollanders, because they all tend but to two ends; to justify themselves, and condemn the English; and because there is sufficient observation given, that in justifying themselves, they disgrace themselves; and in practising to disgrace the English, they do them great honour. But to deal plainly and truly, not to abuse the world with untruths, nor to wrong the Hollanders without cause, we do confess; The Bandaneses made one famous agreement with the Hollanders, which we well remember, even in that year in which they report they had made agreement with the Bandanese. In june, 1609. after they had by force taken from them a Town called Neara, and making them flee to the backside or the Coast, to a place which they called Nassaw: Van Hoof the General made show of love and friendship with the Bandaneses; which they perceiving, and desirous to revenge the wrongs and cruelties offered unto them by the Hollanders, did dissemble their intents, entertaining Van Hoof with vain hopes, promising him to come to some agreement; by which means they drew Van Hoof with threescore or more of his Commanders and Soldiers, unto a place in which the Bandaneses had advantage. Now instead of agreement, in warlike manner they set upon Van Hoof, and slew him and almost his Company. This is the best agreement that we ever knew or heard the Bandaneses ever made with the Hollanders, during eleven or twelve years. Presently after this, in july after, Captain Bitter who among all the Commanders escaped, when Van Hoof was slain, attempted to surprise another Town called Slamma; he was fought withal by the Bandanese, and wounded in the thigh, of which wound he shortly died.  
Where is now any wrong which the English hath done the Hollanders, except it be a wrong to maintain them, who with free and general consent put themselves under the protection of the King of England? or a wrong to defend them, who willingly traffic and trade with the English; or a wrong to maintain that right which the Hollanders acknowledge the English had in the Island of Banda: These be all the wrongs which the Hollanders do or can charge the English withal.  
But now on the other side, what extreme wrongs do the English charge upon the Hollanders? In two Currents printed the eight of February, and the twenty eight, 1622. the Hollanders are charged with most barbarous and inhuman wrongs done to the English, all which they pass over in their Declaration without any answer at all, whereby in silence they cannot but plead guilty: to confess them they are ashamed, and to deny them they cannot, but in their accustomed policy they seek to avoid them by way of insinuation, that the English deserved them in aiding and assisting the Bandaneses against them.  
There were two Orators of Athens very great and inward friends, before the judges; the one did accuse, the other defend a Magistrate of Athens, whereupon the one Orator did challenge the other that he had dealt very unkindly with him to defend his mortal enemy; and thou as unkindly with me, quoth the other, to accuse my dearest friend.  
This is just the like challenge betwixt the Hollanders and the English: Why do you say the Hollanders defend our greatest enemies? And why do you say the English oppose against our dearest friends? Yet in this challenge there is a difference: for the English have more cause to defend their friends, than the Hollanders have cause to oppose against their enemies; Englishmen have a right by consent, Hollanders have nothing but by constraint. Just defence is more honest and honourable then unjust opposition is, either by Laws of GOD or man warrantable.  
To proceed on with the cruel and inhuman wrongs, done by the Hollanders to the English, by so much more barbarous and inhuman, by how much the English of all Nations in the world, did least deserve it. What, deserve any hard measures from the Hollanders? To what Nation under the Cope of Heaven, are they so much bound as to the English? Who hath fostered and nursed them up to this greatness, but the English? What Nation hath shed so much blood, lost the lives of so many gallant Captains, Commanders, and Soldiers, to aid and defend them as the English?  
What Nation hath lent them, and spent upon them so much money and treasure, as the English have done, when they were in their extremest weakness and poverty? When, and where did the English ever fail them? If for these causes, the English have deserved at the Hollanders hands, to have their ships taken, and made prize, their goods confiscate, and converted to their own uses; their Captains, Soldiers, Factors, and Mariners, taken prisoners, held in miserable servitude, clogged with irons, kept in stocks, bound hand and foot, tied to stakes, haling and pulling them with ropes about their necks, spurning them like dogs, throwing them headlong down rocks and cliffs, killing, murdering, starving, and pining them to death, enforcing them to carry lime and stone for their buildings. Landing them amongst the Pagan people, without all provision whatsoever, exposing them to the mercy of Miscreants, of whom notwithstanding they found better usage then of the Hollanders. When as the Hollanders rob and spoilt other Nations under the English Colours, pretending (to disgrace the English) that they were Englishmen, counterfeiting the Coin of other Nations, charging the English with the same. Laying the English whom they held as prisoners above hatches, where the Sun scorched them in the day, and where their ordures and piss fell upon them in the night, till they grew more loathsome and filthy than Lepers, barring the English, as much as in them lay, from all commerce and trade in the Indieses. As all these particulars are directly to be proved by men yet living, who either endured, or their eyes saw what is here reported, and will be ready upon all occasions, either with their lives or oaths to justify for truth, what they have endured, and what they have seen with their eyes.  
Let all the world judge, whether Englishmen have deserved these usages at the Hollanders hands: Whereas some people either affected to the Hollanders, or thinking it too strange and monstrous, that Christians should domineer over Christians with such inhuman and barbarous cruelty, rather tyranny, except the English ●ad provoked them heavily thereunto.  
Let all such who harbour any such conceits, read and consider what is before answered to such objections: the Hollanders in their Declaration being charged in the two first Currents, with many of these extreme wrongs inflicted upon the English, they make no denial of them: make a challenge that the English did aid and assist the Bandaneses against them; it hath formerly been alleged, and sufficiently proved, by their own confession, that the English did not maintain the Islanders, by way of opposing the Hollanders; but they did as much as in them lay, to defend the right of the King of England, they did defend that right which they had by consent; they did defend that People, who did so freely and friendly trade and traffic with them: other causes then their so honest, so just, agreeing with the Laws of GOD, of Nature, and Nations, they neither do nor can allege any.  
Some other inconsiderate people, who envy the prosperity of the East Indian Merchants will further say, to close with the Hollanders, that these extremities were offered in India only, and no where else to the English; for proof of the contrary, we of the East Indian Company do challenge all the Merchants which travail or traffic East, West, North, or South, to deliver their knowledge, what indignities they have endured from the Hollanders, in Turkey, in the straits, in Muscovie, in Gr●ynland, at Newfoundland, and where not; so that not only the East Indian Company hath only cause to complain: yea, they wrong Englishmen in their own Seas at home, as is generally known. Now, because Hollanders may say, that they are charged with generalities without particular instances; general speeches being a common cause to aggravate causes, and be avoided except the General be proved by particulars, because they shall found that we cannot want of particulars out of infinite, there shall be here following delivered, some by men yet living, who have both seen them, and endured them.   

§. III. Relations and Depositions touching the Hollanders brutish and cruel usage of the English.  
IN the Road of Patany in the East Indies, the seventeenth of july, 1619. the two ships called the Samson and the Hound, riding there at Anchor, three ships of the Netherlands set upon them with might and main, after five hours' fight, eleven of the men in the Samson were slain outright, and five and thirty men of the same ship were wounded, maimed and dismembered, at this time Captain jordan was Captain of the Samson, and did hung up a flag of Truce, and withal sent Thomas Hackwell, Master of the Samson to the Netherlanders to parley about a peace.  

The Examination of Thomas Hackwell, the five and twentieth of january, 1621.  
Thomas Hackwell being sworn and examined upon certain Articles ministered on the behalf of the Right Worshipful, the English Company of Merchants, trading to the East India aforesaid, saith and deposeth thereto, as followeth.  
TO the first of the said Articles he saith, & deposeth by charge of his oath, that in the road of Patany in the East India, upon the seventeenth day of july, 1619. last past, the Samson, whereof this Examinant was Master, and the Hound belonging to the English Company, were forceably assaulted by three ships of the Hollanders (viz.) The Angel, the Morning Star, and the Burgarboate, whereof Hendricke johnson was Commander, and after five Glasses fight two hours and a half, eleven of the said ship the Samson, her men being slain outright, five dismembered, and about thirty otherwise wounded, Captain jordane being then in the said ship, the Samson, and Commander of her, caused a flag of truce to be hung out; and sent this Examinant in the Samsons Boat aboard the Flemings, to treat with them for a peace, and at the hanging out of the said flag of truce, and when this Examinant left the said Captain jordane to go aboard the Flemings, he was well; but above half an hour after the said flag of truce was so hung out, and this Examinant was in parley with the Flemings about the said peace, Captain jordane not expecting any violence from the Flemings during the said parley, shown himself aboard the Samson before the main Mast upon the gratings, where the Flemings espying him, most treacherously and cruelly shot at him with a Musket, and shot him into the body near the heart, of which wound he died within half an hour after. And this he saith by charge of his Oath.  
To the second he saith, That after the said ships, the Samson and the Hound were surprised by the Hollanders in the said fight at Patany, as aforesaid, the greatest part of their men, by the command of the Dutch, were brought aboard the Angel their Admiral: and there notwithstanding, diverse of them in the said fight were much burnt with Gunpowder, and wounded with splinters, and thereby suffered miserable torment, yet they the said Dutch most unchristianly and inhumanely caused and forced them to put their legs down through the gratings, and so seized them, and tied them to the Capsten Bars, insomuch that still as any man had occasion to go and ease himself, his legs were so swelled by reason of the extraordinary hard tying of them, that the Carpenter was always fetched to make bigger the holes, at which they were put down to get out their legs again. And this he saith by charge of his Oath is most true.  
To the third he saith, That he knoweth that the Dutch at jacatra, do cause all China men, residing and bartering there, to pay monthly six shillings upon a head▪ or else you shall not cell any commodity there to the English, and this he hath seen diverse of China men pay at jacatra.  
To the fourth he saith, That upon the third day of March last was twelve month, aboard th● new Zealand then riding in Bantam Roade, this Examinant, with three or four others, did hear one Cl●se Derickson, then upper steersman of the Dutch ship called the Southern-Indraught say, that the States in Holland had been plotting that War between the English and the Dutch in the Indie seven years before.  
To this last Article is witness,  
Thomas Hackwell. William Shaples. Henry Backtasell. Bartholomew Churchman. Anthony Piccot.   

The Deposition of Bartholomew Churchman.  
I do affirm, that they have many times termed us slaves to the King of Holland, and that we should all be sent to the Moluccas to row in their Galleys, and so be kept bondslaves under them during our lives.  
Moore I affirm, that they have kept twelve of us in a Dungeon at Pooloway, and four and twenty at Amboyna, by the command of Laurence rial then General, but now returned into Holland, where they pissed and () upon our heads, and in this manner we lay, until such time as we were broken out from top to toe like Lepers, having nothing to eat but dirty Rice, and stinking rainwater, insomuch as if it had not been for a Dutch woman, named Mistress Cane, and some poor Blacks that brought us a little fruit, we had all starved in that place, as many of our Company did, besides the extremity which they used to many others which they had in Prison at other Lands where they perished, leaving their Wives and Children here in England ready to starve for want of maintenance.  
The names of the ten men which lay in Pooloway, are these:  
Bartholomew Churchman. jacob Lane. Kellam Throgmorton. Matthew Willis. William Burris. Cassarian David. George jackson. George Pettice. Walter Stacy. Richard Phillips.  
At Amboyna, Richard Swanley, William Brookes, and twelve more, whose names I well know not, nor cannot remember, put into a Dungeon, with forty Indians all in a hole, having no place to ease themselves. Bartholomew Churchman.  
The last of October, 1617. john Tucker affirmeth: That the Dutchmen took the Dragon, the Expedition, the Bear, and the Rose, and delivered only the Rose, and that there being in the Dragon a Present from the King of Achen for the King of England, called by them a Creeze, (that is to say) a Dagger, which they do detain to this hour.  
This is true, I under-written do affirm, and testify that it was not done by base Rogues (as they term it) but some of the principal Commanders. john Tucker.  
After the taking of these ships, there were above three hundred and fifty men set out of the four ships which were on shore, exposed unto the mercy of the Indians, where they found more courtesy then of the Hollanders, otherwise they had all perished.  
That all these abuses, and many more which we have formerly received by them, are true, we will maintain upon our oaths, and with our lives against any of their Nation, or others that shall gainsay this truth. Yet notwithstanding all this being (by the goodness of Almighty God) returned into our own Country, we have no satisfaction for these intolerable injuries, nor any consideration for two thirds of our wages most barbarously kept from us.   

Articles of abuses done by the Hollanders at the Island of Moluccas, and other places of the East Indies, aswell against our Sovereign Lord the King's Majesty; as also against us, and other Englishmen, since the year of our Lord 1616. not only before the Peace, but also since, until the month of March 1620. that we came out of the Indieses, in the good Ship called the james.  
THe second day of the month of February, in the year of the Lord, 1616. the Swan was surprised and taken by the Hollanders, at the Lands of Banda, and her men kept Prisoners till the eight and twentieth of April following. At which time the Hollanders carried five and twenty of the English to the Moluccas, where they were very hardly and inhumanely used, being fettered and shackled in the day time, and close locked up a nights. And from the month of May, until the end of September, they were compelled to carry stone and lime for the building of Forts there; which if any refused to do, they were kept in Stocks and Irons till they would work; and were notwithstanding also very hardly used for their victuals, insomuch that the one half of them died through their hard usage.  
When we were first taken, we were possessed of diverse goods, provisions and means, wherewith to relieve ourselves, which they presently took from us, and left us not so much as wherewith to cover our bodies.  
Whereof when we complained to john Ellias, who was Lieutenant to one Garret Derickson in the Trow, hoping that he would have had some commiseration of our miseries, and long lying in Irons, bad usage for want of meat, drink, lodging, and other things: The said Ellias and the rest of his Company did thereupon, and many other times say unto us, 
Here diverse words a●e omitted as ●oo odious against filthy ●um●s of Dutch Drink.  That he cared not for us, nor for any of our Countrymen; and that if they should take us and hung us up, we had our deserts: Yea, they used other gross and base speeches, not fit to be spoken off.  
We affirm, that the said john Ellias and his Company said, that they had little need of Englishmen; for they in Holland were able of a sudden to make and furnish twenty four thousand of flat-bottomd Boats, such as Parma would have landed upon the English shore in eighty eight. And also said, that they had of their own Nation and Countrymen, at the lest forty thousand strong in England, that presently, upon the lest occasion, would rise in Arms, and bend their forces speedily against us in our own Country.  
We affirm, that Laurence rial, who was their General, caused Grates and Cages to be made in their ship, and did put us therein, and carried us in them bound in Irons from Port to Port amongst the Indians, and thus in scornful and deriding manner and sort spoke unto the Indians as followeth: Behold and see, here is the people of that Nation, whose King you care so much for. But now you may hereby plainly behold how kindly we use his Subjects; making them believe that Englishmen were their Vassals and Slaves.  
Besides all this, they kept many of us fast bound and fettered in Irons, in most loathsome and dark stinking Dungeons, and gave us no sustenance, but a little dirty Rice to eat, and a little stinking rainwater to drink. So that many of our English fainting in their sights, for want of competent sustenance or other lodging at their hands: for want whereof many died, who were fetched out of the Dungeons, and so basely buried, more like Dogs than Christians.  
About the fift of May, in the year of our Lord 1619. we having over-passed many hungry days, and cold night's Lodging, in cold Irons and dark Dungeons, and thinking it not possibly able for us to endure those miseries any longer, made means that some of us came to john Peter Socoma, their General that now is, and desired his Lordship (which Title he duly looks for in the East Indies) that he would consider of our extreme wants and miseries, and help us to some better sustenance. And further we desired him, that he would be so much our friend, as to ease us of our Irons but for the day time: Whereupon the said General most wickedly replied with base speeches, and bade us be gone, and trouble him no more; for if we did, he would 'cause us all to be hanged speedily. So that we were forced to return from whence we came with heavy hearts, having no hope but in the Almighty, to whom we prayed to turn their hearts, and to release us of our miseries.  
Upon the thirteenth of May, in the year of our Lord 1619. the Dutch went ashore at japara; and there they wickedly and maliciously burnt down the Town and the English House there, and from thence forcibly taken away the English Flag, 
japara, the cruelty there.  and in great disdain of our Country trailed our Flag after them in the dirt through the Town, and towed it aboard their ship at their Boats stern; but what they did with it afterwards, we know not.  
Upon the eighteenth day of the month of November, and in the year of our Lord God, 1619. they took one Bartholomew Churchman, and clapped him up in Irons, and set him where he sat in the rain and cold storms of the night, and in the day time where the hot Sun shone upon him, and scorched him, without any shelter at all: and this they did to him, only because he struck a base fellow that spoke such words against our late Queen Anne's Majesty, as are not fit to be repeated: which words, as also diverse other which they spoke against our dread Sovereign, we dare not relate, as being too odious to be used in a subject's mouth touching his Prince: Howbeit, might licence and freedom of speech be granted us, to make known the base slanderous and detracting speeches of that Nation against our King and Country, that we might not incur any danger of his Majesty's displeasure by the repeating them, it would sufficiently make known the pride and cruelty of that people, who did not then let to say that they made no account of our King, nor any of his subjects.  
The seventeenth day of the month of March, and in the year of our Lord God everlasting, 1619. their Governor of the Moluccas gave order for the release of the English there, and appointed thirty of them to be carried to Amboynas, 
Amboynas' cruelty.  from thence to be sent into England or Holland. But the Governor of Amboynas, perceiving them to be arrived, he utterly refused to discharge them, and forced them to serve in their three ships, that went to the Manelees as men of war, which if any refused to do, they were to row in their Galleys chained like unto slaves; in which Voyage to the Manelees, fourteen of our men went in the Saint Michael, which were lost, and never since heard on, whose names do follow: Geroge Trigges, john Edwards, james Welch, john Crocket, William Nichols, Robert Gilbert, Matthew Gilbert, Giles Lipscombe, Arthur Tap, Edward Parker, William Vese, john King, john Over, and William Smith Chirurgeon.  
We affirm, that they having Arrian Ellis, Edward Read, and William powel, three Englishmen Prisoners, in their ship called the Bantam, they chained them in Irons, and laid them in the Beakhead, straight prohibiting all others to come near them, to give them any other food than their allowance, which was so small that mere hunger compelled those three Prisoners to throw the Dice who should cut each others throat; and so they did throw the Dice to that end, but were disclosed before any of them were slain, so that they were thereupon sundered, and sent into other ships.  
They have taken our men, and without any cause have stripped and whipped them openly in the Market place; they have also beaten up their Drum, and called the Blacks together to see it done.  
They will not suffer us to wear or spread in our English houses, in those parts where they have any command, any Colours that are our King's Colours.  
The Copy of a Letter sent unto the Dutch in the East Indies, from their English Captives at the Island of Monoboca, the nineteenth day of March, 1618. and delivered unto Captain William johnson Commander of the Angel.  
COnsideration in things of difficulty is requisite: and therefore much requisite in these our unchristianlike miseries. But because this hath been but slightly respested, we are now resolved to tell you of all your perfidiousness. First, Grippe got advantage to surprise our ships, and made a vow, not to touch life nor goods in any sort. But since the contrary hath been so much proved, that Grippe and his confederates are now seen to be for sworn, as shortly after their actions did show, in taking away even th●se things, which with their consent we did save, and bring aboard your ship called the Trow.  
At that time we being endungeoned at Pooloway, (besides all the Pagan-like usage of that cruel man, Laurence rial) we were by Van Hoof kept in such extreme misery, with stinking water, and Rice half full of stones and dirt (scarce able to keep life and soul together) that had not De●rickson van Lam granted the English at Poolaroone free access to Pooloway to bring us relief, ●ee had been all ere this time starved for want. But we passed away that time in expectation of better fortunes, which you have all from time to time promised: yet now again our miseries are thrice redoubled, for since we came to this place, you have not only used us most basely in other things, but also have taken away from us even that poor sustenance, which we bought with our moneys: and this hath been ●o●e by that envious man the Master, whom your Commanders do suffer to be their Commander, rather than their Inferior. If you consider all his actions, the refreshing which we have bought hath been but small, that is to say, four small Hens and Cocks, and even them hath the Master taken away, and eaten them in the great cabin, which dealing of his, if it be Christianlike, we refer it to your own discretion: and now at last, for a small cause or nothing at all to be thus handled, is a ten t●mes worse affliction, than ever was inflicted upon us, for to chain us up like so many Dog●, and to let us lie in the rain and storms of the night, without any shelter, which is also brought to pass by the Master. For (Commander) 
A sop for Cerberus.  we considering your gentleness, so that you can dispense with rigour: Therefore that misery that we endure is not by your means, but by the Masters, and theirs that be of his mind: and this is of a truth, that even your Hogs after their kind, lie a-nights d●yer then we after our kind, being Christians: and our grief is the more, because your men of the Black Lion, being taken by our English, were used like men, and we like abjects of the world, to be thus used like dogs, being Subjects to the King's Majesty of England, and in good respect with our Employers. But GOD that is above all, knows all▪ and in his good time will remedy all. Thus much we have thought good to certify unto you, not in the way of entreaty, for that we see is vain, but only that you may know, we now never look to come al●ue out of your hands: for by all manifest appearance, you seek to take even our lives from us: and this shall be a true argument of our grieved hearts, witnessing to all men, how unchristianlike we have been and are used by you● for in all this we have not expressed the tenth part of your cruelty; yet we hope, that for this t●me it shall be a sufficient light unto you, for that which hath been from time to time practised by you against the English. Given at the Island of Monaboca, the nineteenth of March, 1618.  
Subscribed by Cassarian David, Bartholomew Churchman, and George Pettys.  
Upon the receipt of this Letter, we three afore-named were laid in irons for eighteen months following, with such barbarous usage as is not to be imagined to be used amongst Christians.  
Upon the news of the taking of our two ships called the Samson and the Hound in Patania Road, Hendricke janson the Commander of three ships, viz. the Angel, the Morning Star, and the Burger-boat, sent a Letter by the upper Steersman of the Star, (who had but one arm) to their General john Peter Sacone then at jacatra, of the taking of our two ships; He, the said Sacone then said, you have now, Hendricke janson, given me good satisfaction, in that Captain jordan is dead: and at his return thither gratified him with fourteen hundred Gilders in a chain of gold, putting it himself about his neck, not leaving any one unrewarded, that had been at the taking of our two ships, and one hundred Pieces of eight to him that shot him, notwithstanding our Flag of truce was hung out. We affirm also that the said General john Peter Sacone, upon the news brought him by a ship called the Hart, from the Coast of Carmandele, of the death of Sir Thomas Dale, then said; Dale is dead, and jordaynes blood I have, if I had George Cockins life to, I were then satisfied.  
An Answer to objections made by the Hollanders, that the English were the cause of the first breach in the East Indies.  
WHereas the Hollanders affirm that Sir Thomas Dale, 
1616. 〈◊〉.  and Captain jordan were the prime cause of all the differences betwixt the two Companies. This we affirm and can prove, that both Sir Thomas Dale, and Captain jordan were both in England when the Defence and the Swan were taken; and also that very inhumanly they took the Defence 
* See the st●ry before (suspected fo● what 〈…〉) by 〈…〉. , when for relief being put from their Anchor at Poolaroone in a storm, they came into one of their Harbours for succour. They took the ship, and detained her men prisoners; likewise in rescue, we following, they took a Pinnace of ours called the Speedwell; going to jacatra▪ one of our men they slew, and the rest they laid in Irons as prisoners, amongst which one Richard Taylor Carpenter of the said Pinnace, who at that time had the bloody flux, who dying in their hands in Irons, they took the dead carcase of the said deceased, and put him into a bush, 
1617.  with his head downward, and his heels upward, and said in most barbarous manner, that there was a Stert-man, (that is, a man with a tail) with his heels upward; and there his carcase rotten in the bush.  
I would demand of them where Sir Thomas Dale, and Captain jordan were, 
1●●● 25. 〈◊〉  when they took the Solomon and the Attendance, it is to be proved, they were then coming out of England, hardly clear of the Coast, when they took both these ships, upon fair terms of Composition; namely, with promise to give us our lives, goods, and liberty. They rob us of all our goods, and kept us in lamentable manner in Irons, some of us three years, some more, some less: in which woeful misery many of our Company ended their days lamentably; for in truth, they never kept any faith, oath, or promise' with us at all, but most proudly, disdainfully, and cruelly demeaned themselves towards us.  
Bartholomew Churchman.     

CHAP. XIII. A pithy Description of the chief Lands of Banda and Moluccas, by Captain HUMPHREY FITZ-HERBERT in a Letter to the Company.  
Right Worshipful,  
IT remaineth that before I leave these Eastern parts, I note unto you some particulars observed this Voyage in Banda, Amboyna, and the Moluccas: which although I easily believe are well known unto you already, yet as of the letters of the Alphabet well known to all men, many unknown words be composed; so these noted things, either in respect of the time, the matter, or the manner of the delivery, may bring some thing again to your necessary remembrance, to your wise foreknowledge, or to your further consideration. Leaving japparra and Maccassar, I will betake myself to the barrenest place of the Isles of Banda, that is, 
Gonahpee one of the Banda Lands with a burning top.  to Gonahpee, at the top yielding nothing but cinders, fire, and smoke; on the surface below, woods without water or fruit for the sustenance of the life of man: nevertheless being severed from the Island Nero but by a very small channel, they together with Lantore on the other side do make a very fair and spacious Harbour. This Island is very subject to Earthquakes, 
Earthquakes.  which do trouble all other the Lands also, and make the ships in the Road to totter and tremble again. Since the surprisal of Nero by the Dutch, there being a fearful Earthquake, 
One most h●deous and horrible.  the said Hill cast forth such hideous flames, such store of cinders, and huge steames, that it destroyed, burnt, and broke down all the thick woods and mighty trees, overwhelming them as it were her own vomiting, so that a green leaf could not be seen in all that part of the Island: nor did Nero escape these hellish blasts, which blew these steames and cinders into the Castle and Country near adjoining, in such abundance, that it invited all men that saw it to her funeral, burnt up all the fruit trees, and covered all the Country about it, and had like to have sunk the ships in the road. It is credibly reported by those that saw it, the violence was so great, that it carried stones of three or four tons weight from the one Island into the other, and into the Road.  

Nera.  The Castle Nera standeth close on the waterside in the plain, it is fair, large, and strongly built; but weakly situate, by reason of the rising of the hill to the landward: within less than Musket shot it hath a hillock higher than it by at the lest twenty fathom, which doth command it at pleasure. To prevent which mischief, the Dutch have built thereon a small Fort, but in vain, the same being under command of another, aswell as the former. The Castle is a matter of great charge, 
Castle weakly situate.  both in respect of itself, as also in respect of the Soldiers; and altogether unnecessary, but for dwelling houses and Magazines; the other Fort being great enough, and strong enough for the defence of this place. Here is in this Castle about forty Pieces of Ordnance; in the other, some eight or ten, the most of brass. The Dutch have not received the fruit of this Island since their coming thither, being always overmastered by the Blacks, both by sea and land: but the gaining of Lantore hath made all things quiet now. I pray GOD make it profitable hereafter.  

Lantore.  Lantore is the greatest and richest Island of all the Isles of Banda, strong, and almost inaccessible, as it were a Castle: there is scarce a tree on the Island but beareth fruit. The Bandaneses left it for want of military policy: but he must have a politic pate (I believe) that gaineth it again. The Town is situate on the brow of a sharp hill, the ascent as difficult as by a ladder: while they stood peevishly to the defence thereof to the Roadwards', the Dutch landed with much ado on the other side of the Island, and surprised them at unawares. Right over the Town the Dutch have built a Fort on the top of the hill to prevent the like inconveniences, as also to keep the same in better subjection. It is but small, and while I was there, the foundation scarcely finished. If the English had come thither a month or six weeks before the Dutch made this spiteful expedition, I dare avouch it, they might have near laden the best ship your Worships have in India with Nutmegs and Mace from these Lands.  

Pooloway.  Pooloway is the Paradise of all the rest, entermitting pleasure with profit. There is not a tree on that Island but the Nutmeg, and other delicate Fruits of superfluity; and withal, full of pleasant walks, so that the whole Country seems a contrived Orchard with varieties. They have none but rainwater, 
None but rain water.  which they keep in jarres and Cisterns, or fetch it from the abovenamed Lands, which is their only defect. The sea shore is so steep, that it seemeth, Nature meant to reserve this Island particularly to herself. There is but one place about the whole Island for a ship to anchor in; and that so dangerous, that he that letteth fall his Anchor seldom seethe the weighing of it again: beside he incurreth the imminent dangers of his ship. How this Island was won by Derrick Lam, 
The Castle. Poolaroone.  or lost by Captain Castleton, I cannot well relate. It hath on the Eastern side a fair and strong Castle, a regular Pentagonon well fortified, and furnished with all manner of provisions and Soldiers, and is held to be the strongest Castle the Dutch have in the Indieses, and the most pleasant residence.  
Poolaroone (in imitation of her sisters the other Lands) is turned Dutch. There was in her neither pleasure nor profit, yet the ambitious King Coen 
* 
Coen the chief Commander of the Dutch in the Indieses, whose fastigious Titles may seem fastidious to an eye not altogether evil: and follow, as I have seen a copy of them, I know not whether needing a Democritus or Heraclitus; whether to be ranked with T. C●riat, sup. l. 4. c. 17. or with some of the long-stiled Emperors. Besides these Lands of Banda here named, are reckoned Rosinging, P. Maon, P. Capal, P. Sangy, Neilackey etc. Amboyna.  
A little Isthmus. Th●ee Vintages.  
Rarity in Nature.  
Strange spring.   hath made a conquest of her chastity. The Civil Law denieth a violent rape to be incontinency, because although the body be forced, the mind may yet be free. Recall her again, and right this uncivil outrage by your wise and civil censure: although the benefit (which is not to be contemned) be divided into shares, yet we hope, your Worships will keep and enjoy to yourselves the disposing and distributing always of your own.  
Amboyna sitteth as Queen between the Isles of Banda and the Moluccas; she is beautified with the fruits of several Factories, and dear beloved of the Dutch: which the better to declare, they say they would give thirty millions there were no Cloves but on that Island only. Neptune is her darling, and entertained in her very bosom, it seemeth that the Water and the Earth are agreed together in unity: for at the bottom of the Bay, with one hundred pioneers in seven days, of one Island it may be made two. It is not above a Flights shot from full sea mark on the one side, to full sea mark on the other side: nor is the sandy Plain raised a fathom above the of the horizon; insomuch they glide their Prawes and Coracorries by main force from one sea to the other. It is plentifully stored with Fruit, Fish, and fresh water: nor is there any great want of Flesh. Their Vines both of Banda, Amboyna, and the Molluccas, are pruned thrice a year, and every prunage hath his vintage. A rarity it seemeth to me, in nature, I saw in the Woods of this Island a Plant, or Tree, or neither, or whether I shall call it, I know not, in substance much like to the body of our ivy, in form like a hal●er of five or six inches, in length five or six fathoms, bore without sprig or sprout, the one end fast in the ground, the other fixed to the limb of a great Tree, a fathom and better distant from the body thereof, and so perpendicular, that it is very disputable whether it grows up from the ground, or from the limb of the Tree to the ground: this rope is of firm solid wood without any concavity, and yet it yields excellent good, fair and sweet water, and as fresh as from the Fountain; nor doth it herein admit any distinction or difference, unless it be the more delicate, according to your companies cut more or less thereof, distributing every one the quantity of two foot or thereabouts, and they shall have sufficient; for every piece will run to the value of a pint or thereabouts, and that in an instant; a strange refreshing to those that travail those high and dry mountains, as myself did found by good experience, the Castle of Amboyna is quadrangular, 
The Castle.  w●ll moted and fortified with men and munition, and hath in it about Pieces of Ordnance. The Dutch have reduced into order the two rebellious Factories, and the people begin to plant anew, insomuch that they expect within these few years the fruit will be to that it is at present. Your Worships shall herewith receive the Draught of this Island, and the adjoining Factories set out at large after the Dutch fashion, which maketh not molehills of Mountains.  
Bachan is accounted amongst the Lands which are more properly called the Moluccas, and is the greatest of them all; it is called great Bachan, 
Great Bachan.  there is another near adjoining called old Bachan. In great Bachan the Dutch have a factory and Castle, 
Old Bachan.  which venting some Commodities doth yield them Boards, Planks, and Masts for any ship whatsoever; it is the fruitfullest of all the Lands of all the Moluccas, and the cheapest. The King keepeth near the Castle without about three hundred persons, the rest being fled to the mountains & other Lands. The Dutch Merchant and others told me for certain, that for want of people the Cloves lie on the ground three or four inches thick in some places: so as it may be truly said of this place, the Harvest is great and the gatherers few; nor do I think that the Dutch do desire many. 
The Castle.  The Castle is but small yet strong enough for this place, and containeth fourteen Pieces of Iron Ordnance, small and great, etc. This is a very good Harbour.  
Machan the next in order, mounteth her tops above the Clouds in manner of a Cone, 
Machan▪  and admits no plains within the circut of her Confines. It is a very fertile Island, and yields to the Dutch the greatest Revenue of all the rest of the Moluccas Lands. It hath three Factories wi●h their Forts in Triangle position; the chiefest is Noffaquia which yields most Spice, 
Noffaquia. Taffasoho. Tabbalolo.  but venteth less Merchandise. The second is Taffasoho, which venteth more Merchandise, and receiveth less Spice. The third is Tabbalolo, which yields less Spice, and venteth less Merchandise. The Road where the ships take in their goods is at Noffaquia; at the other places there is no riding: this Castle also is the strongest; they are all seated high above the water, and the way unto them is steep and difficult, and therefore to the Sea-wards very strong, but to the Land-wards are commanded every way.  
There is in this Island a Clove Tree differing from all other in its fruit, 
Strange Clove Trees.  which is called The Kings Clove, much esteemed by the Country people both for the variety, as also for the goodness; nor is there any other but this in all the Moluccas; they are not to be bought for any money, but are given abroad to friends by handfuls and half handfuls: what fell to my lot your Worships shall receive together with an exact draught of all the Dutch Castles in the Moluccas.  
Motyr makes haste to follow Machand, in form, height, and fruitfulness; 
Motyr.  but not in her Revenues: nor is she equal to her in greatness. The Dutch hath one only factory upon this Island, which is called by the same name, it yields but little fruit, and venteth less Merchandise: here Venus and Voluptuousness have their habitation through idleness. 
Otia ●●tollas 〈◊〉 riere Cupidinis arcus. Tydore.  Thus much by the report of others, for I was not there to see it myself.  
Tydore doth tax the Dutch for leaving her wholly to the Spaniards, and destroying the Fort called the Marieca. This Island is great and rich in Spice as any, but because I had not landed here, I refer you to the Draught thereof, and of Ternate, herewith sent to your Worships for further notice.  
Ternate, 
Ternate.  the greatest of these Lands is the seat of Dissension between the Spaniard and the Dutch. The chiefest place for the Dutch is Malaijo, near unto which is Tallooko, and on the Northside of the Island is Tycoome, which should have been destroyed with the rest. Gamolamo, Dangile and Saint Lucy are the Spanish Forts, between which is Calamasca seated as a Frontier Fort of the Dutch, which should also have been destroyed; the whole both concerning the Island and those Forts will better appear by the Draught thereof, herewith sent your Worships enclosed in a Bamboo, etc.  
Aboard the Royal Exchange in the Road of jacatra, the 18. of October, 1621. Your Worships to command, Humphrey Fitz-herbert.  
Because the Author calleth Coen an ambitious King, you may see the occasion of it in the Titles which he assumeth, and are imposed on him; as I have seen them written: entitled by himself in his Proclamation for cessing or imposing of Customs at jacatra, in this manner, viz. 

IOhn Peeterson Coen Governor General over all the Lands, Lands, Towns, Forts, Places, Factories, Ships, Pinnasses, Shallops, and Men, as also of the whole Trade and Commerce in India, on the behalf of the High and Mighty Lords the State's general, his Princely Excellency, and others the privileged Committees of the united Netherlands East India Company.  
To all those to whom this present Writing shall come, greeting. We taking into our consideration, after the Conquest of the Kingdom of jacatra, etc.  
By the Queen of Patanie, sending her Ambassador unto Him: He was styled,  
The great, strong, and mighty King of jacatra, and of twelve Castles; Commander of all the Seas under the Winds, john Peeterson Coen.    
IF I had been able to have given thee also those Draughts, Reader, thou shouldest have had ●●em. But such as I have, give I unto thee; namely, this of Hondius, mean and obscure enough, but somewhat more than nothing. 
I had another fare better sent out of the Indieses, but partly the cost, and partly doubt to displease have detained the publishing.   
INSULAE INDIAE orientalis   map of the East Indies  

CHAP. XIIII. Three several Surrenders of certain of the Banda Lands made to the King's Majesty of England, faithfully translated out of Malahan into English; with a Voyage also annexed of Sir HENRY MIDDLETON.  
The Contents of the Surrender of the Lands of Pooloway, and Poolaroone, in Banda, to His MAJESTY.  
THis Writing is for the agreement between all the Orankayas of Pooloway, 
This was translated by Robert Hayes, ●hose cond●ent out the Indies ●● translated: 〈◊〉 third by Robert Hayes.  and Poolaroone also, and the English in manner as followeth, That whereas in the time that Pooloway was not yet suprized by the Hollanders, the people of Pooloway and Poolaroone had surrendered the two foresaid Lands unto the King of England, and had given ground to Richard Hunt Merchant there, withal setting up the King of England his Flag upon the Castle of Pooloway, and shooting ●f three Pieces of Ordnance in token of the Covenant of the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone, between the English and them, when they did surrender the two foresaid Lands to the King of England, and had given ground to the English, being done before the surprise of Pooloway, eight days: and after that, it was taken by the Hollanders. And whereas at that time there were but two Englishmen upon Pooloway, of weak defence, who being not able to do the Country any good, went away to Poolaroone, together with the men of Pooloway in one small Praw, who had brought away with them Earth and Writings for the establishing of Covenants betwixt them and the men of Poolaroone: Therefore now the two foresaid Lands are in the hands of the King of England only according to our Surrender. But whereas at this time through the Assaults of the Hollanders, Pooloway is fallen into their hands and Possession, if it shall please his Majesty to recover it unto himself again, he shall do therein naught but justice, because the Inhibtants thereof have absolutely surrendered it unto Him: and if his Majesty's pleasure be to the contrary, let it be as shall seem best in his Highness' judgement. But this is sure that we the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone, have surrendered the two foresaid Lands unto his Majesty's power and cannot go from, or revolt our word again even to the last day, and having linked ourselves with the English in one bond to live and dye together. Furthermore all the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone do covenant to sand every year to the King of England a branch of Nutmegs, in token of their designs, desiring that this offer of all the Orankayas of Pooloway and Poolaroone, being once offered out of their true love unto the King of England, be not had in oblivion or rejected.  
And whereas King james by the grace of God is King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, is also now by the mercy of God King of Pooloway and Poolaroone. Moreover, we do all of us make an agreement that the Commodities in the two foresaid Lands, namely, Mace and Nutmegs, we cannot nor will cell to any other Nation, but only to the King of England his subjects, according to the true meaning of our Covenants and surrendering of the two foresaid Lands to his Majesty, with all that is (in) them to be solely at his disposing, which is and shall be the reason that we cannot trade with any others. And whereas all the Orankayas of the two foresaid Lands have made this agreement, let it be credited that it was not made in madness or loosely as the breathing of the wind, but because it was concluded upon in their hearts, they cannot revolt or swerve from the same again. Moreover, all we together do desire of his Majesty that such thing as are not fitting in our Religion, as unreverent usage of women, maintaining of Swine in our Country, forceable taking away of men's goods, misse-using of our men, or any such like that are excepted against in our Laws, that they be not put in practice, being out of our use and custom; that they may not prove a blemish unto our Religion, and that we may receive no occasion to deal unkindly with the English. Furthermore, if any Englishman will beeome of our Religion, we will accept of him upon counsel: or if any of our people will become a Christian, he shall be so likewise upon like counsel, desiring this promise that such things be not done in such manner as may breed discontent betwixt us and the English, which we do very earnestly desire of his Majesty. Finally, at this time all the Orankayas of Pooloway and Poolaroone, do again make a Covenant with Nathaniel Courthop, Captain of the two ships riding here, Sophon Cozocke, and Thomas Spurway giving ground and surrendering the two foresaid Lands unto the King of England, being already partly in the hands of Nathaniel Courthop, Sophon Cozocke and Thomas Spurway, and that not only now, but as being done long since when Captain Castleton went from Pooloway with four ships, all the Orankayas of the two foresaid Lands, having agreed with Richard Hunt Merchant of Pooloway, with all having set the King of England his Flag upon the Castle of Pooloway, and shot off two pieces of Ordnance in token of the Covenant betwenne the Orankayes of Pooloway, and Poolaroone, and the English: and as it hath been done heretofore, so at this time we do renew it with Nathaniel Courthop, Sophon Cozocke, and Thomas Spurway.  
Emmon Poolowaye. Sabandar Poolowaye. Sabandar Wratt Sabandar Poolaroone. Sabandar Lamecoe. Nahoda Coa. Hattib Ittam. Hattib Pootee. Sabandar Treat. Emmon Lancecoe. Sabandar Locon.  
The Surrender of Rosinging and Wayre to his Majesty.  
THis writing is for the agreement between all the Orankayes of the Country of Wayre, and of the Island of Rosinging, and the English Nation in manner as followeth, viz. That whereas, in the time that the Country of Banda was in trouble, by reason of their enemies, so that they were no longer al●● to withstand them, they therefore agreed with Nathaniel Courthop, Sophonie Cozock, and Thomas Spurway; thus much in effect, that is, that they do surrender the Country of Wayre and the Island of Rosinging, unto the King of England in respect that they are not able any more to stand for themselues against their enemies: that now the said Country of Wayre, and the Island of Ros●nging is only in the power of the King of England. And whereas the agreements is once made, we the aforesaid Orankayes cannot in our Consciences dissolve it again, but that it shall last for ever until the last day of doom: And that the English shall be as the men of the Country of Wayre in all Privileges. Furthermore, the men of the aforesaid Country of Wayre, and the Island of Rosinging, do promise and agreed to sand unto the King of England, one branch of Nutmegs as a token of there foresaid agreement of all us the aforesaid Orankayes: on condition that the said token of our agreement be not out of memory nor dissolved, nor we dis-esteemed. And we do wish that Almighty God would vouchsafe to give prosperity to the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland: and now by the grace and mercy of God, the King of the Country of Wayre, and the Island of Rosinging, and that more, we will stoop to no other King or Potentate, but only unto his Majesty: and after him to all his posterity. Furthermore, as concerning our trade, we do all truly agreed, not to cell any of the Nuts or Mace, which the aforesaid Countries, do ●fford to any other but only to the King of England his subjects, because we have wholly unto him surrendered the foresaid two countries' of Wayre and Rosinging, with all that therein is, or whatsoever it doth, or shall yield, it is the King of England his own; and this shall stand for a reason that we cann●t trade with any other Nation. Moreover, we entreat the King's Majesty of England in earnest manner, that such things as are not befitting to our Religion, as unmannerly usage of our women, maintaining of Swine in our Country, beating and abusing of our men, or taking away of them perforce against their wills, as if they were their own slaves, or any other such like attempts, that are held unbeseeming in our laws (we say) that we do entreat his Highness that none of these or such like be put in practice by his subjects, because they are things disallowable in our laws, and so being committed, will redound to the overthrow thereof; and we thereby might be forced to deal unkindly with the English therefore. Moreover if any of the English hereafter shall have an affection to be circumcised, and become as one of us, it shall be done upon sufficient Counsel between the rest of the English and us, or if any of us will become a Christian in that cause, the like counsel shall be held, and this shall not be done for any misdemeanour of the party willing so to turn: because that may breed a dissension between the English and us. And whereas this agreement was made in the presence, and by the consent of the King & Sabander, of Wayre, the Sabander of Rosinging, Emmon Hattib, and all the rest of the Orankayes, of the Countries of Wayre, and the Lands of Rosinging: This shall be for a testimony that it is not done in madness, or in the manner of the breathing of wind; but that it was also aswell thought in our hearts, as spoken with our mouths, and therefore we cannot, nor will go from it again, but that it shall so stand until the dissolution of the world; Neither shall there any doubts rise in our hearts of any other, but that we the men of Wayre and Rosinging, are only the King's Majesties of England his subjects: and if any trouble hereafter do happen in the foresaid Countries, we will be contented aswell to die, as to live together with the English, because we will be subject to one King, and this shall stand for a reason, that any being in league with us, shall also be in league with the English, & per contra, he that is near the English, shall be near us, because we will by no means again, divorce ourselves one from the other. Finally, at the time this agreement was made, all the Orankayes of Pooloway and Poolaroone were witnesses thereunto; all the Orankayes of Pooloway and Rosinging have unto the aforesaid Premises set their hands.  
The King of Wayre. The Sabandar of Wayre. Emmom of Wayre. The Sabandar of Rosinging. Emmon of Rosinging. Hattib of Rosinging.  
Translation of the Surrender of Lantore, Cont. in the paper N. D.  
In the year of the Prophet Mahomed 1028. in the tenth day of the Moon Maharran being Saturday, the year is called Aleph▪ And in the year of of jesus, 1620. in the Month of November the 24. day.  
THis is the writing of the agreement of the Sabandar of Lantore, and the Cap. of Lantore &, all the Orankayes within the Country of Lantore, with Robert Hayes, after the loss of Captain Courthop; That we of Lantore do surrender the land of Lantore unto the King's Majesty of England with all that is therein: So that all the Nuts and Mace within the Country of Lantore, we promise' to cell to no other people, other then to the subjects of the King's Majesty of England only. Furthermore, we the Orankayes of Lantore, do promise' every year to sand to the King's Majesty of England a bough of a Nutmeg tree, for the acknowledging of the homage of us the men of Lantore, to the King's Majesty of England. To the intent that this agreement of Surrender betwixt us be not forgotten, to the end of the world: and to the intent their be no difference or falling out betwixt us. Furthermore, we do crave of his Majesty of England, concerning such things as do not agreed with our Religion, that they may not be done in the Country of Bandan, to the end that such things being restrained, there be no offence given between the Bandanezes and the Englishmen: As to enforce our Women, our Wives or Daughters, or to strike any of us, or violently to take any thing from us, or to let swine lose in our Country, or any such like thing as doth not agreed with our Religion. These things we only except (because those things tend to the destroying of our Religion) to the intent there be no falling out betwixt the Bandanezes and the English, unto the end of the world. And whereas it pleaseth God that james is King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland; so now also he is King of the Country of Banda: so than the Country of Banda is in subjection to no other King then to the King's Majesty of England only in this world, excepting our Religion. For our Religion of Islam doth not agreed with the Christian Religion, neither doth the Christian Religion agreed with our Religion of Islam; and this is the purport of our agreement. Further, if it shall happen any English to run to us, or any Banda man to run to the English, it may not be tolerated without the consent of the chief of the English and us of Banda; because such things are contrary to our Religion, and tend only to falling out and brabbles betwixt the Bandamen and the Englishmen. At this time we were together in consultation, all the Orankayes of Lantore, and the Orankayes of Labetacke, and the Orankayes of Nero Pooloway and Poolaroone, and have put too our hands, and this is the intent of this writing.  
Sabandar Lantore. Sabandar Ratoo.  

The Voyage of Master Henry Middleton to the Moluccas, 

This should have come in more due place before, being the second Voyage of the Company, if we than had had it: but better late than never. And for the subject it well agrees with this place also.  
His Majesty's letter.  
King of Bantam   (having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension to Banda) with letters of the Kings of those parts to his Majesty.  
Having taken leave ●f the Company, being furnished with all things necessary, we departed from Grausend the five and twentieth of March, 1604. and about the twentieth of December following, after many various accidents, we arrived (our men being very weak) in Bantam Roade; where after many complemental salutations between us and the Hollanders, with interchange of great Ordnance on both parts, the General of the Hollanders dining the last of December aboard our General: The day following, our General went on shore with a letter from the King's Majesty of England, to the King of Bantam, which with a present sent, was by him received with great ceremony, he being but of thirteen years of age, and governed by a Protector. The sixteenth of the said month, our General came aboard from Bantam to proceed on his voyage for the Moluccaes', appointing Master Surflet to go home in the Hector. The seventh of january following 1605. we anchored under the Shore of Veranula, 
Varanula.  a people that deadly hate the Portugals, and therefore had sent to the Hollanders for aid against them, promising to become subject unto them, if they expelled the Portugals; in sum, the Hollanders prepared to assault the Castle of Amboyna, and the Portugals to defend it, the one purposing to recover, the other to hold it; The Hollanders summoning them in the Prince of Orange his name to deliver it that day by two of the clock, 
Castle of Amboyna taken. English barred of trade by the Hollanders.  and the Portugals denying it. Yet in the end after many attempts and defences, it was yielded to the Hollanders by composition, whereupon the Governor of the Town, after the surrender of the Castle, barred us of all trade by the command of the Hollanders.  
The war continuing between the Tarnatans' and Tydorians, the first assisted by the Hollanders, the other by the Portugals, shortly after we got under the land of Tydore, where we might espy between Pulocanally and Tydore, two Galleys of Tarnata making great speed towards us, weaving unto us with a white flag to strike sail and to tarry for them. At the same time came seven Galleys of Tydore, rowing betwixt us and the shore to assault the Tarnatans', our General seeing the danger they were in, lay by the lee to know what the matter was; The foremost of these Galleys or Coracoras, wherein the King of Tarnata with diverse of his Nobles, and three Dutch Merchants were, 
King of Ternata..  being full of fear, desired our General for God's sake to save them from their enemies the Tydorians, from whom they looked for no mercy if he did not help them, & withal, that he would be pleased to rescue their other Coracora that came after, wherein there were diverse Dutchmen who were to expect nothing but death, if he did not relieve them. Whereupon our General commanded his Gunner to shoot at the Tydore Galleys, yet they desisted not but boarded them within shot of our Ordnance, 
Tydore Galleys.  and put them all to the sword, but three that saved themselves by swimming, and were taken up by our men into their boat.  

English benefit to the Dutch.  Our Genenrall being determined to go for Tydore, the Dutch desired him that he would no● let the King of Tarnata and them fall into their enemy's hands, from whom he had so lately delivered them, promising mountains of Cloves and other Commodities at Tarnata and Makeu, but performing Molehills, (verifying the proverb, The danger escaped, the Saint is deceived.) One thing I may not forget, the King of Tarnata coming aboard the General, trembled for fear, which the General supposing to be for cold, put a black Damask gown laid with gold lace, and lined with unshorn Velvet, on his back, which at his departure, he had not the manners to restore, but kept it as his own: But see how this kindness was shortly after recompensed by these unthankful men. Our General arriving at the Portugals town in Tydore; the Governor of the Fort sent one Thomas de Torres, 
Ternatas fraud.  and others with a letter, the effect whereof was, that the King of Tarnata and the Hollanders reported, that there was nothing but treason and villainy to be expected at our hands, but that he conceived better of us, believing their reports to be nothing but malice. To second this, not long after, our General arriving at the King's town, sent Master Grave aboard the Dutch Admiral, who found but could entertainment at their hands, affirming that we had assisted the Portugals in the last wars against the King of Tarnata and them, with Ordnance and other Munition, which our General proved to the contrary by some Portugals that were taken prisoners by them in that conflict; 
Dutch unkindness.  & then being ashamed of the slander, the General affirmed he had it from a Renegado Gussarat, but did not think it to be true.  
To fill up full measure, not long after the King of Tarnata seeming to affect our Nation, they threaned him that they would forsake him and join with the deadly enemy the King of Tydore, 
This Saunder passeth in print in their authors notwithstanding. Peevishness of the Dutch. Their brags and lies.  if he suffered the English either to have a Factory, or any trade with them, affirming that the English were thiefs and robbers, and no other he should found them, and that the King of Holland was stronger by Sea, than all Christendom beside, with many other disgraceful speeches of our Nation, and all other Christian Princes (a just consideration for all Nations to think what this insolent frothy 
* Understand this of the Merchants which traded (or warred rather) not of the whole land or best men of Holland. Loser's will have leave to speak: & Merchants envy each other.  Nation will do, if they attain to the possession of the East Indies) To which insolent speeches our General replied: That what Hollander soever he were that so reported, he lied like a traitor▪ and that he would make it good against any one that should so report; affirming that if the Queen's Majesty of England had not taken pity of them, they had been utterly ruined by the King of Spain, and branded for slaves and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our Nation, if they were laid open, would fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear. I will conclude, to show the esteem had of our Nation in the East India, with the true Copies of sundry letters seni by their Kings to his Majesty of Great Britain, and first of the King of Tarnata.  
The King of Tarnatas Letter to the King.  
HEaring of the good reports of your Majesty by the coming of the great Captain Sir Francis Drake, in the time of my father, which was about some thirty years past: by the which Captain my predecessor did sand a Ring unto the Queen of England, as a token of remembrance between us: 
Fame of Sir Francis Drake.  which if the aforesaid Drake had been living, he could have informed your Majesty of the great love and friendship of either side: he in the behalf of the Queen, my Father for him and his successors: since which time of the departure of the foresaid Captain, we have daily expected his return, my Father living many years after, and daily expecting his return. And I after the death of my Father, have lived in the same hope, till I was father of eleven children: In which time, 
Quis tu●erit Gracchoes de seditione querentes?  I have been informed that the Englishmen were men of a bad disposition, and that they came not as peaceable Merchants, but to dispossess us of our kingdoms; which by the coming of the bearer hereof, we have found to the contrary: which we greatly rejoice at. And after many years of our expectation of some English forces, by the promise of Captain Drake, here arrived certain ships, which we well hoped had been Englishmen, but finding them contrary, and being out of all hope of succour of the English Nation, we were enforced to writ to the Prince of Holland, to crave aid and secure against our ancient enemies the Portugals; and according to our request, he hath sent hither his forces which have expelled the Portugals out of all the Forts which they held at Amboyna and Tydore. And whereas your Majesty hath sent to me a most kind and friendly letter by your servant Captain Henry Middleton; that doth not a little rejoice us: and whereas Captain Henry Middleton was desirous to leave a factory here, we were very willing thereunto; which the Captain of the Hollanders understanding, he came to challenge me of a former promise, which I had written to the Prince of Holland: That if he would sand me such succours▪ 
A friend at a pinch.  as should expel the Portugals ●ut of these parts, that no other Nation should have trade there, but only they: so that we were enforced against our like, to yield unto the Holland Captain's request for this time, whereof we crave pardon of your Highness: and if any of your Nation come hereafter, they shall be welcome. And whereas the chief Captain of the Hollanders doth solicit us not to hold any friendship with your Nation, nor to give ear to your Highness' Letters, yet for all their suit, if you please to sand hither again, you shall be welcome: And in token of our friendship which we desire of your Majesty, we have sent you a small remembrance, a Bahar of Cloves, our Country being poor, and yielding no better commodity; which we pray your Highness to accept in good part.  
Tarnata.  
The King of Tydores Letter to the King's Majesty of England.  
THis writing of the King of Tydore to the King of England, is to let your Highness understand, that the King of Holland hath sent hither into these parts, a Fleet of ships, to join with our ancient enemy the King of Tarnata, and they jointly together, have overrun and spoiled part of our Country, and determined to destroy both us and our subjects. Now understanding by the bearer hereof, Captain Henry Middleton, that your Highness is in friendship with the King of Spain, we desire your Majesty that you would take pity of us, that we may not be destroyed by the King of Holland and Tarnata, to whom we have offered no wrong: but they by forcible means, seek to bereave us of our Kingdom. And as great Kings upon the earth are ordained by God, to secure all them that be wrongfully oppressed; So I appeal unto your Majesty for succour against my enemies; not doubting but to find relief at your Majesty's hands: And if your Majesty sand hither, I humbly entreat that it may be Captain Henry Middleton or his brother, with whom I am well acquainted. God enlarge your Kingdoms, bless you and all your Counsels.  
Tydore.  
The King of Bantam to the King of England.  
A Letter given by your friend the King of Bantam, to the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland: desiring God to preserve your health, and to exalt you more and more, and all your Counsel. And whereas your Majesty hath sent a General, Henry Middleton, he came to me in health. I did hear that your Majesty was come to the Crown of England, which doth greatly rejoice my heart: now England and Bantam are both as one. I have also received a Present from your Majesty: the which I give you many thanks for. I do sand your Majesty two Bezoar stones, the one weighing fourteen masses, the other three: and so God have you in his keeping.  
Bantam.    

CHAP. XV. The Dutch Navigations to the East Indies, out of their own journals and other Histories.  
FOrasmuch as Banda hath been almost the bane, and as it were the Trojan Horse to our Indian Ilium, whence an Iliad of miseries and mischiefs have issued to that Society; whereby their wont gains have been suspended (with a Xanthe retro propera) their reputation stayn●d, their ships and goods taken and stayed, the persons of many Christians, Brethrens in Arms, Arts, and Religion; exposed to the basest of contumelies, and cruelest of deaths, as the premises declare; and that amongst the Infidels, whom by word and example of life they should have sought to convert; whose states also are hereby subverted, and their faith farther perverted (thorough you, the wrong-doers in this case, is my Name blasphemed amongst the Gentiles) I have thought good to set down the true case briefly, as out of diverse Witnesses, Christian and Heathen, English and Dutch, I have gathered it; no whit seeking the dishonour of either Nation (for what Nation hath not some sick, some rotten members:) but as an Historian aught to deliver the truth: which haply the industrious out of the formal materials can see to do without help, but the vulgar will need Spectacles. And herein for the more honour of the Dutch Nation, we will begin with the beginnings of their Indian Navigations, and by brief steps descend into these broils: wherein if the Merchants have proved Martial, if some of their Commanders have been insolent, if others of the base Rascality with Pot-froth or Sea-froth, transported to blaspheme Kings and higher Powers: & that Dutch-Indian disease hath lately grown Epidemical in those parts, & turned into a general Contagion wherewith their greatest numbers there have been infected: yet the head and heart here at home (I doubt not) are sound, and will soon (my hope tells me) purge these malign humours from those remoter members: will soon? nay! my faith runs faster, they are even now a doing it: herein also my charity checks it, as too shortbreathed, and saith (it is others fault if I lie) they have already 
* Dabit, Lentum est dabit, dat, hoc quoque est Lentum, dedit. Sen Hei fur.  done it. For who can suppose that they will make others wrong deeds theirs by convinence or countenance? that their justice will not do that which is just? that their wisdom doth not reason in season? that their mature forwardness hath not done already that to, and for the English there, which came thither and about the World by English help; by their examples in Drake and Candish instigated; by their Pilots, notes and instructions, as before appeareth in Melis, Adams, Davis', and others not a little furthered; and by their support at home enabled to look abroad: so many gallant English spirits exhaled, so much English Treasure exhausted, in defence of that Belgian liberty: wherein the Hollander of all men will not take it to see their virtue imitated by the Bandanezes, who likewise there affected it by seeking English protection, and effected by surrendering themselves in subjection to the English Crown? And as for their freedom then when they offered it, I am not willing to make a comparative quaere betwixt the Dutch and them 
* Si ego dignus sim hac contumelia maximè (may both English and Bandanese allege) At tu (Hollande) indignus qui faceres tamen.  whether were freer States: whether more obliged, these to the Dutch themselves by any act of former subjection, or to the pretended title of Ternate, (in both which, the Dutch own Historiographers, as here will appear, free them) or the other to. But I will to my History, or rather to theirs, both in respect of the subject and authors, and occasioned by the evil of some, will honour the worthier spirits of that Nation, out of their own journals and Relations, delivering a brief of their Marine Exploits.  
WHen 
* 
Hist Amstelod. joh. Isa●ij Fontani, l. 2. c. 18. & 24.  
Prefat. in 8. part. Ind. Orient Diarium Nauticum in Ind. Orient. ap. Io. janson. Arnhemiens. also you have this whole Voyage written by the Commissary of the Fleet in the third part, Ind. Or.  
Of these things see their several journals published in diverse Languages: also the Tomes of the E. I Gaspar. Ens, Got Artus Metranus, pag. 594. etc.   the King of Spain had made many years wars upon the Hollanders with exceeding expense and force, permitting mean whiles the Hollanders ships nevertheless to trade on his Coasts, he was at last counselled to bring them to subjection, by hindering their Navigation and intercepting their ships by arrest. Thus were they prohibited the shores of Spain and Portugal, some put into their Galleys, their goods confiscate, and the Hollanders began to think of other Trade, and to make trial of the Indieses. And first began those of Amsterdam to set forth eight ships by consent of the States and Prince Maurice: four of which were to go the wont way (by the Cape of Good Hope) to seek and settle Trade in those parts especially of the Indieses, where the Spanish Power was not admitted; The other four (of which two were of Amsterdam, the other two of Zealand and Enckhusen) attemped by the North to discover a passage to China, Cathay and the Moluccas, as by a fare shorter cut; this way from Holland to japan being not above one thousand two hundred thirty five Dutch miles, whereas by the Portugal way it was two thousand nine hundred thirty two. Of their Northern Expeditions 
* In the eight Book of his Works.  elsewhere: the other four ships by a safer and more frequented way set forth in the same year 1595. and laid foundation of that which since is reputed by them a miraculous structure, and taking occasion from being forbidden Spain, to make themselves way first to the East, and since enterprizing also the West Indies. The ships were the Maurice, the Holland, the Amsterdam, and a Pinnace, the persons two hundred forty nine: the Society called, De Compenie van verre: the whole charge was two hundred and ninety thousand Florins, 
Societas longinquae societatis.  of which one hundred thousand was in ready money and Merchandise. The Maurice and the Holland were of two hundred and eighty lasts, the Amsterdam one hundred and eighty, the Pinnace twenty. The Captain of the first Bernard Heijnck; Cape Merchant, Cornelius Houtman; john Miller Master, etc.  
The second of April, they set sail from the tessel. The second of August, they had sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The two and twentieth of September, they set two men on shore for mutiny. On the five and twentieth, they came to Saint Augustine's Bay in the I'll of Saint Laurence. The tenth of February, to Anton Gill.  
In May they came to Dampin in Sumatra, in june to the Straitss of Sunda, where certain Portugals from Bantam visited them. On the three and twentieth and four and twentieth, diverse Chinois, Malabars, and men of other Nations came to them, some of which had been in Constantinople, Venice and Rome, and one of them said, he had four months passed seen their Lad and God (meaning the Pope) whom they answered that they were Christians, and cared not for the Pope. On the six and twentieth of june, Captain Heync died of the Flix. On the nine and twentieth, the Pangram or Vice King came aboard the Mauritius. The first of july, the Pirnces' Letters (written in Arabecke and Portugal) were read, and Covenants confirmed by Oath on both sides.  
On the sixth of july, they were warned by their Interpreter, from the Viceroy or Protector, to take heed of the Portugals, which (notwithstanding coloured friendship) sought their ruin, and had agreed with Caesar (whose father had ruled all java, but he himself was brought into straitss, and enjoyed little but a name, 
Portugal's treachery to the Hollanders. Raya Dauina ● Caesar.  having also a Portugal Wife) that he should invite all the principal Hollanders to a Feast, and the Portugals, meanwhile, with fifty Soldiers and others of Caesar's Household should invade their ships, Caesar to have the spoil, and the Portugals to give him three thousand Ducats for the ships. This Caesar was so called by the Portugals, of the people Raya Davina: but the men of Bantam rejected his Dominion because he had lived at Malacca, and favoured the Portugals, to whom they feared jest he should bring them in subjection. Yet was he acknowledged of many, even Kings themselves speaking to him with their hands enfolded one in the other (the gesture of Slaves) he had also been aboard with his children on the second of july. He told them also that the Portugals sought to persuade the Viceroy to the like, and besought and bribed his followers thereunto, affirming, that they were not Merchants but Pirates, and if they had access now in ten or twelve years they would return and subdue their Country: and this spark, if now unquenched would set the whole East on fire. Morever, they were enemies to the King of Spain, whose enmity would by their entertainment be procured: and that they were but Spies. 
Hereby appears the discord betwixt Caesar and the Bantamians as fare as they durst.  The Hollanders sent one of their Captains into the Town to search the truth by conference with the Protector or Viceroy, who further counselled them to shoot into the Town when Caesar went aboard the ships, promising to reveal all things to them: He found also in the Sabanders house Gunpowder and other hostile provision. They sent Caesar a Costlet and other Presents, and he accordingly sent to invite all their chief men and Musicians: but now by their Present seemed to be won to better thoughts, blaming the Portugals.  
After this Caesar went to jacatra, and the Protector and Hollanders agreed about taking a house for their better Traffic, which was done, and Rainer van Hell was appointed chief, who yet found nothing but frauds and shifts in the Protector and Bantamese. As for the Portugals they murdered Peter Tayda a Mestizo of Portugal original and dwelling at Bantam, for h●lding familiarity with the Dutch, by the solicitation of their Priest. The Inhabitants were by Proclamation inhibited to cell Rice to the Hollander, and presently after they were told of an assault, should be made on their ships: and when some of their Company had gotten aboard, the rest were detained: which when by no intercession they could recover, they assailed the town with their ships, and took three junckes; a fourth was set on fire by the Portugals to prevent taking.  
At night Houtman the chief on shore writ to them that they had halters about their necks, and were presently all of them adjudged to dye, if they continued further battery and spoil. A day's truce followed, and after that the War renewed, which continued above a month, and peace was concluded. As for Houtman and his fellows, they were sentenced to dye, but the various opinions of the means protracted their lives. Persuaded by the Portugals who had sent purposely thither from Malacca, 
* This Messenger is said to have given 10000 Rials to deliver him the Hollanders, or to prohibit them Trade.  the Bantamians after a little space broke off Trade again, which the Hollanders supplied by taking their junckes. After this they were assaulted by a ship of Indians, with poisoned Arrows, the venom whereof could not be cured but by cutting out the affected part: this ship also the Hollanders took. The Portugals expostulated with the Protector that so little had been done, and they both grew to hot words, the fuel of a great fire: the Portugals seizing on some China junckes for their satisfaction, which the Protector a while dissembled but afterwards revenged with the destruction of the Portugals; under colour of a great Marriage at jacatra, setting forth a Fleet, wherewith he invaded the Portugal Galleys, slew the men and divided the spoil, 

The Portugals reward.  
Tuban, Cydaio, Brandaon and Surubaya are near each other, on jova. The Bird Eme. Another treachery.   the other Portugals slipping their Anchors and fleeing to Malacca.  
The Hollanders came to jacatra the thirteenth of November, and were received with much kindness, whence having furnished themselves with necessaries, they set sail, the Amsterdam running with full sails on a Rock before they had sailed a Dutch mile. On the third of December, they came to Tuban and Cydaia, where they bought Nutmegs and Cloves, and the Sabandar gave them a great Fowl called Eme, above four foot in height, somewhat like an Ostrich, saving that the feet were not cloven. Here under colour of friendship the Cydayans (set on, as they learned after, by the Portugals and Bantamians, with six great Prawes assailed the Amsterdam and the Pinnace: where they slew in the Amsterdam twelve, and wounded two, but the other ships coming in, 
Madura.  they fled, losing an hundred and fifty of the javans. The Hollanders departed thence to Madura. Here the King would needs have leave to come aboard, which he was permitted if he came with six followers, and to one of the greater ships: But he coming with one hundred, and to the Amsterdam, was slain, with the Priest and most of his Company: his young son and others taken: by whom they learned the ill intent that the Madurians had to take their ship Amsterdam, which themselves soon after fired, taking out of her what they found useful. And now having lost many of their Chiefs they consulted about return, and by force of winds were put into Ballabua, and the ship Holland entering the River of Baly an Isle nine leagues off, was put back with the violence of the stream. The King of Passaruan a Mahometan had married and slain the daughter of the King of Balabua a Gentle, and now held him besieged to enforce him to exchange his faithless faith. 
Ballabua, or Balamboan, here Cand●sh had been. Baly called Hollandiola in eight degrees of South latitude.  The King of Baly assisted the Gentle, but his Captain being slain, the rest returned. These told of a ship there ten years before, which was thought to be Master Candishes, the old King, then supposed one hundred and fifty to be still living. Baly they called Hollandiola, for the fertility; there they watered.  
They sent to the King, who accompanied the Messenger to the shore in a Chariot drawn with Buffals, holding the Whip in his own hands, having three hundred followers, some with flame-formed Crises and long Spears, Bows of Canes with poisoned Arrows. He was feasted in Dishes of solid Gold. The Land is an equal and fertile plain to the West, watered with many little Rivers (some made by hand) and so peopled that the King is able to bring into the field 
* Another saith (which is more credible) that it nourisheth 600000. people.  three hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horsemen. Their horse are little like Islanders, their men black and using little Merchandise, but with Cotton Cloth in Prawes. The Island is in compass about twelve German miles. Their Religion is Ethnic, ordered by the Brachmanes or Bramenes, in whose Disciplines the King is trained up. They have also Banianes, which wear about their necks a stone as big as an Egg with a hole in it, whence hung forth three threads; they call it Tambarene, and think the Deity thereby represented: they abstain from flesh and fish, but not (as the javan Pythagoreans) from Marriage. Once they may marry, and when they dye their Wives are buried quick with them. Every seventh day they keep holy, 
The seventh day holy. Drakes Straight  and many other Holidays in the year beside with solemn Ceremonies. Their Wives burn with their dead Husbands. Here they heard of Captain Drakes being there eighteen years before, and called one Straight by his name. The King observeth state, is spoken too with hands folded, by the best. The Quillon hath power there as the Chancellor in Poland. Two of their company forsook them and stayed on the Island. And of two hundred forty nine there were now left but ninety. In February they began their return. The four and twentieth of April, 1597. they came in sight of Terra de Natal▪ and the five and twentieth of May, of Saint Helena, where four Carracks made them afraid to adventure. The eleventh of August they entered the tessel: the ship Holland having not men left to weigh their Anchor, and forced therefore in a storm to cut their Mast overboard.  

The second Voyage.  
ALthough the gain of this Expedition were loss of men and perhaps also of money and wealth, yet did it encourage with the strange Novelty and hopeful probability many Adventurers, both of the Hollanders and of English also that way affected, adventuring with them. This we have observed in the Voyages of Master Davis', 
* Pag. 117.  Pilot with Houtman, with two ships; and of Master Adams with jaques Mayhay, in a Fleet of five ships, and of Melis 
* Pag. 125. & Pag. 71.  with Oliver Noort, in a Fleet of four ships, these two last sailing by the Magellan Streights to the Indieses, following the Sun to see his rising and seeking the East Indies by the West: all were set forth in the year after the others return. Anno 1598. The same year was by the Indian Society of Holland set forth a Fleet of eight ships, the Holland, the Zealand, the Friesland, the Gelderland, the Vtrick, the Ouer-Issell, or the Dove, the Maurice, and the Amsterdam, furnished with five hundred and sixty men, james Neccius Admiral in the Maurice, Wibrand Warwick (whom we before have honoured for his love and honour to the English) Vice-admiral in the Amsterdam, and seven Commissioners adjoined. On May-day they set forth from the tessel, and kept together till they came to the hopeful Promontory, where they by ignorance and foul weather parted, the Holland, Maurice and Ouer-issell, holding their way to the I'll of Saint Marie: the other five to the Island De Cerne, by them named of Prince Mauritius, 
* Mauritius Island.  about twenty degrees South latitude, near to Madagascar, mountainous, full of tall trees of black, read and yellow Ebony, and Palmites, having a good air, Tortoises able to go with four men on their backs, and to hold ten men sitting on the inside of the shell, (unkind Guests eating their Host, non hospes ab hospite tutus) store of Fowls, desolate and dis-habited by man or beast: they left there Hens, and sowed a certain Plain with diverse seeds. 
Dec. 26. 1598.  The other three ships having watered at Saint Maries, (able to yield little else) came to Bantam, in the end of the year, who suspected them to be the same which formerly had been there, and refused Trade, till they sent Abdol a Chinois (carried into Holland by the former Fleet) with Presents to the King than an Infant, and Cephate the Protector, and procured Traffic. Four weeks after came in the other five ships, many of them sick, and thirty five dead. The Bantamese having ejected the Portugals, now brought them store of provision, used them kindly, admired their Pewter, and for one Spoon gave as much food as would serve a man a week. But Abdols telling of the other ships to come raised the price of Pepper. Four ships being laden were sent home, and arrived at the tessel, the nineteenth of july, 1599 
Speedy Voyage to and fro the Indieses, in 15. M. Tuban.  The other resolved for the Moluccas, and Neccius being returned, Warwick was their Admiral.  
These set sail from Bantam the eight of januarie. On the one and twentieth they came to Tuban a Town of java, the King thereof potent and pompous, the People delighted in riding, their silken Saddles portrayed with Devils; they use exercises and games on horsbacke. Here having gotten provision, on the eight and twentieth they came to Madura an Island lying Northward from java, fertile of Rice, the People living in great part on robbery. Hear they divided their Fleet, two ships the Gelderland and Zealand for jortam in java, 
jortam. Madura.  the Vtricke and Amsterdam to Arosbay a Town on the West of Madura, where they had no sooner landed their men to seek provision, but they were taken, spoilt and captived by the Inhabitants; and after them three others sent to see what was become of their fellows. They demanded for their liberty two great Pieces, one thousand Rials and other commodities. But the Admiral having called the rest from jortam put on land one hundred and fifty men to recover them by force on the fift of February, and saw many in Arms, two Portugals being their Captains. 
Treachery.  Whiles they were in fight a storm arose, which made the Hollanders mind their ships, but two boats in their return were overturned with forty nine men, of which twenty five drowned and slain, the rest were kept prisoners with their fellows, in all one and fifty; for which they paid in money and wares, two thousand Rials of eight.  
On the seventeenth, they had sight of Celebes: on the nineteenth of the I'll Camboyna: on the one and twentieth, of Cebesa, betwixt which and Botun lie shoalds, 
divers Lands.  which they happily escaped: on the five and twentieth, By'r: on the six and twentieth, Blau: the first of March, they saw three Lands adjoining Atypoly, Manyba, and Gyta, before Amboyna, to which they came on the third. In Amboyna, are store of Cloves, Oranges, Limonds, Citrons, Coquos, Bonanas, Sugarcanes: the Inhabitants simple and poor, their weapons long Pikes hooked, which they dart very sure. Their Coracoras or Boats have some representation of a Dragon, of the head in the prow, and the tail in the stern, adorned with Streamers. Hear they agreed for trade and a house. But because here was not sufficient for all four ships, therefore the Zealand and Gelderland were sent to Banda. On the fourteenth, they passed by Polo Setto, 
The Dutch first trade at Banda. 1599 Polo Setton.  an Island not inhabited, five leagues Northwest from Banda: whereof also they conceit I know not what devilish possession, insomuch that their foolish Indian Pilot, with a terrible ghastly countenance (when they came against it) thrust forth the boat-hooke with like gesture as they do in boats, as if he would thrust the ship thence, and being weary laid it by him with the hook forward, seeming to triumph of his Devill-conquest when he was passed.  
On the fifteenth, they came to Pooloway, and had sight of Poolaroone, 
Poolaway.  and anchored that night at Banda. The Sabander came the next day to confer with the Admiral, and agreement of mutual trade was made betwixt them, a house also taken for that purpose. On the three and twentieth, came the first Merchandise from Ortattan: on the four and twentieth, they began to buy and cell: on the five and twentieth, the Vice-admiral went to the other side of Banda which is most frequented, to hire a house there: on the seven and twentieth, came goods from Nera. On the fourth of April, they had Letters from the Admiral at Amboyna, that by reason of the Inhabitants Wars with the Portugals he had yet laded few wares. All May they were busy in buying and selling.  
On the fift of june, the men of Labetacke (about an hour's journey distant from Nera, 
Civil wars among the Bandanese.  but in heart unmeasurably different, made a sally or skirmish, in which some were slain. On the seventeenth, the men of Nera with those of Lantore and Pooloway went over to Wayre and killed many, whose heads in disgrace of Labetacke they fastened on their boats, and at their return, with their swords yet bloody, made glorious muster of themselves four or five days together. They brought some women captives, one of which they cut asunder. Yet did they after bury the heads in cotton clotheses. The Zealand received in her last lading on the nine and twentieth of june: and the Gelderland on the first of july. On the second, the Vice-admiral entreated good usage to those he should leave behind him in a house built by them, and having given gifts to the Sabander and the Orancayes, he took leave: (Regem nullum agnoscunt) for the Bandaneses acknowledge no King, 
They are the words of Isacius Pontanus, ●ib. 2. c. 25. of his History of Amsterdam. See also pars 5. Ind. Orient. which words are to be marked against whatsoever pretext of Ternate, or disability of surrendering themselves.  sed suis institutis viventes, ad Seniorum Coetus, ubi consultatione opus est, res referunt: they are ruled by their own States or Orankayes: The Inhabitants are Mahumetans and very devout, that they begin nothing, neither Divine nor Human, before they have prayed in their manner. They are a collectitious Nation of many People's compounded. The Lands are diverse, Banda the chief, in which are six or seven Towns continually disagreeing. The chief is Nera, to which Labetacke, Comber, and Wayre are enemies: Lantore (on the other side of the Island) and the two Lands of Pooloway and Poolaroone are friends to Nera. The cause of these jars and Wars is; the casting down of certain trees many years since, in the territory of Nera, by the men of Labetacke: whence they still kill one another like Dogs. Their banquets public, Meskit ceremonies, and football tennis, I omit. They are nimble, and some very aged unto one hundred and thirty years. The work in dressing their Nutmegs, Mace, and otherwise, is the women's burden.  
On the fourth of july, they set sail from Banda, and on the six and twentieth came to jacatra. On the eight of August to Bantam, from whence they set sail on the nineteenth; and the twentieth of April, 1600. arrived in the tessel. The two other ships, Amsterdam and Vtricke, after two months stay at Amboyna, set sail thence the eighth of May for the Moluccas; and on the two and twentieth, cast Anchor near Ternate. Here they held trade with the King's leave and love, till the nineteenth of August; and then leaving some in factory they departed. The nineteenth of December, they came to Bantam, whence they set sail the one and twentieth of januarie. The sixteenth of February, john Peter an Englishman their Treasurer died. 
john Peter an Englishman.  The thirtieth of May, they had sight of the Ascension, from whence the next day they made haste homewards, much pressed with defect of victual, and safely arrived at Amsterdam.  

Many Fleets sent to the East Indies out of Holland and Zealand.  But before the return of any of these ships, in the year 1599 the Dutch Indian Company set forth another Fleet of three ships, under the command of Stephen van Hagen, the fourth of May. Likewise the four ships of the former Fleet, which had made so speedy a Voyage, were sent again forthwith under the command of james Williams. And besides the former Company, a new Company of Amsterdam and Brabant sent forth a Navy of four ships under Peter Bot. These set sail from the tessel the one and twentieth of December, 1599 which returned two years after richly laden. Also this last Society prepared two other ships, A. 1600. to which the former Company added six other of five hundred tons the piece, under the command of Neccius, which making happy returns, mean whiles the Zelanders entertained the business. And in the year 1601. thirteen ships departed from Amsterdam, on the three and twentieth of April, under the command of james Heemskirck, four; and four under john Grenier, and four under Wolphard Harminius. Against these the Spaniard set forth a strong Armada of thirteen Sail, which encountered eight ships of the Dutch, before the rest were come to them; a fight followed, wherein a small Hollander Pinnace was so battered, that they took out her wares, and sent her back.  

See Davis' his first Voyage, pag. 117. This slaughter of Houtman some ascribe to the Portugal wiles, part. oct. Ind Or.  How Houtman was slain at Achen, is elsewhere delivered. This King being by Portugal wiles further instigated, did give good entertainment notwithstanding, this year 1601. to some Zealand ships under the command of Laurence Bicker, as also to George Spilberg. He sent his Ambassadors also to Prince Maurice, with Bicker, one of which died at Middleborough, whose Epitaph in greater letters hath, Hic situs est Abdur Zamat Princeps Legationis à Rege Taprobanae seu Sumatrae Soltan Alciden Raietra Lillo Lahe Felalam missae: ad Illustriss. Principem Mauritium cum duabus Nanibus quae in dedit. accepere Liburnicam Lusitanicam. Vixit 71. obijt Anno M. D.CII. Praefecti Societatis Indicae H. M. P. C.  

Companies united.  But when as it happened by the diversity of Stocks and Companies, that great loss ensued to the Adventurers, it was by common consent concluded, that all these several Companies should be united, and by Proclamation forbidden to all but this Society to adventure to the Indieses for one and twenty years space: 
See Pontan. pag. ●04.  and that Amsterdam should in the expeditions of new Fleets, bear half the charge; Middleborough a fourth part; Delfe, Rotterdam, Horn, and Enchusen each a sixteenth, etc. Presently after, this united Company made ready a Fleet of fourteen ships according to these proportions under the command of 
* Others say Wibrand Warrick: or else that which followeth of Herman de Bree is another Fleet.  Stephen van Hagen. The capital Sum or common Stock brought into the Treasury, exceeded six Millions of Florens.  
The Portugals which alone before enjoyed the Indian Trade, did much enrich the Dutch by their opposition, which while they sought to make prize of the Hollanders, were often surprised, the Portugal decaying in those parts unto this day. Wolphard Harminius before named Admiral of five ships in the straits of Sunda, 
a Qu●re whether this name Sunda be not as Sound in these parts, that is a Straight.  was told by a China junke that Bantam was besieged of a Portugal Armada, under the command of Andreas Fortado Mendoza, 
b 
Of him see pag. 421. Portugal Insolence.  
Corruptio optimi pessima: a naughty Christian is the worst man. Hollanders rich and quiet trade at Banda.   consisting of eight great ships and near twenty Frigates, seeking to 'cause the Bantamese to have nothing to do with the Dutch. Wolphard took counsel and adventured on the Portugals, of whom he took two Frigates and three Ships, some he sunk; others they set fire on themselves; the rest departed to Amboyna, and there slew diverse of the Inhabitants, for holding trade with the Dutch, and (as having an evil eye at Nature's good eye▪ and angry with the very Elements) cut down their Clove trees, which the Moors had no where done in their most despiteful opposition to the Portugal proceed in the East.  
Wolphard after gratulations of the Bantamese, and some time there spent, directed his course for Ternata and Banda, and hearing that the Portugals were gone to Tydore, where they had a Fortress; they divided their Fleet, two for Banda, three for Ternata, where they found Francis Verdusi●s (whom the Dutch had left there) in the great favour of the King. And having well furnished their ships at Ternata, they set sail for Banda to the rest of their Fleet, where Venius their Factor was well, and had provided store of Mace and Nutmegs, so that they presently sent home three ships laden; the other two stayed there till Cloves were ripe.  
HEemskirk with two ships took a Portugal Carrack of Macao valued at diverse millions of Florins: she was of fourteen hundred tons, had eight hundred men (one hundred whereof were women) her lading Silk, Sugar, Cotton, Musk, Tinti●ago, her name Saint Katherine, which first hung forth a bloody Banner, but being shot betwixt wind and water▪ exchanged it into a white: seventy men were slain, the rest according to composition set on shore. He returned, 1604.  
SPilberg returned the same year. He had fought with three Portugal Caravels at Cape Verde. 
Spilbergs going to Zeilan.  In Zeilan he received of the King honourable entertainment with liberty of trade, first with the King of Batecoli, and after with the King of Candes, invited by him and accommodated with an Elephant to carry him by the King of Batecoli, met by the King of Candes his Elephants a day's journey on the way, and a Litter with costly furniture of Arras, and after that with more honourable accoultrement and attendance of the Captain (graced with Banners and Colours taken from the Portugals their professed enemies) to the City. For after the death of Darma King of Zeilan, this Fimala of Candes (educated with the Portugals in the Fortress Columbo, 
Columbo▪  and baptised by the name of john de Austria) by the help of his friends made himself King▪ and expelled the Portugals. There remained a daughter of the deceased King, baptised by the name Catharina, whom the Portugals intended to make Queen, and to marry her to Peter Lopes de Sosa Governor of Malacca, and with a great Army brought her to Candes, and made john de Austria hide himself in the woods, 
john de Austria or Fimala, how King of Candey or Candy.  who did beleaguer the ways mean while, that no provision might come to the City, slaying the Portugals which came in his reach. Whereupon Lopes was constrained to take the field, and try it by battle, Anno 1590. in which he was slain, and Catharina then nine or ten years old was married to Fimala; who subverted the Portugal Forts, and every way fortified himself against them.  
This King, the next day after Spilbergs arrival sent him Horses to come to the Court, which went thither with some Presents, Prince Maurice his Letters and Picture, and the Portraiture of the Battle at Newport.  
The King questioned much of these parts, saying, he had thought that there had been no white men but the Portugals. He feasted him in a room furnished with Arras Hang, Chairs, a long Table, and other furniture like the Portugals. And as for league, he said that he and the Queen with his Nobles were ready to carry mortar on their shoulders, and stones to erect a Fortress in his Kingdom, where and whensoever the States and Prince Maurice pleased. Spilberg also to gratify the King, took three Portugal ships not fare off, burned the Vessels and gave the Captives to the King. He gave him two Musicians also, because he saw him therewith delighted; wherewith he was so pleased, that he made one of them his Secretary, would needs learn the Dutch Language, and have his Kingdom called New Holland. 
New Holland.  Spilberg brought thence first Cinnamon and Precious-stones, amongst which a Pyropus (a kind of Carbuncle) so great as had not been here seen, weighing four hundred Carats. 
Of this Island, and the veneration of their Elephants by others of other parts etc. see Linschoten.  This Island from North to South is two hundred and fifty miles, broad one hundred and forty, fertile of fruits and odoriferous plants, abundance of Cinnamon, gems, both by sea and mines, and Elephants. It is divided into seven Kingdoms, one whereof is principal, the chief City Columbo, now wholly possessed by Fimala, except the Fortresses of the Portugals. For the Readers further delight, and because I found little Trade of our English on this Island, I have borrowed hither Hundius Map of Zeilan.  
CEILAN insula  


Neccius his voyage to China  
The Dutch reported of the English, as here the Portugals of them.  
See the King of Ternatas Letter to the the King, and Sir H Middletons first Voyage.  
Note that the Hollanders in reckoning the King of Ternatas Kingdoms, name not Banda: which before their Authors testify a free State: and to entertain Civil Wars, which one King might easily have pacified: besides the King of Ternata offered his Kingdom to the Queen of England. See Sir Fr. Drake. Macao. Hollanders lost there.   IAmes Neccius before mentioned, setting sail the eight and twentieth of june, 1601. in the end of March came to Bantam, where he found Paulus à Carden. He spoke with the Governor, who willed him to beware of the Portugals, telling that one had been with him from the King of Tuban, Ragielella a Portugal borne, to solicit for leave to assault the Dutch in Harbour, for which purpose they had a Fleet of forty sail at jacatra. The second of April, he departed from Bantam for the Moluccas. Here at Ternata he found Verdusius aforesaid, and Peter Lindius the Captain of a Fleet which had passed the Magellane straits, which here at Ternata had bilged his ship on a Rock, but saved her goods. By these Neccius heard of a sh●p of Mahus Fleet at Tidore taken by the Portugals, or betrayed rather, and their Captain treacherously slain with all his Company▪ except five. They had also belabored the King of Ternata against the Hollanders, saying, they were impious, perfidious, without God or goodness, Sodomites, of whom for their love to the King, they gave him fair warning, promising also rewards. The Hollanders in revenge set upon the Portugals at Tidore, where Neccius was wounded on his right hand, eight or nine of his Company lost, and the Dutch going by the worst, retired. Some of his Company he left at Ternata, and after festival entertainment for want of merchandise, he was forced to seek Trade in China, or elsewhere.  
This King of Ternata was called Scipidine, Lord of Ternate, Machian, Motir, Amboni, Gulolo, etc. he styleth himself also King of Celebes, although he possesseth nothing there but some forced places: and in Mindanao, Sokeni, Menos, and other Lands.  
Neccius came to Coyo one of the Philippinae in eleven degrees, tributary to the Spaniard, where th●y had kind entertainment. After that they came to Mendare not fare from the Bay of Manilla, and eight days together were endangered among the Rocks. The twentieth of September, they came to a Land unknown, and then were encountered with a terrible tempest. This was one of the Lands before Canton. When they thought themselves twelve or fifteen leagues from Macao, they proceeded three or four leagues, and saw buildings at the foot of a hill, and certain boats with one man and one woman, besides children, in each of them, as if they had been so many Families dwelling therein. They questioned with them (for none would come aboard) of Macao, and they pointed to the mountain: but they not thinking it so near, set some ashore, whom when they could not see return at night, they misdoubted and found too late that it was Macao, and their men there detained. Seeing seven and thirty little Islands before them, they sent the Master to see if he could found any sure harbour by sounding, who was also intercepted with boats from the town, together with his consorts. Thus were twenty men lost, amongst whom the Treasurer and the Captain of the soldiers, which was also Master. They thought to writ, but could get no carrier, and staying two days at Sanchona without hope of effecting any thing; the third of October they departed, and the next day were carried on the shelf of Pulo Cynon, and in danger to be carried upon Cauchin China. 
Pulo Cynon.   
After that endangered with tempest and the shelves, and the swiftness of the Current to the South, they came to Quami, where finding nothing but Woods, Deserts, and Budals footings, 
Cauchin China.  they passed to Auarella Talca in eleven Degrees, and thirty Minutes. 
Auarella Falca.  Hear the General with twelve others going on shore, came to an open field, encompassed with goodly trees, where he found many Buffals feeding, and store of Birds, but they could get none. Finding then the tract of a cart, they followed it to spacious woods and fields, footings of men and beasts, but no habitation, which made them think that they lived like the Tartars. They called the place Sotternym of a distraction which they got by eating a certain fruit, 
Sotternim.  every man distracted for a time with a madness answering his proper humour, seeing angels, devils, serpents, all things, and nothing. The one and twentieth of October they passed by Polo Condor, 
Polo Condor. Sangora. Trade at Patania.  the next day by Sangora, and the seventh of November arrived at Ba●ane, where they had excellent entertainment; procured trade and a house, and by the Queen's favour left there eight in factory. Thither also came Heemskirke, who told them of his taking the Portugal Caricke, and therein of a letter that Don Paulo had hanged fifteen of the Hollanders taken at Macao; the Quester and Master were sent to Goa; which act before they attributed to the Chinois, 
Dutch execucut●d.  now saw it to be the Portugals, although (as they thought) by help of the Chinois.  
In Patania they use the Malayan, Syan and China language: 
Patanian diversity of language and writing.  the Malayan writing like the Arabecke▪ the Syan like the Europian; and all most in Latin Characters, the Chinese from the right hand but downwards. Adultery is punished with death inflicted by their parents in what kind themselves choose. Common women are commonly offered to strangers to do household service by day, and other offices at night. Some of the Syanites wear two or three silver balls (or of other mettle) in their yards, inserted betwixt the skin and flesh, as big sometimes as a Tennis ball. The Country is fruitful and wholesome. 
Balls in yard●. One cut out one out of his yard before Cap. Saris and g●ue it him.  Their Geese and Ducks lay twice a day: the woods are stored with wild beasts; there are Turtles with fair feathers like Parrots. They take wild Elephants in fight with a tame, put into the woods of purpose, whiles both are fastened by the teeth, some men behind with ropes captiving the wild. They arrived at the Ramekins the fifteenth of july, 1604.  
IN the year 1602. a Fleet of fourteen sail were sent out under the command of Wibrand Warwick Admiral, and Sebalt de Wert Vide-admiral: the Maurice of four hundreth tons, 
Herman de ●r●e. Werts Voyage to Ze●lan.  the Holland three hundreth and fifty, the Nassau three hundreth and forty, the Sun two hundre●h and eighty, the Moon two hundreth and fifty, the Star one hundreth and eighty, the Parrot a Pinnace of five and twenty; all by Amsterdam. Three Zelanders, one of four hundreth, the Flushing two hundreth and fifty, the Goose one hundreth and forty: by the E●chuseners two, the Hedge two hundreth and twenty, the Virgin one hundreth seventy and five: by the Roterdamians two, the Erasmus two hundred and fifty, and Rotterdam eighty. It was determined that the three Zelanders should go for Zeilon and Achen, the Maurice and Moon to the Moluccas, the Nassau and Erasmus to China the Holland, Hedge and Star to Achen, the Sun, Virgin, etc. to Bantam. In the Hedge, Herman de Bree was Cape Merchant. These all, (but the three Zelanders which went three months before (set out from the tessel the seventeenth of june, 1602. The tenth of March they came to Achen. There they found the three Zelanders, and Spilbergs two ships. Sebalt de Wert the Vide-admiral, the eight and twenty of November, 1603. came to Zeilon, & went with six Elephants forty leagues journey to Candes or Candy, & had been honourably entertained with his fifteen followers. He was brought into the City as if he had been a King, the Citizens and Soldiers making a rank hal●e a 
* Dutch.  mile long on both sides the way, and such a thundering of Ordnance, and sound of trumpets, that none could be heard speak. To the Court he was had with like pomp, where he saw the Royal Counsel, & Prince Maurice his picture, with a stately Carpet before it to receive his Presents. The King stood in a place by himself with his children, before whom he fell on his knees, and was taken up presently, and demanded what Countryman he was, and wherefore he came: who answered, of Holland, governed by that Prince there portrayed; whereat they all rejoiced, having placed it there to try whether he knew it, and the truth of Spilbergs relation. He added that he came for trade of Merchandise. The King protested much his hatred to the Portugal: and after asked how he durst without pledge or any assurance, adventure so fare into that Country: he answered, because the Portugals were hated alike of both their Princes; whereat they laughed. In more private conference, 
Promise's ●o the Hollanders.  he promised with twenty thousand men to besiege the Portugal Castle Columbo, if the Hollanders would prevent help from Goa: and would give the Hollanders all their Castles which he should take, and would reserve his Merchandizing for them. The next day he feasted him, gave him before a golden toothpick, now a bowl of gold wherein he made his little daughter to drink to him: and if his son were old enough, said, he would sand him to Prince Maurice to be instructed in Martial discipline. At his departure he gave him twenty five Quintals of Cinnamon, and sixteen of Pepper, and honourable convoy to his ships.  
He notified these things to his fellows at Achen, and counselled them to embrace these opportune promises. For they could not easily be provided of Merchandise. They had heard of two French ships, one shipwracked at the Maldavae, the other returned with a small victory: as also the state of the English there, which had taken 

Two French ships.  
Sir james Lancaster.   a prize, and built a store-house at Achen. Thus six ships with a Pinnace, set forth the third of April, not a little heartened by the old and young King of Achen, who sent an Ambassador with them to Zeilon. They lost many in the calms betwixt the sixteenth and one and twentieth of April. On the four and twentieth they arrived, 
Motecalo.  and marched in battle array on the six and twentieth to Motecalo. The king there entertained them well: but their Religion prohibiting to eat Beefs and Buffals, whereof they had great plenty; they would not cell any to the Hollanders. They were disquieted with Flies also and Gnats which would not suffer them to sleep; against which the Natives make fire and smoke all the night the place where they sleep. 
The sacrilegious murder of Beefs.  Some unruly persons caused great disturbance by killing of certain Kine, and could not appease them with offering satisfaction: and seeking to make the King intercessor for them to the owners, he also took it to heart, and said the Portugals had never offered such indignity, neither could he any longer tolerate such wrongs: some forsooth, imagined that the souls of the oxen (had themselves any?) thus slain were precipitated to hell. Yet at last upon promise of better abearing, he was entreated.  

Punto de Gallo.  The thirteenth of May, they had answer of their letter to the King of Candy, now encamped at Manacrawari, desiring the Hollanders to come with their ships to Punto di Gallo, promising to besiege it first, and to give the Hollanders that which he had promised, and one thousand Quintals of Cinnamon, 
Vintane.  and as much Pepper for tribute, that being won. He desired also the Vide-admiral to meet him at Vintane, half way betwixt Matecalo and Candy. Mean while the Hollanders took three Portugal ships, 
Seb. Wert and 49. Hollanders slain: They writ that the King suspected him of treason, as intending to take and ship him: some impute it to the delivery of the Port p●i●oners: some too peremptory words used to the King.  two of two hundreth tons, the third of seventy, and after that a fourth of eighty, but the goods not worth the while, except to gratify the King of Candy: two of them they sent away with the Prisoners according to promise, which was very distasteful to the King. The first of june, two hundred choice men were set on shore to meet the King in best array: but he desired the Vide-admiral to stay with him and sand his men aboard, to come in like manner the next day. Thus they which made speed, saved their lives; the rest doubting no evil, were most of them slain. The next day they understood by a letter from the King of the death of the Vide-admiral with his retinue, pretending his insolence, and offering good terms or war, as they pleased.  
The sixteenth, they had letters again by a German of Candy from the King, swearing all kindness before promised, if they would help him take Gallo and Columbo: to which they answered, they were ready to trade at shore, but for the fortresses their ships were, some gone, and they unfit at present for that which might in fit time be done. Many messages passed betwixt them, but little trust or trade. The nine and twentieth of july they departed. These Zeilonians worship Pagodes, 
Adam.  of which the Hollanders saw some in Candy of five or six fathoms, representing Adam, as the inhabitants affirmed, proportioned by artificial symmetry to the foot-print of Adam in a mountain near. The Kings of Panane, Matecalo and Poligamme, acknowledging the King of Candy their superior, who is thus reported to have attained 
* See before Spilbergs Voyage.  the Sceptre. A certain King of Sitabague fifteen leagues from Candy, about thirty years before had taken Candy, the King whereof with this his son and daughter fled to the Portugals, who at Goa baptised him by the name of john of Austria, (as is beforesaid) and brought him up in Columbo. But Candy rebelling against the other King, the Portugals sent him after that King's death to Candy, where he was acknowledged King, and then followed that which before you had of the King's daughter (of Sitebague.) To return to the Dutch, they returned to Achen, and thence again to the I'll of Daru near Sumatra, 
Daru.  and thence after diverse Portugal prizes taken to Maccasser. They learned of an Island called End, famous with a Vulcano or burning hill called Gun●api. 
Macesser.  At last, they (not knowing whether to go) came to jor, where they helped the King against the Portugal Fleet. Thence they went to Patane, whether they came the first of November, 
End.  1603. Here they heard of the Erasmus and Nass●n, there taking a rich ship sailing to japan near to Macao: after they had pillaged her, they burned her. After trade here they return to Bantam and home.  

Venas Voyage. Pan or Pahan.  COrnelius de Vena in another ship of that Fleet, saith, they came the twenty one of june to Pulo Timon, on the three and twentieth to Pahan, where the King received them kindly, on the first of july to Patani, and agreeing with a Chinese to conduct them to Canton, than set sail on the eleventh, and found no matter of great note till the thirtieth, when they came to Macao, 
Patani Patane, or Patania.  and took a Portugal ship bound for japan, the Portugals fleeing and leaving them their ship with the goods and twenty Blacks; these they set on shore, and having lighted the ship on the tenth of August fired it, and set sail for Bantam. On the eighteenth of September, they encountered a great juncke which they supposed to be Portugals, and after a hot fight forced her, found them Chineses, and were sorry that they had ignorantly hurt their friends; 
Great China juncke.  seventy of which perished, one the Captain, whose valour lost himself and them: they let them departed with their goods in friendship. The sixteenth of December, they arrived at Bantam, and the thirtieth of August, 1604. at the tessel.  
IN the year, 1603. twelve ships were sent under the command of Stephen Verhagen. 
Verhagen● Voyage.  They set sail the eighteenth of December. On the seven and twentieth of june, they came to Mosambique and anchored without the Castle, in sight and spite whereof they took a Portugal ship in the Harbour, and after that diverse other Vessels. But not able to do any thing memorable against the Island; On the five and twentieth of August, they departed, and the sixteenth of September, came before Goa, 
Goa.  but found the Portugals so provided that they imagined themselves before betrayed, and their design bewrayed in Europe.  
On the fourteenth of October, they therefore departed for Cananor, whither they came on the six and twentieth, but by intercession of the King they removed to Calcutta, 
Cananor. Calcutta.  where they took a Portugal ship with Powder and Provision bound for Zeilan.  
The third of November, they had fight with nine Portugal ships in which many were slain, none taken. The eighth of November, they entered league with the Samorine, ratified by Oath and Instrument in writing.  
It was ordered that the Zealand and Enchusen should go for Cambaya, the rest to Cochin, 
Cambaya. Cochin.  before which they came on the fourteenth, but attempted nothing. On the two and twentieth, they sailed before Columbo, and shot at the Castle.  
The second of january they came to Bantam, the Delffe staying at Achen to return their Ambassador. On the seventeenth, they departed for the Moluccas. The one and twentieth of February, they came to Amboyna, and assailed the Castle, 
Amboyna. Castle taken. See Sir H. Mid. of this whom they slander for assisting the Port. Castle of Tidore won, and the Portugals driven out of the Moluccas: see the later state in Capt. Saris, l. 4. c. 1. & Spilberg, p 87.  which without further ado was delivered on composition of free passage for such Portugals as would, and such as would to stay, the Castle and Ordnance left to the Hollanders, which presently received the Dutch Colours: forty six married Portugal's staying and swearing allegiance to the States, six hundred others departing.  
Five ships were thence sent to Tidore, the Horn remaining here, and the Admiral going to Banda. Those five arrived at Tidore, on the second of May, 1605. On the fift, the Vice-admiral summoned the Castle to yield, which the Portugals refused and manfully defended their honour against the Assailants, till an unfortunate fire, (how or whence uncertain) lighting in their Powder blew up a great part of their Castle wi●h sixty or seventy of their men. This forced them to yield, and consequently, they were dispossessed of all the M●luccas, except Solor. The King of Ternata with fourteen Corocoras, containing each one hundred and forty Soldiers, aided the Hollanders, and hel● fast the King of Tydore, both proving Spectators of the European Prize. They razed the Castle.  
This year 1605. the King of Spain had made a terrible Edict against the Hollanders, forbidding Tr●de with them under grievous penalties. But prohibition without inhibition is vain: and the Fox the more he was cursed, thrived the better. For in the same year, they sent forth Cornelius Matelivius with twelve ships, four of which were seven hundred tons each. The next year Paulus à Caerden was set forth with eight other in May, 1606. Anno 1607. the Peace or Trace being in treaty, they set forth another Fleet of thirteen sail under Peter Williamson Verhuef. Anno 1608. three ships returned laden with Spices, three hundred ton of Cloves, one hundred of Nutmegs, fifty of Mace, etc.  
Matelivius having in charge to enter league with the Indian Kings against the Portugals, 
Mateliffs Expedition.  in the end of April, 1606. sent to the King of jortan 
* jor. Malacca besieged.  to aid him, who came with two thousand Blacks, and on the tenth of May, they both went on shore against Malacca, and possessed the Suburbs. But continuing their siege to little purpose, and hearing of the Portugal Fleet coming, they arose & on the seventeenth of August set sa●le to encounter the Armada consisting of fourteen great ships, and as many smaller. A terrible Sea-fight followed, in which the Hollanders were forced to forsake the Mauritius one of their best ships, 
Sea fight.  and Mateliff himself was in great distress by three Portugal ships (together with the Middleborough) till others coming into his help with fiery shot, he freed himself: but the Middleborough with two Portugal ships fastened to it were burnt together, the men saving themselves in the boats (as well as they could) of other ships. The Hollanders diverted to their confederate Kings, 
See of this fight, pag. 421.  the Portugals going to Malacca, where having left seven of their ships, the rest returned. The Dutch having now repaired themselves took this opportunity, and made an unexpected return, took one of the Portugal ships, slew the men, fired the Vessel; two others fight with the Dutch Vice-admiral, tell both on fire and were consumed in both Elements, Anger: a fourth also yielded; the rest were fired by the Portugals at Malacca, being before disfurnished, jest they should fall into the Enemy's power.  


Dutch women and families sent. Ia●an.  
The Dutch also enterprised a n●w Trade at the 〈◊〉 of Go●d Ho●e, for t●ayne Oil & Scales skins and Ox hides: o● which Isaac le More brought home at once 45000. Seal skins, and 500 (vasa) 803. sheds of▪ train, etc. Sup. p. 385. See Floris 321. & 324. Ca●t. Kee●ing, Middleton, &c Peter W●lliamson Verhu●f, or Verh●ef, or Half.  
Mosambike taken, and the Castle besieged Bon jesus taken.   I omit Admiral Peter Both, sent with a notable Fleet, Anno 1609. with Garrison Soldiers, with women also and families sent to inhabit; and a ship that returned from japan, 1610. where she had the Emperors licence of Trade and had left a factory: and another ship sent thither, 1611. and the forty tons of Gold which that japan ship and another are said to have brought back. I have done sufficient in this Treasury of Navigations, to show the beginnings as of the Spanish and Portugal before, so here also of the Dutch Plantations in the Indieses, and in the course of our English Voyages we have many of theirs interlarded, thus many Rivers bringing us into an immense Sea of their present Trade. But because Banda was the baneful and banned occasion of this digression, you may see in diverse of ours, also Relations of the Dutch doings and sufferings there, as 1606. some of their men slain whiles they sought Trade, and of the quarrels betwixt the Islanders and them continuing long after: and I have thought good briefly to add the History of their forcible possession thereof by Verhuef, out of their own Relations.  
VErhuef with a Navy of nine ships and four Pinnasses, the three and twentieth of December, 1607. set sail from the tessel. The thirteenth of july, 1608. they saw the Land of Sofala: on the eight and twentieth, they came to Mazambique, where they took a ship under the Castle most of the Portugals having run away, very rich, but casually or by the Portugals set on fire the next night whereby great part of the goods were lost. They took also two Pinnasses. A thousand men they set on shore in six Bands, commanded by Captain Bitter, on the nine and twentieth, but found none in the Town but five or six Portugals, and a few old folks, children and Black slaves, three hundred with fifty Turks, whom they set at liberty and set on shore in safer places. The Town they found great, with convenient houses, walls, two Churches and Monasteries. The Merchants had conveyed themselves into the Castle, but left much goods behind to the Dutch prey.  
The first of August, they began to batter the Castle. On the tenth, they went into the continent and destroyed two Villages. But the Monlon being near, they raised their siege the eighteenth, forty of them being slain, and an hundred wounded; and having burned a Town and Monastery in an adjoining Island they departed. They took a Portugal ship called the Bon jesus, on the one and twentieth whereby they understood that nine Galleons and five other great ships had been sent from Lisbon, towards the East Indies, of which Company this ship was separated from her consorts by foul weather. They fought with the Dutch nine hours, who found in her remaining, one hundred and forty Soldiers of one hundred and ninety:  

Goa. Coromandel.  On the eighteenth of September, they anchored before Goa. On the six and twentieth, they sent the Arnold to Coromandel where they had great trading. The fift of October, they sailed along the Malabar Coast to refresh themselves near Cananor, and on the eight towards Calicut. On the eleventh, the Admiral with two hundred men visited the Samorine, who on the thirteenth and fourteenth sent out Hunters which killed above forty great Boars, and gave to the Hollanders. 
Samorine.  He delivered to the Samorine the Captain and Cape Merchant of the Bon jesus; the ship they had before sunk. On the sixteenth he set sail, on the two and twentieth came before Zeilon. 
Malacco.  The two and twentieth of November, they came before Malacca, where they took a Portugal ship, and fired it, the goods being by the Inhabitants before carried away.  
On the four and twentieth, they sent to the King of jor to acquaint him with their purpose to besiege and take the Town and Castle of Malacca. On the six and twentieth, they set men on shore in the little Island of Saint Peter, where the next day the Portugals set on them and lost their Admiral with three Captains and six prime Officers, besides many of the meaner. Of the Hollanders seven were slain and three taken. On the eight and twentieth, fifteen Frigates of Blacks Pirates adjoined themselves to the Hollanders. But the King of jor could afford no help, his Fleet being then abroad. Some Vessels being taken and their three men recovered by exchange of Prisoners, they departed on the nine and twentieth.  

Ratispont King of jor described.  The tenth of january they went to jor, and the King with his Son and Brother with twelve Frigates came to the Fleet on the fourteenth. His name is Ratispont: he had on a white Cotton Waistcoat to his knees with a fringe hanging to the feet, silken Sandals, a black Shash on his head, three Gold Chains about his neck, with many jewels annexed, two thick gold Rings on his left arm and one on his right, six on his fingers, a Crisse very artificial in sheath of solid Gold set with many Diamonds, Saphires, Carbuncles (valued at fifty thousand Florins) of mean stature, comely shape, moderate speech, whitish complexion, having with him thirty Wives; his Frigate adorned gallantly with a Tent, borne up with four golden Pillars. His seat is in New jor.  
T●e fourteenth of February, they came to Bantam. On the second of April, 1609. they came to Teraltas twenty four leagues, from which is a Rock burning in the Sea, half an hours iourn●y in circuit, with a huge opening in the top always smoking. On the eight arrived at Banda. There he found Captain Keeling in Trade for the English Company, with other Dutch ships for theirs (the English having begun and continued Trade ever since the beginnings in manner of that Society, Captain Colthurst who went with Sir Henry Middleton, in the second Voyage, having spent one and twenty weeks in trading at Banda.) The Dutch ships belonged to the Fleet of Paul van Caeraen.  
These Lands of Banda saith Verkius, the Author of this journal, and one of the chief Commanders, are seven in number, about ten leagues in circuit, 
See l. 2 c. 5. & ● See Ind. Orient. ●ar. non. Pag. 216.  eighty leagues from the burning Rock: the best Lands in all the East, producing Mace and Nutmegs to serve the whole World.  
The people in them are supposed ten or twelve thousand. Banda libera est Respub. saith Pontanus, in his History of Amsterdam: Banda is a free Commonwealth (as before, Regem nullum agnoscunt, they acknowledge no King, or in Dutch English, They are Free States) and for the King of Ternata, Isacius sleights it off as a trifle, quamuis. Ternatensis partem aliquam territorij vindicare sibi videatur: Some seeming of some challenge of some part; that is, some nothing. Thus the Story of Amsterdam written and printed of, and at Amsterdam, purposely handling these Indian Affairs. Neither did Verhuef now challenge that or any right, or have any of their journals which I have seen published, so much as mentioned any such challenge or broken title, on that King's part, or such acknowledgement on theirs, that any should now become redemptor litium, or incur a Writ of Champerty in his behalf, which yet the English might best do, as appears in Sir Francis Drakes Voyage. Their cruel wars which the Hollanders found betwixt them at their first coming before mentioned, show that no Superior interposed (as was just cause) to command better abearing.  
Verhuef on the ninth (as Keeling hath it, or after their Story, which I follow, all these Relations of the Dutch, and after their New style, nineteen) went on shore at Ortattan, where the Orankayas, or the States and Governors assembled: Here he caused Prince Maurice his Letters to be carried before him in a silver Di●h covered, and was met by an Ora●kaya, and conveyed under a great Tree, where were two hundred of ●he Chiefs sitting crosslegged like Tayl●rs (after their manner) and he conveniently set, and his Letters read in Portugal first, and after in Malayan. The Contents whereof were, that Prince Maurice understanding that the Islanders had not kept promise with the Hollanders to have Trade only with them, 

See of this letter▪ pag. 199. Here mark no right of the Hollanders or Ternata pretended.  
See al●o the Du●ch allegations to Keel●ng, 202 & 203. The Hollanders what they cannot get by entreaty, se●ke to win by force.   who had now traded there six years and been at great charges, and were often much abused; did therefore desire them to permit the Hollanders to build some Castle in some of those Lands in place most fit for them, not thereby to endamage any way the Inhabitants, but to defend themselves and the whole Country from Portugals, which happily might come thither: the Hollanders being to satisfy them for the place and for stones and all appurtenances to the structure, and no way to be troublesome to the Inhabitants. These Letters being read, the people were in an uproar, and but for fear of their shipping would have slain the Hollanders, as after appeared. But consulting amongst themselves in present, answered, that he should departed aboard his ships, and they would communicate the business with the rest of the Lands, and in three days give him an answer; which was given on the two and twentieth, and proved a flat Negative. Whereupon the Hollanders provided themselves for fight, and some went on shore and fought with them the same evening: One ship also and two Pinnasses they sent to Nera, that the ship Companies might forage that Island at pleasure.  
On the four and twentieth, the Islanders came to the Admiral and desired three days respite, which the Hollanders denied, but said, they would next day try by force their fortunes with them: which answer received, they soon returned with answer, that the Islanders thought better to abstain from batteil and to permit them to build a Castle on Nera. On the five and twentieth, six Companies of Hollanders (each one hundred and fifty) went to Nera and found the Inhabitants of it and Rato, fled to the other side of the Island: wher●fore they kept good watch.  
The third of May, was a great Earthquake (not unusual in those parts) and the fourth they began their Castle in Nera, or Nero. On the one and twentieth, the Islanders s●nt to the Admiral desiring him to appoint a place where they might meet and confer. The next day he went with one hundred and fifty Soldiers to a place near Rato, half an hour's way distant from the New founded Castle: and the fiscal went to the Islanders to bid them sand some with full power to treat. They sent to desire the Admiral that he would meet their Orankayas or State-governours in a Grove; for some of them feared his forces there where he was, jest the Soldiers should offer them violence.  
The Admiral hereupon with his Military Council, two Gunners and two Boys went amongst them, commanding the Soldiers to look to their Arms and expect his return. But they within a quarter of an hour hearing a great cry 
* The Bandaneses still ●biect 〈◊〉 business in crying at his de●th, which th●y think more childish th●n manly and brave.  in the Wood, and two Pieces discharged, sent Verciu● to see what was the matter, with six Musketeers, who had scarcely gone thirty paces into the Wood, before they were encountered by a great company of Blacks, at whom they discharging their pieces, 

Verhuef, he Dutch A●miral with many others treacherously slain. Nassau Castle in Nera.  
S● ple●n. Nonae partis ●nd. Orient.   the other soldiers came in and rescued them, putting the Blacks to flight, and in the chase found the Admiral and his Company slain, whom they brought on their shoulders to their new founded Castle. Of the Hollanders were that day slain in all forty two persons. On the three and twentieth, they slew the Dutch fiscal with diverse others. On the thirtieth, the Hollanders with two Companies spoilt all they could in the Island. On the twelfth of june, the Dutch killed fifty Blacks in a junke, On the thirteenth, the Castle being well-nigh finished, was named Nassau, of james Bitter the Captain;  
On the three and twentieth of july, the Hollanders attempted Slanga, a town of the Blacks, but returned with the loss of thirty, and one hundred hurt: Bitter himself having his leg broken, whereof he after died. On the fourteenth of August, the Islanders sent to treat of a peace, saying, that though they had offended the Hollanders in killing the Admiral and chief men, yet they also should remember what harms they had done to the Islanders, in subverting their Cities 
* Mark the usages alleged by our men against their Sepulchers & Meskits.  and Temples, firing their Villages and Forts, with great slaughters every where. The Hollanders answered, that they would grant peace, on condition they would swear that they would thereafter have trade with none other Nation 
* There was no Europian Nation then in trad● with th●m but the English: that it wa● don● purposely against them. But see Kee●ings story then here, and D. Middleton. after in the third Book before, with Floris, and other Relations, whence this business appears.  whatsoever it were, but cell all their Nuts and Mace to the Hollanders only; who on the other side promised to defend them from their enemies, and to provide them of Rice and necessaries for food, with a reasonable price for their wares. On these conditions, peace was concluded, and by oath on the Koran confirmed, the fifteenth of August.  
How brittle this forced peace was, appeareth before by the journals of Captain Keeling then there, and David Middleton soon after, and by the Dutch own stories, which complain of their trade with Captain Middleton, their conspiracy also against the Hollanders, the Hollanders sacking of Comber, the Blacks killing diverse Hollanders in a wood, of a kind of Siege of their Castle, bloody fight, the Castle almost famished, all in the same year that this peace was concluded. So little force is made of Force, when any evasion appeareth, especially when Mercury is turned to Mars, and men begging trade will force Forts upon free States and Governors. No marvel if hereupon they found the Hollanders perpetual work, as you have before read in Floris, and at last sent and obtained trade with the English, ratifying the same by resignation of so many Lands to his Majesty: which Sovereignty the Dutch stories (by me traced, and faithfully followed in the former relations) do no so much as mention by them sought in articles of treaty, or to them by the Islanders offered. Hence the wars betwixt the English and Dutch: and the hateful disasters before recited: the Hollanders making a bridge of English ships to get over English bodies and blood to these Lands, even without denutiation of war, fore heard of.  
Having now gathered this out of the Dutch own Histories and journals, I presume not to dispute (for even they themselves and these their Historians being judges) who seethe not the state of the case. But I have thought good to add for further illustration; this relation of their gain by that trade, as one of that society hath lately published: after which I will give you the testimony of the Priest of Poolaroone (a man there of great esteem) touching the Banda case, a Discourse of mine own added for illustration: and that men may not misconstrue these things, to the distaste of the Hollanders in general, but rather of some of their Majors or Commanders and Committees there (which you may understand also in like differences with the Portugals) I have added (to end this business) an extract of a little Book translated out of Dutch, which as he speaks meanly of their gains by this trade; so he imputeth the fault to the ill government and Governors.  

The gains which the Hollanders had gotten by the East India trade, taken out of a Book Translated out of the Dutch, persuading to a West Indie Trade.  
NOw to let you see how much we should be hindered, if we should leave off the East Indian Trade, & the like hindrance, we should consequently also fail of touching the power and strength of these Countries. In the Records of the East Indian Company it appeareth, that from Anno 1595. to Anno 1601. included, they sent out forty and six ships, whereof there arrived three and forty again in these Countries richly laden. Ships that brought for return, (all charges deducted) two hundred and thirty Tons of gold, clear gains for the Merchants of the said Company. Further, by the Records and Books of the said East Indian Company: it is also showed, that for the space of eleven years we had still about thirty ships continually in East India, with five thousand Seafaring men, and that they expected to receive from thence at lest three hundred Tuns of gold in capital, besides that which they had in the land. Now I refer it to your judgement, what the said Company in the last ensuing ten years until this time hath gained? who within the time of six months, have had a good return of forty Tuns of gold, I doubt not but you have heard of the rich lading that the two ships brought hither, within the space of a month, being valued to be worth four and twenty Tuns of gold, in such manner, that the particular partners from Anno 1605. (every man's full adventure being delivered in) have gained upon every hundred Gilders, unto this day, in ready money, the sum of two hundred Gilders, and whensoever any man will cell his stock (which at this time he hath in the Company) which he may do when he will, he may for every hundred have two hundred and thirty Gilders: whereunto add the Interest, which the partners (from the first money received) to this present have gained, which also is half a capital, there resteth to the partners particularly, upon every hundred, if they have ventured and traded sixteen years in the East Indian Company, in clear gains above four hundred Gilders. I speak not this by report, but as a witness thereof, being one of the partners, that have received my part of the gain, and may have the rest within eight days, if I will cell my stock, which I may at all times do.  
Secondly, we may by the Trade used by the said Company, until the year 1614 included, declare and prove, that the custom houses of the Country, by means of c●nuoyes, licences, tolls, and customs, which the said East Indian Company have, and pay, inward and outward, have profited and received above five and thirty Tons of gold, for the which the States of the land, have at some times (as need required) aided the said Company towards their wars in India, with money and ships: partly to ease the said Company of some portion of their charge. Now, what they have received in the custome-houses of the Country, from Anno 1614 to Anno 1621. without doubt it is a greater sum, and much more than the former, noting what a rich return they have made within these seven years. Now to show what furtherance and benefit the common people have had and gotten by this East Indian Trade, we must note, that a Fleet of twelve ships, doth cost in money and all other things thereunto belonging, about eighteen Tons of gold, to set and sand it forth: and commonly there is not above five or six Tons of gold in ready money sent out with it: all the rest is bought and prepared here in the land, to the great benefit and welfare of the Country, and gained by the Inhabitants, that cell and deliver the same. And every ship that comes home again, one with another, payeth above a Tun of gold for monthly wages, whereby the Officers and Sailors also are enriched, which also is gotten and spent by and among the Inhabitants: whereby it is manifest, what the common people have profited; beside, the great number of so many thousand people, that by means of this Trade aforesaid, are set on work, and well paid for it, to the great comfort and benefit of many poor people.  
Thirdly, to show what the public Commonwealth hath yet further gotten by this Trade, you must understand, that the greatest profit of the land consisteth in the most great hurt and damage which the enemy hath first and last endured, and yet endureth in East India: for since that we were prohibited to Trade and Traffic in Spain, and other of the Spanish territories (which notwithstanding against his will, by other Nations we do continued with good profit) from Anno 1596 we have overcome and spoilt eleven of his great huge Carrackes, Galleys, and other great ships, and have made about forty of his ships unserviceable; besides those, that in the last ten years ensuing, we have spoilt and taken: whereby our enemy's trade there, hath been greatly impaired, and ours, by God's blessing (who only is to be praised therefore) to the admiration of the whole world, is greatly increased. In such manner, that the Staple of all manner of Spices, and other rich and costly Wares, which for the space of two hundred years together was in Venice, (whereby the said Town increased and became exceeding rich) and after that by means of their Navigation, was in Portugal, for the space of one hundred years: and lastly, for five and twenty years hath been in Holland and Zealand, and since that by a good agreement made, the last year was also brought into England: in such sort, that the King of Spain's Merchants, 
He reckoneth the King's loss yearly above one hundred ton of gold, besides what the portugals loose.  were forced in the years aforesaid (contrary to all men's expectations) to buy Nutmegs, Cloves and Mace of us.  
I will briefly declare, the present state of the said Company in East India. You must understand, that matter of Traffic is in very good terms, which we hope by God's help and blessing, shall from year to year still be better and better, now the Englishmen (by means of a contract made with them a year since) join their forces with ours: and we for our parts have in East India, that are coming home and here in the Country, above fifty ships, double furnished with lusty Sailors, as also all other things fit for the War, and for so long a Voyage, and about ten strong Forts, whereof some we h●ue taken from the Enemy; the rest have been erected at the great cost and charges of the Company, and made defensible, which for the security of our own people and goods, as also for the defence of our confederates are sufficiently provided. Lastly, when they of Bantam began to lay an extraordinary toll upon our Nation, and caused us to pay fifty per cento custom, and yet we could not for all that obtain licence of them, to build a Warehouse of stone and Mortar, for the security of our Wares and Merchandizes, for that being of wood, it was twice burnt: we were constrained to transport our Trade in Bantam to another convenient place, which is a firm Island, and hath many good and convenient Havens in it: for in my writings I find, that five years past Mataram the great Emperor of java, who is able to bring three hundred thousand men into the field, dwelling about one hundred miles distant from Bantam, had also sought to make some contract of alliance with us, offering to deliver us Pepper toll free, and licence to to build us a Castle of Mortar and Stone, with all things convenient in japara, which was not well liked off by the King of Bantam and his Lieutenant. At last our Nation built a convenient Town about jacatra, reasonably well fortified, and called it Batavia, where there are about one thousand houses of all Nations, there to Traffic and deal in Merchandise, which is defended and governed by a Governor, Scout, and other Officers, for the maintenance of good government and policy, and to administer justice unto every one: and to the end that before all other things, God's service and honour might be maintained, whereby the blind Heathens might be brought out of their great darkness, and young children taught the knowledge of the truth of jesus Christ our Saviour: the Company diligently and carefully took order, to erect a Church and a School therein, to the which end they sent thither certain learned men, as at the first also they did, which with great benefit and increase, have taught the Heathens the Gospel of Christ in their own language, as well as unto our men in their language: In such manner, that a King and a Prince of Amboyna, (where the Country people are much addicted unto devilish and heathenish superstitions) sent two of their sons into these countries', with a Letter uno the Prince of Orange, to have them brought up at School, and taught our language, and Christian Religion, that they might at their return into East India, be a means of planting the Church of Christ there in India, and learn how to defend their own native Country.   

The Relation of the Priest of Poolaroone, touching the beginnings and occasions of quarrels betwixt the Dutch and Bandaneses, written in the Malayan language with his own hand, in a very fair Arabecke letter, and the sense rendered to me in English by M. Rob. Haies.  
THis is the beginning of contentions betwixt the Hollanders and the Bandanese. Two Hollanders ran from them and turned Slammes or Mahumetans, and in the Priest's house at Nero were slain by three Hollanders, which in revenge were slain by the Natives, who stayed not there, but in the fury slew other three Hollanders. This was ill done of them, to add a double revenge. Soon after the General of the Hollanders came thither with thirteen ships, and demanded satisfaction for the slaughter of his Countrymen. The Bandaneses offered Diet (that is, the wont satisfaction there used for manslaughter, in money) for those last three. But the General answered, that he came not now to demand satisfaction, but to make peace and league with them, which was done. The next year came another Holland General, Peter williamson Verhuef, with fifteen ships into the Haven of Nero, and asked leave to set up a Fort at Taniung Ratoo, or Ponit Ratoo, which the Bandaneses granted; but then he refused it, and demanded leave to erect a Fort in another place at Taniung Minangis, which they refused. But he coming before the Castle of Nero, with his ship and Ordnance, terrified the inhabitants, which fled away, and he possessed the Castle, and fortified there. Than did the Bandaneses subtly dissemble friendship, and show the General, and fifteen Captains, with others about one hundred men, in all.  


A discourse of those wars, and the effects with their causes, briefly presented in a short summary.  HEnce the Wars betwixt the Dutch and Bandaneses: and hence the War so portentous in the midst of peace (not betwixt the two Nations their Princes and States, which hold confederacy and amity, but) betwixt our Merchants and theirs, our Mariners and theirs, our Sea-Commanders and theirs; the two Indian Companies in those parts (the guilty of them) as it were growing fierce with infection of those fiercer Nations, changing their conditions more than their complexions, travelling from themselves in so fare Navigations, putting off with their warmer clotheses in that hotter Climate, their solid virtues, putting on Heathenish qualities with their commerce; putting up fiery freity with their hot Spices, putting out in great part humanity, civility, Christianity, in those various Currents and diversified Seas, Shoalds, Lands. And who can but be amused and amazed with wonder at such prodigious transformations, that so near Neighbours in Region, (parted with a narrow Channel) nearer yet in long society of Arms, (sealed with so many lives and deaths against one enemy,) and nearer than all names of nearness, in the nearest, dearest, and sweetest of names, Religion (both professing in substance one Reformation,) that this threefold Cord hath been so easily broken; their reformation in Religion become a deformation of Religion amongst unbelieving Ethniks and misbelieving Papists: their following the same Arms by sea and land become a training to greater harms to each other by sea and land: that propinquity of dwelling should make remoteness of Neighbourhood; and what neither Portugal policies, nor Infidel treacheries could do, themselves might do, to their own undoing with their own hands; and the hearts of both Nations at home might be in danger of dis-joining, by the dis-jointed parts and Factions abroad; the sparks of that fire of Hell seeming to break out at Goun Apee with that terrible Earthquake before mentioned, 
See Fitzherberts Relation.  unto a more terrible heart-quake, there to set that world on fire, and here to endanger this. Spheres have been hereby turned to Spears; Wares (with addition of a canine letter) to Wars; Words (with a new hissing sound from that old Serpent) into Swords; Ships charge of so many Tons in freight to discharge of so many Guns in fight; Merchants to Martialists, exchanging their gayn-good (or gayn-god) Mercury, for those payn-gods or devils Mars and Mors, or that wont function which Poetical Divinity ascribed to Mercury, of patronising Merchandise, for that other of conducting Souls to Hell. Hercules hath brought up Cerberus that Hell-monster, and set him unchained on the Indian shores, with the three Infernal Furies crowning his triple head; and hence have we had this Hell upon Earth. Such is War, and especially when the sons of Peace make Wars, when unchristian Christians war together: 
Gen. 6.  when the sons of God see these fair daughters of men (the riches of Infidels) and take them Wives where they lust (will not Woe with traffic, but ravish by force, 
Gen. 6.  nor make their Voyage but a Conquest) is it any marvel if the issue prove Giants, and the Earth be filled with violence? (Even the Poets also fabled their Giants to be Neptune's Sons.) Hence is Commerce Divine and humane impaired, Peace blown up, Charity blown out, Rights of neighbourhood, and Rites of hospitality exiled; Merchandise in unlawful copulation with Mars procreating, I know not how, many Bastards; such are Usurpations, Oppressions, Insultations, jealousies, Treacheries, Invasions, Lies, Force, Fraud; and the rest of that restless black Guard, hateful to God and man: Which here I have historically expressed, not delighting in Tragedies, but (forsan & haec olim meminisse iwabit) it will be delightful to some to have escaped such disasters as have swallowed so many others, and profitable to posterity, to prevent like mischiefs in the like beginnings.  
The beginning of this quarrel was first a strangeness; whereof Syverson a Dutch Captain is charged to be the author, whose uncivil conditions infected the rest, 
See Scot sup. pag. 180. & seqq.  and made them withdraw their familiarity with our Nation, which before they had kindly used. When this Sun of Charity, shining in loving Society, was set in this cloud of strangeness, stormy weather followed, and darkness, 
Psal. 104.20.  and it was night, wherein all the beasts of the Forest crept forth, the young Lions roared after their prey; the ghastly ghosts walked abroad in the dark, 
Eph. 6.12. 1. Th. 5.5.  and the Rulers of the darkness of this world amongst the children of Night and of darkness domineered at pleasure. This Strangeness, as the darkness of Hell, opened a passage to those Hellish fires following, and was the Womb of those Hellbred Monsters (as privation is a preparation to habit, and corruption to generation) which were indeed many, but their three Captains were Drunkenness, Covetousness, and Pride (this that threefold Head of Cerberus, and triple Crown of Furies, before mentioned.) In the first, Bacchus made a new expedition into the Indieses, with a band of Rack, Rackapee, and other hot drinks, displaying the Colours of the Flesh, oppugning the Spirit of GOD, and expugning the Reason of Man: whence so many Frays, Brawls, 
Scott ubi sup. etc.  and sometimes Blows, and Wounds; this Wildfire or Ignis Graecus burning most in moisture whiles men played the Greeks'. After this Vanguard of Bacchus and the Flesh, followed the Main battle lead by the World, arranged under the Colours indeed of Covetousness, which finding some sweets of gain, with an evil eye grudged at any partners; cohibited them by undermining wiles, lies, pretences; prohibited by open Proclamations; inhibited by confiscations and surprisals, attended with Chains, Fetters, Prisons, Tortures, Famine, and manifold Deaths. 
Plurima mortis imago.  GOD help the man that comes under the power of Covetousness! an over-drie, ever-thirstie fire of Hell, kindled from thence, and burning thither, still flaming on the Altar and before the Idol of the golden Calf, and kindling there (that is in the covetous man's heart) such zeal of that devotion, that he knows not, hates, persecutes, 
The Gordian knot.  whatsoever stands in his way; and if he be able, answers all objections with Ius in armis, like another Alexander, chopping that knot insunder by force, which neither wit, learning, nor Religion could untie. After these battalions of the Flesh and the World, the Devil follows in the Rear, (though as General of the Field, he generally infuseth himself, totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem & magno se corpore miscet) His Standard is advanced by Pride, which having cast Angels out of Heaven, and Man out of Paradise, would dispossess Mankind of Humanity, Christians of Society, the just Merchant of his Trade, and the World of justice.. Hence inordinate confusions, and the confused confounding orders of contentions, (only by pride do men make contention) combustions, supplantings, neglects, contempts, scorns, indignations, vexations, persecutions, exultations, insultations, insolences, cruelties, 
Pro. 13.10.  hells. He that puts off himself in drunkenness, and puts on the world in covetousness, shall loose both, and found the Devil, readily blowing these sparks of Hell with the Bellowss of Pride (the divisions of Reuben are great thoughts of heart) till both he and they are encompassed with the unquenchable flames of Hell. Drunkenness began with Bantam frays, 
jud. 5.15.  (search the Authors in the former story,) Covetousness proceeded with prohibition of profitable Trade, wheresoever it could hinder; and with the help of Pride, raped Sovereignty, and reaped an enforced jurisdiction, violently exercising the same against all gainsayers.  
This, as in other places, so principally in Banda. There the Stage of this Tragedy, and out of that burning hill this burning hell of Diabolical fires first (as is said) seemed to break forth; 
The parcels summed, and a true account given of the Banda case and cause of the wars ours and theirs.  the first original beginning with Apostasy (as you have heard) in some Dutch Fugitives, which perhaps to escape deserved nishment, denied that which they never had, Faith. Secondly, others in unjust justice punishing the same with murder (expressing Piety with oppressing Impiety, blind Zeal being a hell fire indeed, a burning fire without any shining light.) Thirdly, the Bandaneses in their supposed sanctity of Religion profaned, and Sanctuary of their Priest's house violated, see no mean in revenge, and repent at leisure what was done in hasty fury. Fourthly, this being somewhat composed, and peace made (when Revenge is asleep) Covetousness awakes, and in cold blood, by force (which entreaty could not procure) erects a Fort (that is, a Prison to the Liberty, a Storehouse for the Wealth, and a Gibbet for the necks of the Inhabitants,) that I omit the supposed sacrilege and wrongs to their Meskits and Sepulchers. In the fift place, they unable to revenge by force, borrow help of treacherous fraud (dolus an virtus quis in host requirit?) and kill Verhuef and the Dutch. This being pursued by Wars, is sodered a little while by Peace, but (for aught is extant) never kept on either side, and the Dutch continued Masters in their Holds, the Natives elsewhere. Which yet proving burdensome to them (as the Dutch know, other Nations have done) they sought protection of the English, and upon Composition surrendered themselves to his Majesty. The English name before distasted, was now detested and contemned of the Dutch, (who before had grown strange, and with whom bralls and factions had not been strange, towards ours, with hindrance of Trade and the like) they seize our ships, goods, men, and use them as you have heard.  
After which the English pretend by just force to recover what by unjust force they had lost, and Sir Thomas Dale long after 
* They took the Swan and the Defence, 1616. the Solomon and Attendance in March 1618. the Speedwell, etc. where as Sir Thomas Dales first fight and taking the Lion of theirs was in Decem. 1618. , with Captain Pring and others sought by offence to defend: wherein their prowess at first succeeded, but their misfortunes after exceeded, in the casual burning of the Black Lion, and in the death soon after of a more heroic Lion, Sir Thomas Dale (whose valour having shined in the Western, was set in the Eastern India; so fare as Death can be a solstice to Honour, whose loss the loss of the Sun, at Engano seemed to presage) after which followed the surprisal of four ships at Tecoo, two at Patania, another in the Straitss. Egregiam verò laudem! may some say, for Men of War so prepared to take their opportunities of dispersed, busied, vnprouided Merchants. I would I could not add, spolia ampla refertis, except in another sense. But the Companies of both Nations, and their wiser Governors at home came to a composition, and agreed on Articles of Peace, which was on both sides there (already wearied) received with joy, and published with approbation. All this notwithstanding, in the midst of this calm and fair weather, there arose a new storm at Banda, which as a beautiful and rich Bride was envied to English Arms, and seemeth by the cries on both sides, to have been lately ravished from her new Husband, unwarned, unarmed, I know not whither by greater force or fraud; or whither might 'cause greater indignation, the seizing on the English fellows and friends the Bandanese, with their own goods and bodies also, casting down their Colours and Ordnance, 
* The Sun Admiral of Sir Thomas Dales Fleet lost, pag. 634. at the I'll Engano.  and abusing their persons, in one place; or the letting stand in another, their Fort, as a Cage to be shown in derision, when the Bird was fled or stolen away. This now remains, that violent things remain not and are not usually permanent; and (we doubt not) the bright beams of his Majesty's prudence and justice, with the mature wisdom of Prince Maurice his Excellency, and the Illustrious Lords Governors of the united Provinces, shining on those troubled Indian waters, will like the Great GOD out of darkness bring light, and chastise the wrong-doers; nor will permit Personal quarrels to become Nationall, or Indian bralls of Merchants to become European broils for Soldiers, but cause the remotest Members to communicate in the Heads amity and soundness. This they will do, this they do; how soon? and it is done, and Amantium irae amoris redintegratio. Nulla salus bello, pacem te poscimus omnes. Amen.   
THat it may appear that we do not impute the former wrongs to the Holland Nation in general, nor seek to make a State-quarrell with the States, Lords, Governors, and the estate of that Republic; but attribute the same to private spirits and misdemeanure of some in authority and place of command in the Indieses, I have added a piece of a Book translated out of the Dutch.  

SO 
* The former part of the book which proveth this I have omitted, as less to our purpose.  as the Adventurers have gained nothing near the simple interest of six and a quarter per cent. per ann. and ordinary assurance. By this may be gathered what profits the Adventures have enjoyed, and how thankful they aught to be to the Majors.  
Now as concerning the government, it is a thing certain, that be it good or bad, the profits arise accordingly, for we daily see and found that by negligence and ill government, a great estate is soon brought to naught: and on the contrary through a good diligent and provident governing, great gains arise out of a small stock or means: whereas during all this Patent, so little profit ariseth, though great gain is ordinarily to be made in the East Indies, so as hereby may well be concluded that the same must be so, by reason of the directing or governing the same.  

Ill government of the Dutch Indian Commanders.  Now as concerning the well governing: First of all, is required a good understanding and experience, which I persuade myself hath been and is in many of the Majors without all doubt, but that is not enough, except there be care & diligence withal. But what care and diligence can be expected from them, who are so continually employed in their public Office and functions, besides their particular affairs, that they can scarce once or twice in a week, spend a few hours in this weighty business, which indeed hath need of a constant and continuing sale according as the greatness and importancy thereof requireth? etc. Further, is required in every Mayor that he by all means seek to procure the common good of that which is committed to his charge, 
Seeking their own private benefit.  and not his particular: but how or wherein have they hitherto sought the common good of the Company, so long as they take a liberty to cell the Companies goods unto themselves, in which sale they no doubt seek their own particular profit, and not the Companies. At sometimes one Mayor buying the Companies goods of another Mayor; and at another time it happeneth quite contrary, viz. that he which was at first the buyer, is now become the seller to him that formerly was the seller himself: one may well conjecture how these things are thus carried, by such, who it may be are not so honest as they should be; what hindrance hereby befalleth the Adventurers, and what profits to the Majors, one may well conjecture by the small profits which the Adventurers have made, and the great wealth which the Majors have attained unto. When as the Majors have bought great quantity of the Companies goods for themselves, is to be imagined what kind of Advice they will sand to the Indieses concerning such goods as themselves have bought, & whether their advice shall not tend to their particular profits, &c, For might one peruse their Books, no doubt thereby would be found, that many amongst them have little or no adventure at all with the Company, and it would plainly appear, 
The Majors have little or no adventure with the Company.  that their provision or factory concerns them nearer than the profit of the stock they have there to respect, and therefore do readily resolve to the setting forth of great shipping or fleets, when as lesser and smaller would have been sufficient for Conquest, and lesser for trade from Port to Port: whereof that fleet which went through the strait of Magellane was one, which fleet alone did charge the Company with more than a Capital. It is likewise the practice of these kind of Majors, (knowing the choice to be in their own powers) to prefer their friends and kindred to the government, 
Preferring their friends to government.  & excluding those that are great Adventurers, take oft-times such as are none, but such as when they stand in nomination to be, do then begin to buy conditionally so they are chosen, than their buying to stand: but if not, than the barga●ne to be void: what good service the Company is to expect by such nimbling may well be conjectured. Besides, they oft-times prefer their friends, to be sent as Committees and other Officers to the Indieses, 
Committees se●t by their procurement. Great ships.  although very unfit thereto, whereas it highly concerneth the Company, to have both honest and fit persons there, for hardly can it be imagined the great wrong which the Company have sustained, thorough the having so basely vild, and proudly insolent Committees in the Indieses. Further, what loss the Company is put unto, by the building of so great and costly ships (each Chamber striving which shall make the greatest ship, and all for great stowage, to 'cause the greater return to be brought into their chamber, 
Their employment.  thereby to procure to themselves the greater factory or provision) ca●not well be imagined: for as well might it be done with lesser, and ships not so costly, and so the more stock to be employed in Trade, or otherwise to free themselves of their interest money which great ships, are partly used to carry wood and stone in the Indieses for the building of the Fort jacatra, some being worn and spent there, so as indeed one might have done as well between this and the Indieses, with half as many great ships. Also many sums of gold have been spent in the making of diverse costly Forts & Castles in the Indieses, the walls being all of stone, being Kinglike works, whereas to have made them of Earth, as the they are here in our Country the Netherlands, had been as useful for keeping the Trade from other Committees of foreign Lands: so had this needless charge been employed in Trade, might have advanced the Company more than a Capital. 
Male contents seeking foreign employment.  Also the Company hath freely endured some loss, by reason of the complaint of those persons, who having done the Company good service, could obtain little orno Salary for the same. Whereby is befallen that some have put themselves into the service of other Companies of foreign Lands, etc.      

CHAP. XVI. Extracts of a journal of a Voyage to Surat and to jasques in the Persian Gulf, set forth by the East India Society of Merchants: wherein were employed four new ships; the London, of eight hundred Tons, and therein ANDREW SHILLING chief Commander of the whole Fleet; WILLIAM BAFFIN Master; the Hart, of five hundred Tons, RICHARD BLITHE Master; the Roe Bucke, of three hundred, RICHARD SWAN Master; the Eagle, of two hundred and eighty, CHRISTOPHER BROWNE Master. Written by RICHARD SWAN.  
THe six and twentieth of February, 1619. all our Fleet set sail from Tilbury Hope. The twentieth of April, 1620. about eight degrees North latitude, we begin to have a taste of the Turnadoes. From the Downs hither we might always have carried a top gallant sail. The ninth of May, we crossed the Aequator. We would have crossed it more Easterly, but the Current and Winds would not permit. The tenth of june, we saw great store of Fowl. And on the three and twentieth, we had sight of Soldania Road, and anchored there the next day. Here we found the Lion homeward bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for Bantam, their Commander Nicholas van Baccum a Gentleman, which by report lived seven years in Oxford. 
Nic. van Baccum an Oxford man, Gen. of the Dutch. King james his Title to Soldania published.  After kind Sea-salutes, the next morning the Lion and the Dutch departed, each their way; and the same evening arrived the Schidam of Delft outward bound, which being suspected, by both Admirals, the Master was sent for, his Commission examined, and good satisfaction given. The third of july was made a solemn publication of his Majesty's Title to Soldania: and on the seventh King james his Mount erected. The three and twentieth, I had a Cable of eleven inches spoiled with other hurt, and the Hart had a great deliverance, two of her best Anchors breaking at once: and the Eagle broke two Cables. The five and twentieth, we set sail.  
Note, that if at any time you have occasion to ride under Pengwin Island, 
Note for such as go into Soldania Road.  you bring the Northern end thereof West by South, or within half a Point on either side thereof: and anchor about a mile from the nearest part of the Island, in ten, eleven or twelve fathoms, white and grey sand. Having a little passed the Cape of Good Hope, being much Wind at Northwest North Northwest and North, 
Note for troublesome Sea at the Cape.  the Sea was exceedingly troubled, and went so upon heaps by the meeting of the Northwest and Southeast Ocean, that it laboured our ships to the trial of all their joints.  
From the eight and twentieth of September, to the first of October, we were hindered eleven or twelve minutes every day by a Current to the South latitude, from one to five degrees thirty two minutes North. The seventh of October, latitude nine degrees and fifty minutes North. These four and twenty hours, 
Island Rasif.  I have come over the Island Rasif (one of● the Mamales) as it is placed in my Card. Note, that every day since we were in six degrees North latitude, we have seen land Fowls, as Castrells, Quails, Martins, Butterflies, but not any Sea Fowl. The nineteenth, 
Batecala.  we were due West from Batecala six leagues off, depth two and twenty fathoms ozie sand. 
Goa.  The twenty two, at six in the morning, we were thwart of Goa four leagues off, the latitude is fifteen degrees and thirty minutes, rather less than more. The six and twentieth, 
Dabul.  we put into Dabul Road in seventeen degrees and thirty four minutes, and stayed till the second of November, our men refreshed and recovered, and the two ships for Persia well provided. The sixth, the Hart and Eagle, eight leagues from the high Land of Saint john's, took their leave of us. The seventh, latitude twenty degrees sixteen minutes. Now are we truly West from Damon six leagues off, 
Damon.  depth eighteen fathoms. The ninth in the morning, we anchored in the outer road of Swally, where we found the Wappen van Zealand, a ship of one thousand Tons. At our coming she took in her flag and saluted the London with three pieces, and the Roe Buck with two. I was sent on shore and found Master Thomas Kerridge Precedent, Master james and Master Hopkinson, whom I brought aboard. The next day, a consultation was holden for our speedy dispatch after the Hart and Eagle; four Portugal Galleons attending at Ormus or jasques Road for their surprisal. The nineteenth, after business dispatched, we set sail towards jasques. The one and twentieth we descried a ship, which yielded without resistance; Her name, Nostra Sennora de Morces, near two hundred Tun, come from Muscatte, bound for Chaul, 
A Portugal prize.  in her two and forty Arabian Horses, being her principal lading (as built for that purpose) the residue Dates and Raisins: the Captain's name Francisco Mirando.  
HONDIUS his Map of Persia.  
The fift of December, latitude four and twenty degrees fifty five minutes, we met the Hart and Eagle coming from jasques towards Surat, not being sufficient to encounter the Portugal forces there attending, to ruin our Master's Persian Trade. Thus happily rejoined we made haste towards jasques to accomplish our designs. The eight, at their own earnest solicitation, we set all the portugals and Moors on land, except some Seamen Moors whom we detained for our service, and the Pilot which misdoubting hard measure, entreated to stay. The tenth, the Lord's Supper was administered aboard the London. The twelfth, the men who voluntarily undertook to burn the Prize aboard the portugals Admiral, were put aboard her in the night. The thirteenth and fourteenth, the wind against us. The fifteenth, we had sight of the East Point of Land in jasques Road, which hath upon it a Tomb or an old square flat House, bearing West Northwest, by Compass twelve miles off. So then from Diu Head to this Point, I make the longitude by the plain ordinary Sea Chartley, nine degrees fifty five minutes and three fifth parts, and by Mercators' projection, ten degrees and one and fifty minutes. From this place we might discern the Portugal men of War set out from Lisbon; whose Fleet consisted of two Portugal Galleons one bigger than the London; and two Flemish ships, one as big as the Hart; the other less than the Eagle: Their General Ruy Frere de Andrado, john Boralio Vide-admiral, the Flemings were commanded by Antonio Musket and Baltazar de Chaves.  
The sixteenth in the morning, our Admiral with the Masters of his Fleet went aboard the Prize, and carried two Barrels of powder, some Tar, and other combustible provisions, intending with her to lay the Portugal Admiral thwart the half to burn together. Thus fitted, we bore up with the men of War, but it fell calm, and the Current set us so near them that they reached us with their Ordnance. All night we kept under sail. And in the seventeenth, being by reason of the Land-turne to leeward of them; they weighed and made towards our Fleet, which attended their coming, albeit they had and carefully kept the benefit of the wind. 
The fight.  About nine the fight began, which continued nine hours without intermission. In the afternoon (a fine gentle Westerly Sea-wind blowing, and we to windward of them) their Admiral, whether of necessity to repair some defect about his Rudder, or of policy for some conceited stratagem, anchored; and to the Eastward of him, his Vice-admiral and the greater Fleming, the lesser to leeward of all stopping his leaks. Now were we in great hope of our fire design, which yet being too soon fired and forsaken of those which had it in charge, proved frustrate, driving clear of all their ships to their rejoicing, our disgrace and our Employers' loss. We seeing them abide at anchor, and keeping the wind of them, turning to and again close ahead of them; raked them, especially their Admiral, thorough and thorough, fore and after, with all our broad sides, receiving from them only their Praw and Bow Pieces. Out of whom as I passed to the North, two unfortunate shots cut asunder the Robuckes weather-leech ropes of her foresail and fore topsail in the middle depth of both sails, which renting we could not make her stay, but were enforced for reparation of our sails to bear up to leeward betwixt them & the shore. In which time their three greatest ships played upon us with their whole broad sides, yet, God be praised, with less hurt than I could have imagined. Thus having compassed the three last mentioned ships, and luffing to rejoine with our own Fleet (which all this while holding the benefit of the wind played upon the Portugals with their great Ordnance, as fast as with so many Muskets) I had gotten to windward of the smaller Fleming: who standing off as I did, until he had brought the fired ship directly between him and me, then turned tail and steered with all the sails he could make right afore the wind, alongst the shore to the Eastward: whom to rescue, the other three set sail, now so gentle, that the Hart passing along their broad sides; received from some of them few, from others none, either great or small shot. But our Fleet at present reunited, desisted their further chase, the darkness of the night, and the general weariness, challenging a surcease from so toilsome a work: and anchored after midnight in their (before) usual Road.  
In this fight the London and Hart received very little hurt in their huls and tackling; lesse or none amongst their men. The Eagles' main Mast was shot in five places, whereof four quite thorough: and one john Banks lost his right arm. I in the Robucke, had one Edward Browne slain with a great shot thorough his head; a piece of whose skull together with some splinters of the same shot, wounded Master Thomas Waller one of my Mates in the forehead to the loss of his left eye: also john Phoenix and Robert Hopworth lost the use of their right hands. Never (God be praised) did I hear of so little hurt in so long a fight, as we had on our parts. I cannot truly particularise their hurts, by report of our Merchants, john Boralio their Vice-admiral and another Captain were slain; with thirty or forty Portugals out of their Admiral (for Moor's they accounted not in the number of their men) the rest unknown.  
The eighteenth in the morning, we had fight of the Portugals at anchor ten miles to the East of us: they had the wind fair to come to us, but did not. Whereupon we had a general conference, whether it might be fit with the first of the Sea-turne (beginning usually about noon) to stand with them and try it out for the Mastery (before they could have supply from Ormus or Muskat, or expected aid from Goa) or else to make sail for jasques Road, there to landlord our moneys and goods (for surprisal whereof they fought and we defended) and this later was concluded. Thither the London attained that night: the rest road a league without.  

Portugal supplies.  The two and twentieth, descrying the Port Galliones open of the Road, to come in as we supposed with the Sea turn, we hasted and stood off with them. They steered directly towards Ormus, till they met with two or three Frigates from thence with supply of men and munition, which having shipped, they made toward us but soon repent, and clapped upon a tack, and till the eight and twentieth, were either to windward, or so at anchor that without disadvantage we could not attempt them. We tried on Christmas day, but were enforced back with a present encounter of a gust, which made some Blacks aboard us, say, that the Port had brought a Witch from Ormus to serve them with fair winds. On Innocents' day perceiving the drift of our Fabius Cunctator, 
The second fight.  we took the opportunity of an Easterly gale, weighed and put things in order for fight. The London and Hart next anchored within a Cables length and half from them upon their broad sides, and so endured the hottest burden of this second days fight. For no sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calm and so continued all day, insomuch that the Robucke and Eagle (who had steered nearer the shore with intent to anchor, one upon the Bow of the Port-Admirall, the other on the Bow of their Vice-admiral) being Eastern, could not with any diligence come to do any service in half an hour's space. And no sooner were we within the level range of our Ordnance from them, than (there being not a breath of wind, and the current against us) we were driven to anchor or drive further off. But our broad sides once brought up, the great Ordnance from our whole Fleet played so fast upon them, that had our men's knowledge equalled their resolutions, not one of them had escaped us. How ever, loath to receive a Supper as hot as their Dinner, at three a clock they cut their Cables and droue with the tide (then setting Westerly) until they were out of our reach. 
The flight and loss of the Portugals.  Than came their Frigates to them (which the day before had domineered with their Music, pendants and flags alongst the shore, now with a fit task) to tow them away all mangled and tome. For their Admiral in the greatest fury of the fight, was enforced to heeled his ship to stop his leaks, his mayne-top-mast overboard, and the head of his main Mast. The greater Fleming had both his top-masts and part of his bow-sprit shot away: the less having never a shroud standing, never a topmast.  
The Vice-admiral (which both days did us most hurt) escaped best, having commonly this day one or other of their ships 'twixt him and us. We kept them company all night in hope the next morning to have given them their passports, but surveying our shot and finding small store left (notwithstanding that by some happy mistake, the Eagle had a double proportion) and considering the Voyage which we had to perform, we returned: and left them glad men, the two greater ships towing the two smaller at their stern. Their slain I heard not: Ours lost in the London slain, Henry Cran●, john Gore; our Admiral and Peter Robinson died of their wounds afterwards. In the Hart, Walter Davie, William Hall, john Muskat, and Edmund Okely were wounded but recovered. The great shot of several sorts spent, in the London, one thousand three hundred eighty two. Hart, one thousand twenty four. Robucke, eight hundred and fifteen. Eagle, eight hundred, in all four thousand twenty one. Captain Richard Blithe according to the order (opening the white Box N 1.) succeeded our worthy Admiral: myself removed into the Hart, Christopher Browne to the Robucke, and Thomas Taylor was made Master of the Eagle.  
The fourteenth of january, having had for eight and forty hours' precedent continual extremity of rain (wind or rain being usual here for three or four days at the change and full, otherwhiles fair weather) we set sail from jasques, where we had dispatched our business, to Surat, where we arrived the first of February following: nothing in our passage occurring worth recital, saving that the seven and twentieth of january, we surprised betwixt Diu and the Sand heads, a small ship of war called Nostra Seniora de Remedio, of burden one hundred tons, Francisco de Sylva Captain, with thirty five Portugals, and twenty five Moors for Sailors set out by the Captain of Diu to guard their small Merchant's ships from the Malabars. The men were dismissed, and the ship kept for our use, and called the Andrew. She had in her neither meat, 
A Port Prise.  money, nor commodities, and scarce so many poor suits as backs.  
The seven and twentieth of February, we began to take in goods. The fift of March, the Eagle was sent down to guard the Prince's juncke, and to hinder her further lading till free leave and liberty should be granted for passage of Carts with goods, and other our provisions, which have been restrained six or seven days by the grating Governor of Vlpare: by which means no Cotton Wool could come down till our ship was full laden forward on. The sixteenth, upon notice that the Agra Caffila was rob by the Decan Army, resolution was taken to seek restitution upon the ships of the said Decan Prince and his Confederates in the action; and the Read Sea intended for our ships wintering. The nineteenth, the Prince his juncke was dismissed, the Governor of Surat having granted under his hand to supply our wants of Powder and shot for our money, with redress for many other discourtesies.  
Since the five and twentieth of March, till the sixth of April, 1621. the winds have been outwardly, viz. South and South South-west and West, and from noon till midnight blown so hard that the great stuff by the shore permitted no business to be done, except on the last quarter ebb and first after flood. The seventh, we set sail. The ninth, the Eagle and Dutch Pinnace called the good Fortune, departed our Company, consigned for Achen and Bantam: the London, Hart, Robucke and Andrew intended for the Read Sea, if not too late.  
The first of May, the Andrew and our Boats surprised the Saint Antonio a ship of two hundred tons, which we called the May-flower: her principal lading Rice taken in at Barcelor, 
A Prise.  whence she went to Goa, and the eight of April, had set sail for Muscat and Ormus. By these we understood that Ruy Frere de Andrado, was busy in repairing his four ships at Ormus: C. that Don Emanuel de Asseredo, is departed about fifty days passed from Goa in his succour with two Galliones; one whereof is the same in which the Viceroy was personally, 
Eman. Assaued● sent in supply from Goa.  when he fought with Captain Downtons Fleet. The seventh, in a calm we surprised the jacintha small ship built of a Frigate, from Mozambique bound for Goa: we called her the Primrose. Thence to the thirteenth, winds variable, calms, reinss. The May-flowre hindered us much: and the Pilots either were malicious or blind: whereupon we resolved to trust to our own endeavours to found an anchoring place, whence we might discover some convenient Road for our safe riding till the strength of the Monson were passed, we resolved for Macera. 
Macera.   
The second of june, we descried Land and anchored in seventeen fathoms three miles of shore: here we found in four or five Pits, three quarters of a mile from the waters side, water in abundance. I had forty ton out of one Well, which we rolled down in Hogsheads: the people tractable, little other refreshing. The latitude twenty degrees twenty minutes, variation seventeen North-westing. The Date Trees by the watering place bore Northwest by West, the other end of the Island North-east half East five leagues off.  
The twelfth we set sail for the North-east end of Macera, and in the afternoon anchored in seven fathoms in a fair Bay, clean ground, a fast black ozie sand, the North-east point bearing South half a league off: the landing place West South-west two miles off: the Norther part of the Bay North by West four miles off. The latitude twenty degrees thirty minutes, variation seventeen Northwest. You may ride in this Bay from five to twelve, in what depth you will: an excellent, hungry, cold and healthful place: but a tumbling, rolling Sea for ships: fresh water enough to be had in Pits digged, but except at the usual landing place, very ill to boat: yielding no better refreshing then the first, a few Goats and Lambs in truck for Cannekeens.  
Whiles the Hart and Robucke were here resolved to stay till the Monsons' fury were passed; on the nineteenth, we sent Abdelavie an inhabitant of Macera, with Letters in quest for the Admiral as fare as Soar, which returned the sixth of july, with Letters of their being there at Soar, 
Cape Rosalgate▪ or Rosahalt (so the Natives call it)  seven leagues within Cape Rosalgate; their difficult watering at Teve, surprisal of Simons the Chirurgeon, and the Preachers Boy on Land by the Portugals and Moors, etc.  
The sixth of August, the Hart and Robucke set sail from Macera: the eight in the evening we anchored by our Admiral: this Road differing from Macera, in being calm, usually clear, and by heat taking away the stomach. The fifteenth set sail. The first of September a Boat of Chaul came aboard the Robucke, etc.  
The one and twentieth of November, our Fleet set sail from Swally, 
The jasques Fleet of nin● ships.  and anchored before the Bar of Surat. The seven and twentieth at noon, n latitude twenty, and by judgement twenty eight leagues from nearest Land: we took leave of the jasques Fleet, consisting of the London, jonas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard and Robert.  
The first of january we found ourselves between johanna and Mayotta. The nine and twentieth we anchored in Soldania Road: having been from Surat hither nine weeks and three days, blessed be God for our safe and speedy passage. Hear we watered, washed, fished in the River, buried our Letters, bought three Cows, one Calf, four sheep, all unsavoury meat.  
The third of February, we set sail: the nineteenth, anchored at Saint Helena. Hear we found the Wappen and the Holland Dutch ships: this last fell on fire the two and twentieth, with her Cloves taken in green at Amboyna. There was another small Dutch ship. They arrived eleven days before us, and cannot in ten days more discharge and relade their damnified Cloves. The eight and twentieth, we set sail from Saint Helena: and the seventh of june, 1622. anchored in the Downs.  
For further satisfaction touching the fight, I have added this Letter or Relation sent to the Company from the Chief of the Fleet.  
Relation of the fight of four English ships with four Portugal ships, two Galliats, and ten Frigates in the Gulf of Persia, in the Months of December and january, 1620.  
THe London and the Robucke arriving at Surat the ninth of December, there understood that the Portugals had sent into the gulf of Persia an Armado, purposely to attempt the English shipping at their coming thither, whereupon it was forthwith resolved by the English Factors at Surat, & the Commanders of the abovenamed two ships, that they should apply themselves to the gulf of Persia, to rejoine themselves with two other English ships, namely, the Hart and the Eagle which parted from the London and Robucke, before their coming to Surat, and were gone directly toward jasques in the said gulf of Persia, and so the said London and Robucke set sail from Surat towards jasques, the nineteenth day of November, and the first day of December following, they met with the Hart and the Eagle, about eighty leagues short of jasques, where all the four ships joining together, they received most certain intelligence by a Portugal Frigate which they met, that the Portugal Armado consisting as aforesaid of four Galleons, two Galliats and about ten Frigates, were attending them at the Easter end of jasques Road, where the English ships must come, and so went along towards the same, where the sixteenth day they found the said Portugal Armado, consisting in these particulars before named the General or chief Commander whereof is named Ruy Frere de Andrado, whom themselves call the Pride of Portugal, the Vice-admiral john Boralio, and Inhabitant of Ormus, and late Admiral of those Seas, of the other two ships the Commanders were Anthonio Musket and Balthasar di Chaves, this day proved calm, so that it was night ere they came in shot one of another.  
The seventeenth of December, being the Lord's day, we intended to have sanctified his service being under sail a league to Sea-boord of them, but about eight of the clock with the Land turn, they weighed anchor and bore up with us, for whom (albeit they had the wind) we shortened sail and stayed near about nine of the clock, we joined fight with them, which continued until the darkness of the night justly challenged an end to so long and weary a work, they (like a kind Host to Strangers) leaving us their anchoring place to lodge in, and retired some ten or eleven miles to the Eastward, there to amend and repair themselves; we cannot truly particulate unto you their hurts and losses in this fight, save by reports of our Merchants, that john Boralio their Vide-admiral, and the Captain of one of the other ships, were slain, with some thirty or forty men out of their Admiral, the rest yet unknown. The loss or hurt of our men in your own ships, the enclosed Note of this seventeenth present, will make manifest. Thus for a time we were not disturbed by our enemies, though by contrary winds we could not get into the usual Road before the twentieth current. The twenty one and twenty two, the most part of your goods was landed, and descrying the Portugal Galleons open of the Road, to come in, as we supposed, with the Sea-turne, we therefore set sail and stood off with them, but after some small show of bearing up with the Sea-wind, they clapped upon a Lake, and were so fortunate until the eight and twentieth day, that either they being to windward we could not come at them, or else at anchor we could not, without our great disadvantage, meddle with them.  
The eight and twentieth, being Innocents' day, both Fleets riding at the Easter Points of the Road, not a mile distant one from the other; we omitted no opportunity to give battle to our wary protracting enemies, who, as by his working appeared, if he could have avoided fight, and by lingering delays, and the benefit of his Frigates, have hindered us from the prosecution of your Persian designments, he attained unto the full height and scope of his employments.  
But about one of the clock, the Lord sent us a pretty gale, our Fleet weighed and put all things in order for to fight, the London and Hart next anchored within a Cables length from them upon their broad sides, and so endured the hottest brunt of this two days fight, for no sooner were they at anchor but it fell calm and so continued all day, insomuch that the Roe Bucke and Eagle, who being somewhat a stern and steering nearer the shore, with intent to anchor one upon the Bow of the Portugal Admiral, and the other upon the Bow of the Vide-admiral, could not notwithstanding all diligence used, come to do any service in half an hour's space, but being come near anchored, and all our ships so fitted to keep our broad sides full upon them. The great Ordnance out of our whole Fleet played so fast upon them, that about three of the clock in the afternoon, not willing to endure so hot entertainment, they cut their Cables and with the Tide driven down from us, until being without reach of our Ordnance, their Frigates came and towed them away wonderfully mangled and torn, for their Admiral in the hottest of the fight was enforced to heeled their ship to stop his leaks, his main topmast over board, and the head of his main mast; the third ship both his topmast, mizon mast, and part of his bow spirit were shot away, the lesser ship had never a shroud left standing, nor never a topmast; the Vide-admiral escaped best, for most commonly he had one or other of their ships between him and us. All this night we kept them company, with hope the next morning to have given them all, or some of them, their Passport, but surveying our shot and finding no great store left, and withal considering the great weight and import of the voyage we had to perform, we resolved our return to jasques, for the speedy dispatching of our business in hand, thanking God for putting our enemies to flight before us, of whom unto the present writing hereof we have heard no news, neither are any of them arrived at Ormus or Muscat, as our Merchant's report, only it is rumoured by some Caffaires, who by swimming escaped ashore, that Ruy Frere de Andrado 
* This proved not true.  was slain. All your ships, praised be God, remain serviceable, and not above five men slain on our part in these two long and great battles, and not many wounded, as by the List of their names here enclosed will appear. Amongst whom our worthy Admiral and kind Commander, received a great and grievous wound through his left shoulder with a great shot, which hurt he with such courage and patience underwent, that gave great hope to us all of his much wished recovery, but having beside his former wound two of his uppermost ribs on the left side broken; the sixth of januarie, he departed this life, showing himself (as ever before) a resolute Commander, so in his passage through the Gates of death, a most willing, humble, constant, and assured Christian, his body we intended to have carried to Surat, and there according to his deserts to have performed his last funeral rights, the Chyrurgians confidently promising by embalming and waxe-cloth to preserve him without annoyance thither, but notwithstanding this cost and their promise, his body, in regard of his great wound, proving noisome, we were enforced to bury him at jasques, which was effected the seventh Current, with what respect, solemnity, and decency the time required.  
The thirteenth of january, 1620. aboard the Ship London in jasques Road. Underwritten by all the four Masters of the four Ships, Ri. Blyth. Chr. Browne. Rob. Swan. William. Baffin.  
WHiles we are publishing these things there are late news of English Persian occurrents, as namely, that nine English ships have been in those Persian Seas, and together with the Persian have paid part of their Portugal debt: Chisman in three days being taken, the spoil divided betwixt them. Also the Bassa of Xeras helped by the English both in setting over his men, and in beleagring the Town, hath in two days taken the Town of Ormus, the Castle holding out; though little hope remained of it, their water and all hope of help being taken from them. The English have won much honour and reputation of valour: and if they take it, (besides sharing the spoil) are to have the Castle committed to their keeping. They are said also to have taken a rich ship, called the Mosambique.  
Part of a Letter written from Mr. Robert Smith to his brother Henry Smith, relating of a rare attempt and exploit of a small English Pinnace, in taking a Portugal ship.  
IN our passage from joanna to this place, we lost sight of the Rose and Richard, but within six days after, the Richard came to us with a Portugal prize at her stern, which she had taken that night we lost her company. It is a wonder to tell it. The Richard being a Pinnace of about twenty Tons, manned with fourteen Men and Boys, and having but two small Falconets in her, and the Port●gall of two hundred and fifty Tons, with two hundred and fifty in her, whereof seventy were portugals, the rest Mesticos and Slaves: the Richard coming up with them plied her demi-Dogs so well, that in the shooting off twenty shot, it pleased God they killed their Captain, which the rest perceiving struck all their sails amain, and like tall men came aboard the Richard, six at a time, where the Master caused them to be bound: but fearing to have too many aboard, though bound, he sent a terrible command to the rest aboard, that upon their lives they should departed their ship into their great Boat, which they very valiantly performed, and left their ship to the utter disgrace of themselves and all their Nation, etc.  
Giles Hobbs his travail from Musco to Spahan, written in a Letter by himself to the East Indian Company.  
Right Honourable, my duty remembered, etc.  
THe fourth of October lost passed, a year since my arrival at Spahan, your then Agent Master Thomas Barker was then advising for England, mentioning of my arrival, 
Tho. Barker.  and also of his appointment to resend me so soon as he heard of the safe arrival of your ships, but it pleased the Lord in the meantime to take him from us by a sudden death. Whose appointment was the first cause I omitted to writ to your Honours; the second, a long & tedious journey by lets on the Volga, and also in this Land. The third cause, my Convoy taken from me, and not suffered to pass but with the King's Caravan of Boats, for that the report was, the Cossackes did purpose to make fight with the Caravan, which proved the contrary. It wound be too long to trouble your patience to relate at large the accidents in this my journey, wherein little happened worthy your notice or expectation, or my hopes to effect your desires. I will therefore briefly make relation thereof.  
The eighth of May, 1619. I set off from Yeraslave, and arrived at Astracan the sixteenth of june, from whence I purposed to take my journey and passage for Turkey, and from thence by the Emperor's Post to pass the Cherkasses Country, and so for Spahan by Land. This passage I could not proceed of, but with the Emperor's Caravan of provisions which would not be in twelve days: in the interim, I enquired when the Guilan Busses would go. The Masters and Merchants promised fourteen days at furthest; so I resolved to pass in them.  
The tenth of july, I set off from Astracan, and by occasion of the Boats stay, to be cleared by the Searchers, it was the fifteenth dicto, our coming aboard the Buss.  

No Compass used in the Caspian Sea.  The eighteenth dicto, the Buss set sail steering South till we made the Persian shore, they use no Compass but direct their course by the Sun, Moon and Stars.  
The six and twentieth dicto, we made land, having great tempest of wind at North-east; the land lying South and West; at evening the wind came of the land still increasing: the next day the Buss lost her sail from the yard, and for to secure her they hung up fig baskets, coverlets and Cow hides, 
Tempest.  throwing great store of the lading overboard; the first all our provision, after the goods: this night we had small rest, the next morning the wind was out of the Sea, and it pleased the Lord to bring us in between a small Island and the main land, and both us and the Vessel saved.  

Callopsheray.  The eight and twentieth, the Master and most of us went on land, the place called Callopsheray, no Inhabitants: the wind increased still, that until the first of August, the Boat could not row aboard the Buss. This day the Merchants unladed their goods, and the fift dicto, we procured Horses for Shomakee, 
Shomakee. Bocka. Guilan. Ardevil. Spahan.  and arrived there the ninth dicto.  
The Busse bound herself for a Port called Bocka, to lad Neft●ere she proceeded for Guilan, the nineteenth of August, I departed with the Cafala from Shomakee, & arrived at Ardevill, the nine & twentieth of the same. The ninth of September, with the Cafala I departed Ardevill, & arrived at Spahan, the fourth of October, 1619. thus in brief you may please to understand of my long journey from Yeraslave to Spahan in Persia, no less than five months, which, no doubt, might be done in eleven or twelve weeks, if no lets in the way, as in these subsequents I shall declare.  
The first passage is at the opening the River Volga, from Yeraslave to Astracan, and so to Turkey by water, which may be done in five and twenty days, and from Turkey by the Emperor's Convoy to Derbent or Shomakee, 
Three passages to Persia from Musco.  Cities under this King, and from those Cities to Ardevill and Casbin with Cafala, and from Casbin as they please to Spahan, the way clear, and may be effected, as abovesaid.  
The second passage is to come off from Yeraslave the first of june until the tenth dicto, and if no let may be at Astracan, in eighteen or twenty days, in good time to take the first passage in the Guilan Busses for Leygoints, a league from Laigon, and from Resht, from whence this year's Silk was taken seven leagues, and from thence to Spahan, sixteen days journey. This may prove the speedier passage, if it please God to lend favourable wind to pass the Caspian Sea; from Astracan Sea passage is to be had in july, August and September.  
The third passage, which no doubt, may be procured by your Honour's Agent there, is to have your Letters sent from Musco, by the Emperor's Post to the Governor of Astracan, to sand the said Letters, if over land, to the Chan of Shomakee, to be sent to the English Nation at Spahan, by the Chans' Post, if by Sea to Guilan to the Governor of Resht, accordingly to be sent to the English at Spahan: the charge to be defrayed by your Honour's Agents, and no doubt, so long as you have here Trade, your Letters by these Governors will be safely delivered: and for the better safety of them, the Agent may at his next going to the King, procure two Firmans to those Governors to that effect: and thus much for the needful transport of your Letters from Musco to Spahan in Persia.  
I will now return and speak something of the Trade at Astracan: the Mart beginneth at the arrival of the Boats which is in june; at which time the Persians' come in, and bring died Silk, Dorogoes, Calicoes and other Persian stuffs, which they cell by retail and in barter. The Commodities they return are cloth, but no (great quantity) Sables, Martens, red Hides, Caviar, Butter, the hinder-part of Horse Skins, for Leather, and old Russee Money which they buy at forty four and forty six d per robles for exchange. These are the Commodities likewise the Ruff transports whereon he makes small profit the old money failing, and your Honour's Trade here will prejudice him much, if not quite overthrew his Trade.  
In my Passage on the Volga, I held nothing worthy notice except the taking the Sturgeon, and the making the Caviar and Isinglasse. The River they pale in from bank to bank, that no Sturgeon pass up or down the River, but they fall in the weeres. 
Making of Caviate.  The Roe they lay in salt fourteen or fifteen days, then take and wash the salt of them, and pack them in the Fat. The fat Sturgeon hath a yellow Roe, which they pack up as it cometh to hand, which Roe spoileth all that lieth near it and much hindereth the sale of the Caviar at our Markets▪ The Isinglass is made of the string taken out of the Sturgeons back. This year the But of Caviar sold a● five robles the hundred, and six robles. 
Isinglass.   
Gentlemen, I am bound by Commission to advise how many days from Arash to the Caspian Sea and to Astracan. From Arash to Derbent a Port Town seven days journey▪ 
Arash. Derbent.  This Port lieth opposite to the River Volga, and may be sailed in five days. All other places where the King's Silk is made, lie near the Sea, as Rashed, Peomin, Shoft and Leygon▪ in the Province of Guilan, the farthest eight leagues from the Ports. In Monzendroan▪ 
Resht. Peomin. Shoft. Leygon. Monzendroan.  is the Plantation for the making of Silk, and this year a good quantity made, of which as yet hath never proof been made for his goodness. Thus much for nearness of the places where the Silk is made to the Caspian Sea, by which your Honours may perceive how necessary the Silk doth lie for its transport by the way of the Volga, if passage might be procured from the Emperors of Muscovia; whereas now they are carried three months journey by land to the Port, and not without great charges and trouble, as by the general advice you will well understand; to which I humbly refer you.  
Gentlemen, this your Persian Trade, as it is in her infancy hath many Enemies, the Turk, Arabian, Armenian, and the proud Portugal, whose lying tongue ceaseth not to dishonour our Kingdom and Nation, but the Lord, I hope, will turn the dishonour upon his own pate.  
The overthrow of the three first Enemies must be by the presence of an Ambassador here, who, no doubt, would persuade and pull down the Kings now lofty price of his Silk as you will well found in this year's Silk received, and no abatement to be expected, but by treaty of an Ambassador, who hath been expected and demanded for by this King: also to accord an agreement with the King for the Silk that is most in esteem, and profitable for you: and as he is turned Merchant for sale of his Silk, so likewise to be your Merchant for the goods you shall yearly sand into his Land, at such prices as may countervail the price he sets on his Silk. But I doubt, you will say I pass the bounds of my Commission or order in writing this brief Relation, of which might be spoken at large. But doubtless, not more than your grave wisdoms do foresee, or the better experienced then myself do advice, to which I humbly refer your Honours, praying the success may prove to your hearts desires.  
Gentlemen, I am sorry, you think me not worthy to nominate me your servant in your Letters, and more sorry you writ me several names and not mine own name, for which cause I have been a daily table sport by some, which of these names they may take for your Honour's Servant, others wish me to return and make my wages with you: and had I good occasion in your Honour's employment I should be very willing thereunto; but howsoever I refer me to God and your Honours, not doubting, but you will deal as well with me as others, and that I may not return as promised I willingly remain your Honours obliged servant ready to undergo any your Affairs, desiring your Honours will please to nominate me a certain yearly stipend for the time I shall so spend until my return to your Honours, for which I shall be bound to pray for your Honour's help and happiness in this World, and in the World to come eternal rest.  
Your Honours may please that yesterday we received a Letter from the Agent from Port jasques. A second Letter directed to Master William Bell and the rest at Spahan, aduizing the truth as near as they can be informed, the occasion of your Honour's ships not arrival as yet; to which I humbly refer you. Being ordered also by the Agent that the Copy thereof should be dispeeded to your Honours, I have fitted those former lines, long by you expected, of a brief Relation of my journey from Yeraslave to Spahan in Persia, also the fittest time for transport of your Letters to have speediest passage.  
Since my arrival here at Mina with the last Cafila of Silk, nothing hath happened worthy your Honour's notice. We expect hourly to hear the happy news of the safe arrival of the ships at Port jasques, that we may proceed thither with your goods, which God of his mercy grant, to whose blessed tuition I ever commend your Honourrs; and rest,  
Mina, the thirteenth of December, 1620. Your Honours obliged Servant, GILES HOBBS.  
HONDIUS his Map of the East Indies.   

CHAP. XVII. A Discourse of Trade from England unto the East Indies: Answering to diverse Objections which are usually made against the same.  Written by T. Mun. 
THe trade of Merchandise, is not only that laudable practice whereby the intercourse of Nations is so worthily performed, but also (as I may term it) the very Touchstone of a kingdom's prosperity, when therein some certain rules shall be diligently observed. For, as in the estates of private persons, we may accounted that man to prospero and grow rich, who being possessed of revenues more or less, doth accordingly proportion his expenses; whereby he may yearly advance some maintenance for his posterity. So doth it come to pass in those kingdoms, which with great care and wariness do ever vent out more of their home commodities; then they import and use of foreign wares; for so undoubtedly the remainder must return to them in treasure. But where a contrary course is taken, through wantonness and riot; to over-waste both foreign and domestic wares; there must the money of necessity be exported, as the means to help to furnish such excess, and so by the corruption of men's conditions and manners, many rich countries are made exceeding poor, whilst the people thereof, too much affecting their own inormities, do lay the fault in something else.  
Wherhfore, industry to increase, and frugality to maintain, are the true watchmen of a kingdom's treasury; even when the force and fear of Prince's prohibitions cannot possibly retain the same.  
And therefore, as it is most plain, that proportion or quantity, must ever be regarded in the importing of foreign wares; so must there also be a great respect of quality and use; that so, the things most necessary to be first preferred; such as are food, raiment, and munition for war and trade; which great blessings, when any Country doth sufficiently enjoy; the next to be procured are wares, fitting for health, and arts; the last, are those, which serve for our pleasures and ornament.  
Now, forasmuch as by the providence of Almighty God, the kingdom of England, is endowed with such abundance of rich commodities, that it hath long enjoyed, not only great plenty of the things before named, but also, through a superfluity, hath been much enriched with treasure brought in from foreign parts; which hath given life unto so many worthy trades, amongst which that unto the East India by name; the report whereof, although it is already spread so famous through the world: yet notwithstanding, here at home, the clamorous complaints against the same, are grown so loud and general; that (my self being one of the Society, it hath much troubled my private meditations, to conceive the means or true grounds of this confusion. But at the last I resolved myself, that the greatest number of these exclaimers are led away in ignorance; not having as yet discerned the mysteries of such weighty affairs: Some have been transported with envy, as not participating in the said Society, or being thereby hindered (as they conceive) in some other trade; and others, wholly corrupted in their affections, who whilst they willingly run into these errors, do also labour diligently to seduce others; that so, this good and glory of the kingdom, might be subverted by ourselves, which by the policy and strength of Strangers, cannot so easily be abated; wherefore, it is now a fit time to meet with such injurious courses, by a true Narration of the passages in the said East India Trade; answering to those several objections, which are so commonly made against the same: That so these misunderstandings and errors, may be made known unto the whole body of this Kingdom, which at this present time is most worthily represented to those noble assemblies of the high Courts of Parliament; where I hope the worth of this rich Trade, shall be effectually inquired, and so in the end obtain the credit of an honourable approbation.  

The first Objection. It were a happy thing for Christendom (say many men) that the Navigation to the East Indies, by way of the Cape of Good Hope, had never been found out; For in the fleets of ships, which are sent thither yearly out of England, Portugal, and the Low-countreyes; The Gold, Silver, and Coin of Christendom, and particularly of this Kingdom, is exhausted, to buy unnecessary wares.  

The Answer.  
THe matter of this Objection is very weighty, and therefore it aught to be answered fully; the which that I may the better perform, I will divide the same into three parts. In the first, I will consider the necessary use of the wares, which are usually brought out of East India into Europe; namely, Drugs, Spices, Raw-silke, Indigo, and Calicoes. In the second, I will imitate the manner and means by which the said wares have been heretofore, and now are brought into Europe. In the third and last, I will prove, that the treasure of England is not consumed, but rather greatly to be increased, by the performance of the said Trade.  
Touching the first, Who is so ignorant in any famous commonwealth, 
The first part concerneth the use of Indian wares.  which will not consent to the moderate use of wholesome Drugs and comfortable Spices? Which have been so much desired in all times, and by so many Nations, not thereby to surfeit, or to please a liquorish taste (as it often happeneth, with many other fruits and wines) but rather as things most necessary to preserve their health, and to cure their diseases; 
Sir Thomas Eliot his Castle of health. Rembert Dodoneus his history o● Plants. The French Academy second part, and others.  even as it is most notably set forth by some learned men, who have undertaken to writ upon this subject: and therefore it shall be altogether needless here to discourse upon their several operations and virtues, seeing that he that listeth, may be well instructed therein; if he will peruse the Volumes which are penned by the learned, for the benefit of all those who shall make use thereof.  
But if peradventure it be yet further urged, that diverse Nations live without the use of Drugs and Spices: the answer is, That either s●ch people know not their virtue, and therefore suffer much by the want of wares so healthful, or else they are most miserable, being without means to obtain the things which they so much want: but sithence I intent to be brief, I will insist no further upon this point: For the Obiecters might aswell deny us the use of Sugars, Wines, Oils, Raisins, Figs, Prunes, and Currands; and with fare more reason exclaim against Tobacco, Cloth of Gold and Silver, Lawns, Cambrics, Gold and Siluer-lace, Velvets, Satins, Taffetas, and diverse other manufactures, yearly brought into this Realm for an infinite value: all which as it is most true, that whilst we consume them, they likewise devour our wealth; yet nevertheless, the moderate use of all these wares hath ever suited well with the riches and Majesty of this Kingdom.  

France and the Low-countrieses 〈◊〉 late years do make gre●t quantities of wrought silk, of which wares they were heretofore served from Italy. France, Italy, South Barbary, and other Countries.  But I will come to the raw Silks and Indigo, this being so excellent for the dying of our woollen clotheses, thereby so much esteemed in so many places of the world; that ornament, together with the great relief and maintenance of so many hundreds of poor people, who are continually employed, in the winding, twisting, and weaving of the same: Insomuch, that by the cherishing of this business (as his Majesty for his part is graciously pleased to perform, in remitting the impost of Silk) it may well be hoped, that in short time, industry will make the Art to flourish with no less happiness to this Kingdom, than it hath done (through many ages) to diverse states in Italy, and lately also to the Kingdom of France, and to the united Provinces of the Low-countreyes.  
Now as touching the Trade of Calicoes, of many sorts, into which the English lately made an entrance, although it cannot be truly said, that this commodity is profitable, for the state of Christendom in general (in respect they are the manifacture of Infidels, and in great part the wear of Christians) yet nevertheless, this commodity likewise is of singular use, for this commonwealth in particular; not only therewith to increase the trade into foreign parts, but also thereby greatly to abate the excessive prices of Cambrics, Holland, and other sorts of Linen cloth, which daily are brought into this Kingdom for a very great sum of money. And this shall suffice concerning the necessary use of the Indian wares: In the next place, I will set forth the manner and means of their importing into Europe 

The second part  
Sheweth the manner & the means by which Indian wares have been & now are brought into Europe.    
It is an error in those men; who think that the trade of the East Indies into Europe had first entrance, by the discovery of the Navigation by the Cape of Good Hope. For many years before that time, the traffic of those parts had his ordinary course by shipping from diverse places in the Indieses, yearly resorting with their wares to Mocha in the Red-Sea, and Balsera in the Persian Gulf: From both which places, the Merchandise (with great charges) were after transported over-land by the Turks upon Camels, fifty days journey, unto Aleppo in Soria, and to Alexandria in Egypt, (which are in the Mart Towns, from whence diverse Nations, as well Turks as Christians do continually disperse the said Wares by Sea into the parts of Europe:) by which course, the common enemy of Christendom (the Turk) was Master of the Trade, which did greatly employ, and enrich his Subjects, and also fill the Coffers of his own Customs, which he exacted at very high rates; 
Rates upon all sorts of Spices. 22. per cent. raw Sikes esteemed about 2. per cent. Indigo about 8. per cent.  But by the providence of Almighty God, the discovery of that Navigation, to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope (now so much frequented by the English, Portugals, and Dutch; and also attempted by other Christian Kingdoms) hath not only much decayed the great Commerce between the Indians and the Turks in the Read Sea; and in the Persian Gulf (to their infinite hurt, and to the great increase of Christian Trade,) but it hath also brought a further happiness unto Christendom in general, and to the Realm of England in particular, for the venting of more English Commodities; and for exporting of a less quantity of Silver out of Europe unto the Infidels, by many thousand pounds yearly, then hath been accustomed in former times; as I shall prove most plainly by that which followeth.  
And first, it will be necessary to set down the quantity of Spices, Indigo, and Persian raw Silk (which is yearly consumed in Europe) and in them all to consider the cost with the charges to lad the same Commodities clear aboard the ships from Aleppo; and the like of all the self same wares, as they have been usually dispatched from the Ports of the East Indieses; wherein will appear that happiness, which many do so much oppose; especially our own Countrymen, 
Such people as effect not the good of this Kingdom  under the gilded terms of the Commonwealth; whilst being indeed either ignorant, or ill affected, they do not only grossly err themselves, but also 'cause others to hinder as much as in them lyerh, the glory and welfare of this Kingdom; but leaving them, I will set down the said wares, in their quantity and prices as followeth; and first,  

At ALEPPO,  

The quantity of Spice, Indido, and Persian raw Silk, yearly consumed in Europe.  Six thousand thousand pounds of Pepper, cost with charges at two shillings the pound, six hundred thousand pound. Four hundred fifty thousand pounds of Cloves, at four shillings nine pence the pound, cost one hundred six thousand eight hundreth seventy five pound ten shillings. One hundreth and fifty thousand pounds of Mace at four shillings nine pence the pound, cost there thirty five thousand six hundred twenty six pound. Four hundred thousand pounds of Nutmegs at two shillings four pence the pound, cost forty six thousand six hundred sixty six pound thirteen shillings four pence. Three hundred fifty thousand of Indigo, at four shillings four pence the pound, cost seventy five thousand eight hundred thirty three pound, six shillings eight pence. One thousand thousand of Persia raw Silk at twelve shillings the pound, come to six hundreth thousand pound. The whole sum of all is 1465001. pounds, ten shillings.  
Now follow the same wares both for quantity and quality at their several prices, as they are to be bought and laden clear of charges,   

In the East INDIES,  
Six thousand thousand pounds of Pepper, cost with charges at two pence half penny the pound, sixty two thousand five hundred pound. Four hundred fifty thousand pounds of Cloves at nine pence the pound, cost sixteen thousand eight hundred seventy five pounds. One hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Mace, at eight pence the pound, cost five thousand pounds. Four hundred thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at four pence the pound, cost six thousand six hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence. Three hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Indigo, at fourteen pence the pound, 
The exportation of the value of 953543. l sterling out of Christendom into Turkey yearly saved.  cost twenty thousand four hundred and sixteen pounds twelve shillings four pence. Ten hundred thousand pounds Persia raw Silk, at eight shillings the pound, cost four hundred thousand pounds. The whole sum of all is, 511458. pounds, 5. shillings, 8. pence.  
So that by the substance, and sums of these accounts it doth plainly appear, that the buying of the said quantity of raw Silks, Indigo, and Spices, may be performed in the Indieses, for near one third part of the ready moneys, which were accustomed to be sent into Turkey to provide the same: So that there will be saved every year the value of nine hundred fifty three thousand five hundred forty three pounds four shillings four pence sterling, of ready moneys, that heretofore hath been exported out of Christendom into Turkey: which is a matter of such note and consequence, that it may seem incredible, before the circumstance be duly considered; and therefore left I should leave the matter in doubt, it is requisite, that I do make an explanation of some particulars.  
And principally, it must not be conceived, that this great advantage which hath been spoken of, is only the Merchant's gain; for the Commonwealth of Christendom, hath a very great part thereof in the cheapness of the Wares, as shall be (God willing) proved hereafter in his due place.  
Secondly, the time of the Merchant's forbearance and interest is very long; his adventure and assurance much dearer; his charges of Shipping, Victuals, Mariners, and Factors their wages, fare greater than by the voyage into Turkey for the same Wares: so that the former great difference must be understood in these particulars: whereby we may perceive to our comfort, that the materials of the Kingdom, 

Instance only, that ten shillings employed in Pepper in the East Indies, will require thirty and five shillings for all charges whatsoever to deliver it in London.  
The great sums of money which the Persians' and the Indians carry yearly out of Turkey. The East India Company do endeavour to bring the raw Silks from Persia directly by Sea.  
Marseilles sendeth yearly to Aleppo and Alexandria, at l●●st 500000 l. sterling, and little or no wares. Venice sends about the value of 100000 l. and a great value in wares. The Low countries sends about the value of 50000 l. sterling moni●s, and little wares. Messina 25000 l. in ready money.   and the employments of the Subjects (in lieu of ready moneys) becomes a very great part of the price which is paid for the said Indian Wares: which cannot hurt the State (as some erroneously suppose) but greatly help it, as I shall better prove in that which followeth.  
First therefore, I show for an undoubted truth, That the Persians', Moors, and Indians, who trade with the Turks at Aleppo, Mocha, and Alexandria, for raw Silks, Drugs, Spices, Indigo, and Calicoes; have always made, and still do make their returns in ready money: for other Wares, there are but few which they desire from foreign parts; some Chamlets, Coral, wrought Silk, woollen Cloth, with some trifles, they do yearly vent in all, not for above forty or fifty thousand pounds sterling; which is no valuable sum in respect of that wealth which is carried from Aleppo and Constantinople into Persia for raw Silks; when lest, five hundred thousand pounds sterling per annum: and from Mocha about six hundred thousand pounds sterling (likewise yearly into India) for return of Calicoes, Drugs, Sugar, Rice, Tobacco, and diverse other things. So here is still a very great commerce maintained between those Infidels; not only for the Calicoes of many sorts, and other Wares (which concern their own use) but also for the raw Silks of Persia, which are altogether transported into Christendom.  
How worthy an enterprise is it therefore in the English East India Company? by whose endeavours there is now good hope to turn a great part of this wealthy Trade into England, by shipping directly from the Persian Gulf, whereby the employments, traffic, and Customs of the Turks, may be still more and more impaired, and the general Treasure of Christendom much less consumed; as is already performed for the business of Spices and Indigo.  
And who shall then doubt our want of Silver to maintain the Trade? if by this way we do obtain the Silk, which with more advantage and conveniency will draw the money to this Mart, than it hath been heretofore conveyed unto those remote Dominions of the Turk.  
And jest peradventure it should be thought, that the traffic in those parts by the Christians for the Persian Silk, is performed by change for other Wares, or by the money which proceedeth of the sales of many rich Commodities, which yearly they cell at Aleppo, Alexandria, Constantinople, and these parts. The answer is, that neither the Venetians, French, nor Dutch, do vent so much of their own Country Commodities in those parts, as do provide their necessary wants of the proper Wares of Turks: such as are the fine raw Silk made in Soria, Chamlets, Grograns, Cotten Wools, Cotten Yarn, Galls, Flax, Hemp, Fleece Wools, Rice, Hides, Wax, and diverse other things; so that still the raw Silks of Persia, must be bought with ready money. Only the English have more advantage than any other Nation in this kind: for they vent so great a quantity of Broad-cloths, Tin, and other English Commodities, that the proceed thereof, doth not only provide a sufficient quantity of part of the said Turkish Wares (which fit their use) but also a proportion of about three hundred great Balls of Persia raw Silk yearly.  
And if in any year they chance to buy a greater quantity of Silk, then must and do they furnish the same in ready moneys from the Ports of Marseilles, Genovay, Leghorn, Venice, or the Netherlands. Neither are these the only means, whereby the Empire of the Turk is so abundantly stored with Gold and Silver, to the performance of the Indian Trade. For, many are the Christian ships which yearly lad with Corn for ready moneys in the Archipelago: great is the commerce from Poland, Hungary, and Germany, with Gold and Dollars, for Chamlets, Grograns, 
Abassens a People in Ethiopia whose influence hath made them dull, lazy, and without arts; enjoying diverse Ours of Gold, and one of Silver, which do procure their wants of foreign Wares.  and other things: But that which is very remarkable, is the great quantity of Gold, and some Silver coined in Grand-Cairo, which by two several Caravans (in bullion) is yearly brought thither from the Abassens Country in Ethiopia, for return of many rich Commodities, as Velvets, Satins, Cloth of Gold, Taffatas, woollen Cloth, polished Coral, and other things.  
Thus by the coherence of the Turkish Trade with the Christians, Persians', and Indians, I have showed both the manner and the means, whereby the East Indian Wares have been heretofore, and yet are in part, procured into Christendom. But jest it should seem incredible, that the Turk would let so great a mass of Treasure yearly to pass his Dominions, to the Indians, and to the Persians' his professed enemies; I will make the matter yet more plain.  
And first concerning the raw Silks, it is already showed, that he hath the money from the Christians, besides the benefit he reapeth in their Customs, with great employments also for his Subjects. 
Turkey hath little means for Linen but only from India.  And for Calicoes (his whole Empire having little or no other means for Linen) he cannot possibly be without them, although it hath, and doth greatly exhausted his Treasure, neither doth he gain any manufacture by the same, as the Christians have always done by the raw Silk, to the great relief of innumerable poor people, so much provided for, by the policy of all well governed and flourishing Commonwealths; As by this occasion, and in a business of the like kind, 

The proceedings of some States in Italy for the maintenance of Arts.  
The ready moneys which are yearly carried from some States of Italy into Sicilia.   I may instance the States of Genovay, Florence, and Luca; who for the maintenance of Arts and Trade, do provide raw Silks out of Sicilia for the value of five hundred thousand pounds sterling at lest yearly; and for the payment thereof they do vent at Naples, Palermo, Messina, and those parts, a certain quantity of Florence Rash's, and some other Wares, for about one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling per annum; so the rest, being three hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, is supplied all in ready moneys: which treasure they do willingly forsake to procure their Trade: for experience hath taught them that Trade is their employment, and doth return them Treasure; for by those Silks (being wrought, transported, and sold at Frankford and other Marts,) they have the better means to furnish their Contracts with the King of Spain in Flanders; and so from Spain the Silver must return again to Italy. But if I should run out in this and other particulars (fitting our purpose) it would make me too tedious, and so carry me beyond my aim. which is to be brief.  
Wherhfore I will proceed to clear some doubts in those men, who perhaps not having the knowledge of occurrents in foreign parts, might think that neither Venice, nor Marseilles have the means or yet the minds, to export such great sums of ready monies yearly out of those Dominions, especially Marseilles being a part of France, where neighbourhood doth daily tell us, that Gold and Silver may not be conveyed out of that Kingdom, for any valuable sum, more than is permitted for the necessary use of Travellers: yet nevertheless, experience hath likewise taught us, that for the effecting of those Trades (whereof we now speak, and which they esteem so much) there is a free extraction out of the said places, of monies both gold and silver; whereof with them there is no want; for, the said Wares do procure it abundantly.  

How Marseilles and Venice are furnished with ready moneys.  First, to Marseilles, it cometh not only from Genovay, Leghorn, Cartagenia, Malliga, and many other Port Towns of Spain and Italy, but also from Paris, Rouen, Sainct-Malloes, Tolouse, Rochel, Deep, and other Cities of France; who want not means to have great store of Rials and Dollars from Spain and Germany.  
And in the like manner, the Venetians dispersing the said raw Silks, and other Wares into the several States of Italy, Germany, and Hungary, (who have but few Commodities fitting their barter or exchange, but only monies) are there with abundantly served: for, the Ours of Hungary and Germany afford good quantity of Gold and Silver; and likewise the States of Italy, especially Genovay, Florence, and Milan, have ever store of Rials out of Spain in satisfaction of many great disbursements, 

The Italian Merchants do furnish the King of Spain with money in Italy and Flanders.  
The third part  
doth show how the East India, Trade doth enrich this Kingdom.   which those Merchants make for that King in his occasions of Italy and Flanders; of all which I might make a large discourse, but I conceive I have said sufficient, to show how the Trade of the East Indies hath been, and now is brought into Christendom generally; what money is yearly sent out, by whom, and the possibility or means which they have to perform it. I will therefore in the next place, satisfy the Obiectors, that it is not the East India Trade, which wasteth the Gold, and Silver, Coin, or other treasure of this Kingdom in particular.  
For first, who knoweth not that Gold in the East Indies hath no ratable price with Silver? Neither hath the Silver coin of England any equal value with the Spanish Rials according to their several prices here; besides that, his Majesty hath not authorised the East India Company, to sand away any part of this Kingdom's Coin, either Gold or Silver; but only a certain limited sum of foreign silver yearly; which as they dare not exceed, so never have they as yet accomplished the same. For it doth plainly appear in their books, that from the original and first foundation of the Trade in Anno 1601. until the month of july, 
How much money and wares the East India Company have sent forth ever sithence the beginning of this Trade.  Anno 1620. they have shipped away only five hundred forty eight thousand and ninety pounds sterling in Spanish Rials, and some Dollars; whereas by licence, they might have exported in that time seven hundred and twenty thousand pounds s●●rling. Also they have laden away in the same term of nineteen years, out of this Kingdom two hundred ninety two thousand two hundred eighty six pounds sterling in Broad-cloths, Kerseys, Led, Tin, with some other English and foreign Commodities; which is a good Addition, and vent of our Wares, into such remote places; where heretofore they have had no utterance at all.  
And note, I pray you, how time and industry hath bettered this Trade, 
The vent of English Wares increased in the Indieses.  when in the last three years there hath been sent more Wares to the Indieses, then in the sixteen years before; and yet our expectation is not at the highest; for those new borne Trades within the Read Sea, and in the Persian Gulf, do bid us hope for better things, as lately by Letters from Spahan, we understand of great quantity of raw Silk prepared by the English Factors, which (by God's assistance) we may expect here about the month of August next, with encouragement also to vent our English Cloth, and Kerseys in good quantities; the like of Iron, Tin, and other things, whereof experience (of those already sold) hath given us sufficient approbation of their validity.  
And now (omitting much matter which might be written touching the discoveries of other Trades from one Kingdom or Port to another in the Indieses, with the Commodities thereof; 

Our stock may be much increased by Trade from Port to Port in the Indieses. For this see the former relations, of the Trade from Surat to Achen, and all the Southern and further Eastern Indieses: as thence also to the read Sea etc.  
The moneys sent to the Indieses is all foreign Coin. The East India Company are obliged to bring in as much money as they carry out of the Realm. Tobacco, Raisins, Oils, and Wines, whereof there is no want, but rather too much Smoke. A proportion of such Trade as is hoped yearly to be brought into this Realm from East India.   whereby the employment of our ships, together with the Stock of money and goods which is sent out of England in them, may be much increased) I will draw to a conclusion of the point in hand, and show that whatsoever sums of foreign ready monies are yearly sent from hence into the East Indies, his Majesty in the Letters Patents granted to that Company, hath notwithstanding with singular care provided, that the brethren of the Company, shall yearly bring in as much Silver, as they sand forth; which hath been always truly performed, with an overplus, to the increase of this Kingdom's treasure: Neither is it likely that the money which is thus contracted for by the Company at certain prices, and to be delivered them at times appointed, would be otherwise brought into England, but only by virtue and for the performance of the said Contracts: for, without this assurance of vent, together with a good price for the said monies, the Merchants would undoubtedly make their returns in other Wares; the use and extraordinary consume whereof, would be found less profitable to the Commonwealth, when the matter should be duly considered, as I shall yet further endeavour to demonstrate.  
And here I will suppose, That the East India Company may ship out yearly one hundred thousand pounds sterling: yet it is most certain, that the Trade being thus driven, with sums of ready moneys, it will not decay, but rather much increase the treasure of the Kingdom: which to prove, I will briefly set down the substance of the English Trade unto the East Indies, concerning the quantity of the several sorts of Wares, to be yearly bought there, and sold here; with the usual prices given for them in both places. And first, I will begin with their cost and charges laden clear aboard the ships in the East Indies.   

In the East INDIES.  
Two thousand five hundred thousand pounds of Pepper, at two pence halfpenny the pound, cost twenty six thousand forty one pounds thirteen shillings four pence. One hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Cloves, at nine pence the pound, cost five thousand six hundred twenty six pounds. One hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at four pence the pound, cost two thousand five hundred pounds. Fifty thousand pounds of Mace, at eight pence the pound, cost one thousand six hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence. Two hundred thousand pounds of Indigo, at fourteen pence the pound, cost eleven thousand six hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings four pence. One hundred and seven thousand one hundred forty pounds of China raw Silks, at seven shillings the pound, cost thirty seven thousand four hundred ninety nine pounds. Fifty thousand of Calicoes of several sorts, rated at seven shillings the piece one with another, fifteen thousand pounds. The whole sum of all is, one hundred thousand pounds.  
All the said Merchandise have been often experienced, or bought at or about the prices above written; and we do hope for our parts (besides the Trade of raw Silks from Persia) yearly, to lad from the Indieses, such quantity of the several sorts of Wares as are here set down (if it shall please his Majesty, to protect and defend us concerning the Articles of agreement made with the Dutch, that they may not violate any of them to our hindrance or damage) all which wares in England will yield (as I do conceive) the prices hereafter following, viz.   

In ENGLAND.  
Two hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Pepper, at twenty pence the pound, cost two hundred and eight thousand three hundred thirty three pounds six shillings eight pence. One hundred and fifty thousand of Cloves, at six shillings the pound, cost forty five thousand pounds▪  


How much the Kingdom's Stock may increase yearly by trading to the East Indies. 2500. tunniss of shipping will lad home all the wares afore written from the East Indies. And the materials of the said shipping (unwrought) is worth about 15000l. sterling India wares will bring ready moneys into the Realm. We h●ue no other means to procure Treasure but by Trade and Merchandise. The French and the Venetians sand the value of 600000l. sterling yearly in ready money into Turkey. Trade maketh some States very rich which have littl● other means.  
If the general Trade of this Kingdom doth export a greater value in wares than it doth import yearly, then doth our treasure increase. The Trade to the East Indieses may be said to export 480000 pounds and to import 120000 l. yearly. So the overbalance is 360000 l. sterling. Every action aught especially to be considered in his end.  
The East Indian wares whi●h were sent beyond the Seas, are sold and have their final end in money, which might be brought into this Realm in that kind, if our other Trades did not divert the same.   One hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at two shillings six pence the pound, cost eighteen thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds. Fifty thousand pound of Mace, at six shillings the pound, cost fifteen thousand pounds. Two hundred thousand pounds of Indigo, at five shillings the pound, cost fifty thousand pounds. One hundred and seven thousand one hundred forty pounds of China raw Silks, at twenty shillings the pound, cost one hundred and seven thousand one hundred forty pounds. Fifty thousand pieces of Calicoes of several sorts, rated at twenty shillings the piece one with another, cost fifty thousand pounds. The whole sum of all is, four hundred ninety four thousand two hundred twenty three pounds six shillings eight pence.  
So that here would be our own money again and more, the sum of three hundred ninety four thousand two hundred twenty three pounds six shillings eight pence advanced towards the general Stock of the Kingdom. For although the East India Company shall disburse the greatest part of the said sum advanced unto his Majesty for Custom and Impost; and also unto the Factors, Officers, and Mariners, for wages, together with the cost of shipping Victuals, Munitions, Assurance and the like: yet all these (the Materials of shipping only excepted) are but transmutations and no consumption of the Kingdom's Stock.  
But if any man object and say, that the said Commodities being brought into England (as is before written) they are either consumed in the Land, or being transported into foreign parts, they are changed into other Wares: So that still we want our hundred thousand pounds in ready money. The answer is, First, that in the occasion of this dispute, we must conceive the said Wares to be of no use for this Kingdom, but only for so much, as do concern the Trade thereof. And Secondly, in the said Trade we must consider, that although the said goods be sent out, and returned home in other Wares from foreign parts; yet still, they are negotiated to the increase of the said Stock, and for the employment of the Subjects. Lastly, if there be a resolution to determine and end the business: who doubteth, that the whole value may not be presently returned hither in ready monies? For in Italy, Turkey, and other places, where they are most vendible to profit, there likewise is the money free to be exported at all times and by whomsoever.  
And as it is most certain, that some other Merchandise, sent out of this Kingdom, were the means to bring in the hundred thousand pounds in ready monies, which is here supposed to be sent and employed in the East Indieses (as aforesaid) so likewise, there is the same power in these Indian wares, to procure other sums of ready monies, to be brought into this Kingdom: For let not man doubt, but that money doth attend Merchandise, for money is the prize of wares, and wares are the proper use of money; so that their coherence is unseparable. And if the French and the Venetians, made any doubt of this, they would not so willingly permit the value of six hundred thousand pounds sterling, or more in Spanish Rials and Dollars, yearly to be carried out of their Dominions into Turkey: whereof three quarter parts at lest are employed, only for the buying of Persia raw Silks, which commodity doth presently enable them with ready money from diverse other States to perform the Trade; whereby their wealth doth much increase, and their people are greatly employed. So to conclude this point, I will only add, that the East India Trade alone (although it be driven in no amplyer manner than is afore written) is a means to bring more treasure into the Realm than all the other trades of this Kingdom (as they are now managed) being put together. For if the rule be true, that when the value of our commodities exported doth overbalance the worth of all those foreign wares, which are imported and consumed in this Kingdom, than the remainder of our stock which is sent forth, must of necessity return to us in Treasure. I am confident, that upon a diligent and true inquiry it will be found, that the overbalance of all our other Trades together, will not amount unto so great a sum of money as the East India Trade alone doth overbalance in this kind.  
And to make the matter yet more plain, whereas it is already said that one hundred thousand pounds in money exported, may import about the value of five hundred thousand pounds sterling, in wares from the East Indies, we must understand that part thereof to be properly called our importation that this Realm doth consume, which is about the value of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling yearly. So the remainder being three hundred and eighty thousand pounds, is matter exported unto foreign parts in the nature of our Cloth, Led, Tin, or any other native commodities, to the great increase of this Kingdom's stock, and that also in so much treasure, so fare as the East India Trade can be rightly understood to subsist in this particular. For as all humane actions have their Termination and Ends, so likewise there must be an end assigned unto the affairs of the East Indieses; which are then truly said to be finished, when this Realm is served, and the remainder of those Wares which are sent from hence beyond the Seas, sold there and converted into money; which likewise from thence may be brought away freely and without the danger of Law, or prohibition. Forasmuch therefore as it is well known to many men, that moneys are thus procured by the Sales of Indian Wares to profit, in the parts of Turkey, and at Leghorn, Genua, the Netherlands, Marseilles, and other places: yet notwithstanding if all the said Coin, or any part thereof should be diverted from this Realm by some other new employments or affairs, it must nevertheless be granted, that the said India wares had their final end in moneys. But I will cease to heap up any more arguments, to prove a matter which is already made so plain; wherefore leaving this Objection, I will endeavour to give Answer to the next.     

The second Objection. The Timber, Plank, and other materials, for making of shipping, is exceedingly wasted, and made dearer,, by the building of so many great Ships, as are yearly sent to Trade in the East Indieses; and yet the State hath no use of any of them upon occasion. For either they are not here; or else they come home very weak and unserviceable.  

The Answer.  
THis East India Trade seemeth to be borne and brought up an Unthrift, for it wasteth and consumeth all; Neither doth it good to any.  
1 But the Objection, in some part is very weak:  
2 And in the rest it is mistaken.  
For first, concerning the weakness thereof, 

The first Part  
concerneth the folly of the Objection.   would men have us to keep our woods and goodly trees to look upon? they might aswell forbidden the working of our wools, and sending forth our cloth to foreign parts; for both are means alike to procure the necessary wares, which this Kingdom wanteth. Do they not know that trees do live and grow: and being great, they have a time to dye and rot, if opportunity make no better use of them? and what more noble or profitable use then goodly ships for Trade and War? Are they not our Barns for wealth, and plenty, serving as walls and bulwarks for our peace and happiness? Do not their yearly buildings maintain many hundred poor people, and greatly increase the number of those Artesmen which are so needful for this Commonwealth? And is not all this good performed also (with great providence) by bringing in yearly store of Timber, 
The providence of the East India Company for Timber and Plank. The East India Trade h●th not endeared the materials which serve to make ships.  and other provisions from Ireland? Why then, where is the great waste and dearness? I am sure, the East India Company finds it not; for whereas they do only buy their provisions in Hampshire, Essex, Kent, and Berkshire, in all which places they now may have both Timber, Planks, Sheathing boards, Trenals and the like, both for goodness and price, as cheap (yea better cheap) than they have been this fifteen years; and likewise in all that course of time their Books do plainly show that those wares have never varied much; for if they have risen any small matter in one year, they have fallen as much the next. And yet I pray you observe (besides the East India Companies buildings) the many goodly ships which are daily made for other private Merchants (such as England never had before) and that which is most remarkable, is the continual late buildings of his Majesty, thereby yearly adding more strength and glory of great ships, to his Royal and matchless Navy; so that here we see this supposed waste and want is not considerable.  
Yea but, say they, the East India ships are never here to serve the Kingdom upon occasion: Or if they be at home, they are weak and unfit for service. 

The second Part  
showeth the mistaking in the Objection. The Warlike provision which the East India Company keep in stor●.  
His Majesty's strength in the East India Company alone.    
In Trade of Merchandise our ships must go and come, they are not made to stay at home; Yet neverlesse, the East India Company are well prepared at all times, to serve his Majesty and his Kingdoms, with many warlike provisions, which they always keep in store; such as Timber, Planks, Iron-workes, Masts, Cordage, Anchors, Cask, Ordnance, Powder, Shot, Victuals ready packed, Wine, Cider, and a World of other things, fitting the present building, repairing and dispatch of ships to Sea; as may be plentifully seen in their yards and storehouses at Deptford, and more especially in those at Blackewall; which are grown so famous, that they are daily visited and viewed by strangers, as well Ambassadors as others; to their great admiration of his Majesty's strength and glory, in one only Company of his Merchants, able at short warning to set forth a Fleet of ships of great force and power.  
For it is well known to all men who please truly to be informed, That the East India Company (besides their Fleets of ships going and coming, and also abiding in the In●i●s) are continually building, repairing, rigging, victualling, and furnishing to Sea, with all provision needful for such a long Voyage, some seven or eight great ships yearly; which are to be seen at an Anchor in the River of Thames in a great forwardness some five or six months together, before they commonly departed for the Indieses, which is about the month of March: and they are no sooner got off from the Coast of England, but shortly after, is the season of our ships to return from the Indieses; 
The ships which return from the East Indieses home, may be repaired in a very short time.  who come not home so weak as some would have them; for how often hath experience been made of our ships which have performed two or three several Voyages to the East Indies? Yet at their return, they have been indocked, n●w trimmed and launched out again▪ fitted for the like Voyages, in less than two months. But it will be needless to spend any more time in showing the errors of this second Objection: therefore I will rather come to the handling of that which followeth.    

The third Objection. The Voyages to the East Indieses do greatly consume our victuals, and our Mariners: leaving many poor Widows and Children unrelieved; Besides, that many Ships are yearly sent forth to the East Indies, and few we see as yet returned; Also, this Trade hath greatly decayed the Traffic and shipping, which were wont to be employed into the Streights: And yet the said Trade to the East Indies, is found very unprofitable to the Adventurers: Neither doth the Commonwealth found any benefit by the cheapness of Spice and Indigo, more than in times past.  

The Answer.  
WHy, what a World of Mischiefs have we here? First, Dearth. Secondly, Mortality. Thirdly, Destruction. Fourthly, Beggary. Fiftly, And never a whit the near. A very Team of Calamities, drawing on to misery; is it not then high time to seek a remedy? yes verily, and it will be easily done, because these evils never were (as yet at lest) procured by the East India Trade, as I shall show, by answering all the parts in order as they stand: and first of Dearth.  
It is both natural and just, that every Kingdom, State, or Commonwealth, should feed and cherish up the Native people of all degrees and conditions whatsoever, 
The first Part concerneth Dearth.  to their preservation of life and health, with such means and moderation, as their plenty shall afford; and this is not only due to them in the time of their abode at home, but also upon all occasions of Voyages into other Countries beyond the Seas, wherein they shall be employed for their own maintenance, and for the good of the Commonwealth.  
Now therefore concerning the povision of victuals (which in this Kingdom is yearly prepared for the setting forth of those ships which sail to the East Indies) it is well known to many men, 
The manner how the East India Company do victual their ships.  that it is always proportioned, for about eighteen months; whereas commonly the Voyages prove a year longer, so that this ouer-plus of time, is furnished with the victuals of foreign parts.  
And likewise for the Bread and Biscuit which is shipped from hence, hath it not always been made of French Corn, purposely brought over hither (and that at a dear rate) only to preserve the plenty of our own grain? until now of late days that the Farmers here begin to cry out and say, That the cheapness of Corn doth dis-inable them to pay their dear Rents: Thus do the East India Company every way accommodate their proceed for the good of the Kingdom.  
And further concerning their Drink, is it not a very great part water? Some Wine and Cider and but little Beer.  
Also the Flesh they eat, is Beef and Pork, and that only for three days in a week; the rest of their victuals is Fish, some Butter, Cheese, Pease, Oatmeal, and other things; all which is proportioned into a very sparing Diet to every man by allowance: so that here is no Excess nor Riot, or any other means to make our victuals scant and dear, as is by some erroneously supposed; but rather by this course of life, our plenty is much advanced. And so I will give answer to the next part which is mortality and great decay of Mariners.  
The life of man is so precious, that it aught not lightly to be exposed to danger; And yet we know, 
The second Part concerneth Mortality  that the whole course of our life, is nothing but a passage unto Death; wherein one can neither stay nor slack his pace, but all men run in one manner, and in one celerity; The shorter liver runs his course no faster than the long, both have a like passeage of time; howbeit, the first hath not so fare to run as the later.  
Now, it is this length of life which Nature seeks, and States likewise endeavour to preserve in worthy men; but none are accounted so worthy in this nature, save only they, who labour in their vocations and functions, both for the public good, and for their private benefit.  
Thus may we esteem our good Mariners, to be of no small use unto this Commonwealth: but take them from their laudable and accustomed employments, 
Good Mariners are accounted worthy men in a Commonwealth.  for want of Voyages to Sea; we see what desperate courses they do then attempt, by joining, even with Turks and Infidels, to rob and spoil all Christian Nations; so that we may conclude, we must not only breed up Mariners, but also seek by Trade, to give them maintenance.  
Well, all this is true, but (say they) the East India Company doth neither breed nor maintain, but destroy the wont number of our Mariners. How can this be, when it is most certain, that England (besides the East India Fleets) had never yet more shipping then at this present? neither do any of them stay at home for want of Mariners, not, not at this time, when many hundred Sailors are employed in extraordinary service, for his Majesty in a Royal Fleet of ships, now at Sea: besides those great numbers of our best Mariners, which have been and daily are wasted and taken Prisoners by the Turks; so where is this want, or what is our misery more than the want of true information in them that are so ill persuaded of our Company?  
Is it not certain that as the East India Voyages are long, 

The breeding of 400. Mariners yearly. Besides that the fear of a few men's death aught not to overthrew or hinder the performance of Honourable actions for the service of the K. and Commonwealth.  
Our Mariners own disordered life is that which killeth many of them. The third part concerns the decay of shipping which have been sent to the Indieses.  
Of the Dutch wrongs & the ships taken by them, see the former Relations of Spurway, Hore, Knowles, etc. with the Depositions of diverse men, & in manner all these Indian Voyages. The twelve ships are the Swan, Defence, Solomon, Attendance (all taken at Banda before Sir Tho. Dale began the war) the Speedwell, the Star; the Dragon, the Bear, Expedition, Rose; and the Samson, with the Hound Our troubles with the Doth. The sum of the affairs to the East Indies ever since the Trade began. Accounted of all the money and goods which hath been sent to the East Indies ever since the beginning of the Trade. 256288. l. sterling, hath been returned from the East Indies which did produce here towards charges, 1914600. pounds sterling.   so likewise in Nature's course many should dye by length of time although they stayed at home? And to recompense the loss of those that die, do not the East India Company with great providence, yearly ship out at lest four hundred Land-men in their Fleets, which in one Voyage prove good Mariners to serve the Kingdom and Commonwealth, unto which many of them were a burden before they obtained this employment? And thus is the Kingdom purged of desperate and unruly people, who kept in awe by the good discipline at Sea, do often change their former course of life, and so advance their fortunes.  
Neither indeed are these Voyages so dangerous and mortal, as is reported; for how many of our ships have gone and come from the East Indies, without the loss of five men in a hundreth? Others again have had worse success in the first beginning, when the seasons, the places and their contagions were not so well known unto us; yet time hath taught us many things, both for the preservation of health, and speedier performance of our Voyage then heretofore. But the Method of my Discourse bids me writ more of this in the next part, which is destruction; and this I must divide into two parts.  
In the first, I will consider the want of diverse ships sent to the East Indies, which are wasted there.  
And in the second, I will answer the supposed overthrow of the Turkey Trade, together with much of our shipping which were wont to be employed thither.  
First therefore, concerning the decay of our ships in the Indieses, it cannot be denied, but there hath been great spoil of them in these three last years; not by the dangers of the Seas, or by the strength of Enemies; but by unkind and unexpected quarrels with our Neighbours the Hollanders, who have taken and surprised twelve of our ships at several times, and in sundry places, to our unspeakable loss and hindrance; together with the death of many of our worthiest Mariners, who have been slain and died Prisoners under their hands▪ and this hath so much the more increased the rumour of their Mortality: Neither list I here to aggravate the fact, more than thus briefly to give answer to the Objection: for our late union with the Dutch, doth promise' a double recompense of gain in time to come.  
And they who make this Trade so poor and unprofitable, are much mistaken in the reckoning; for the present losses which causeth many Adventurers so much to despair, is not in the substance of the Trade, but by the evil accidents which have befallen the same: and to make this point more plain, I must yet declare some other particulars: in which I will endeavour very briefly to set down the sum of the whole business, which the English hath hitherto performed in the East Indies.  
First, therefore I do observe that since the beginning of this Trade, until the month of july last, Anno 1620. there have been sent thither seventy nine ships in several Voyages, whereof thirty four are already come home in safety richly laden, four have been worn out by long service, from Port to Port in the Indieses: two were overwhelmed in the trimming there: six have been cast away by the perils of the Seas; twelve have been taken and surprised by the Dutch, whereof diverse will be wasted, and little worth before they be restored: and one and twenty good ships do still remain in the Indieses. So this is a true account of our ships.  
And next concerning our stock, it is a certain truth, that in all the said ships there hath been sent out in ready money as well out of this Realm, as from all other places wheresoever beyond the Sea (which hath not been landed in this Kingdom) the value of five hundred forty eight thousand and ninety pounds sterling in foreign Coin; and together with the said money, there hath been shipped the value of two hundred ninety two thousand two hundred eighty six pounds sterling, in sundry sorts of English and foreign Commodities; all which moneys and wares amounting unto eight hundred forty thousand three hundred seventy six pounds, have been disposed as hereafter followeth,  
First, there hath been lost thirty one thousand seventy nine pounds sterling in the six ships which are cast away: and in the thirty four ships, which are returned in safety, there hath been brought home three hundred fifty six thousand two hundred eighty eight pounds sterling in diverse sorts of wares, which have produced here in England towards the general stock thereof, one million nine hundred, fourteen thousand six hundred pounds sterling, for the charges arising here, is but a change of effects from one to another, as hath been said before in this Discourse: So there aught to remain in the Indieses, to be speedily returned hither, four hundred eighty four thousand eighty eight pounds: neither can we conceive that our charges and troubles with the Dutch, will have wasted more than the odd eighty four thousand eighty eight pounds sterling: so that I am confident, that there yet remaineth four hundred thousand pounds sterling of good estate, for both the joint Stocks. And what a great value of Indian goods this sum of money may (by God's blessing) shortly return in our ships, 
There remains yet in the East Indieses to be returned home from thence about 400000. pounds sterling.  which are there ready to bring them, the example here doth teach us to make up the reckoning. So that notwithstanding our great charges of Discoveries, our losses by the danger of the Seas, our quarrels and infinite hindrance by the Dutch: yet here the kingdom hath and shall have her stock again with a very great increase, although the Merchant's gains concerning the two joint stocks will prove but poor, in respect of the former Voyages, which have not had the like hindrance.  
And thus in a few lines may be seen, much matter truly collected with some pains, out of the diverse Volumes of the East Indian Books.  
Now concerning the decay of Trade and shipping which were wont to be employed into Turkey, 
Concerning the decay of shipping and Trade in to Turkey.  I doubt, that in time it will likewise be affirmed, that the East India Company, have hindered the vent of our white Cloth in the Netherlands, which to report were a very strange thing. But (praised be God) to our comfort, we see the great increase of goodly ships, daily built and employed by the Turkey Merchants, with vent of more of our English Cloth (by one third part at lest) then in times before the East India Trade began.  
Yea, but (say they) we have lost the Trade of Spices, and Indigo from Aleppo into England.  
Well, I grant they have; yet the Kingdom hath found it with more profit by another way, and they likewise are recompensed with a greater Trade, by the exporting from hence of the selfsame Commodities into Italy, Turkey, and other places: neither can it be less profitable for this Kingdom, to turn the Trade of raw Silks from Aleppo, and to bring them from the Persian Gulf, with one third part less money, than it doth now cost in Turkey; Besides, that by this means, the money proceeding of our English Cloth, Tin, and other wares in Turkey (not finding Commodities fitting to return for England) would undoubtedly be brought home in Gold, as it hath been performed heretofore, when by superfluity of stock sent from hence in Spice, 
The Turkey Merchants can and will justify this truth.  together with our English wares; the Merchants (being thereby furnished with a sufficient quantity of Turkish Commodities) brought home the remainder of their stock of those years in gold for a great value.  
Thus doth it plainly appear, that these revolutions of Trades, have and do turn to the good of the Commonwealth; neither hath the affairs of the East Indies impaired or decayed any other Trade, Shipping or Mariners of this Realm; but hath mightily increased them all in itself. Wherhfore let us now take a view of this Noble addition of the Kingdom's strength and glory.  
But this I must not do, by setting down the number of our English shipping now in the Indieses, or lately gone that way; for they have been heaped thither, these three last years together without return, save only five ships in all that time; the rest have been kept there to oppose the fury of the Dutch; but now we are at union, we shall (by God's assistance) daily expect diverse great ships with rich returns.  

The strength of the East India ships.  And for the future time, this Trade I do conceive, will royally maintain ten thousand tons of shipping continually: (That is to say) going, and returning, and abiding there in the Indieses; which said shipping will employ two thousand and five hundred Mariners at lest; and the building with the repairing of the said ships, here at home will set to work five hundred men, Carpenters, Cawkers, Carvers, joiners, Smiths, and other Labourers, besides many Officers; and about one hundred and twenty Factors, in several places of the Indieses. And so from these matters of great consequence, I must begin to writ of Beggary.  


The fourth part concerns the poverty of widows, etc.  
The East India Trade doth employ many poor men, & deboist people which other Trades refuse. Wages before hand is not given in other Merchant's Voyages, neither yet so great wages as the East India Company pay.   The poverty of Widows and Fatherless is matter of great compassion, and doth always move Christian hearts to commiseration and charity; whereby many receive relief and help of those whom God hath blessed with better means: but how this poverty should totally be prevented, it seemeth not only difficult, but altogether impossible: For besides the evil accidents and miseries, which ever attend on our humanity, we see how many daily (even through their own folly and wilfulness) do as it were desperately plunge themselves into adversity. And thus the number of those is great, who having the charge of wife and children, are notwithstanding altogether without means and Arts to procure their maintenance; whereby some of them wanting grace, do run a desperate course, and have untimely ends. Others again being better inspired, seek for employment, but found it not, or with great difficulty: for, who doth willingly entertain a man poor and miserable, charged with a family, and peradventure debauched in conditions? Neither do any of our other Merchant's voyages to foreign parts accept of those novices, who never have been used to the Sea: So that when all the other doors of charity are shut, the East India gates stand wide open to receive the needy and the poor, giving them good entertainment with two Month's wages before hand, to make their needful provisions for the Voyage. And in the time of their absence, there is likewise paid unto their wives for maintenance, two other months wages upon account of every year's service: and also if any chance to dye in the Voyage, the wife receiveth all that is found due unto her husband (if he do not otherwise dispose it by will:) and this often happeneth to be more money, than ever they had of their own together in any one time. And likewise, are not many poor Widows, 

When did any of these Widows beg for relief in our Churches, as others often do?  
The East India company their charity.   Wives and Children of Blackwall, Limehouse, Ratcliff, Shadwell, and Wapping, often relieved by the East India Company with whole Hogsheads of good Beef and Pork, Biscuit and Doales of ready money? Are not diverse of their children set on work to pick Okam, and other labours fitting their age and capacity? What might I not say of repairing of Churches, maintenance of some young Scholars, relieving of many poor Preachers of the Gospel yearly with good sums of money; and diverse other acts of charity, which are by them religiously performed, even in the times now of their worst fortunes? for all which I hope there shall be a reward unto them and theirs. And so I come to the fift part of this third Objection.  
And here I must intimate how much they are deceived, who think, 
The fifth Part concerneth the cheapness of Spice and Indigo at this present, in respect of former times.  that Spices and Indigo are no better cheap in England now, then in times past, before the East India trade began. For, it is an undoubted truth, that in those days we often paid six shillings, or more for a pound of Pepper, and seldom or never less then three shillings and six pence the pound; whereas since the Trade hath come directly from the Indieses, it hath been bought commonly at several prices between sixteen pence and two shillings the pound: but I will make the difference of price appear more plainly by setting down the quantities of Spices and Indigo, which are yearly spent in the Realm of England, together with the lowest prices, which they were wont to cell at, when we brought them from Turkey and Lisbon; and the like concerning their usual prices now that we bring them from the East Indies directly: And first as from Turkey, 
Prices of spice and Indigo in former times.  four hundred thousand pounds of Pepper at three shillings six pence the pound, is threescore & ten thousand pounds: Forty thousand pounds of Cloves at eight shillings the pound, is sixteen thousand pounds: twenty thousand pounds of Maces at nine shillings the pound, is nine thousand pounds: One hundred and sixty thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at four shillings six pence the pound, is six and thirty thousand pounds: One hundred and fifty thousand pounds of Indigo at seven shillings the pound, is fifty two thousand five hundred pounds. All these sums being put together, comes to one hundred eighty three thousand five hundred pounds Sterling.  
And the self same quantity and sorts of wares are commonly sold at the prices here under written now in these later times: 
Prices of spice and Indigo in these latter times.  Four hundred thousand pounds of Pepper at twenty pence the pound, is thirty three thousand three hundred thirty three pounds, six shillings, eight pence: forty thousand pounds of Cloves at six pence the pound, is twelve thousand pound: twenty thousand pounds of Mace at six shillings the pound, is six thousand pounds: one hundred sixty thousand pounds of Nutmegs at two shillings six pence the pound, is twenty thousand pounds: one hundred fifty thousand pounds of Indigo at five shillings the pound, is seven and thirty thousand pounds. All these sums being put together, is one hundred eight thousand three hundred thirty three pounds six shillings eight pence sterling.  
So that this Trade in Spice and Indigo only, doth save the kingdom yearly seventy four thousand nine hundred sixty six pound thirteen shillings four pence, which is a matter worthy to be observed; and so much the rather, because it is a certain truth, that l●sse than a quarter part of this sum of money which is thus saved yearly, shall buy in the Indieses, 

Less than eighteen thousand pounds sterling in the Indieses, will buy Spice and Indigo to serve this Realm for a year, whi●h is not half so much money as it spendeth beyond these is to buy Currands only, or to buy Tobacco.  
The wares only which are sent out of this Kingdom into the East Indies, are of sufficient value to furnish this Realm with an overplus of all manner of Indian wares (Persian Raw Silks only excepted.)   the full quantity of all the several sorts of wares before written, which do serve for a years provision for this Realm of England; but still it must be remembered, that the custom, impost, wages, victuals, shipping, and other charges (which are to be added) will be a greater sum, than the money which is paid for these wares in the Indieses: but as I have noted before, the said charges do not consume the Kingdom's stock, although it doth greatly abate the Merchant's gain.  
And to conclude this point, I will add unto that which hath been said; that the commodities only which we now sand yearly into the East Indieses and Persia, are of sufficient value there to return us Indigo, Spices, Drugs, and all other sorts of Indian wares (Raw-silkes of Persia only excepted) for one years consume, or more in this Kingdom: so that now all the money which is sent forth in our Ships doth procure an ouer-plus of the said wares, to the furtherance of Trade from India hither, and after from hence to foreign parts again, to the great employment of the Subjects, and enriching of this Realm, both in Stock and Treasure; all which is matter very worthy to be diligently observed. And so I come to give answer unto the fourth and last Objection.    

The fourth Objection. It is generally observed, that his Majesty's Mint hath had but little employment ever since the East India Trade began; wherefore it is manifest, that the only remedy for this, and so many evils besides, is to put down this Trade: For what other remedy can there be for the good of the Commonwealth?  

The Answer.  
THis fourth objection may be divided into three parts: First, An evil declared: Secondly, A remedy propounded: 

The first Part concerneth his Majesty's Mint.  
Twenty five thousand pound weight at lest of Silver yearly melted down into Plate, besides old Plate new fashioned, as by credible report.  
There hath been coined great store of Gold and Silver in his Majesty's Mint, since the East India Trade began.  
There hath been little or no Silver coined in some years, when the East India Company sent out very small sums of money.  
Some causes and means whi●h were wont to bring Silver into the Realm are ceased at this present time. Th● second Part concerns the putting down of the East India Trade.  
The East India Trade is greatly desired by other Christian Nations. The Dutch might grow strong and rich by our destruction.  
The third Part concerneth the council which the Obiecters demand.   Thirdly, And counsel demanded.  
And first concerning the Evil or want of Silver, I think it hath been, and is a general disease of all Nations, and so will continued until the end of the world; for poor and rich complaine, they never have enough: but it seemeth the malady is grown mortal here with us, and therefore it cries out for remedy. Well, I hope it is but imagination maketh us sick, when all our parts be sound and strong: For who knoweth not the inestimable treasure of this Kingdom, in Plate possessed by the people thereof almost of all degrees; in such measure, as never hath been seen in former ages? And for his Majesty's Mint, it is well known, that there hath been coined in five years together since the East India Company began, six thousand two hundred fourteen pound weight of Gold, and three hundred eleven thousand three hundred fourscore and four pound weight of sterling Money; all which Gold and Silver do amount unto the sum of twelve hundred thirteen thousand eight hundred fifty pounds of sterling Money: How then doth this Trade turn the currant and employment of the Mint?  
But upon the sight of this truth, perhaps it will be said, That we must resort unto the present times (the Mint being idle now.) To which I answer, That likewise the Mint had little or no employment for coinage of Silver in former times, when the said Company did not export above fifteen or twenty thousand pounds sterling at the most per annum; not, nor yet in the years 1608, and 1612; when in the former they shipped out but six thousand pound, and in the latter but one thousand two hundred and fifty pounds sterling. So that both ways we see, that the Mint hath had very great employment five years together, sithence the East India Trade began; and also it hath been without employment diverse years, when the East India Company have sent away but very small sums of money; wherefore of necessity there must be some other causes and means whereby our Silver is not exported only, but also it is not imported into the Realm as in former times. For we have not had the means by our own plenty, nor by the scarcity of our Neighbours (for the space of the last fourteen years together) to sand out hundreds of Ships laden with Corn, as in times past, which was returned home in Silver; but rather of late years (as is much to be feared) a great quantity of our money hath been carried out of the Kingdom for that Corn, which hath been brought us from the East Countries, and other places, to supply our wants. Thus times doth change, and our fortunes change with them: neither list I to make this matter plainer, by setting down those means, which heretofore brought us store of money, even out of France, and other places, which now are ceased. But without any further meddling in the Mint, I will come to the remedy which some propound, by putting down the East India Company.  
But here our comfort is, that the Obiectors are not our judges, whose wisdom and integrity labouring for the honour of his Majesty, and the good of his Kingdom, will soon perceive the mischiefs of this supposed remedy. And that the pretended evil which many with malice chase, is that great good, which other Nations seek by policy and strength to keep, and likewise to obtain; in which proceed, it concerneth us especially to observe the diligences and practices of the Dutch, who with more gladness would undertake the whole Trade to the East Indies, then with any reason we can abandon that part thereof, which we now enjoy; neither can our restraint from the Indieses keep our Silver from thence, as long as the Dutch go thither: for we know, that devices want not to furnish such designs; and when their Ships return from India, shall not our Silver out again to help to pay a double price, or what they please, for all those wares which we shall want for our necessities?  
Thus should the Dutch increase their honour, wealth and strength, whilst we abate, grow poor and weak at Sea for want of Trade: And call you this a Remedy? no, rather term it Ruin, Destruction, or what you list. And so I come unto the conclusion or last part.  
And here I must confess myself aground, for this matter is much too high for my handling beside, my excuse is fair, having already done my task to clear the East India Trade from imputation; the which for want of learning, although I have performed, without variety of words or eloquence: yet it is done with all integrity of truth, in every particular, as I shall be ready to make proof upon all occasions, which may be offered. And yet before I make an end, although I cannot satisfy every man's desire, in such measure as is necessary: yet I think it not amiss to perform the same so fare, as I am able by common practice, and my observations in the Trade of Merchandise, which is my profession.  
And first therefore, all men do know, that the riches or sufficiency of every Kingdom, State, or Commonwealth, consisteth in the possession of those things, which are needful for a civil life. This sufficiency is of two sorts; the one is natural, and proceedeth of the Territory itself; the other is artificial, and dependeth on the industry of the Inhabitants. 
The riches of a Kingdom, is of two sorts.   
The Realm of England (praised be God) is happily possessed of them both: as first, having great plenty of natural riches, both in the Sea for Fish, and on the Land for Wool, Cattles, Corn, Led, Tin, Iron, and many other things for Food; Raiment, a●d Munition; insomuch that upon strict terms of need, this Land may live without the help of any other Nation. But to live well, to flourish, and grow rich, we must found means by Trade to vent our superfluities; therewith to furnish and adorn us with the treasure and those necessary Wares which foreign Nations do afford: 
This Kind of industry maketh some Countries which are poor of themselves, to grow rich and strong by other Nations, who have greater means, and are less industrious. Four principal Causes which carry away our Gold and Silver.  and here Industry must begin to play his part, not only to increase and guide the Trades abroad, but also to maintain and multiply the Arts at home: for when either of these fail, or are not effected with such skill as their mystery shall require, then doth the Commonwealth abate and grow poor: neither is it easily perceived at first, until some evil accidents do stir up our diligence to search out the true causes; that so they being removed, the effects may cease. And this is the subject of our Discourse which we now pursue.  
That which I have hitherto delivered hath been altogether negative, still defending and proving by arguments, that the East India Trade hath not hurt this Commonwealth: And now changing my style, I must affirm as fast the true causes of those evils which we seek to chase away.  
These causes then (as I conceive) are principally four. The first, is the breach of Intercourse by foreign Nations. The second, is the abuse of the exchanges betwixt us and other Countries. The third, is neglect of duty in some Subjects. The fourth, is our damage in commerce with Strangers. Now concerning all these, I might make a very large discourse; but my purpose is only to explain the meaning of every point in order, as briefly as I can.  
And first for the breach of Intercourse; by this I understand those Nations, 

The First Cause concerneth the Standard.  
Proceed against intercourse.   who have either debased their Standard, or else over valued the price of their Coins from that equivalence which formerly they had with the Standard and Moneys of this Realm: and also do tolerate, not only their own Moneys, but also the Coin of other Countries (and especially of this Kingdom) to be current with them at higher rates, than the prices of the exchange; by which courses (being directly against the Intercourse) there is a greater cause given of exportation of the Moneys of this Realm, than otherwise there would be. For although this is done with great danger to the Exporters of the same, (it being an act against the Law of the Land) yet notwithstanding covetousness being ever conversant in wicked actions, thinketh nothing unlawful which promiseth a certain gain; and how to remedy this evil practice I found it not easy. For the debasing of the Coin, or raising the price thereof in this Realm, would much impoverish the estates of particular men, and yet in the conclusion, would prove a business without end: for who doth not conceive that which would follow beyond the Seas upon any such alteration here with us? so that still the evil will remain, until we found some other remedy.  
And for the exchanges of money used betwixt Nations, 

The Second Cause concerneth the exchanges of moneys with foreign Countries.  
The practice of those Strangers here in this Realm, who make a Trade by exchange of moneys.  
Foreign Wares brought in with our ready moneys carried out of this Realm.  
The Third Cause concerneth neglect of duties. Our heavy money is conveyed beyond the Seas, and melted down into Plate here in the Realm.   although the true use thereof is a very laudable and necessary practice for the accommodating of Merchant's affairs, and furnishing of Travellers in their occasions, without the transporting of Coin from one State to another, with danger and loss both to the public and private wealth: yet is the abuse thereof very prejudicial unto this Kingdom in particular; whilst in the interim the benefit doth arise unto other Countries, who diligently observing the prices whereby the moneys be exchanged, may take advantage to carry away the Gold and Silver of this Realm at those times, when the rate of our sterling money (in exchange) is under the value of that Standard, unto which place they are conveyed: For in respect the prices of the exchanges, do rise or fall according to the plenty or scarcity of money, which is to be taken up, or delivered out, the exchange is hereby become rather a Trade for some great moneyed men, than a furtherance and accommodation of real Trade to Merchants, as it aught to be in the true use thereof. And thus many times money may be made over hither by strangers to a good gain, and presently carried beyond the Seas to a second profit; and yet the mischief ends not here: for by this means the takers up of money in foreign Countries must necessarily drive a Trade to those places, from whence they draw their moneys; and so do fill us up with foreign Commodities, without the vent of our own Wares: but for this great evil, there is an easy remedy, and so I come to handle the next cause which is neglect of duty.  
Neither is it my intent to writ of duties in their several kinds; but only of that kind of duty which is here thought to be neglected by some men in their several vocations. As it might peradventure come to pass, in those who have the working of his Majesty's Coin, either gold or silver; if diligent care be not had in the size of every several piece, to answer justly to his weight: for howsoever upon trial of many pieces altogether, the weight may be sound according to the Covenants, and within the remedies ordained in the Indentures: yet notwithstanding many of those pieces may be sized too light, and others as much too heavy, which giveth the greater advantage to some people, to carry away that which is over-weight, and so to leave us them which are too light, if they leave us any. And this mischief is not single; for thereby also some Gold smiths, regarding profit more than duty, may be the more readily drawn to melt down the heavy Coin into Plate and other ornaments both of gold and silver. But what might we think of those men who are placed in authority and office for his Majesty, if they should not withal dutiful care discharge their trust concerning that excellent Statute, wherein it is ordered, that all the moneys received by strangers for their Merchandise, shall be employed upon the Commodities of this Realm? 
Anno 17. Edward. 4.  the due performance whereof would not only prevent the carrying away of much Gold and Silver, but also be a means of greater vent of our own Wares: whereof I purpose to writ some thing more in the next part which concerneth our commerce with strangers.  

The Fourth Cause concerneth our commerce with Strangers. Unskilful Merchants overthrew our Trades.  And now I come to the last point, which I fear is not the lest amongst the causes of our want of money (so fare as any such may be,) and let it not seem strange to any man, that Trades should hurt and impoverish a Commonwealth, since it hath been always accounted an excellent means to help and enrich the same: for, as this truth cannot be denied with reason, so it is likewise most certain, that the unskilful managing thereof hath ever proved a great decay unto those Nations who have been entangled with such errors. And are not the examples too frequent in many of our own Merchants, who not only by the perils of the Seas and such like misfortunes loose their goods, but also even through want of knowledge, wisely to direct their affairs, do overthrow their whole estates? Neither may we properly call this their loss, but rather the Kingdom's loss in them. Wherhfore it were to be wished, that this mystery of Merchandise might be left only to them who have had an education thereunto; 
Merchants by education are only fit to trade in foreign parts.  and not to be undertaken by such, who leaving their proper vocations, do for want of skill in this, both overthrow themselves, and others who are better practised.  
But there is yet a fare greater mischief by our Trades beyond the Seas, when peradventure, there might be imported yearly a greater value in foreign Wares, then by any way or means we do export of our own Commodities; which cannot otherwise come to pass, then with a manifest impoverishing of the Commonwealth: 

How rich Commonwealths may become poor. Foreign Wares brought in for Trans. to cannot hurt, but greatly help the Commonwealth.  
Hopes to increase Trade by exportation of Indian Wares to foreign parts.   for as it is a certain course to make us rich, both in Stock and Treasure, when we shall carry out a greater value of our own goods than we bring in of foreign Wares; so by consequence, a course contrary to this, must of necessity work a contrary effect. Neither is this importation meant otherwise then concerning those Wares, which are consumed in this Realm: for the Commodities which are brought in, and after carried out unto foreign parts again, cannot hurt, but do greatly help the Commonwealth, by increase of his Majesty's Customs and Trades, with other employments of the Subjects: by which particulars I might yet set forth the glory of the East India Trade, which hath brought into this Realm in fif●eene months space, not only so much Spice, as hath served the same for the said time; but also by the superfluity thereof, there hath been exported into foreign parts for about two hundred and fifteen thousand pounds sterling. So then let all men judge, for what a great value we may hope hereafter to export yearly; when unto these Spices we may (by God's assistance) add the infinite worth of raw Silks, ●ndicoes, Calicoes, and some other things: all which are to be issued in the nature of Cloth, Led, Tin, or any of our own Merchandise to the enriching of this Kingdom by increase of the common Stock. So then to conclude this point, we aught not to avoid the importation of foreign Wares, but rather willingly to bridle our own affections to the moderate consuming of the same: 
The particular Trade to the East Indieses will bring great store of treasure into this Realm, if the general Trade of this Kingdom do not hinder and consume it. The Dutch in particular, are said to reap such infinite wealth yearly by this fishing Trade, that without more certain knowledge thereof I dare not set down the sum it seeme●meth so incredible. See hereof D. Dees book: as also Cap. Smiths.  for otherwise, howsoever the East India Trade in particular is an excellent means greatly to increase the Stock of money which we se●d thither yearly, by returning home five times the value thereof in rich Commodities; all which (in short time) may be converted into Treasure, as is plainly showed already. Yet notwithstanding, if these Indian Wares thus brought home cannot be spared, to serve for that purpose of Treasure; but must be sent forth together with our own native Commodities; and yet all little enough, to provide our excess and extraordinary consume of foreign Wares: then is it likewise as certain, that the general Trade of this Kingdom doth hinder and divert the coming in of the said Treasure, by overbalancing the value of our Wares exported with the importation and immoderate consume of foreign Commodities.  
Therefore, forasmuch as the number of the people in this Realm are thought to be greatly encreas●d of late time (both in themselves and strangers,) whereby necessarily the Commodities of this Kingdom, and also foreign Wares, are the more consumed and wasted, (a double means to abate the Commonwealth) it therefore concerneth us all in general, and every man in his particular, to stir up our minds and diligence, to help the natural Commodities of this Realm by industry, and increase of Arts; seeing that the materials cannot be wanting to make such Stuffs, and other things as are daily brought unto us from foreign parts, to the great advantage of Strangers, and to our no less damage. Neither should we neglect the riches which our Seas afford, whilst other Nations by their labour do procure themselves great Treasure from the same. And as the diligent performance of these things would plentifully maintain the Poor, and much increase the common Stock of this Kingdom: so likewise for the better furtherance thereof, we aught religiously to avoid our common excesses of food and raiment, which is grown to such a height in most degrees of people (above their ability) that it is now beyond all example of former Ages. Neither is it needful for me to set down the particulars of these abuses; for they are too well known: and I am confident, that the wisdom of our Government doth endeavour to see them as well amended, to the glory of God, the honour of the King, and the good of the Commonwealth. Amen.  
COurteous Reader, I could have added others endeavours in this defensive Argument for the East Indian Trade; and especially that of that learned Gentleman Sir Dud. Diggs: But because himself is now absent in weightier Employments, and I knew not whether he would be willing to see it mustered and marshaled in my Files, I was loath to do it: For his ill-will I have cause to be unwilling to purchase, whose goodwill hath purchased mine and me (a worthless Purchas) in effecting my present good, in affecting greater, that I might have been enabled to have bestowed on the world my promised perfected World. Wherein not to have succeeded, is yet (as that vast and incompetible design of mine) to have exceeded, as others otherwise, so herein himself. Besides, later occurrents have ministered other Strings for busy Fingers to harp on, (though not with best Harmony) since the edition of that Book. I had thought also to have added somewhat out of Master Misseldens FREE TRADE, fitting the present business: but seeming to have made not an Indian Voyage, but a Plantation, in so long stay there, I will bring you homewards: and because the wont way of return is by encompassing Africa, that course also we will here take: and to prevent sea-sickness, and the lazy Scorbute, we will not only touch on the Shore, but adventure into the main Land, and follow the best Guides, both English and others, thorough the African both Deserts and Habitations: of whom john Leo is the best that hath written in that Argument, and as a Lion may conduct the most fearful thorough the most perilous passages. For what may not Cowards do, having a Lion to their Guide and Captain?     
The end of the Fifth Book.   

FOr the Readers greater both pleasure and profit, I have here premised to the following History of Africa, this general Map of Africa (published by Hondius) that he may indeed see, even with both Eyes of Geographie (the Map and the Relation) to travel thorough that least known part of the Elder-knowne World. Other Maps more particular we shall add in their places.  

HONDIUS his Map of Africa.   map of Africa   

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL THINGS CONTAINED IN THE FOUR LAST Books of the first Part of PURCHAS his Pilgrims.  


A  
ABaxin Coast, 287  
Abba del Curia or Adalacora, a long narrow ragged Island, 280, 538  
Abdala Chan his manner of humiliation to the great Mogoll, 552  
Abrolhos, certain dangerous sands 80.90▪ 117  
Absolutions for Homicide, Treason, Sodomy, Witchcraft, Perjury, and all crimes, 19  
Acabars stately Tomb a description thereof, 440  
Acatlan a Town of Indians burned, 64  
Achen a description thereof, 467, 119. The English royally entertained there, 467, 526, 462. A Factory settled there, 526. The K. of Achens letter and presents to our King 468. A description of the King and Court, 122.468.534. Quarrel betwixt the Acheners and Tecoans, 525  
Achen Bay, fruitful for Pepper, the Kings entertaining of Captain Davies, he is served all in Gold, 119.120. The King's treachery, and reward 120.121. The land hath plenty of Gold, and Copper mines, diverse kinds of Gums, Ba●mes, many kinds of Drugs much Indigo, Rubies, Saphires and Garnets'; of Beasts, Elephants, Horses, Buff●es, Oxen, Goats, wild Hogs, &c, 121. The King called Sultan Aladin, he was a Fisherman, how he came to his honour, 121, 122. His Court, Customs, and Government, 122. His playing the Merchant, 532. The King's burials, 123. His Navy, 526. His women and pomp, ibid. The people that trade in Achen, 126. Their diverse terms of payment, as Cashes, Mass, Cowpan, Pardaw, Tayell, and the expression thereof, 123. The honourable entertainment of an English General by the King of Achen, and Queen Elizabeth's Presents to him, 153. Her Letters sent to the King of Achen, 154. Reasons of league, between the English and them of Achen, 155. The League concluded & the Articles agreed on, 156. The K. of Achens letter to Q. Elizabeth, 160. Adam's an Englishman his Voyage by the South Sea to japon, 125. His miseries on the Coasts of Chili, 126, 130. His Letter to his Wife from japon, 129  
Aden a City under the dominion of the Great Turk, and is the Key of all Arabia Foelix, 229.249. A description of the situation of the City of Aden, 281  
Adultery punished with death, 165  
Afrangie, Spain so called, 160  
Africa the Map thereof, 748  
Agareus conquered, and many thousand of them sent to Hell, 4  
Agars a Mine thereof, 436  
Agra the seat of the great Mogoll, 209.231. Captain Hawkins his arrival thither and his entertainment with the Mogoll, 210, 211. It is a great City and populous, built with Stone; the Merchandise there, 236. divers observations concerning the way, and occurrences in the way to Agra by William Finch Merchant, 424, 425. Et seq. Terrible fires at Agra 427. A description of Agra and the Castle, 438, 439. The Country between Agra and Lah or described. 520, 579. The kingdom of Agra how situate, 579  
Airebangve Bay the Town 8. minutes North latitude, 329  
Albaca an exceeding high Hill vomiting flames, 85  
Alb●q●erques exploits, and the first knowledge of the Moluccas, 32  
Alcatra●zi, a kind of Fowl that liveth by fishing, great store 〈◊〉 them, 132  
Alcatraz, a kind of Sea-fowle, 10  
Alexander Pope of Rome his presumption, usurpation, his former name, etc. 18.19. & seq. A name ominous to the world, the Church and to all the Popes that have been of that name, 18.19. Alexander the 6. heir of all vices, 19  
Alexanders Pillar, 437.538.579  
Ali, Nuts so called, 100  
Alum where bought, and the price thereof, 391  
Alo●● how made▪ 193.280. The plenty and price thereof, ibid. An herb very plentiful whereof Aloes Socatrina is made, 277.419.539. Moore of them in Socotora then Christendom can yearly spend, 419. How sold, 529.539  
Amasane Road, 348. The Hollanders Fort there, ibid.  
Ambergris, 123. Pieces thereof found of such bulk, that many men might shelter themselves under the sides thereof without being seen, 193. Amber the several sorts thereof, how to know the best and where had, 390  
Amboina an Island discovered, 33 The situation thereof, 197. An excellent and pleasant description thereof, 698. The Castle of Amboyna▪ 699. The Castle taken by the Dutch and the English barred of Trade by them, 704.715  
America, why called India, 9 How situate, 58  
Anarchye worse than tyranny, 177  
Angaze●a one of the four Isles of Comory, a description thereof, 536  
Angoxa Isles how situate, 335. Near them a very dangerous should, ibid.  
Anointing of the body after a strange manner, 275  
Ansuame one of the Lands of Comor●, the Inhabitants, their Queen, (they have no King) their Religion, Weapons, they greatly desire Paper, etc. 119  
Antilopes, 275.512  
Antongill Bay, 151. Barterings there, and discretion to be used in trading with the Inhabitants, ibid.  
Apes divining, or a strange story of an Ape, 587  
Aquapolque Haven, the state of the Castle, 84  
Apparel of strange kinds, 35.37.40  
Arabia Faelix, 280.340. Dangerous sailing near the Arabian Coast, 341. The English entertained on the Coast of Arabia, 490  
Arabia not wholly subject to the Turk, 629. Arabian Tongue, the great use thereof, 155  
Arabs their Customs and Manners 418. Their Arms, persons, apparel, Women, gallantry, Children, Faith, Diet, 418.419  
Aracke a kind of hot drink used in stead of Wine, 173.154.626. How it is made, and the dangerous drinking thereof, 533.154  
Arauco rich in Gold, 60  
Arecca a certain fruit like a Pear, 38. Arecca or Aracca Betula, a fruit like a Nutmeg, it draweth the Rheum exceedingly, and procureth a mighty stomach, 122  
Arica Road how situate, 61  
Arimoa Island, 104  
Armies almost infinite, 588  
Art the Excellency thereof, 2  
Arucetto an Island in which are Men & Women not past a cubite in height, having Ears of such bigness, that they lie upon one and cover them with the other, 44  
Ascension Lands, 90.133  
Asmere a Child-giving Saint, 428. A description of Asmere before the Mogoll made it his Royal residence, 435  
As●ab Road, 289. The English kindly used there, 292  
Asse-hornes, Bucklers, & diverse sorts of drinking Cups made thereof, 436  
Astrolabe, and Tables of Declinations, 8  
Astronomical rules & instruments the excellency thereof, 2  
Atheism a notable Example of Gods punishing thereof, 600  
Atlantike and Indian Seas have concourse, 5  
Atonza how situate, 77  
Augustine Bay how situate; the Inhabitants their condition, form, language, the fertility of the Country, etc. 118.192.334.417 Variation there, 191. This Bay is unfit for any Ships to expect refreshing, 192. Sheluy ground, Rivers, Fishes, Weapons, Beasts, and Worms there, 417. Nautical observations concerning places betwixt the Lizard and S. Augustine in the I'll of S. Laurence, 444.445. & seq. A note for the finding out of the River of S. Augustine in S. Laurence; and of diverse small Isles in the way thence to Achen, 448.449  
Auroca, a Town with five hundred Spaniards in Garrison, continually assaulted by the Chilesians, 81  
Axicoca an Herb which the Indians perpetually chew, 83  
Aynam Ile discovered, 650    


B  
BAb-Mandell straits, 284.285.293  
Bachian or Bachan, an high copped round Island, how situate, 357.699. The Hollanders hinder the English Trade there. ibid. The small forces of the Hollanders in Bachian, ibid. Bachan taken by the Spaniards, 677. Two Bachans, the one called Great Bachan, the other Old Bachan, 699  
Bagdat a City two English miles in compass, seated on Tigris, very populous, and of great traffic of Strangers being the way to Persia, Turkey, & Arabia, 237  
Baharem a famous Island, where they fish for Pearls four months in the year, and where are the best Pearls which are round and Orient, 237  
Baia Delicia, a very good road, 538  
Baiadore Cape first passed, 6  
Baldivia is rich in Gold, 84  
Balee an Island to the Eastwards of Maccassar, standing in 8. degrees and a half to the South of the Equinoctial. It hath store of Rice, Cotton-yarne, Slaves, and course white Cloth, 392  
Balsara a City near unto the Persian Gulf, a mile and half in Circuit where come monthly diverse Ships of forty or fifty Tons from Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indian Merchandizes, 237  
Banca a great Island, 443.452.453.  
Banda certain Lands so called, where Nutmegs and Mace is plentiful, 33.392.717. The situation of those Lands, 186. A Voyage thither by Captain Keeling, 196. Contentions betwixt the Hollanders and Bandanesses, 720. Ships taken by the Hollanders at Banda, 687. Three several surrenders of certain of the Banda Lands made to the King's Majesty of England, 701. English trade in Banda, 199.203. Kindness of the Bandanesses to the English, 240. The state of Banda 324. A pithy description of the Lands of Banda, 697. Civil wars among the Bandanesses, 709  
Bander Zeda a place on the Abaxin Coast, 307  
Bangaya Straitss, 226. Bangaya Island, 239. Banians their diverse superstitions and Customs, 485  
Bankingle I'll, 76  
Bannaras a very good fruit, 416  
Bantam a very great Town in java Maior, the situation and description thereof, 136.164.317. Their food and houses, 165. Great store of Pepper to be had there at a reasonable rate, 159.161. A Factory settled there, and a Letter and present sent from the K. of Bantam to the Queen of England, 162. Fires and treason at Bantam, 177 The K. of Bantam his Circumcision, pomp, and presents, 180.181 Captain Keeling his arrival at Bantam, 195. The distance between Bantam & Celebes is 235 leagues, 197. The price of commodities increaseth at Bantam and why, 382. Bantam weights & Cashes, 390. Customs at Bantam 391. Commodities vendible in Bantam, 391. A special note for those that sail near Bantam, 442. The Pangran of Bantam his injustice, 633. The way from Bantam to Patania, and thence to japan, 645. The K. of Bantams letter to the King of England, 705  
Barateve an Island discovered, a description of the people and Country 56. Fruitful and rich in Gold, Silver, Copper, & Sulphur, plentiful of Nutmegs, Ginger, long Pepper, Lemons, Cucumbers, Cocos, Figu, Sagu etc. 56  
Barbary a voyage thither by Macham an Englishman, 5  
Barbarous works, 170  
Barks of trees which bite like Pepper, 73  
Bark john Thomas, one of Sir Fr. Drakes Consorts met withal by M. Candish, 59 Another Bark taken by Candish coming out of Arica road, 61  
Barnavels Lands, 92  
Bars of Silver met withal, 51  
Barterings in the Island of Zubat, 40. In the Lands of Molucca, 44.363. In the Bay of Soldana▪ 118.320. In the Bay of Antong●ll, 151 With certain Indian ships, 308  
Bata Island, otherwise called the Bat, or Batt●o, how situate, hath no Inhabitants, abounds with wood, Rivers, Fish, Monkeys, Bats, 134.639  
Batacala the price of Pepper there, 657  
Batochina an Island which standeth in one degree from the Aequinonoctiall line Northward, 68  
Bats as big as Eagles, 39 They are good to be eaten, ibid. Others as big as Hens, 56. Others as big as Hares, in shape like Squirrels, 134.417. Other strange Bats which are said to engender in the Ear, 423  
Bawds vid. Panders.  
Bay of Saint Helena, 26.319.69.124.205  
Bay of Bengala, or Gangelike, 32  
Bay of Quintero how situate, 61  
Bay of Pisca how situate, 62  
Bay of Paita, the Town and prizes found there, 62  
Bay called Aguada Segura, 65  
Bay of Saint Augustine, 118.192.334.417.444.445.448.449. The Enforced Bay, 525. The Voluntary Bay, ibid.  
Beads very costly and rich, 224  
Beans growing upon high Trees, the Cod's two foot long, 118  
Beane Trees of venomous nature, wherewith the Inhabitants of Sierra Leona poison their Arrows, 415  
Beasts of strange form like Stags and Buffals, 72. Beasts like Hearts 91. The beautiful beast, 192 Other strange Beasts, 417  
Becket Canonised, 18  
Bedwines, or the old jacobite Christians of Socatora, 539  
Beef of Saldania taketh salt well, 383  
Beloule, a place on the Assab Coast, 291  
Bengala a mighty Kingdom, a description thereof, with the Cities and Ports therein, 579  
Benjamin Wood, his Voyage into the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous success thereof, 110.111. Et seq.  
Benjamin a Gum, called by the Mallayens Minnian, the best sort cometh from Syam, which is pure, clear and white; another sort not so good cometh from Sumatra; a third sort cometh from Priaman & Barrowse, which is not vendible in England, 389  
Best his voyage to the East Indies, 456.457. Et seq. Captain Best is entertained at Achen, and greatly honoured by the King, 462.463  
Bettaile an herb which the javans usually carry with them wheresoever they go in boxes which is hot in operation, they eat it continually to warm them within, and prevent the Flux, 166  
Better or Vetele a Tree like the Bay tree. 38  
Bezoar the several kinds, how to know the best, and where it is to be had, 390  
Bhar, an Indian term of weight, which is 360. of our pounds, 123  
Biamye the chiefest place for Indigo in all the East Indies, where are twelve Indigo m●lls, 236  
Biana, the place of finest Indigo, 520  
Biles the cause of death, 326  
Bintam an Island described, 435  
Birds of a strange form, 44.39.83.92.134.133. Great plenty of Birds, 50.72  
Birds of Paradise, 105  
Birthday Rites performed by the Great Mogoll, 550  
Black men, found in an Island discovered, 42  
Black King, 322  
Bloodshedding amongst the Indians a token of friendship, 40  
Bloody Flux following upon the eating Palmitoes, 76  
Bloody Experiments, 222  
Bloy I'll, the situation thereof, 197  
Boat● of strange fashion, 37.61.66  
Bohol an Island discovered, 42  
Bolutan a great Island, one hundred and eighty miles long, 77  
Bongo, 77  
Bonitoes a kind of Fishes, 48  
Borneo how situate, 77. It is an Island one of the greatest in East India, ibid.  
Botun I'll, described, 239.455. Advertisements concerning the straits of Botun, 356. A dangerous should neere it, 455  
Bouton Strait is full of sholds, 85  
Bramenes their superstition, 327 Certain Bramenes who record the names of all such Indians as wash themselves in the River Ganges, 436  
Bramport a great City governed by Can Canow, the situation thereof 236. Muskets, Snaphanses, Pistols, and Swords, are here very saleable: Woollen cloth would here prove a great Commodity, 236 A description of Bramport, 424  
Brasill first discovered; whence so named, 30. Two and twenty degrees & a half toward the South Pole or Pole Antarctic, 34. It hath abundance of fruits of all kinds, good Sugar Canes, and diverse sorts of Beasts, 24. The Inhabitants of the Country make great fires for a Sacrifice to the Devils: they use Conjurations, making heaps of sand and other Ceremonies, for the destroying of Ships that come about the shore▪ and that storms and tempests may arise, 48  
Brass Ordnance of the King of Achen, 122  
Bread made of Pene seed, 415  
Bread made of Cuscus beaten and mingled with Honey, 537  
Brevity much affected by the japonians, 373. Bribing people, 166  
Bricks Sun-dryed▪ whereof are made Castles, and other edifices, 522  
Brin jau Bay place of good refreshing. 633. near it dangerous Rocks, ibid.  
Brinion Island, the situation and Inhabitants thereof, 532  
Buckar a City where Sword-blades are very good chaffer, 236  
Buffs, two of them met withal, 58. Plenty of them. 121  
Bullets terrible to the javans, 170  
Bull● brazen, monstrous, horned, nothing to the Pope's Bull, 24  
Burney or Porne an Island great and rich, having one very great City; the situation of the Island, 42 It is stored with Camphire, Cinnamon, Ginger, M●robolanes, Oranges, Lemons, Sugar, Cucumbers, Melons, Swine, Goats, Hens, Dear, Elephants, Horse, etc. 43  
Burning of the dead used by the Indians, 225  
Burying of the dead, strange Ceremonies used thereat, 41.123  
Burial of Giants, 58  
Burro Island, 197.356  
Buthuan an Island very rich where is Gold and Spices, 38. The King a man of most comely personage, bravely attired, his name Raia Columba, ibid.  
Butter not eaten by the japonians, the reason, 372  
Button Island, 197. The King of Buttone, 226    


C  
CAbis a strange beast, the bone whereof worn in a Bracelet stayeth a man's blood notwithstanding any wounds, 33  
Cabo Tormentoso, or the Tempestuous Cape, 7  
Cacafuego a rich ship taken, 51  
Cacaos, a kind of fruit like unto an Almond, 64  
Caffers their Commodities and manners, 419  
Caghuian, an Island great and in a manner habited; the people are banished Moors, they use poisoned Arrows, and have store of Gold, 42  
Caia an Island, 348  
Caimaes, certain Nobles of Calcutta, so called, 28  
Caldway a Londoner, an excellent Musician surprised, 76  
Calcutta or Calicut Voyage▪ 28.29. A ship of Calcutta met withal by the English, 306. An English Factory at Calcutta, 531. The Samorine or King of Calcutta, 28.531 Covenants betwixt the English & the King of Calcutta, 604  
Californcia how situate, 65  
Caleghan a rich Island, 38  
Calues-skins eaten, 130  
Cambina, 197  
Camboia Island, 381.648. It is not so far Easterly as is set in our Plaits, ibid.  
Cambe, a wood to dye Read, 415  
Camel-fashioned-sheepe used for carriages, 83  
Chameleons plentiful, 118  
Camulicai, a marvelous cold kind of fruit, 44  
Cananor where situate, 31  
Canaries by whom discovered, and in whose possession they are now, 6. The several Lands and manner of sailing through them, 148  
Candahar Mountains, 521. The City of Candahar, the antiquity, and Inhabitants thereof, 522  
Candahor the Prince thereof his incivility, 570  
Candish his Voyage into the South Sea, & from thence round about the Circumference of the whole Earth, 57.58.59. & seq. His taking of the great ship of the King of Spain's, called the Great Saint Anna, 65. The Merchandise in the great ship; one hundred and two & twenty Pesoes of Gold, ibid. his letter to the Lord Hunsdon, 70  
Canes in each knot able to contain two gallons of water, 9  
Cannibals found, 34. One seen of stature as big as a Giant, having a voice like a Bull, ibid. Other Cannibals, 45.59.131.243  
Cannow a great City, where is much trading for Cloth, Swords, Pieces, Armour, Colours for dying; & all Clotheses there will cell well, 236  
Canno Island, 52  
Canoas' very strange, 54.66  
Canquomorra or Boamaro an exceeding great Bay, the Country very fruitful and pleasant to behold, 233  
Canters Spanish Fishermen taken, 47  
Cape Das Agulios, the most Southerly Promontory of Africa, where the Compass hath no Variation: it lieth in 35. degrees of the South Pole, 118.204  
Cape Virgins the description thereof, 72  
Cape Tingeron, a very high Cape, etc. 137  
Cape Verde, discovered, 6.48. The commendation thereof, 247  
Cape Bogiader, 5  
Cape Nou, 5  
Cape Baiadore first passed, 6  
Cape Blanco discovered, 6  
Cape S. Katherine, 6  
Cape of Good Hope the Discovery thereof, 7.447.45.68  
Cape Corye, 32  
Cape of S. Marry where are precicious stones, 34  
Capo desiderato, 35.73  
Cape Caligara, 36  
Cape of Malacha, 45  
Cape Cantin, 47  
Cape of joy, 48  
Cape de Sant Francisco, 51  
Cape Frio in Brasile, 58  
Cape Froward the Southermost part of the Straitss, 59.73  
Cape of S. Lucar, very like the Needles at the I'll of Wight, 65  
Cape called Cabo Falso, 69  
Cape consalvo where the wind usually in the night bloweth from land, in the day from Sea, 72  
Cape de Cadera, where the Spaniards as they pass to the Moluccas, use to take in water, 85  
Cape Commerin, 310.532  
Capul Island, the manner of the people, their Commodities are Cocos, Potato Roots, Hens and Hogs, 67. The inhabitants with all the Lands adjoining promise to aid the English against the Spaniards, 68 near this I'll are many Whirlpools, 76  
Carbuncle a Beast very strange if true, 416  
Carob Trees, 415  
Cassovi certaine wild beasts so called, 73  
Cassavie bread, 104  
Castle of S. George della Mina, 7  
Castleton his Voyage to the Moluccas with four ships, 533  
Catighan an Island full of strange foul, some of which have horns, and Bats there are as big as Eagles: Eggs there are hatched in Sand. 39  
Caviara the manner of making thereof, 731  
Cebesa, 709. Betwixt it and Botun lie dangerous shoalds, ibid.  
Celebes, 186.197.355  
Cepta conquered, 4  
Ceremony used by the mogul presaging good fortune, 559  
Cessier Cape, 649  
Ceylon Island, 320  
Chacalla Bayliff 64  
Chain of strange virtue, 33  
Chameleons great store, 417. They eat flies, ibid.  
Channel of S. Jerome, 59  
Chapman's Chance, a very good Harbour, 446  
Chapel Bay, 642  
Chariot drawn by Buffles, 183  
Chariot drawn by Bullocks, 576  
Cheribon, 646  
Chersonessus called Aurea, being rich in Gold, 32  
Chesle-play in India, 32  
Chiametla an Indian Town, 64  
Children married at ten years old, 419  
Chili the trading of the Coast thereof, 50.81. Wine of Chili, 50.51. It is the most fertile Region in the World, & of most wholesome air, it hath Gold Mynes, Fruits, Mayes, Hogs, Horses, Kine, Sheep, Goats, etc. 74. The Mother City is Saint jago, where is a Gold Mine, 84. They killed the Spaniards, Anno 1599 Pouring melted Gold into the Governors' mouth, and making a Cup of his Scull, and Pipes of his shanke-bones, 84  
China Dishes and Silk, 52  
China the description thereof, and commodities there 165.393. The Inhabitants very frugal, & have great store of Pepper, 165. Their Weapons, Apparel, Religion, 166 Five thousand Chinesses put to death for trading in foreign parts, 368  
Chinabata Strait, a should not fare from the entrance thereof, 382  
Chinocrates his invention to attract his Iron Image, 3  
Chindanna, or White Sanders, where plentiful, the price, and which esteemed best, 392  
Chippit an Island rich in Gold, and hath plenty of Rice, Ginger, Hogs, Goats, Hens, 42. The situation of the Island, ibid.  
Chitor an ancient great Kingdom, the description thereof, 579  
Choree and his Copper Armour, 501  
Choromandell, 386  
Christ acknowledged by the Chinois to be a great Prophet, whom they call Naby Isa, 166  
Christians of India, 27  
Christianity used as a trick, rather of sensuality then of devotition, 224  
Christians crucified by the Emperor of japan, 377  
Chuquisaca the Bishop thereof his revenne, 84  
Church in India with Crosses and Altars erected by the Spaniards, 60. Another Church with Altar, Crucifix and Bells burnt, 63. A Church in the way to Tamara, left desolate, the door shut, reported to be full of Spirits, 539  
Cici a drink somewhat sowrish made of Mays, 74  
Cilapulapu Prince of Mathen, 41. His Army, 42  
Cimbubon an Island discovered, wherein are strange things the leaves whereof seem to live, strange fishes, Crocodiles, wild Hogs and Ostriches, 43  
Cinnamon where plenty, 43.45  
Cipanghu an Island discovered, 36  
Circumcision, 67.414. The manner and order of the Circumcision of the King of Bantam, 180  
City of Kings or Lima, the bigness, government, and excellent situation thereof, 83  
Civet, how to know that which is best, 389  
Civet Cats great store and how taken, 419.539  
Civil wars an hindrance to English Trade, 311  
Cloaks of Penguin skins. 73  
Cloth made of the Barks of Trees. 529  
Cloud of dust, 75  
Cloves the Storehouse thereof in the Lands of Moluccas, 33.44.227.357.359. The manner of weighing, and trading with the Naturals for Cloves, 362.363. They are cheap at Bantam, 161  
Clove-trees their bigness, boughs, leaves, barks, Cloves how growing, and when gathered, 44. A Clove tree differing from all other in its fruit, which is called the Kings Clove, 699  
Coach drawn with Oxen, 467  
Cochee Port, 653  
Cochin a strong Haven, 31  
Cochinchina the trading there unlucky, 410  
Cockfighting used in the Island of Pula●an, 42. In Achen, 156  
Cocus a fruit of certain Date-trees, whereof is made Bread, Wine, Oil, and Vinegar, 37. The description of the Tree that beareth Cocos, 47. Greet store of them, 47.134  
Cocus Island, 97  
Coen the Dutch General his swelllng titles, 700  
Coho, a black bitterish drink, made of a berry like a Bay-berry, brought from Mecca, supped off hot, good for the head and stomach, 419  
Coins of the great Mogoll, 217  
Coins at Surat, 530  
Columbus his birth, his affection to Navigation from his childhood, his Marriage, study of the Mathematics, Religion, Wisdom, etc. 8. His grounds for the Discovery of the New World, 9 His first Voyage and Improvement therein of the Mariner's Art, 10. The Portugals have sought to obscure his exploits, 12  
Comedy played by women, 324.368  
Comedy acted by Kings and Nobles, 403. The matter thereof; with their acting Song and Music, 403  
Comets which appeared in japan, 413  
Commonwealthss that are rich how then may become poor, 746  
Comoro Isles▪ 118.228. They are Lands very pleasing in sight, and, fruitful in nature, 119. At Sanda, Ilbookee, Auzoane, Mootoo four of the Isles of Com●ro▪ there is abundance of cheap Rice, and the people good; but Inghezeegee and Malale, two more of the same Lands, have small store of Rice, and the people very treacherous, 193  
Compass, the use and excellency thereof, 2. The variation thereof, 3. Compass and Seacards used by the Moors, 27  
Conception Island, 81  
Condemned persons set on shore, 27  
Congo what Kingdom, 7  
Coneys strangely multipling, 5. Of wonderful bigness and fashion, 54. Rarities in some Countries, 181.182.  
Conie Island, 133.446  
Conjuring cozening Knaves, 398 402  
Copper Ours, 121  
Copper where in chief request, 329  
Coq●imbo hath store of Brass, 84  
Coral where plentiful, 37  
Corea, a Country in which are great Bogges, for remedy against which they have great Wagons, which go upon broad wheels under sail as ships do, 407  
Corpo Sancto, a flame about the bigness of a great Candle appearing at Sea, 133  
Coryat his travels by land from jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogoll, 592.593. His observations, news, thrift, disasters, letters, and magnifical style, 594.595.600 The Copy of an Oration made by him in the Persian tongue to the Great Mogoll, 598  
Coteway rich in Nutmegs, 85  
Cotton growing of itself, 11  
Cotton trees, 63  
Cotton called Innumuca whereof is made good Thread and Cloth, 415  
Coulam a Kingdom where situate, 31  
Coulan Castle and Town, 531  
Courthop his Voyage from Bantam to the Lands of Banda, 664.665. & seq. Captain Courthorps' constancy, courage, and death 679.  
Court or Office of the Crusada, or Pope's Bulls, 83  
Cowardice severely punished, 427  
Crab Island, 288  
Craft retorted, 157  
Crane-Iland, 291  
Crangolar or Crangonar how situate, a Factory for the English there, 531.603  
Cray-fish exceeding plenty, and of a marvelous bigness, one whereof sufficient for four hungry stomaches at a Dinner, 56  
Crimati an Island which yields Diamonds, 77  
Crocatow a very infectious sickly place, 621  
Crocodiles where found, 43.80.89.244  
Cross and his company of condemned persons set on shore on the land of Soldania, there to make discovery, their exploits, etc. 519.528 529. & seq .. 631  
Crosses of stone and pillars erected in places discovered, 7.35.39.40  
Cross I'll, 7  
Cross of fine clear Stars, 36  
Cross adored, 39 A loud lie concerning a bloody Cross seen in the air in England, against which an English Preacher speaking was reported to be stricken dumb, 413  
Crossing the custom of justice in japan, as hanging is in our land, 127.372  
Crowns made of feathers, 100  
Crowther his journey from Azmere in India, the place of the Great Mogul's residence, to Spahan, the Royal seat of the King of Persia, in the affairs of the East-Indian Society, 519  
Cruelty rewarded, 170  
Cruel command of the Mogoll to a valiant man, 222  
Cryse of Honour, what it is, 119  
Curia Mulia Lands, 490  
Currents, respect must be had thereunto, otherwise will follow intolerable errors, 191.278. The main power of the Current lessened, 192. Opinion of the cause of the Currents, ibid. The North Current lost, 248. The force of a Current, 309.525. A great Current to the Westward, 316. A strong Current setting South South-west, 334. An extreme Current to the Southward, 335. A Current to the Eastward, 364. A great Current shooteth out between Corea and the main of ●hina. 380. A Current to the East North-east, 384. Current near Cape Das Aguilhas how it sets, 479. The Current often deceiveth, 527. A strange Current running fifteen days Westerly, fifteen days Easterly, and fifteen days no ways, 529. Other strange Currents, 618.630.652 653    


D  
DAbis an Image so called, made of Copper, the description & worship thereof, 373  
Dabull the situation thereof; the English have trade there, 272.567.656. Double dealing there, 303. Store of refreshing at Dabull, & good cheap, 656. Kind entertainment of the English at Dabull, 656  
Daman, vid. Doman.  
Damiadee a River which falleth into the River of Sinned, 236  
Dancing, 396  
Danger by heat of Pepper, 172  
Dangers by a Molato, 172  
Darts very dangerous, 417  
Date-trees producing strange fruits, 37  
Dates plentiful, 418  
Date-trees bearing fruit twice a year, 419  
Davies his directions for the East-indieses, 444  
Day difference in computation of time, how caused, 106  
Daytaot, a City where are sold great store of Drugs, Pintadoes, & Calico-lawnes, 236  
Death caused by sudden joy, 7  
Death and extreme sicknesses in the East Indies, 179. The death of Sir. Thomas powel and his Lady, 531  
Decan wars, 424.425. & seq. Sultan Coroone employed in the Decan wars, 546  
Dear large and mighty, 48. Great herds thereof, 54  
Delicacy cruel, 222  
Delisa Road, a very good place for the West Monson; two miles either East or West from the Road it doth continually blow so much wind, that no ship can ride it, 193  
Delly an ancient City, and the Seat of the Great Mogolls Ancestors, now ruined, 578. Some affirm it to have been the Seat of Potus conquered by Alexander, & that there stands a Pillar with a Greek Inscription, 579.583  
Denis Fernandez his Voyage, 6  
Deruis or Saint, living on a Hill, reported to be three hundred years old, 563  
Deselem Island, 186  
Desolam Strait, 197.239  
Desolate Lands. 229. The desolate Lands not desolate of Coco-nuts, and other good provision, 229 230  
Devils appear to Giants when they die, and dance about their bodies, 35. There is a great Devil they call Setebos, the less they call Cheleule, ibid. Other strange Devils, 35. The Devil appearing in strange forms to the Inhabitants of the Island Timon, 45. The Devil prayed to, 166. The Devil a Liar or belied, 399.402  
Diamonds where plenty, 77.393. An inestimable rich Coffer of Diamonds, 223  
Diamonds of four waters, and of diverse colours, 393. A Rock of Diamonds, 438  
Dibnee a Town in Socotora, 418  
Diego Roiz an I'll so called how situate, abounding with strange birds, 133. A dangerous place for rocks and shoalds that lie about it, 134  
Diego Gratiosa, a pleasant Island, how situate, full of Coco-trees, abounding with Birds and Fish, 134  
Dioscuria or Dioscorida, vid. Socatra.  
Diseases caused of Famine, 36  
Disease of Saint job, 45  
Doara Island, 338  
Dogs Island in 15. degrees 12. minutes, 925. leagues from Peru, 94  
Dogs killed, 323. Dogs in great request, 555.565  
Dolphins, 48.132  
Doman how situate, 529. Plentiful provision, and other commodities there for little money, 529.530  
Domingo a Spaniard his escape, 64  
Don Alphonso the first King of Portugal, 4  
Dorfui Cape, 338  
Does Banhos, five Isles so called, how situate, falsely laid in most Charts: they abound with Fowl, Fish, & Coco Nuts, 134  
Downton his East Indian Voyage and attempts, 500.501. & seq. The death of the worthy Captain Nicholas Downton, 514  
Doy a great Island, a description thereof, 364  
Drake his renowned Voyage, the first General which ever sailed about the whole Globe. 46.47.48. & seq. He sailed on the back side of America, to 43. degr. of Northerly latitude, 52. He came to Nova Albion where he was received by the King of that Country, who resigned his Crown and Kingdom to him, 53. The fame of Sir Francis Drake, 705  
Drakes Straight, 708  
Drink very strange and homely, 100  
Drinkers of Sea-water, 96  
Dromedaries, 219. Their swiftness to give assault to any City, ibid.  
drugs of sundry kinds, great store, 121.389. Certain Rules for the choice of sundry Drugs, as also from whence they may be had, 389.390  
Drums made of a metal called Tombaga, which makes a most Hellish sound, 180  
Drunkenness used to testify love, 534. A pretty prevention thereof, 557  
Duas jamanas two Lands, which for their likelihood are so called, 278  
Dutch Victory against the Spaniards, 76  
Dutch Prays, 183.184.185. Quarrels betwixt English and Dutch, 183  
Dutch pretences against Banda, & the English there, 202. Uncharitable purposes of the Dutch, 241  
Dutch scrupulosity and English resolution, 242. A Dutch testimony of Dutch iniquity, 321. Dutch wrongs, and the fights betwixt Sir Thomas Dale and them, & seq. The happy uniting of the English and Dutch, 641.642. English kindnesses to the Dutch, 664. Dutch injury and cruelty, 668.669.671.672.682.684.692.693.695  
Dutch hostility to the English, 683 The Dutch excuse their own wrongs, 688.186. An answer to their excuse, and proof of their abuse, 690·691. Et seq.  
Dutch Voyages, to the East Indies, 706.707. Et seq.  
Dutch gains, and present state of their India Trade, 819. Ill government of the Dutch Indian Commanders, 722. The cause of the Dutch-English-Indian wars, 721  
Dwarves, 384    


E  
Ears of certain people cut into a round Circle, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, 54  
Ears and Noses of three thousand Coreans, buried in the Temple of Miaco, which were massacred at one time, 377  
Earth is as a great Loadstone, 3  
Earthquakes, 105.385.666.697. one most hideous and horrible Earthquake, 697  
East Indies the state thereof, 80.81. Et seq. A description of the Forts, Soldiers, and military provision, as also of their Trade and shipping in the East Indies, under the service of the General States of the United Provinces, and his Excellency, as it was in july 1616.87. Queen Elizabeth's Patent for the East Indies, 139. The style of their Corporation, Seale, first Governor, first Committees, 140 Their Oath, day of yearly Election of a Governor, their Deputy Governor, 141. Freedom for the Sons and Apprentices of such as are free of the Company; their place of Assembly, authority to make Laws, 142. Power to punish offenders▪ their paying of Custom, 143. Their liberty for the carrying out of foreign Coin, 144. Forfeitures, etc. 145.146. The first Voyage to the East Indies, by Sir james Lancaster for the Merchants of London, 147 148. Et seq. The second Voyage set forth by the Company into the East Indies, Sir Henry Middleton being General, wherein were employed four ships, etc. 185 186 Et seq. The third Voyage to the East Indies, set out by the Company of Merchants, trading in those parts; wherein were employed three ships▪ in them the number of three hundred and ten persons, Captain Keeling chief Commander, 188. Captain William Hawkins relations of the Occurrents, which happened in the time of his residence in India, written to the Company, 206.207. & seq. A Letter from the Viceroy of the East Indies, to the Mogul against the English 212. The fourth Voyage to the East Indies, with two ships under the command of Alexander Sharpey General, and Richard Rolls Lieutenant General with the discovery of the Read Sea, 228.229. & seq. The sixth Voyage set forth by the East Indian Company in three ships, Sir Henry Middleton Admiral, 247.248. & seq. The seventh Voyage into East India, set out under the command of Captain Anthony Hippon, 314 The principal places of Trade in the East Indies, 322. A journal of a Voyage made by the Pearl to the East India, wherein went as Captain M. Samuel Castleton of London, and Captain George Bachurst as Lieutenant, 328. The eighth Voyage set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three ships under the command of Captain john Saris, 334.335. & seq. Places of principal Trade in the East Indies, with their several names and situations, & also what commodities they do afford, and what is there desired, 390.391.392. & seq. The ninth Voyage of the Indian Company to the East Indies, Edmund Marlowe Captain, 440.441. & seq. Directions of Master john Davis' for the East Indies, 444. Sea-courses from Port to Port in the East Indies, 452.453.487. The tenth Voyage to the East India, Master Thomas Best chief Commander, 456.457. & seq. The eleventh Voyage to the East India, Anno Dom. 1611. Written by Ralph Wilson 486.487. & seq. The twelfth Voyage to the East India, the Captain Master Christopher Newport, Anno 1612. Written by Walter Payton, 488.489. & seq. The second Voyage of Captain Walter Payton into the East Indies, set forth by the East India Company, and what happened therein, 528. & seq. Places in the East Indies surrendered to our King, 611. A Relation of the fifth Voyage for the joint Stock set forth by the East Indie Society: consisting of five ships all under the government of Captain Martin Pring, 631.632. & seq. Dutch Navigations to the East Indies, out of their own journals and other Histories, 706.707. & seq. A discourse of Trade from England unto the East Indies: answering to diverse objections which are usually made against the same. 732.733. & seq. How the East India Trade doth enrich this Kingdom, 736. The manner how the East Indian Company do victual their ships, 740. Their provision for timber and plank, 739. Their warlike provision; and his Majesty's strength in the East India Company alone, 739. The strength of the East Indian ships, 742. The East India Trade greatly desired by other Christian Nations, 744  
Ecbat Shaw his piety to his Mother, 600  
Eclipses of the Moon, 284.364.385.402.632. The Moon so eclipsed that the Chinesses and javanies beating Pans, and Mortars cried out, the Moon was dead, 385  
Eclipse of the Sun, 630  
Edoo a great City in japan, 374. The King of Edoo his Letter to the King of Great Britain, 374.375  
Effeminatensse, 167  
Eggs hatched in Sand, 39  
Elephants, 42.43.57.121.219 325.711. An Elephant shot, 190. Elephant's Royal, and trained Elephants, 218. Strange things done by Elephants, 219. A white Elephant 322. A strange artificial Elephant, 425 Wild Elephants 424. A fight of wild Elephants, 467. Executions done by Elephants, 542.219. Bravery of Elephants, 559  
Elizabeth Bay, 59  
Emanuel King of Portugal the beginning of his Reign; his Expeditions, 26. His Fleet sent to the East Indies, 26.27.28. His second fleet sent to the East Indies: their discovery of Brasil and other Acts, 30.31  
Engano Ile, 450.634  
England famous, 119  
English honour and fame in the East Indies, 178. Their resolution admired, ibid. Horrible treacheries intended to the English and revealed, 493.494  
Englishmen in the time of Henry the Second their Expedition to the Holy-land, their joining with the Portugal King, and vanquishing the Moors, 5  
Englishmen abused by Hollanders, 119.183.199  
English kindness to the Dutch in Banda, ill rewarded, 200. Private quarrels among the English abroad, 378. English jealousy over the Spaniards, 404. English Bravado a cause of suspicion by the Mogoll, 567  
England's Forest, vid. Pearl Island.  
Envy the fury thereof, 12. The first sin in the Devil, 13  
Equinoctial Line, 36.313.316.317. The best course to pass the Equinoctial Line, 445.479  
Eruco, a silver Mine 84  
Eshac a kind of Capers, eaten in salads where plentiful, 419  
Estriges, 91  
Euans bitten by an Alegarta, 191  
Eude an Island where groweth great plenty of Cinnamon, 45  
Eugano Island 317  
Eunuches, 541.547  
Exchanges of monies with foreign Countries, the use and abuse thereof, 745  
Executioners in javan, where any are condemned to dye, and the next of kin, 173  
Execution of a China Thief for stealing English Goods, 175  
Executions very cruel, 219.542 The manner of executing offenders in japan, 369  
Experience better than instruments to Navigators, 189    


F  
FAce-painting, 34.40  
Face worshipped, 437  
Factories settled for the English-East Indian Company in the East Indieses; the names of the places, 533  
Faithless people, 551  
Falpits to take Swine, 364  
Famine most extreme sustained by the Portuga●s in a Voyage, 36  
Farsing what it signifies, 522  
Fatipore a City as great as London, 236  
Feasts, and Festival days of the Great Mogoll, 225.543  
Feasts of the Gentiles, 327. The great Feast of the Pagans', inviting their dead Kindred, banqueting and making merry all night with candlelight at their graves, 395. Another solemn Feast of the Pagans', & the manner thereof, 402  
Feathers in request, and much desired by the Mogoll, 556  
Feluke Bay, the Town and Mount, 340  
Fernando Lands, 93  
Fetipore a famous City in the great Mogul's Country, a description thereof, 428. The Interpretation of Fetipore is, A Town of Content, or a place of Hearts desire obtained, 429  
Fight with Spaniards and Indians, 76  
Fires called Saint Ellen, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clare, invocated for the staying of Tempests, 34 42.43  
Fires made for a Sacrifice to the Devil, 48. The terror of the word Fire, 170  
Fires in javan, 168.169  
Fiery Worms, 56  
Fiery King, 322  
Fire-boats, 510  
Fireworks rare and excellent, 628  
Finch his Observations concerning his Voyage to the Indieses, 414.415 & seq.  
Firando the King thereof and his Nephew, 366. The King of Firando his letter to the King of England, 383. A great & dangerous fire in Firando, 402  
Fish headed like a Swine, with two horns, the rest of the body 〈◊〉 one bone, and as it were a Saddle on the back, 43. Six thousand fishes taken in an hour and half, 189 Abundance of fish, 278. A ravenous fish, 503  
Fishermen and Fisherboats in great abundance, 380  
Fitz his Indian Voyage, 110  
Flats and Rocks very dangerous betwixt Achen and Bantam, 161  
Fleet-royall of Peru, 81  
Flemings cowardice, 118. Fleming's put to death at Bemermassen, 386. They assault the Castle of Mosambique, 387  
Flesh not eaten by the Arabs, 419  
Flores and Corues, 78  
Floris his Voyage to the East Indies, 319.320. & seq.  
Flowers or grass seen in the Sea, a sign of Land, 188  
Flux the cause thereof, 151. It reigns much in Iau●n, 168. The Flux succeeding the Scorbute, 179  
Flying fishes, 36.48.132  
Fly Island, 95  
Fogo, or Fire, an Island on the South of the Straitss of Magellane, 80  
Formosa Bay or Gulf, 337.652  
Fort called the Nativity, 11  
Foteima a Prince in amity with the King of Melinde, 30  
Fowls with horns, 39 Fowls in abundance, 275.50.72.331.416 A strange Fowl● of the bigness of a Turkey, & great store of them, 331  
Franciscans sent to the East Indies for Conversion of the Infidels, 30  
Frankes; the Western Christians in the Eastern World are since that Expedition of Godfrey of Bullen, so called, because the principal of that Army were French in Nation or Original, 305. in mark 551  
Fraternity of the freed Lion, 79  
French Pocks common in the Island of java Maior, 57  
Fuccate a large and fair Town in japan as big as London, the description thereof, 370  
Fugitive Knaves, 398  
Funeral Rites, 166.225.226    


G  
GAin is God of the godless, 572  
Gallanza, the condition of the Inhabitants, they will trade with no stranger, 279  
Galleys of Achen, 122  
Gama his Expeditions, 26.27. His Acts at Calcutta, and his return, 28.29. Other Voyages of Vascus Gama and Stephen Gama, 31  
Gandavee a Town, the Inhabitants whereof observe the Law of Pythogoras, 231  
Ganges his beginning and greatness, 436  
Garments very rich bestowed by the Grand Mogor upon Master john Mildenhall Englishman, 115  
Garrisons in japan changed every three years, 371  
Geese and Ducks which lay Eggs twice a day, 713  
Geilolo a long Island, 348  
Gem●l-din-Vssin, Viceroy of Patan, and Lord of four Cities in Bengala, his courtesy to Sir Thomas Roe Ambassador from the King of England to the Great Mogoll, 548  
Gems of infinite worth, 559  
Gentiles, 38.44  
Gentle feasts, 327. The King of the Gentiles, & their Superstition, 44  
George Spilbergen his Voyage, General of a Dutch Fleet of six ships, which passed by the Magellane Straitss, & South Sea unto the East Indies, & thence home, 80.81. & seq.  
Giants met withal, & their fashion and stature, 34.58.79.91.118.182.73.35. Their Physic, and feeding, 35.79. Their language, 36. A Giant baptised, ibid. Their manner of burial, 58. Their weapons, 79  
Giava Lands, 45  
Gicaliam Iles, 196  
Gilbert his learned Work of the Magnete, 2  
Gilolo an Island inhabited of Mores and Gentiles, 44 105  
Gingathas certain Boats so called, 315  
Ginger where plenty, 42▪ 43.45  
Glittering of the sea very strange, 132  
Goa won and lost, and recovered again, 32. The situation thereof. 238  
God enemy to the Spaniards Avarice, which would entail the wide World in the East and West to Spain, 59  
Godana a place in Persia where is made great store of raw silk, 237  
Gola a fruit which grows enclosed in a shell, reddish, bitter, about the bigness of a Walnut, with diverse corners and angles; it hath great virtue for the teeth and gums, 415  
Gold plentiful, 38.39.42.532.121 84.74.75.68.67.43.44.45.54.56 60. A ship laden with Gold, 39  
Gold brought from Zofala, 30  
Gold in the Island Humunu, 37  
Gold of Baldivia, taken from the Spaniards by Sir F. Drake, 51. Very fine Gold in the Island of Panama, 68 Gold Mine at S. jago, 84. Gold Ours great store in Achen, 121. Store of Gold in dust at Manangcabo, 161. Gold in abundance at S●am, 195. The best Gold and most plenty is had at the great Hill of Pallaman, 532. Golden River why so called, 6. Gold and good constitution of body or mind not agreeing, 532  
Gonahpee one of the Banda Lands, very barren, with a burning top, yielding nothing but cinders▪ fire, and smoke, 697. It is very subject to Earthquakes, ibid.  
Good signs an Island that hath gold and white Corals, 37  
Goose Bay, 73  
Gora a fair Town in Persia, where is store of raw silks, Quilts, silk-carpets, and Turkeshes, 237  
Goto Island, 369. The King of Goto desirous that the English should come into his Kingdom, 369  
Grapes very ripe and sweet in Winter, 47  
Grass great store met withal in the Sea, 10  
Grasshopper met in the Sea, 10  
Green Bay, 79  
Greese, the first town of Persia, 237  
Grochye a great Island, near it lie 4. or five small Lands, which cover the main of the great Island, 348  
Guammequo●e a great Island, 86  
Guana an I'll of the Ladrones, the commodities, colour, and stature of the people there, 66.67.75  
Guard●fui Cape, 293.305  
Guatulco Haven, 52  
Gumney Pepper, 416  
Gulf called Pacificum, 36  
Gums brought to cell instead of Amber, wherewith diverse have been deceived, 152. Several sorts of sweet Gums, 340  
Gum Arabic sold at a reasonable rate, 305  
Gunts a race of Horse to climb Hills, 438  
Gurnet's Head, a Rock or Point so called, 648  
Guzerat a goodly Kingdom how situate, 579    


H  
Hair cutting, 167  
Haleboling an Island vid. Bacuian.  
Harbour excellent to trim ships in, 58  
H●spahan one of the greatest Cities in Persia, the people curious in all Sciences, especially in weaving Girdles and Sashes, in making Velvets, Satins, Damasks Carpets of wonderful fineness, there are all manner of Drugs, S●●ces, Turkesses, with store of Pearls, Diamonds, and Rubies, all sorts of silks, aswell wrought, as raw, 237  
Hatch his East Indian Voyage and Relations concerning the same, 618.619. & seq.  
Hawkins, his relations of the occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in India, in the country of the Great mogul, & of his departure from thence, 206.207 & seq. ●e taketh a Christian gentlewoman of the Country to wife, 211. his departure from the Mogul's Court, and his journey with Sir Henry Midleton to the Read Sea, thence to Bantam and after for England, 212.213. & seq. His troubles with the Mogoll, 214. He was two years together near about the Great Mogoll, 224  
Heirs in java are the youngest Sons, 181  
Henry, third Son to john the first King of Portugal● his greatness, valour and discoveries, 4.5.6. His death, 6  
Herb like Neeswort, profitable against the Scorbute, 73. Herb (like Semper viwm) whereof the Aloes, called Aloes Socatrina is made of all sorts, very plentiful, 277  
Hermano de Layo Island, 647  
Hermodactyles where plentiful, 429  
Hermodactylus described, 429  
Hills very high covered all over with Ice, 91. A Hill that burneth continually, 186  
Hippon his Voyage to the East Indies, 314.315. & seq. His death, 321  
Hollanders calumniation of our English nation, 136. Their drunken disorders, 169. They called themselves English in the Indieses, which the Indians supposed had been true, 171.368. Some kindness showed by them to the English, 174. They and the English are enemies in trade, otherwise friends, 177. They are much hated in the Indieses 178.183. Quarrels betwixt the English and them, 183 Hollanders turned Moors, 193 A supposed King of Holland, 195 Wrong done to the English by the Hollanders, 199.119.183.240.243.409.533.612.614.616. Ungrateful obtrusions of Hollanders, 201.609. Three ships of the Hollanders taken and one burnt at Man●lia, 246. Fight between the Hollanders & Portugals, 332. The Hollanders hinder English Trade at Bachian, 357. The small forces of the Hollanders in Bachian. ibid. They labour to hinder the English trade at Ama●ane and elsewhere, 359.360. Certain Hollanders put to death at Bemermassen, 386. A great Carrack taken by the Hollanders, 387. Forty Hollanders slain, ibid. Three Portugal ships bur●t by the Hollanders, 386. Hollanders acts in the East distasted▪ 408 Their Sea force, ibid. The fight of the Hollanders and Spaniards, 410. Hollanders wronging the English name, ibid. Their proclaiming war against the English, and doing them many unsufferable wrongs, 409. unchristian, inhuman, & Devilish impiety of the Hollanders to the English, 412.692.693.695. A fight between the Hollanders & Portugals, 421. Other passages between them, 422. A letter concerning wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders, 608. The Hollanders li●es saved by the English at Moccasor, 608 A Sea fight betwixt the Hollanders and English, 619.620.634.637. A peace concluded betwixt them, 621. Hollanders bravadoes to the English, 637. The happy uniting of the English and Dutch, 641. English kindnesses to the Hollanders, 664. Hollanders treachery, injury▪ and cruelty to the English, 668.669.670.671.672 673.682.684. Cunning tricks of the Hollanders in Banda, 681 The Hollanders declaration of the affairs of the East Indies, faithfully translated according to the D●tch Copy, written in answer to the former reports, touching wrongs done to the English. And an answer written by certain Mariners lately published: with depositions, further opening the iniquity and cruelty of the Dutch, 687.688. & seq. 693.694.695  
Honey of certain Flies less than Aunts, 44  
Hope Island, 98. Horn Island, 101  
Horses in great request, 544.555 565  
Horse prized at above ten thousand pounds, 555  
Houses made of Ca●es, 489.310  
Hugh Gallant a Bark of forty tuns sunk, 63  
Humility of the Great Mogoll, 562  
Hummocks of Tecu, with the high land over them, how they bear, 194. A shoal four mile from the shore how that beareth, ibid.  
Humunu an Island which hath Gold, white Coral, many Fruit trees, and store of clear Springs, 37  
Hungry Bay, 118    


I  
IAcatra, 656.642. Aide sent to the King of jacatra against the Dutch, 656  
jago the Mother City of Chili, where is a Gold Mine, 84  
jambe a place which yields store of great grained Pepper, 532  
james of Maiorca, a man skilful in Navigation, 5. japara the Town, & English house there, maliciously burned down by the Dutch, 695  
japan the situation, length, & breadth thereof, the disposition of the people, their merchandise, etc. 129. It is a Country rich in Silver and Gold Mynes, 66.129. The men make themselves bald, except under the hinder part of the head▪ 76 Their ships the strange form thereof, 67. The people are very superstitious, and have amongst them many jesuits & Franciscan Friars, 129. The king & his Court, 131. The japons are not suffered to land in any Port in India with weapons, being accounted a people so desperate that they are feared in all places where they come, 137. The Habit, Rites & customs of the japonians, 366.367. The king of japons kindness to the English, 367.396.400. English broad clotheses sold by the Dutch in japan, 369. The manner of excuting offenders in japan, ibid. Feasting and drinking of healths in japan, 368. English presents given to the Emperor of japan, 370. An intention of the Spaniards to discover the Northward of japan, 370. The Son of Tiquasama, the true heir of japan, how defeated of his right, 371. Weapons, Soldiers, Diet, Temples, Highways, of the japonians, 372 The English entertained by the Emperor of japan, the Castle & Court of the Emperor, 373. Privileges granted to the English at japan, 375.376. The japonian Charter, 375. English Factory settled in japan, 379. A note of requestable commodities vendible in japan, together with their prices, 394. A memorial of such Merchandise as are to be bought in japan, & the prices as they are there worth, 395 The relation of captain Cox concerning japonian Affairs 395.396. & seq. The Emperor of japans letter to the king of Holland, 406  
jasques an English Voyage thither, 607. java Maior, an Island, governed by 5. Kings, they are much delighted in coloured clotheses, as red and green; the manners of the people, 57 There is java Ma●or & Minor; the Morisco, or Arabian tongue is common amongst them, 68 Their commodities, their king, ibid. Their weapons, 136. The description of java Maior, with the manners & fashions of the people, both javans & Chynesses, which do there inhabit, 164.165. & seq. Their religion, weapons, apparel, bribing, thee●●shnesse, etc. 166. Their treachery against the English at Bantam, 167  
javan uproars, 388  
Ice near the Phillipinas in September, 75. Ice a finger thick in one night in Zenan, 255  
Idalcan Prince of Goa his valour, 32  
Ider Aga his letter, & entertainment of the English at Moha, 342  
Idolatry & Idolaters, 7.28.84.166 367.373.377.599 423.437 438  
Idols destroyed, 40▪ Virgins dedicated to an Idol, 374. Indian Idol, 423  
Idolatrous worship of an Image at Calcutta, 28. A face worshipped by the Indians, 437. A strange Idol, & the fables thereof, 438  
Iguanos' a kin● of serpents with four feet and a long sharp tail, are very good meat, 64  
jest of a Chyneis' Wife stolen from her Husband, 176  
jera pote an Indian drink, very pleasant and sweet in taste, 227  
jesuits have the managing of Portugal traffic in japon, & are in reputation as Demigods; neither admit other order of Religion, 76. Their entertainment in the East India, 486. jesuites called Teatines, of which name a merry jest passed in an Emblem or Picture, 83. Their calumniation of our English Nation, 115.127.131.502.503. Sundry practices of theirs, ibid. & 209.210.211.215 502. jesuits bloody plots, 209.208 A College of jesuites in Miaco the chief City of japan▪ 377. jesuitical humanity, divinity and preaching, 421. An Englishman poisoned by the jesuites in India, 483  
jewels of the great Mogoll, 217.222.223  
Island of Saint Helena, the situation thereof, the great store of diverse excellent fruits in it, abundance of Partridges, Pheasants, Turkeys, Goats, Swine, 69.70.124.205.319.445.465. Island of S. Andreu hath great store of fowl & wood, 64. Island of S. jago, large, fair, rich, & fruitful, inhabited partly by Portugals, & part by Moors, 48.64.  
Lands great store discovered, 6.37 38. 39.42.43.45.48.54.68.94·103.136.193.646  
Lands of Banda, Amboyna, and Moluccas discovered, 33  
Lands discovered where are precious stones, 34. Lands replenished with Pengwins and Seals, 34  
Lands called unfortunate, 36  
Lands of exceeding height, 36  
Lands called Insulae latronum, or Lands of Thiefs, 37. Four Lands named C●ualo, Huinangan, Hibussan, & Abarien discovered, 38. Lands of Zeilon, Zubut, Me●sana, & Calaghan, discovered five Lands more, Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, & Catighan, 39 Eight Lands more discovered, Ceana, Canida, Caba●o, Camuca, Cabalu, Chian, Lipan, Nuzza, 43. Twenty other Lands discovered, 45  
Lands like four sharp Mountains, 45  
Lands 8. degrees to the Northward of the Line, 54  
Island without ground, 95. A long woody Island, 317. A big Island in one degree, forty minutes, 329  
Lands of fishers, 380. Sea full of Lands an betwixt Banco & Burneo, 646  
Isle of Fogo, or the burning Island, in the North side whereof is a consuming fire, 48  
Isles Does R●ys Magos, 365  
Illha da Nobon, 130  
Illha de Trist●za, 194  
Illhas Primei●as, 335  
Images very strange, 66  
India rich in Coin, the reason, 223. The chief Commodities for India, 290  
Indian Merchandise, 347  
Indian Voyages by the Portugals, 26.28.30.32. By Englishmen, 109.110. & seq. 147.185.206. & seq. 314.328.334. By the Dutch, 706.707. & seq.  
Indian Lands first discovered, 11  
Indian jogue, a begging Friar of the Bramene Religion, 31  
Indians converted to Christianity, 60  
Indians of strange form, their manners, and attire, 26.96.118. Their rude custom in buying, 270. The base dealing of certain Indians with our English, 290. The Indian Coast discerned by swimming of Snakes, 310. The principal places of Trade in the Indieses, 322. The manner and means by which Indian wares have been and now are brought into Europe, 734  
Indigo where plentiful, 121.236 259. What Indigo is, & the making thereof, 236.430. The growth and variety of the herb, 429. The Country and City of Biana hath the finest Indigo, 520  
Indus, 530.573. The famous River Indus in ordinary Maps falsely placed, 582  
Inhumanity most barbarous, 290  
Instruments often deceive the skilfullest Navigators, 189  
Inundations 326  
joanna Island, 630  
john Mildenhall Englishman his Travels into the Indieses, and in the Countries of Persia, and of the Great Mogor or Mogul, 114  
john Davies Englishman Captain, his Voyage to the Eastern India, Pilot in a Du●ch ship▪ 116. His second Voyage with Sir Edward Michelborne into the East Indies, in the Tiger a ship of two hundred and forty tuns, 132  
john de Austria or Fimula, bow King of Candie, 71●  
john the first King of Portugal, married an English woman, daughter of john of Gaunt, 4  
johns Island, 401  
jor the description thereof, 430. The Hollanders Factory destroyed in jor. 464. Ratispont King of jor described, 716  
jortan an Island which yields store of Mace, the King thereof 77. The chief Priest thereof, a man of 120. years, he hath many Wives to keep him warm, 78  
Ireland challenged for the Pope's gift▪ 21  
Iron strange lovers thereof, 94  
Isinglass how made▪ 731  
〈◊〉 hath best deserved in Discoveries, 3  
juan de Nova Island, 335. Land unexpected near juan de Nova, 336  
juanny one of the four Isles of Comorie, 536  
Iub●ll, two Lands so called; viz. jubal Succour, and jubal A●ree, 292. They are environed with diverse other smaller Lands, to the Southwards, ibid.  
junkes or Boats of forty tuns made of Cocos sowed, ●nstead of Pins caucked, lackled and wholly fi●ted, victualled, and fraughted with that universal Tree, 537  
juson Island, 104    


K  
Calendar, an Order of Moorish Votaries, 428  
Kataries their Kingdom, 578  
Keeling his Voyage to the East Indies, 188. His disasters and putting back for Sierra Leona, and what happened till his departure from Saldania, 189.190. His departure from Saldania, and what happened after till the ships parted company, 191.192. His Observations at D●lisa, 193. His coming to Priaman and Bamtam, 194.195  
Keeling Bay, 245  
Kewee a chief China Merchant's courtesy to the English. 354  
King's Island almost covered all over with Eggs, 91  
Kings pushed at by the Pope's Horns, 24.25  
King john the Second his Discoveries and advancement of the Art of Navigation, 7  
King of Calcutta his entertainment of Gama, his personage, splendour, ornament and gesture, 28  
King Philip's City built by the Spaniards in the Straitss of Magellan, left desolate which Candish, therefore called Port Famine, 59  
King of Iaca●ra his Army, 177. His pomp and homage to the King of Bantam, 182  
King of Bantam his cirumcision, 180 His pomp and presents, 181. Many petty Kings under him, 182  
King of Cobina desirous to see an Englishman, having never seen any before, 226  
King of Rehita riding upon a Cow cometh to visit the English, 349  
King drunken drowned, 563    


L  
LAckee Island, how it lieth, 196  
Ladrones certain rich Isles, the Commodities thereof, 66. The colour & stature of the people, their images, ibid. & 84.  
Laghan, a kind of Water-foule as big as Crows, which Whales swallowing down are themselves devoured, 40  
Lahor one of the greatest cities of the East, a description thereof, & of the King's House there, 432.578 divers ways and passages, from Lahor to Agra, 434. The Country between Agra and Lahor, described, 520  
Lampan an Island in the Straitss of Sunda, the inhabitants great enemies to the javans, 170  
Lanagapatan, 320. The Hollanders have a Factory there, ibid.  
Lancaster his Voyage to East India, for the Merchants of London, 147.148. & seq. What befell him in the way till he departed from Saldania, 149. Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their Voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at S. Mary's, Antongill, Nicubar, and other Occurrents, 150. Their entertainment and trade at Achen, 152.153. Their entertainment & Trade at Bantam, 160.161. Their Sea perils, 163  
Language the most universal, and not changed at the confusion of B●bell, 149  
Lantchidol a great Sea so called, 45  
Lantore the greatest and richest Island of all the Isles of Banda, strong & almost inaccessible; as it were a Castle, scarce a tree in the Island but beareth fruit etc. 698  
Lantor the town in Banda, the King of England his Letters & present sent thither, 198. They of Lantore surrender the land to the King of England, 680.703. The Hollanders invade Lantore & burn the Town, 682. The people pled subjection to our King, 682. Lantore subdued by the Hollanders with much bloodshed, 685  
Laws for Debt, 166  
Laurence Ile, 150. Observations concerning the Inhabitants, their Weapons, Rivers, Fishes, Beasts, Trees, Worms, etc. 417  
Lent called by the Mahometans Rammadam, their manner of fasting in that season, 336  
Lescar, very admirable, & one of the Mogul's Wonders, 562  
Letters concerning the disaster of a London ship called the Union, 234.235. A letter laid in a Basin of Gold, and carried upon an Elephant with Minstrels, Lances, and Flags, and so presented to the Queen of Pa●ane, 321. Sundry letters of Sir T. Roes concerning Indian, Persian, Portugal, and Turkish affairs, 581.582. & seq.  
Lies of or on the Devil, 399  
Light made with the Gum of a tree, 38  
Lignum Aloes, the best cometh from Mallacka, Syam, and Cambaya; how to know the best, 389. There is Lignum Aloes to be bought at Bantam, 391  
Lima a City in Peru, the excellent situation thereof, the buildings, number of Inhabitants, Temples, Monasteries, Archbishops, Pastors, Colleges of jesuits, etc. 83  
Lemons, whole Woods full, 89.415 a description of the Limon tree, 416  
Linga an Island lying under the Equinoctial Line, 453.647  
Linen Cloth good Merchandise in the Island of Barateve, 56  
Lion of the Sea, 131  
Lizard, great store, 417  
Loadstone of all stones the most precious, 2. The natures and virtues thereof, ibid. Rich mines discovered by it, 2. It moveth not in all places alike, 36. L●gosse Island, 652  
Loron a Island, very fruitful, abounding with Goats, Beefs, Hogs, Hens, Melons, & Ginny Corn, with plenty of fish & Seabirds, 117  
Loubes an I'll so called of certain fishes, 82. Two fowls taken in it of admirable greatness, two else in height, and three in breadth, the black wings, and talons like an Eagle, necked like a sheep, etc. 83  
Lou●e I'll, 76  
Lucapara Island, 317.443.646  
Lusapara falsa an Island discovered 452  
Lusson an Island bigger than England & Scotland, to which many Lands adjoin: the riches thereof arise more out of traffic then fertility, 76  
Lying a great stratagem, 211  
Lyma an Island where situate 75    


M  
MAbrabomba Lands, which are very high▪ and lie on a row, South-west and North-east, half a league from Sierra Liona to Seaward, 89  
Macchian an Island fifteen minutes toward the Pole Antarctic, 45.357. A description thereof, 699. The Factories there, 699  
Mace plentiful in the Lands of Banda, 33  
Macham an Englishman first discoverer of Madera & the Canaries,  
Machian a Isle with three Forts, 86  
Machico part of a Island so called from an Englishman called Macham, who arrived there, and buried therein a woman, etc. 5  
Mackassar an Island not fare from the Celebes, it affordeth great store of Bezar-stones, Rice, and other victuals great plenty, 392  
Macrib C●an the Governor of Cambaya his base vanity, 299  
Madagascar Ile, 118.277  
Madera Island, or the Island of wood, why so called, and where situate, 5 Great store of Sugar there, ibid.  
Madradrumba Isles inhabited by Negroes, 58  
Maga●oxa Island, 338.537.538  
Mag●lianes his compass of the World by the Ship called San Victoria, the occasion of his Voyage and the particulars of the same, 33.34.35. & seq.  
Magelane Strait, 35.49. It is full of safe havens, and the fairest Straight in the world, 36. The breadth and length thereof, 50.60. Possession thereof taken by Sir Fran. Drake for the Queen of England. 50  
Magnete vid. Loadstone.  
Mahumets body hanging in the roof of a Temple by the attractive power of Lodestones, 3. divers ceremonies used in Expectation of Mahomet, whom the jews call the Messiah, 123. The Mahumetane manner of fasting till Sunset, 336  
Mahometans weak spirited men, void of resolution, 219. A Mahometan King entertained by the English, 336. The esteem of a Mahometans Saint Hoghee Munde, 435. Certain Mahumetans surprise the English, 495  
Maio Island discovered. 6  
More and Schouten their Circumnavigation, 88.89. & seq.  
Malacca a Kingdom rich in Gold; the Portugals sand to entertain amity there, 32. The Kingdom won, 33  
Malacca Bay a very good place to ride in, 64  
M●laian Language, 105  
Maldiva the King thereof becomes vassal to the K. of Portugal, 33  
Maldivia Lands, they are reported to be eleven thousand in number, are wholly covered with Cocostrees, by reason of which there is great Trade, for they make Ropes, Cables, Sails, Wine, Oil, and a kind of Bread of that Tree and his Fruit, 119  
Mallua an Island full of long and round Pepper, the men Cannibals, etc. 45  
Mal●apor a Town, how situate, 314  
Man a visible God of this visible World, 1. His voluntary rebellion, ibid.  
Manangcabo, a place where is store of Pepper, and store of Gold in dust, 161  
Mandevile his Travels. 110  
Mangdando a great City, & where situate, 43  
Maniles, 84  
Manilla an Indian Island inhabited by Spaniards, rich of Gold and many other Commodities, 67.75  
Maps sometimes false and wherein, 320.528.582  
Map of japan, 413  
Map of East India, containing the Empire of the Great Mogoll, 578 Another Map of the East Indies 700. Hondius his Map of the East Indies, 732  
Map of Zealan, 712  
Map of Persia, 724  
Map of Africa, 748  
Maraceo a new Fort of the Hollanders in the Moluccas, 361  
Mare pacificum, 35. Portugal's s●iled there three months & twenty days before they saw any land, their extreme famine there, 36  
Marriages at the age of three years, 485  
Maries Island, 12.150. How situate, 60. It yields diverse sorts of Fruits, Hogs, and Hens, 60. The inhabitants thereof made all Christians, 60. It is rich in Gold, 74.75. The people, 150  
Mar●ow his Voyage to the East Indies, 440.441. & seq. His death, 444  
Marrah, a Road in the Strait of Sunda, abounding with Buffles, Goats, Hens, Ducks, and store of victuals, 135.136  
Marro Island, 360.361.451. near is a dangerous should, 361  
Mashma a place of good vent for our English Commodities, 368  
Massatlan road, a very great River, but barred at the mouth it standeth in 23. degrees and a half under the Tropic of Cancer, 64  
Mastiff Dog in great request 517  
Masulipatan Road, 316.320.325.638.639  
Matchan, a very furious Beast, bigger than a Lion, princely to behold, spotted white and read, with many black streaks, they kill many people, 183  
Ma●chma the principal Mart town of Yedzo, 384  
Mathan an Island the Inhabitants sacrifice to the Sun, and use strange Ceremonies, 41  
Maurice Bay, 73 92  
Mauritius an Isle, the Latitude and description thereof, 204.709  
Mayo certain Lands so called, 47  
Mayotta one of the Lands of Comoro; the King's kindness to certain Englishmen that landed there, 118.536  
Mayz a kind of Wheat, 132  
Melinde the nature of the Country and people, 27. Gama his welcome there, 29. The main Land of Melinde, 337  
Mercators last Edition of the Maps of the World presented to the Mogoll, 569. The Book by the Mogoll, 570  
Merchants of Sanguelos carrying the richest Commodities and men of marvelous capacity, 67  
Merchandise of diverse sorts, 38.67  
Merchandise the Commendation and Excellency hereof, 732  
Merchant● by Education are only fit to trade in foreign parts, 746. Unskilful Merchants overthrew our Trades, ibid.  
Mermaids seen, leaping a good height out of the Sea, 11  
Mert● or M●nta, a Town which hath three Markets every week, where is sold great store of Indigo, Cotton-wool●, Yarn, and Cotton-clothes, 236  
Meskite the fairest and highest in the whole world, 428  
Mes●●na an Island abounding with Dogs, Cats, Hogs, Hen●es, Goats, Rice, Ginger, Cocus, Mill, Panic, Barley, Figs, Oranges, Wax, and Gold in great quantity, 39 The situation of this Island, ibid.  
Messulapatan, vid. Masulipatan.  
Mestizo as one which hath a Spaniard to his father, and an Indian to his mother, 64  
Metecalou a City in Zeilan of great trade having great store of Cinnamon, Pepper, & Cloves, 124  
Mexican Ships trade yearly at Manilla, 76. They likewise trade in the Philippina's for Silk, Gold, and Mu●ke, with other commodities of China, 77  
Mexuma Isles how situate, 653  
Miaco the greatest City of japan, consisting most upon Merchandizing; a fair Temple there, and an Altar whereon they offer Rice and small money; near the Altar an Idol made of Brass, etc. 377. The Merchants of Miaco deal badly with the English, 405  
Michelborne his Voyage to the East Indies, 132.133. & seq.  
Midletons' Voyage to the Molucca's, viz. Master David Midleton, 226.227. & seq. His Voyage to java and Banda, extracted out of a Letter written by himself 238. His trade in Banda, 243. His Sea and Land perils, 244. His arrival at Bantam, 245  
Sir Henry Middleton's Voyage to the East Indies, 247.248. & seq. The proceeding of his Voyage till he came to Moha in the Read Sea 247. His dangers at Moha and Aden, and the Chaining of himself and seven more by the necks, 251. Eight of his men slain, 252. Himself and four and thirty others of his Company are sent to the Bassa at Zenan, 254. His escapes from the Turks, 262.291. Passages between him and the Portugals, 267.268. His entertainment at Cambaya, 269. His going to Dabul, and thence to the Read Sea, 271. His Letter to Captain Dounton, 290. His Composition with the Indians for former losses by the Turks, 308.309. His death, 324  
Middleton Bay, 525  
Military Order of jesus Christ, 5  
Milk not eaten by the japonians, because they hold it to be as blood, 372  
Mina discovered, 6  
Mindore Island, 76  
Mint work in our Kingdom, 744  
Mirabel in Turkey signifieth, Lord, 281  
Mirabelles an Isle, whose two Rocks seem to threaten the sky, 85  
Miracle whereby diverse Infidels were converted to the Faith, 41. A pretended Miracle of a Crucifix, 587. Miracles disclaimed by jesuites, ibid.  
Moa Island, 104. Vid. Moka and Moha.  
Moccasor Road, 608  
Mocha Island how situate, 60.130  
Mocreb●han his barbarous usage of Captain Hawkins, 206.207.208.211.212. He is a backe-friend to the English at the Great Mogul's Court, 544  
Mogador an I'll on the Coast of Barbary, 47  
Mogoll his Person and Country, 209.216. & seq. 425.426. Mogul's, why so called, 585. A description of diverse Cities and Towns of the Great Mogul's Country, 426.438.439.427.581 & seq. Christianity seemed to be affected by the Mogoll, 427.586. The Great Mogoll in danger of a Lion, his manner of Hunting, 430. The Mogoll and his eldest Son at variance, 431. The Mogul's Mohols, 429.433. Articles between the English and the Mogul's Subjects, 458. Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from the King of England his arrival at the Mogul's Court, and his entertainment there, 540.541 & seq. 547. The Great Mogul's Court described, 542. An English Horse much desired by the mogul, 544. His state, and entertainment of Captain Hawkins, 209.210. His fair promises, 210.211. His inconstancy, 212.213. The Offices, Customs, and Revenues of the Mogoll, 216 His Treasure and jewels, 217.550. His Empire divided into five great Kingdoms, 216. His Beasts of all sorts, as Elephants, Camels, Oxen, Mules, Deeres, Dogs, Lions, Baffalaes, etc. 2.8.558. He is heir to every man, his Tents as large in compass as London, 218. His magnificence, 559. His wealth and means thereof, 223.583. His devotions and spending his time, 224. Eunuch's only and Women his household Courtiers, 541. Great solemnities on the Mogul's Birthday, 550. His curiosity and bounty, 551. His entertainment of a Persian Ambassador, 555. His assistance of the Persian against the Turk, 556. His Cities very ruinous, 562. He is in drink, 564 He is gracious to the English, 566.581. The English suspected by the Mogoll, 567.575. divers passages between the mogul and Sir Thomas Roe, 576. A description of the Kingdoms and Provinces subject to the Great Mogoll, with the principal Cities and Rivers, the situation and borders, and extent in length and breadth, 578.579. & seq. The King of England's Letter to the Mogoll, 580. A Copi● of the Grand Mogoll his Letter to the King, ibid. Letters of Sir Thomas Roes concerning the state of the Great mogul, 582.583.584.585. The description of the Great Mogul's Seal, 591. Thomas Coryat his Letters and News from the Great Mogul's Court, 592.593. & seq.  
Moha. vid. Moka.  
Mohelia Island near unto Comora, it yields very good refreshing 489.529.618,  
Moka or Moha, City which is the chief Staple for all Indian trade, 230.250.623. The description of Moha, 260.284. A principal note concerning the Road, 346. The weights of Moha, 347. The entertainment of the English at Moha by Ider Aga, 342.623.346. Their manner of Sealing at Moha, and the form of Indian writing, 343.351. Extremity of heat there when it gins, 346. The great and rich Customs in the Port of Moha, 348. English Commodities not vendible in any quantity at Moha, 352. English Trade begun to be settled at Moha, 622.624  
Mokalia one of the four Isles of Comorie, 536 538. The government, manners, and commodities thereof, 537  
Moluccas the first knowledge thereof, to whom they appertained, 32. They are five Lands in number, named Tarenate, Tidore, Mutir, Macchian, and Bacchian, 44.392. In all the Lands are found Cloves, Ginger, Bread of the branches of Sagu, Rice, Goats, Seeepe, Hens, Figs, Almonds Pomegranates, Oranges, Lemons, Honey, Sugar, Oil of Cocus, Melons, Gourds, Camulichai, and other Fruits▪ popinjays, etc. 44.86.359.360.392. A discourse of the present state of the Moluccos, 86.227.360.361. The Voyage of Master David Middleton to the Moluccas, 226.227. & seq. Misery of wars in the Moluccas, 357. divers instructions concerning the Molucca Lands, 362 The Flemings several Forts in the Moluccas, and when they first planted themselves there, 363. The manner of Trading with the Moluccas for Cloves, 363.392. The commodities requested there, 392. Sailor's course from Bantam to the Moluccas, 454. A pithy description of the Molucca Lands by Captain Humphrey Fitz-herbert, 697  
Mompyne, 317  
Monasteries in Lima a City of Peru, 83  
Monuments very ancient, 518  
Monoboca, English Captives there, 696. A copy of their Letter sent unto the Dutch in the East Indies, 696.697  
Monsons' special notes concerning them, 137.193.198.230.338.423  
Moores their treacherous plotting against the Portugals, 27.29.30. War beg●n betwixt Moors and Portugals, 31. The Moors treachery at Malacca, 32. Th●●r superstition, 44. Their treachery against certain English, 229. The English befriended by a Moor, 256. Strange and valorous attempts of English among the Moors, 327. The Moors inconstancy justly punished, 602  
Morocco Saddle, an Island so termed, 651  
Morro Moreno how situate, 61  
Motere, certain Lands so called, 348  
Motir Island, a Fort erected in the North part thereof by Admiral Wittert, 86  
Moyella, one of the Lands of Comora, a place of good refreshing, the King being a Mahometan, was entertained by the English, 336. What barterings there, 337 The King's usage of the English, and his giving them a Note under his hand for further friendship, 337  
Mozambique Island discovered, 27.278  
Mozombique a Port of the Portugals, 45  
Mullet Sound, 638  
Munkeiss an infinite number of them, 436  
Murder punished by Fine, 165.169 A strange trial to find out a Murderer, by taking a small ball of Brass out of a great Kettle of boiling Oil, 661  
Music instrumental and Vocal used by the japons, 367  
Musk three sorts thereof, how to know that which is best, 389  
Muskle-cove a Bay so called, where were great store of Muskles, 59  
Mutiny the forerunner of greatest exploits, 26  
Mutir an Island directly under the Equinoctial line, 45    


N  
NAbon a place where Sugar groweth in great abundance, and cotton-wool, and all manner of Grain, and where all kind of Victuals are very cheap, 236  
Nairos, the K. of Calcecuts Guard and Soldiers so called, 28  
Narsinga an Indian Island, the Kings offer to the English for Trade, 326. The King's death, and his Wives burning themselves quick with his Corpses, ibid.  
Nassau Lands, a pitiful fight between the Inhabitants and Hollanders, 72.73  
Natividad Port, 84  
Navigation hath two later helps unknown to antiquity, 2. The poor prenticeship which it served in former ages, 6. The advancement thereof by King john the second▪ 7. Spaniard's taught to observe the Sun and Pole in their Navigations, 12  
Neccius his Voyage to China, 712  
Needle the use thereof, 2. The first finders out of the Variation thereof 3. It is the soul of the Compass▪ 4. Variation thereof in the Magalian Voyage, 36  
Negapatan, 314.320  
Negroes of curled hair, 26, 96, 336 Their weapons, ibid. Certain Lands and Towns inhabited by them, 58.96. An Island called the Island of Negroes almost as big as England, 68 The Negro King his Throne, Garments, Palace, Provision, etc. 79  
Nera the chief place in the Lands of Banda, 186.198. The King of England's Letters and presents to Nera, 198. The Castle of Nera, and the state thereof, 698  
Netherberi a Town where is a Market of all brazen wares, shirts of Mail, Swords, and Bucklers, Lances, Armours for Horses: Cotton-woolls, Cotton-yarne, Pintadoes, Sashes, and all manner of Drugs, 236. It is a place where Cloth would be very vendible, ibid.  
Newberie his Travels, 110  
New Holland an Island which hath great store of Cinnamon and Precious stones, Ours, Elephants, fertile fruits and odoriferous plants, 711  
Newyears festival solemnity, 543.566  
Neylackey a little Island near Polaroone, 665  
Nicobar Lands how situate, 123.152. They are pleasant and fruitful, have good road for Ships, the people most base, 124  
Nights in the Sraight of Magelane very short in the month of October, 35  
Nill. vid. Indigo.  
Nine a remarkable number, 557  
Ningim Root, where found, the right and ripe time to gather it, 319. It is a medicinable root much prized in japan, somewhat like a Skirret; how sold, 528  
Nintam Isles, 449  
Norose a solemn Feast, and the rites thereof, 543  
North Star the sight thereof lost, by those that sailed past the Equinoctial line, 34  
Nos●aseres or Nuiasira Isles, 196  
Nova Albion a description of the people and Country, 52. Their King, his Crowns, and Guard, 53. The causes why the Country was called Nova Albion, 54. Gold and Silver there, ibid.  
Novelties the effect thereof, 573  
Nutmeg Trees, 44  
Nutmegs plentiful in the Lands of Banda, 33. In the Island of Baratene, 56. In Coteway, 85    


O  
Oars of an excellent kind, 366  
Oaths very strange, 623  
Oblations of Rice and small money in the Temple of Miaco, 377  
Ogon a fruit wherewith the Negroes poison their Arrows, 415  
Oyster-trees; or Oysters upon Trees spawning and increasing infinitely, the Oyster suffering no bud to grow, 57  
Olibanum sold at a reasonable rate, 305  
Oliver Noor● his Voyage round about the Globe, 71.72. & seq.  
Opium very plentiful, 238. How it is made, 159  
Orange Fort erected in Ternate, 86  
Ormuz the King Tributary to Portugal, 52. Tributary likewise to Ishmael the Persian Xa or Sophi, ibid. It is an Island in circuit about thirty miles, and is the driest Island in the world: here is great trade of all sorts of Spices, Drugs, Silks, Cloth of Silk, fine Tapestries of Persia, great store of Pearls, Persian Horses, etc. 238  
Osaca a Town in japan as big as London, a description thereof, 371  
Osackay the first Port of note upon the chief Island of japan, 367  
Ostriches plentiful, 43.72.73  
Our Lady of the rosary, the chief City in Ternate, so called, 86  
Oil of Cocus, 37.44. Of Storax and Benjamin, 38  
Oysters growing on Rocks and trees, 415  
Oyster trees, 416    


P  
PAgan Princes Christened, 428  
Pageants and shows very artificial and pretty, 181.182.183  
Pagod an Idol or Idol Temple of the Pagans', 404. Three fair Pagods richly wrought with inlaid works, adorned richly with jewels, and maintained with rich offerings, 435  
Pahan or Pan a City burnt by the King of jor, 321. A Feast made in honour of the King of Pahan, 324  
Pahanaunis a Town in Persia where is made great store of raw Silk, 237  
Painting much delighted by the Great Mogoll, 546.547  
Paleacate, how situate, 315.320. A dangerous shoal near it, 314  
Palimbam Point, 443  
Palimbon Strait, and the way to it, 452  
Palmito wine, otherwise called Moy 414.415  
Palmito tree, 416  
Panama an Island that hath mines of very fine Gold, 68  
Panders in japan, their abominable esteem after death, they are bridled with a bridle of Straw, and dragged through the streets into the fields, and there cast upon a Dunghill, for Dogs and Fowls to devour, 368  
Pan-Hange a very plentiful Country, full of Gentry, Shipping, and victuals very cheap, where situate, 137  
Pantagoms an Island, 73  
Parra a City of great traffic in Persia, but especially for raw Silk, 237  
Parrots plentiful, 80.331.416. Grey Parrots, ibid.  
Pasharaboves, a Fowl that delighteth to come to a Ship in the night and holding out a hand will light upon it, 132  
Passaman the trading there, 465. It is a very contagious place, 465.468.532. The best Gold and most plenty is had there, as also the greatest quantity of Pepper, the fairest and best cheap, 532  
Patagoni, certain Giants so called, 35  
Patahan Island, 329  
Patana or Patania a Region, where situate, 77.320.648. The Queen thereof her State; a Letter presented to her with great pomp, 321. The japanites great enemies to the Patanes, 321. The personage of the Queen of Patana, and her going a Hunting, 323 A factory for the English at Patania, 324. Vproare by japan Slaves in Patania, ibid. The Dutch trade at Patania, 713  
Paviloghon an Island discovered where were found black men. 42  
Paula Commendators wife of Peyta, a woman for Beauty, Wisdom and Virtue, of singular reputation in India, 82  
Payton his first Voyage to the East-indieses, and what happened therein, 488.489. & seq. The second Voyage of Captain Walter Payton into the East Indies, set forth by the East Indian Company, and what happened therein, 528.529. & seq.  
Pearls as big and round as Hen-eggs, 43. Other Pearls of great bigness found in the Lands of Zolo, and Taghima, ibid. Pearls taken in the River of Saint jago, 64. Great store of Pearls in Zeilan, 124. The best Pearls are in the Island of Baharem, which are round and Orient, they fish for them four Months in the year, 237  
Pearl Island the situation thereof, 331. A place as good as the world can afford for refreshing, hath store of Fowl and Fish, 331.  
Pedra Branca, a Rock full of Fowl, and be-dunged, which causeth the top thereof to be white, and gives it the name, 325  
Pegu, a place where are store of Rubies, Saphires, and Spi●els, 236. The Kings of Tangu and Arracan, become sharers of the Kingdom of Pegu, 322. The King of Pegu is slain with a Pilon, wherewith they stamp Rice, ibid.  
Pelabry Roade, 360  
Pelagius his making head against the Saracens, 4  
Pemba Island, 228. The condition of the people, 229  
Penance of a Woman taken in action with an Eunuch, at the Great Mogul's Court, 547  
Pene an Herb not much unlike our winter Savoury, of the seed whereof they make Bread at Sierra Leona, 415.416  
Pengwins Fowls that live of Fish, having bills like Ravens, no feathers, but a certain Down, of colour black, fat and cannot fly, Lands discovered wherein are infinite plenty of them, 34.50.58.59 61.72.73.90.150.136. The Pengwin Confutes that definition of a man, to be Animal bipes implume, 536  
Pengwin Island, 59.61.73.90.130 190.226.536  
Pengwin-eaters certain people so called, 73  
People with long hair, 37. With Ears down to their arms, 38. Others quite overgrown with hair, 43. Other strange people, 49.50.73  
People most filthy and loathsome, 275  
People most perfidious, 633  
Pepper plentiful, 45.56.77.119.121.161.172.194.532. The manner how it groweth, 121. Danger by heat thereof, 172. Good Counsel concerning the buying of Pepper at Priaman, 194. Great deceit in buying Pepper, 311  
Pepper-haven, 80  
Persian Travels, 236.237. & seq. The Persian Country described, 522.524. & seq. Commodities to be carried from England into Persia, 237. The Commodities of Persia their monies and measure, 523. The King of Persia his Firman for the English, 524▪ A Persian Ambassadors arrival at the Court of the great Mogoll, his presents, behaviour, entertainment, 555.556. He shown such Antic tricks, that he appeared rather a jester or juggler, than a person of any gravity, 557. He is distasted by the Mogoll, 568. Persian News, 58●. The Map of Persia▪ 724. divers ways from Russia by the Caspian Sea into Persia, 730. Persian trade, 731  
Peru relations of the Government thereof, 83  
Pesus or P●zo, a kind of Gold weight what it is, 40.65  
Petelopie Road how situate, a description thereof, 315.316.320.442  
Peter Aluarez Capralis sent Ambassador from the King of Portugal to the King of Calcutta, 30  
Peter Covilian first discoverer of Prester john, and of the Indieses and Sophala, 7  
Peter Patrimony, 23  
Peyta a Town in India strong and impregnabl●: it hath two Churches, a Monastery, many goodly Buildings, an excellent Haven, etc. 83  
Philippina Lands the description thereof, 66.67  
Pictures of diverse sorts, 432.433. Notable question about the Picture of Venus and a Satire, 564  
Piety of a great Prince to his Mother, 600  
Pike a sign of Authority, 372  
Pilgrimages to our Lady, 12  
Pilgrimages to Tencheday, 373  
Pilgrimages to Polle Medoway a Moor Devil or Saint, for Wealth, Children, or what else they desire, 437. Other Pilgrimages, 438.486.518  
Pinange, a Nu● in operation very hot, which the javans eat continually to warm them within, and prevent the Flux, 166  
Pinsons their maligning of Columbus, 12  
Plantan-trees where growing, their fruit, 58.416  
Plant very strange, a small twig whereof growing up to a young Tree, in offering to pluck up the same, it shrinks down into the ground, and sinketh, unless held very hard: plucked up, a great Worm is the root of it, and as the Tree groweth in greatness the Worm diminisheth. The leaves and pill stripped off, it turns into a hard Stone, like to white Coral, 152  
Plate the plenty thereof in our Kingdom, 744  
Plaits false, 320.529  
Plays, or Interludes, 167  
Plenty cause of Dearth, 353  
Plums of diverse sorts, 415  
Point Air, 633  
Pola Tellore an Island, how situate, 620  
Polaroone Road, 610.698. The English were the first Christians that ever came into the Road of Poolarone, 610. The King of England entitled King of Poolaroone, 701  
Polar ravishments, 2  
Pole Antarctic, 34  
Poldaviss worn by a King of japan, 369  
Pontana a great City in Purrop sacked, 427  
Pooloo Rowdon an Island, 648  
Pope challengeth Christ's right o●er the Christian world, 13. His presumptuous Edicts, 17. His Authority long since resisted by English Bishops, 18  
Pope Martin the fift his Indulgence and Donation to the Crown of Portugal, 6  
Pope's Bull made to Castille, touching the new World. 13. His Disposal thereby of Kingdoms and Countries, 17  
Popes of most wicked and lewd conversation, 18.19. Their usurpation, 21.22. Their temporal Power refuted, 23. The renouncing their Baptismal name, 25  
Popingay Land, 36  
popinjays, 44  
Porcellina a kind of fi●e earth whereof the Indians made stately dishes and other vessels, 40  
Porpoises great store, 92  
Porto Santo an Island by whom encountered, why so called, the Air, Soil, and Natives, 5  
Port of Valparizo, 50  
Port Tarapaxa, 51  
Port Desire, an Harbour in which is an Island or two, where is great store of Seals, and grey Gulls, 58  
Port Famine where situate, 59.73  
Portugals praise, 4. Their being beholding to the English, 5. Their discontent and compromise with the Spaniard, and their first Discovery of the East Indies, 26.27. & seq. Their victory a● Malacca, 33. Their fame thereby achieved, ibid.  
Portugal wiles discovered, 156. Craft retorted, 157  
Portugals treachery, 208.209  
Portugals pride, and injury to our English, 207.330.268.420. Their abuse of our King, ibid. Their insolence, proud affronts and dissimulation with the English, 294.295. Three hundred Portugals assault the English, 296. Another assault of the Portugals to the English, 298  
Portugal Ship taken by Sir Francis Drake, 48. Three other Portugal Ships taken by the English, 111. A Portugal Frigate taken, 295. Portugal Fugitives, 301. A Portugal Ship of three hundred tons taken, 304. Fight between the Hollanders & Portugals, 332. Three Portugal Ships burnt by the Flemings, and three by themselves, 38●. Dangerous fights and other passages between the Portugals and Hollanders, 421.422. Fight of the English with the Portugals, 459.460.480.554.481.482.505.518. The Portugals great authority in the Indieses, 492. their Forces, Acts, Attempts fight with the English and disgraceful repulse, 505.506. & seq. Care of the English to prevent the Portug●ls attempts, 513. A declaration of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited and traded unto by the Portugal, betwixt the Cape of good Hope and japan, 534. A Fray betwixt the Portugals and English, 560. A fight betwixt Portugals & Nayros, 60●. Portugal spies, 632. Portugal insolence, 711. A Sea-fight betwixt the English and the Portugals, 726. A wonderful victory at Sea against the Portugals, 728. The Portugal Fleet vanquished and scattered, 729  
Potania. vid. Patana.  
Potatoes plentiful, 415  
Pot full of Rials of plate found, 52  
Potossi, called La valla Imperiall, comprehending a great Mountain in which are Silver mines, 83. It is so cold that nothing grows in four leagues space, but a Herb called Ycho, 84  
Prester john, the K. of B●nin vassal, and Tributary to him, 7. Other relations of Prester joh. 540  
Priaman Road, 450.135.329. Observations for going into the road, 533. The 3. Lands of Priaman how they lie, 194. What store of Pepper there, ibid. Good counsel for trading there, ibid. Many Lands to the South of Priaman, 450. Dangerous sholds near it, 533. Primeiras' Lands, 335  
Princes I'll, 71  
Printing the Inuentor● thereof, 3  
Privilege for 15. years granted by Q. Elizabeth to certain Adventurers, for the Discovery of the Trade for the East Indies, 139.140. & seq.  
Proclamation by the Emperor of japan against the Christians, 377  
Projects questioned, 573  
Prophet in Achein, whom they greatly honour, say he hath the spirit of Prophecy as the Ancients had, 122  
Psalms of David known to the Mahometans, and s●ng by them, 160  
Publication of the Pope's Indulgences in Peru, is worth to the K. of Spain yearly 1470058 pounds, 83  
Public loss by private Trade, 574  
Puerto Seguro, a Harbour in Brasil, 30  
Pulaoan a marvelous fruitful Island, stored with Rice, Ginger, Hogs, Goats, Hens, Figs, half a yard long, & as big as a man's arm, Cocos, Battat●●, Sugar Canes, & pleasant Roots, 42  
Pulo Tuio Island, 443  
Pulo Calasai, 453  
Pulo Pagadure, ibid.  
Pulo Labuck an Island how situate, 355  
Pulo Lackwit, 354. Pulo Condor, 381  
Pulo Cili or Pulo Cecir, 381  
Pulo Cotan, 381. Pulo Tingo, 381  
Pulo Timaou where situate, 136.381.443. The Sea there runneth always from the beginning of November, to the beginning of April to the Southward: & so from April to November back again to the Northward. The wind also in the aforesaid months is Northerly, & 〈◊〉 the other months Southerly, 137  
Pulo Sumatra, two small Lands so called, 138  
Puloway & Pulorin Lands so called, 186.698.198.242.516.609 610. The insolences of the Hollanders at Puloway, and their abuses to the English, 533.609. His Majesty of England entitled King of Pooloway, & Poolaroone, 701. The I'll of Poolaway taken from the English by force of Arms 615. The English right by Law & Equity unto Polaway, 617. The surrender thereof to his Majesty, and the fortifying there by the English, 664.  
Pumicestone I'll, a place which always burneth, & casteth forth Pumicestones like to Fuego, 630  
Puna an Island within one degree of the Aequinoctial to the South, 62 The I'll almost as big as the I'll of Wight in England, in it are Cotton-trees▪ Figtrees, Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranate, etc. 63. The chief Town therein burnt, 63  
Punta de Sancta Luzia, 329  
Punta de Gall, 330  
Pythagoreans, their opinions and ceremonies, 231    


Q  
QVadrants the use thereof, 27. They were in use with the Moors in the Indian Seas, before the Portugals discovered them, ibid.  
Queen Elizabeth her praise, 110. Her Letters to the King of China in the behalf of certain English Merchants, 110, 111. Her Patent for the East Indies, 139.140. & ●●q. Her fame, 153  
Que●●oa Lands, dangerous low Lands, 248  
Quiloa a large Kingdom 900. miles in length; Merchants of diverse Country's trade there; it is full of Springs, Trees, Cattles wild and tame, rich in soil and fishing, 30  
Quintero an Harbour, 81  
Quriqueynam an Island, 81    


R  
Rack, a kind of Wine made of Rice, strong as Aquavitae, a little whereof will serve to bring one asleep, 154. Vid. Aracke.  
Raia Boonesoo his going to the Wars, 311  
Rain very seldom, none in four Months, 341.607  
Rain called the Oliphant, being an huge storm usual at going out of the reinss in the Mogul's Country, 549. Rasif Island, 724  
Raymond his Voyage, 110  
Rebellion by the Kingdoms of Cambaya and Lantangh, 322  
Rebels at Bantam, 177  
Read Rails a place of honour at the Mogul's Court, 213.224  
Read Sea, the Straitss thereof passed, 230. 29●.304. Occurrents concerning the same, 339. & seq.  
Read Cliffs, 331  
Reeds as big as a man's leg, and full of clear water wholesome to be drunk, 44  
Religion of Buthuan, none other than the lifting up of their hands joined together, and their faces toward Heaven calling upon their God Abba, 39  
Religions and Sects in the Mogul's Country, 583.585  
Reuree a Town consisting of Husbandmen, who deal in Cotton-cloth, Indigo, and other Commodities, and are a peaceable people to deal withal, 236  
Rice plentiful, 121. A strange fashion of boiling it, 57  
Rice-Wine called Arach, 42  
Rice transported from japan to Yedzo, hath yielded four for one, 384  
Richeses of a Kingdom is of two sorts 745  
Riding after a strange fashion, 371  
Ripplings of the water, 650.337  
River of Good-signes, 27  
River of Plate, 48  
River of S. jago, in which are growing many Plantans, and where is a great abundance of Fish, 64  
Rock standing in 48. degrees to the Southward of the Line, the description thereof, 58. Rocks very dangerous standing in 6. deg. to the South of the Line, 152. Other Rocks the same way, ibid. A sunken Rock, 318. A Rock yielding Quicksilver and Vermilion, 536  
Roe, L. Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogoll, his Voyage; and observations collected out of his journal, 535. His arrival at the Mogul's Court, and kind entertainment there, 541.547.548.551  
Rofisco Road, 328  
Rogue-Pize an Island which lies in ten degrees and half to the South of the Equinoctial line, 151. A fair and pleasant Island, exceeding full of Fowl, and Coco Nut-trees, ibid.  
Romish Religion at Rome nothing else but Reason of State, 20  
Rosinging one of the Lands of Banda surrendered to the King of England, 702  
Rubies plentiful, 121. A Ruby weighing 350. R●tties, 212  
Ricmos is in the Read Sea, and is the place from whence Solomon sent his ships to Ophir for Gold, which is now call Achein, as by tradition they do affirm, 123    


S  
SAboyna Rock, 305  
Saddle Island, 651  
Sago a Root whereof the Indians make their Bread, 359  
Sails very strange, 96  
Saint. vid. Deruis.  
Sailot a Village where is store of Sugar, and fruits of all sorts, 236  
Salarmoniacke Pits, 431  
Sal●ancke his Voyage through India, Persia, part of Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, 1609 Written unto Sir Thomas Smith 235.236. & seq.  
Saldana Road, 133.150.185.275.329.446.466.535. The Land inhabited by a most savage and beastly people; yet very fruitful, full of Oxen, and Sheep, and abounding with store of wild Beasts and Fowls, wild Deer, Antilopes, Babions, Foxes, Hares, Ostriches, Cranes, Pelicans, Herons, Geese, Ducks, Pheasants, Partridges, etc. 133.275.536. The manner of trading there, 149. Their difficult Language, 150. Provision more scarce at S●ldania then in times past, and why, 275. The description and Commodities of Saldania 276.319.320. The people desire nothing so much as Copper, 329  
salads a people under the King of johor, which for the most part keep in their Prawes, with their Wives and Children, and live on fishing, 325  
Salt I'll in the Straight of Sanda, 195.630  
Salt Hills, 451. Dangerous Rocks near them, ibid. A Ship white with Salt, 529  
Salutation used by the japonians, 366  
San Saluador, or Guanahani an Island discovered by Columbus, 11. The nature and fashion of the Inhabitants, ibid.  
Sanaga River, 6  
Sanguelos Merchants of marvelous capacity, having store of Gold, excellent in all handicrafts and Sciences, 67  
Sanguine Isle, 85  
Sanguis Draconis, 280.539  
Santa Maria de la Concetion, an Island so called, and by whom discovered, 11  
Saphires plentiful, 121  
Saracens their conquering of Spain, 4  
Saragasso or the Sea of Grass, 332  
Sarangani an Isle where is Gold and Pearls, 43  
Saris his East Indian Voyage, his Course and Acts to and in the Read Sea, java, Moluccas, and japan (by the Inhabitants called Neffoon, where also he began and settled an English Trade and factory) with other remarkable Rarities, Collected out of his own journal, 334.335. & seq. His arrival at Moha, 343. His Voyage to Bantam, 353. His Voyage to the I'll of japan, and what befell him in the way, 354. Observations of the said Captain john Saris, of Occurrents which happened in the East Indies during his abode at Bantam, from October, 1605. till October 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandizes of those parts: to which are added certain Observations of his touching the Towns and Merchandise of principal Trade in those parts of the world, 384  
Satesl●nd, 92  
Savages the most brutish that ever were seen, 59 Men-eaters and feeding upon raw flesh, ibid.  
Savages Arrows, and other weapons, 58.73.102. The manner of trading with them, 149  
Schouten his Circumnavigation: who Southwards from the Straitss of Magellane in Terra-Del-fuogo, found and discovered a new Passage through the great South Sea, and that was sailed round about the world, 88  
Scurvy the best remedy for the preventing and curing of it, 149. The cause thereof, 466  
Sea full of great Weeds and Herbs, 43.78  
Sea of Grass, 332  
Sea read as if mixed with blood, full of read Worms, which taken up leap like Fleas, 79.90. A smooth Sea in great wind, 526  
Sea as white as any Whey, 618.632  
Sea-fight by Night betwixt Dutch Ships and Spanish, 81.82  
Sea-Mewes plentiful, 91.94. Bigger than Swans, 92  
Sea-Lyons, 91  
Sea-Monster having a borne, and striking against a Ship a strange accident thereupon, 90  
Seals, certain Lands discovered replenished with them, 34.58.62.64.90.91.150. An Island found by Sir Francis D●ake that had so many as would have laden all his Ships, 49  
Sebald de Wert his Voyage to the South Sea, and misery in the Straitss nine months, wherein William Adams Englishman was chief Pilot, 78  
Sebaldinae three Lands not mentioned in Maps, they are stored with Penguins, 79.91  
S. Sebastianes' Island, 58  
Seed, whereof a little being eaten; maketh a man to turn Fool, all things seeming to him to be Metamorphosed; above a certain rate it is deadly poison, 120  
Selagues Port, 84  
Selim's rebellion, 219  
Seperdowne a good place to refresh at, 387  
Sepulchers very sumptuous, 226  
Sequeria his Embassage from Portugal to the King of Malacca, his entering League with the Kings of Pedir and Achen, 32  
Seraes' what, and where built, 520  
Seragasso weeds, 535  
Seran treachery, 683  
Selebos a Devil invocated by Giants, 85  
Severity of the Mogoll 222.546.601  
Severity for fight and drawing of Weapons, 368  
Severe justice in japan, 379  
Seut. vid. Cepta.  
Seyloan Coast, 630  
Sheathing of Ships and Rudders which go for Surat and other places very necessary, 532  
Sheep plenty, 74. Of a very strange form, 118.275. Huge tailed Sheep, 205  
Shirley Ambassador in Persia, his love to the English, 498.499  
Ships for want of Pitch, trimmed with a bastard Frankincense, 30. A Ship fast on a Rock, and strangely gotten off, 311  
Ship of three hundred Tons taken by Candish, called the Lewis, 62 Other rich Ships taken, ibid. A great new Ship burnt, 63. A Ship of the King of Spain taken called the great Saint Anna, 65. Decay or loss of English Ships, 533. English Ships taken by the English, which might else have endangered their Countrymen, 570. A Ship burnt by reason of a hot drink which in br●aching taken fire, 620. Seven English Ships taken by the Hollanders, 678. Ships taken by the Hollanders at Banda, 687  
Shoalds in the Straitss, 80. Many dangerous Shoalds. 330  
Shooters or Marksmen very exquisite, 546  
Shrimps of ten Inches long, 417  
Siam a Country which hath store of Gold, and precious stones in quantity and cheap; there is good vent for read English Cloth, 195  
Sierra Leona, 57.58.89.189 414. The Bay, Country, Inhabitants, their Apparel, Christianity, Townes, and Houses, household stuff and riches, Arms feature and Conditions, Circumcision, Funerals, Food, Fruits and Trees, 414.415  
Sighelmus his Travels to India sent by King Alfred, whence he brought precious Spices and jewels, 110  
Silk of all sorts, whence made and had, 392.731  
Silver Ours, 83.84  
Silver met withal by Sir Francis Drake, 51  
Silver exchanged weight for weight with Gold, 67  
Sinan a description thereof, 628 The likelihood of venting English Cloth at Sinan, 629  
Siriaugh, a Town or Fort lying upon the River of Pegu, given by the King of Arracan in keeping to the Portugals, 322  
Sitting at meat crosslegged, 38  
Smelts of 16. Inches long, 90 417  
Smelt-Bay, 90  
Snakes swimming on the top of the water, a sign of being near the Coast of India, 310. A huge Snake of five and twenty foot long▪ and as big as a man in the waste, it hurts no man, but held a good fortune, 435  
Sobay a Village that consisteth altogether of Spinners and Weavers and there is much Calico Cotten cloth made there, 235  
Socatra. vid. Socotora.  
Soccodanna. vid. Succadania.  
Socco●ora Island, 230.237.304.418.529▪ 539. A long drought there, 279. The entertainment of the English there, 339. The Inhabitants▪ their Armies, persons, apparel, gallantry, diet, Women, Children, Faith, Religion, Merchandise, harvest, etc. 418 419. A Caveat for sailing to Socatra, 529. The Sultan of Socatra, 539  
Sodomic, strange means used for the prevention thereof, 67  
Soldania Bay, 118.205.228.525.535.631. The Inhabitants, their Manners, fashion, bartering, ibid. The wholesomeness of the Air, and fruitfulness of the Soil, full of good Herbs, as Mints, Calamint, Plantine, R●hwort, Trifolium, Scabious, etc. 118.119.525  
Solor an Island in the Indieses, 324. The Island, and Castle, with great quantity of Sandal wood taken by Captain Schot, 324  
Sombrero Island how it lieth, the People, their Priests, the Country full of Trees sufficient for main Masts, 152. A strange Plant growing there, ibid.  
South Pole, 34. The 49. degree thereof. 34  
Soothsayers, 167  
Spaniard taken in the Straitss of Magelane, 59  
Spaniards slain in the Voyage of Master Thomas Candish, 61  
Spanish cruelty in the Indieses, 23.24 Their Avarice, God enemy thereunto, 59  
Speaking like the clocking of an Hen, 118  
Spicery plentiful, 33. The rates of Spices, 736.737.734. Prices of Spice and Indigo in former times compared with these latter times 743  
Spiders whose web is perfect good, and strong as Silk, 192.417  
Spilberg his going to Zeilan, 711  
Spouts of water, come pouring out of the Heavens, 159  
Standing a token of honour, sitting of submission, contrary to our Customs, 182  
Staple erected at Cochim, 31  
S●arres about the South Pole, 36  
Steel his journey from Asmere in India, the place of the Great Mogul's residence in Spahan, the royal seat of the K. of Persia, in the affairs of the East Indian Society 519.520. & seq. His journey by land through Persia and Turkey, 524  
Stevens his Indian Voyage, 110  
Storax very good and plentiful, 450  
Strait of Magellan, the fairest in the World, full of safe havens plentiful of good water, wood, herbs, & fish, 35.36  
Straitss of D●solon or Solore, 355  
Straitss of Victoria, 46  
Straight of More certain new Straitss so called, 92  
Sturgeon the manner of taking it, 731  
Subtleties discovered, and retorted, 156.157  
Succadania in Borneo, a Factory for the English settled there, 320.392. There are great of store Diamonds which are accounted the best in the World, 393. Commodities vendible and in request there; and diverse instructions for those which trade there, 393  
Sugar great store in Madera, 5. Plenty thereof in Brasill, 34. In the Island of Burnei or Po●ne, 43  
Sula Island, 356  
Sultan Corsoroone diverse Relations concerning him, 561  
Sumatra an Island discovered, 45.119. The King's forces 157 Special observations for those that sail betwixt Priamon & Sumatra, 194. The high land of the Main of Sumatra, 312. A note of many Ports & passages observable in & about Sumatra, 450.451 Store of Gold in Sumatra; as also Benjamin, very good Storax, with other Commodities, 450  
Sumbdit an Island discovered, 36  
Summer-bay, abounding with Parrots and fair Trees, 73  
Sun the different height thereof observed in the Voyage from the East Indies, 78  
Superstitious Spaniards, 76  
Superstition of Bramenes, 327  
Superstitions of the japonians, 395 396.397.398. divers Superstitions customs of the Banians, 485  
Superstitions of the Great Mogoll, 559.562  
Surat a description thereof 423. The Great Mogoll granteth a Factory to the English there, 461. The Nabob of Surat unkind to the English, 517. The English Ambassadors arrival at Surat, the Coins and Wares there. 530. The English entertained by the Captain of Surat, 627.628  
Surunga a City in japan as big as London, a description thereof, 372  
Swally Roade standeth in the latitude of twenty degrees fifty seven minutes: variation sixteen degrees thirty minutes▪ 271. An excellent Market there, 298. Observations of the Tides there 302  
Syam, 319.321.392. The Road of Syam a safe Harbour, but in a South-west wind 322. A Factory left there for the English, 324 The Commodities there, Benjamin, rich stones brought thither from Pegu, Silver in bullion, 392 The Commodities vendible, 392  
Syversond a Captain the first cause of breach betwixt Hollanders & English, 180    


T  
TAddie, a kind of Wine so called, 298  
Taghima an Island where is great store of Pearls, 43  
Tahannee a Town upon Machian, where the Portugals heretofore have had a Fort, but now there is none neither for them nor the Flemings, there is the best riding of the whole Island, but very near the shore, yet free of all danger, 348  
Talcke, Ostriches so called, 73  
Tamara, 538  
Tamarin Island the situation thereof, the King his entertaining of the English, 278.279.339.340  
Tamaryn trees great store, 118.277.417. They bear Cod of green fruit, which hath a very sour taste, & is held good against the Scu●u●●, 277  
Tambayck a metal of great esteem, 153  
Tanassaria a City of great trade, 123  
Tangu an Island, the King thereof, 322  
Tarry or Taddy a strong wine, 436  
Tavally Bachar, 348  
Teccoa Island, 277.311  
Tecon standeth in 25. minutes of South latitude, and hath diverse shoalds about it, 329  
Tecoo a description of the Island, 464 639. The trading there, 465.660. The unholsomenesse of Tecoo, 527.532. Quarrels betwixt the Achene●s and Tecoans, 527. The people of Tecoo base, barbarous, bloody thievish, subtle, etc. 532. Fire and treachery usual in Tecoo, 660. The price of Pepper there, 660.661. Distress in Tecoo; the English murdered there, 663  
Tecu, notes for the Road and Variation there, 481  
Tempest in Firando very fearful, and the strange effects thereof, 397  
Temple at Calcutta, 28  
Temples in japan, 37●. 377  
Tents exceeding rich, 225.559 560 A Tent as large in compass as London, 218  
Terceras or Flemish Lands discovered, 6  
Ternate an Island under the Equinoctial Line four minutes, under the Pole Antarctic, 45. The King thereof offereth himself & his kingdom to the service of the Queen of England, 55. A Castle there, ibid. The Majesty of the King, ibid. The Forts there, 86. This Island is the Seat of dissension between the Spaniard & the Dutch, 699. In this Island is Maleia a Town subject to the Hollanders, 85. The King of Ternates Letter to the King of England, 704.705. The King of Ternate his titles, 712  
Terru Fuego, the Land on the South of the Straitss of late found to be but Lands, 73  
Testament printed in the japan language, 377  
Thievish people, 97.94.196.168. An ancient custom concerning condemned Thiefs, 558  
Thomas Doughtie executed, 49  
Thomas Spring an Englishman of great towardness in Voyage of Sebald de Wert, 79  
Ticabessa Island, 197  
Tide of twelve hours' Flood and twelve Ebb in Sunda, 383. Violent Tide called the Boar, 436  
Tidore on of the chief Lands of Molucca, 43.360. Where situate, 45. The Forts therein, 86.361. It is rich in Spice, 699 The King of Tidores Letter to the King's Majesty of England, 705  
Tidore taken by the Dutch, 715  
Tigers, 321  
Timber wrought by man's hand without Iron, 9  
Timoia a Pirate, 29  
Timor a great Island, wherein is found the Wood of White Sanders, and Ginger, and diverse fruits; sundry kinds of Beasts, and plenty of Victual and Gold, 45. The Inhabitants Gentiles, the Devil appeareth to them in diverse forms, ibid.  
Tingabasse Island, 356  
Tingo java a watering place fourteen leagues from Bantam, and three Leagues and an half to to the Westwards of jacatra, 354  
Tobacco half their food at Sierra Leona, 415. Danger by Tobacco, 627  
Tobacco-pipes, 415  
Tomb of King Acabat a description thereof, 440  
Tonda Isles, 196  
Tortoises great store met withal, 89.331  
Town of Saint jago taken, 50. A Town five times burnt in three months, 171  
Trade, observations concerning the same, 572. Danger to the public by private Trade, 574  
Trade maketh some States very rich, which have little other means, 738  
Traitors Island, 98  
Treachery of the King of Achen, 120  
Treacheries of the javans against the English at Bantam, 167.169  
Treason at Bantam, 177  
Tree whose leaves as soon as they fall on the ground, do stir and remove from place to place as though they were alive, 43  
Tree yielding excellent sweet water, 698  
Trees very strange, 277.415 417.420  
Trees like Willows bearing Fruits like Pease●cods, 415  
Trees set on fire which continued burning seven years, 5. A strange Tree which the Indians call The Tree of Life, 437  
Tree-cloth, 529  
Tribute paid in fish to the Spaniards, 61  
Trinquanamale a City of great Trade for Cinnamon, Pepper, Cloves, and many other rich Commodities, 124  
Turks called Rumos in the Indieses, and the reason thereof, 123. Turkish Firmans, 626  
Turkish treachery at Moha and Aden with the English; and the extreme dissimulation of the Turks, 250.251.252.625 307. The English imprisoned by the Turk●, 257. The escape of diverse of the English from the Turks, 262. Restitution made by the Turks to the English. 264. The Turks practice to poison the Welt at Assab. 266. The cunning treachery of the Turks to the English in many particulars, 281.282 283.285. Their bloody Treason, 286. The Great Turks Patent to the English for the Read Sea, 345. The form of the Grand Signiors Seal, 344. Trade between the English & the Turks, 350 351. Commodities prized between them, 350  
Turtle-doves, great store, 132  
Tyranny, 322.377.534.567    


V  
VAlparisa a safe Road, 81  
Varella Cape, 649  
Variation, special notes concerning the same, 189.302.316.317.331.338.357.365.380.445.447.481.645. The greatest Variations, 645.331. The highest Variation between Brasill and the Cape of Good Hope, 446. No Variation at Cape Fal●o, 447. The highest Variation, 449  
Variation of Achen and Tec●, 481. Rule of Variation, 525. The uncertainty of the Variation, 534  
Variation of Depths, 646  
Vault-workes to rob the English Merchants in javan of their goods, 173  
Velagan, 330  
Vent of read English Cloth in Siam, 195  
Venus, 564  
Victuals bought cheap, 190. 3●9 386  
Villains most notorious, 175  
Vin●s both of Banda, Amboyna, and the Moluccas, are pruned thrice a year, and every Prunage hath his Vintage, 698  
Vingeron the Governor thereof his entertainment of the English, 638  
Virgins dedicated to an Idol, 374  
Vision in the Planets, 43  
Viun Point, 634  
University in Peru, having two hundred Doctors of all Faculties, four hundred Masters of Art, six hundred Priests, a thousand Students, the Professors receive of the King a thousand Pezos' Pension, etc. 83  
Unruliness of Mariners when Prey is present, 303  
Vrtatan, a Town in Banda, 198  
Vulcan's Island, 103    


W  
WAggadashes certain weapons used by the japans resembling a Welch-hook, 371  
Wallaway River, 330  
Walsingham his relation of the Conquest of Cepta, or Seut, 4  
Wars betwixt the Spaniards and Chili, 74. Betwixt the Turks and Persians', 588  
War and Traffic incompatible, 590  
Water of a strange quality, 44  
Water the ordinary drink of the japonians drunk warm, 372 A Water-spring very strange, 698  
Water Island, 95  
Watering of Saint Blaze, 29  
Water-floods very great and extraordinary, 326. A fearful rippling of the Water, 337. Spouts of Water, 515. An Island that hath none but Rain Water, 698  
Wayre one of the Lands of Banda surrendered to His Majesty of England, 702  
Weapons of diverse sorts, 414.417  
Weedye Sea, 78  
Weeds called Trombas, signs of being near the Cape of Buona Esperanza, 329  
Weights of several sorts, 390. The weight used in weighing of Bezoar's, Civet, and Gold, with the content of their several Tails, 391  
Werts Voyage to Zeilan, 713  
Westminster Hall, a flat Hill lying near the Road of Saint Augustine, 630  
Whales 73.92.276.536. A huge Whale an hundred tons in weight, 420  
Whirlwinds, 630  
White Rock, 640  
White Capes met withal to the Southward of the Line, 58  
White Sanders plenty, 45  
Wild Beasts of diverse sorts, 416  
Williamson Floris his journal to the East Indies, 319.320. & seq.  
Winds bow produced, 12. Observations concerning the alteration thereof for those that travel to the East Indies, 193. Favourable Winds in the full of the Moon, 365  
Wine of Date-trees, 419  
Wine distilled out of Rice, and as strong as our Aquavitae, 368. Strong mingled Wine at the Mogul's Court, 551  
Wives which kill themselves after their Husband's deaths▪ 69. Wively constancy, 324. Three of the King of Velur, his Wives burn themselves quick with their husband's corpse, 326. Wively fidelity, 600  
Women Counsellors, 122  
Women Admirals, 122  
Women shaved, 73  
Women that would cut off their Husband's heads in the night and cell them to the people, 170  
Women in the Island of Zubut very well favoured, they dance naked and play on certain Timbrels made of Metal, 40  
Women voluntarily burning with their dead Husbands, 225  
Women with their households that live in Boats upon the water; they catch fish by diving, and their eyes by continual diving grow as read as blood, 370  
Women Actors of Comedies in japan, being also common women, and their price rated, 368. A Town of common Women, 484  
Wood yielding excellent, good, fair, and sweet water, 698  
Wood-pidgeons large bodied like Hens, 364  
Worms very strange, 417. Many Worms in Surat, 480. Strange Worms in the Surat Sea, which eat through ships, and how to prevent the same, 532  
Worshipping of Stones and Rocks, 7. A Tree much worshipped, 423 A man's Face which the Indian's much worship, pouring abundance of Oil upon it, 437. A Tomb worshipped, 440  
Writing on Barks of Trees, 42. A strange form of Indian writing, 343    


X  
XEminaseque straits, 371  
Xima or Mashma Island, 366    


Y  
YEdzo Island the description thereof, 384    


Z  
ZAcoeia Governor of Mozambique visited by the Portugals with great pomp, and was feasted by them, 27  
Zacotora Island, the latitude thereof, 249. The King thereof, his entertaining of Sir Henry Middleton, 249  
Zamall Island, 37. Named the Island of Thiefs, 45  
Zanzibar, the treachery of the people there, 233  
Zeilan an Island of great Trade, having store of Victuals, Cinnamon, Pepper, and Cloves, Precious Stones, and Pearls, 124.320.630.711. The Map of Zeilan, 712  
Zevan the situation thereof, etc. 255. The description thereof, 258  
Zofala yields Gold and other rich Commodities, 30  
Zolo an Island where are Pearls of exceeding bigness, 43  
Zubut an Island of good Traffic, 39 

The King thereof baptised, his personage and apparel, 40. The Queen of Zubut her personage and apparel, 41. She is baptised, with her Daughter and forty of her Gentlewomen, ibid. Five hundred men there baptised, 40    
Zuluan an Island, 37    
FINIS.   

LONDON, Printed by William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his Shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Rose. Anno 1625.