A DISCOURSE PLAINLY PROVING the evident utility and urgent necessity of the desired happy Union of the two famous Kingdoms of England and Scotland: by way of answer to certain objections against the same. woodcut of coat of arms with an anchor AN CHO RA SPELL LONDON, Printed by Richard Field for Thomas Chard. 1604. TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT Majesty, James by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, etc. YOUR most excellent Majesty being graciously pleased to read and approve the written Copy of that I have now printed, and withal to declare your princely pleasure (sufficient warrant) for publishing the same, I have thought meet in all humbleness of duty to your Majesty, and in all truth of zeal to my country, by this means to endeavour to resolve them which doubted, to persuade them which denied, and to confirm them which applauded the most happy intended Union of your Highness two most famous kingdoms of England and Scotland. I was not ignorant that the copies of the objections against it, were this Term carried into most parts of those your majesties Realms (and I suppose also beyond the seas) which might in time without answer seem to prejudice your majesties honour unjustly with scandal abroad and murmur at home. Therefore though I be most unworthy to publish to the world my mean understanding in a matter of such grave consideration and great consequence, yet have I rather chosen to hazard my poor credit subject to each censure, then suffer a cause in its own worth so precious, to sustain wrong by general silence: for objections are of force, where no answer doth refute. Only I humbly crave your highness pardon for my bold presumption, and will evermore with hands and heart lift up to heaven, pray to God for the preservation of your gracious Majesty, and of your royal issue, in all honour, health and happiness. Your majesties faithful subject, and humble servant, joh. Bristol. A Discourse plainly proving the evident utility, and urgent necessity of the desired happy union of the two famous Kingdoms of England and Scotland: by way of answer to certain objections against the same. IT was long before the Objections against the intended happy union of both the Realms came to my hands: but having read them, I could not hold my hand from writing to remove & clear them; esteeming them only as great show of big logs laid in the way, between the two eminent marks shot at by the sovereign Vnitor, namely, honour and happiness: the one inseparably inherent in his most royal person: the other, assuredly intended for subjects benefit: which things in apparent utility, or urgent necessity the Obiectors desire to be showed them: for whose satisfaction, I have briefly examined, and answered every objection. The Obiectors find no precedent at home nor abroad, of uniting or contracting of the names of two several Kingdoms or States into one name, where the Union hath grown by marriage or blood: and say, that the examples which may be alleged, are but in case of conquest. But I remember, that Charles of France the eighth, as Comineus Proof by marriage. mentioneth, taking to wife the heir of little Btitaine, annexed it to the Crown of France, ruled it by laws, customs, and privileges of France, and gave the Nobles thereof place in Parliament in France: for union is a strong keeper of imperial Sovereignty, and is the very sinews of weal public. But as Tacitus saith, by divers laws, over diverse nations subject to one King: Quicquid est authoritatis crebris destruitur contradictionibus. Charles the fift united in the common name of Spain divers other his kingdoms, whereof two of them; namely Arragon and Castille, Proof by blood. descended to him in right of blood. For he well knew, that the most eminent in dignity is most honoured by Unity: and that this is truly called Prudence, even the electing, or rejecting, the continuing or changing of forms, and uniting kingdoms, according to time, place, or persons: which great virtue is not always contained in certain and the same bounds, but altereth itself as occasion serveth, in respect of forenamed circumstance. But the Obiectors acknowledge uniting of kingdoms in case of conquest. I marvel they do it not much more by right of blood: for in that union of constraint, there is ever doubt, and dread for continuance thereof, as is well said: Malus custos diuturnitatis metus: but in this by right of blood, God giveth blessing to nature's work: first, in the greater majesty of the high and supreme governor, where one mighty Monarch is of more command and power, than a king of divers distinguished kingdoms. Secondly, in the more facility of the government, where people under like laws, are more easily ruled, then under divers laws. And thirdly, in the more security of the governed, who being led with like equity of laws, will one love and strengthen the other: but being divided, do oftentimes undermine, and practise subversion one of the other. Vires imperij in consensu sunt obedientium: tolle Livy. unitatem & omnis imperij contextus in multas partes dissidet. Which consideration made king Henry the eighth rightfully assuming the title of King of Ireland, by voluntary Vote in Parliament of the Lords and Commons of that kingdom, (albeit the Kings of England were before that time, but called Lords of Ireland) yet now changing his Style, to endeavour by just laws to cause the Irish change as well their apparel, as language, and divers their old forms and former laws, and to reduce them into form of English fashion, even against their former customs and conditions. It is then a matter not only of utility and necessity, but also of reason and justice, that a King in right of blood holding two kingdoms or States, do unite and contract them into one name and nature, specially kingdoms of one continent, and which in ancient times were but one, till ambition and contention divided them. And this may stand for answer to the Obiectors first main head of matter of estate inward. Now where it is farther alleged, that the alteration of the name of the King, doth inevitably and infallibly draw on an erection of a new kingdom, and a dissolution and extinguishment of the old: herein verily I think the matter is much mistaken, for the change of name, is not so rightly to be termed alteration or new erection, as restitution and reparation both of name and honour: for divers his majesties most noble Progenitors, have heretofore been entitled (as Chronicles tell us) Kings of all Britain: as Henry the second King of all Britain, Duke of Gascoine, Given and Normandy, whose son king john had also in his coin stamped, as is to be showed, johannes Rex Britonum. And before the conquest of the Saxons, it is certain that the whole Isle was called by the name of Britain. But Saxons entering at disadvantage of that mighty nation, consumed by death and famine, conquering the remnant of people of famous Britain, enforced them to distinguish and divide themselves by flying into mountains and fortified places. And afterward king Egbert, utterly to root out the remembrance of great Britain, commanded that the Land should be called no more by that name, but England, and the people, Englishmen. But Egbert is dead, his power weak, nay none at all: let none therefore fear to restore his country to his old name, and ancient honour: for Egbert I say is dead, and king JAMES liveth, & vivat & vincat Rex jacobus. This I say and enforce again, is a matter also reasonable, just, utile, and necessary, seeing the Sovereign bringeth in no innovation of a new name, but restitution of the old, no dissolution, but fortification, whereto I know none will subscribe, which either envy the King's greatness, or kingdoms happiness. But let none marvel, why it hath not this long time been reduced into his former name: for the diversity of kingdoms, being made divers by war and conquest, and having heretofore divers kings, could not in reason or justice endure it, nor under any colour of utility, or necessity undergo, or conclude it. But now seeing our sovereign Lord the king, being rightfully descended of all those kings and princes, which heretofore reigned and ruled in England, Scotland, or Wales, as he only hath power to restore all into one to former title and dignity, so let none think this his princely and just pleasure, a new erection, but restitution of old, where it is more reasonable and just, to extinguish the name of lesser continuance, than the name which had continued & been famous by the space of 1137. years before Christ, and 688. after his incarnation, which whole computation cometh to 1825. years. And where it is most honourable by just descent in right of blood, not only to change, but to abolish the name imposed by a Conqueror to the dishonour of a Nation: and where, for aught I understand, the matter is not so difficult, nor of that inconvenience and danger, but may with much ease and safety be done with saluo iure, or other reservation and explanation, as the wise and learned in the laws can at large devise, when they lift, sive nova excogitent, sive antiqua restituant. But for example, I bring the uniting of Dane-Lex, and Mercia-lex, by Edward the Confessor, which was not prejudicial to any, that ever I could read, but profitable and needful to all, in the abolishing of divers old laws, and ordaining divers new, and making laws to all, all one: done no doubt with due respect to weal public, with needful limitation and due consideration of men, matter, time, place, and other circumstance. Neither doth any new erection and extinguishment of old, so necessarily conclude inconvenience full of repugnancy, danger of construction and confusion as is pretended: but may in this case (ubi beata omnium vita moderatori est proposita) as easily be cleared and avoided, as it was when the principality and country of Wales was by Parliament incorporated and united unto the kingdom of England, and all the inhabitants thereof made equal in freedoms, liberties, rights, privileges, laws, and in all other respects to the natural subjects of England, and all inheritances made of English tenure, to descend without division or partition after the manner of England: and the Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances of the Realm of England, commanded to be executed and put in practice within the country and Principality of Wales. So as now in this new erection and dissolution of the old, the Welshmen with us and we with them acknowledge joyfully, one only Governor, and one only government, where the majesty of the Governor is equally supra nos, and the justice and equity of the government equally pro nobis: where is certus ordo in iubendo & parendo. Which certain and the same course and order of commanding by the king, and by his laws, and of obedience in subjects, is a strong tie, and as it were a vital spirit, holding in one infinite thousands: where Regere as the Philosopher speaketh, is reckoned inter necessaria, Arist. 1. Pol. cap. 3. and Regi inter utilia. Again, could seven kingdoms of Saxons be reduced into one, and in good time, all their divers Laws, whereby the diverse subjects of those seven divers kingdoms were diversly governed, be brought into one form of civil government without repugnancy, ambiguity or danger: and shall we think it a matter of such difficulty, to unite only two kingdoms, which do not much differ in manners, laws and customs; saving such laws and customs, as were formerly ordained on each part one against another, when they were enemies, or scarce friends one to the other? Which laws doubtless all will say, must be abrogated, that in further proceeding to union, wise men, with grave consideration may conclude it, for good of both nations, without offence, as in former times much more hath been done with less ado. An Empire of many kingdoms thus reduced into one, is not unlike the firmament of heaven, which God hath adorned with the two great lights, the Sun and Moon, and other Stars, even the whole army and harmony of the heavens in one firmament. Who so throweth a stone against heaven, saith the Wise man, it will fall upon his own head. And if any one standing alone from the rest, speaketh against and oppugneth this Union, better it were (saving my charity) that unus ille periret, quàm unitas. Touching the enumeration and recital of the special or several confusions, incongruities and mischiefs, which in the Objections are in the second place, of matter of Estate inward, pretended, I briefly answer, that there is no fear of confusion in true and perfect Union. Which thing the mighty Alexander, renowned for fortitude and policy, well knew, who is much commended by Plutarch, that Plut. de fortuna Alexandri. (where Zeno chief of Stoics framed an Idea of best Common wealth, such as was not divided by countries and contrary customs, but was as all one, of one kind of life, and as one flock feeding in one pasture, under one shepherd) Alexander I say, put that in practise which Zeno but imagined: for saith Plutarch: Not as Aristotle Alexander's Master taught him, so did he, living as a father to the Grecians, and cruel Commander over Barbarians, respecting some, and neglecting others: but he reconciled all into one, mixing men's lives, laws, names and marriages together, and persuading that none were Aliens and strangers among his subjects, but such as were evil men, accounting all good men, as one man. Now I conclude this point, that there is no confusion, incongruity, or mischief to be feared in that Union, where our most rightful King sitteth, not by conquest of sword, but by right of royal blood in the seat of his most noble Progenitors: and not as Alexander, who by conquest sat in the seat of Darius among Persians: nor as Xerxes Herod. lib. 7 who joined Asia and Europa together with a wooden bridge over Hellespont: but as all other most mighty Governors, and the best Kings have (by a golden bridge of likeness, of love, of equity, of laws, and of common comforts of society and joy, (all which were both profitable and needful) joined together two or more kingdoms, for their own greater honour, and subjects more undoubted happiness. Which thing likewise that noble and valiant Trojan Aeneas long sithence put in use, who by Union, even of divers nations, Omnes Liu. lib. 1. eodem nomine, & eodem iure Latinos vocavit. And thereby as Livy reporteth of him, he made many and divers nations as one people, most familiar, and most friendly together. Do not divers Sun beams come from one Sun, and all they of one nature? Are not divers lines drawn from one Centre, and all they of one fashion? Are not diverse boughs from one tree, and all they of one and the same substance? And may not divers people under one Prince, though they are divided in persons, yet be united in laws? and though they be sundered in Countries, yet be knit together in hearts, specially if emulation cause no incongruity, nor disorder confusion, nor strife mischief, only with saving each man's honour, with continuance of each good custom, and with furtherance and establishing the common good of weal public? The King is the country's Parent, who by Union, non servos, sed cives cogitat: and as jupiter was said to be Rex omnibus idem; so would his Majesty be idem omnibus, one head to one body. Wherhfore if he desire to unite the two kingdoms, and to account them one, and as one beloved son, (whose life is dear, and whose happiness joy to him) that all subjects as one son, in common apparent utility, might participate common patrimony of just Laws for Weal public, let none be so hardy (with the harlot in the days of Solomon) to say to the king our common parent: Divide the child, and cut it into two parts; lest such division part that into two, which God in nature first made one: and now in his greater goodness hath restored, in the royal person of our gracious King into one: what God hath so joined together, let no man put asunder. For her of may arise plain incongruity, and fearful inconvenience, which may farther grow into confusion, and mischief. Only I pray them, which object against the happy Union, to set before their eyes, and to consider with their hearts, the grievous contention between the divers people of the kingdom of Israel and the kingdom of judah: for albeit the two kingdoms were united in the person of David their king, yet for want of more perfect Union in 2. Sam. 5. laws and love, there arose heart-burnings on both sides: for Israel complained: The men of juda have stolen the king from us: and they of juda challenged, that the king 2. Sam. 19 was nearer in blood to them, then to Israel: and Israel again replied, that they had ten parts in the king, and therefore had more right to him. But what in end grew of this contention and emulation, consider I pray, and prevent such inconvenience and mischief: there was not any one among the Tribes in the second generation that followed the house of David, but juda only: Omen avertat 1. King. 12. Deus. When I was but a young scholar, I learned to call that equivocation, which was corpus monstrosum, under one name of diverse forms: as homo pictus, and homo viws agree in the name of man, but not in the same reason, definition, and nature: so I can call the agreement of English and Scottish only in subjection to one Sovereign, but without farther Union of laws and true love, not lively and indeed, but painted and in show; not substantial, but equivocal; not real, but nominal: namely, in the King, as in the head, which is but one: but not in themselves, as in the body, which likewise is, or should be but one. This is true incongruity, whereof may arise such farther fearful inconvenience, as I wish may be to them that hate the State, and the experience thereof unto the king's enemies. Touching the particulars of confusion, etc. surmised by the Obiectors, I briefly answer: first, that exception taken of summoning future Parliament, is not worth answer: for the style and title of the king changed, may change also in future Writs. Secondly, the changing of Seal, is only charge of a new cut. Thirdly, the great old Officers of the kingdom, when they (yet most worthy of office) do hereafter wear out, the king's Majesty shall afterward by this Union, have more choice to prefer the worthiest: for his Majesty by this Union shall gain more choice for all the public services, to be performed either at home or abroad. Neither may it be reasonable for any man, for private or particular respects to repine thereat: like to Cato his son, who feared lest by his father's Plut. Cato. marriage he might lose somewhat of his patrimony, and therefore murmured lest his father should beget more sons: but had his answer with a sound reply unanswerable: Son, I desire to have more sons like thyself, good Citizens, and serviceable for the Commonweal. Fourthly, touching laws, customs liberties, and privileges, it is to be wished that the rigour of ours were somewhat qualified, and the liberty of theirs somewhat restrained: neither is it a new thing, in so large a kingdom, that some should be more enabled and honoured with privileges than others, according to the King's good pleasure, in whom dwelleth, and from whom is derived all true honour. Fiftly, the fear of residence, or holding in Scotland such Courts as follow the King's person, is the self same, as if we feared, that without Union the King would hold personal Courts in Cornwall: or as if we doubted that such Courts, when our former Kings were personally in France, were not for all that kept at Westminster. The seat of judgement is the seat of the house of David, thither the Tribes go up, and there the people's feet stand, even in the gates of jerusalem; which jerusalem is a city that is at unity in itself: at unity concerning matters of religion, at unity in matters touching public justice and government: therefore the king began his Psal. 122. I was glad when they said to me: We will go, etc. Lastly, the exception taken against Union because of the king's oath at his Coronation, which is never iterated, is grounded on the self same reason: as if it were also alleged, that because his Majesty sweareth to maintain ancient and fundamental laws, therefore upon circumstance of time and occasion he might not alter any law: but let it be remembered, that the king's oath concerneth the laws & not the title, and we know the laws may be preserved, though the title be altered. And as for Subjects, I doubt not, but they may without danger, at the pleasure of the king, swear their allegiance and do homage and obedience after restitution of title, reformation of law, & Union of kingdoms. And ancient Records do no more lose their force by the change of England into Britain, then by change of Queen Elizabeth into king james. And there is no more incertainty of plead, instruments, and writs, then when a plaintiff deceaseth after seven years suit, his heir is put to begin, and commence his suit anew, and in other name. The heart of objections against Union being half broken, let us enter into the third consideration of matter of State inward, where is objected a possibility of alienation of the Crown of England to the Crown of Scotland, in case his majesties Line should determine. But blessed be God, our gracious sovereign King is blessed with a plentiful issue, and hath yet much farther hope. And I hope (for which I pray night and day) that his majesties royal Issue shall not fail, so long as the Sun and Moon endureth. Nevertheless, if some will not labour of the common bane of good wits, which is rather to dispute, then obey; and rather to reason beyond reason, then yield to reason, (more magis quàm judicio) they may herein also easily answer themselves, that in uniting the two kingdoms, the second place in style may be rather drawn to the next of blood in our Land, than the kingdom of England be transferred to one farther off from this Stem. Which thing, neither Henry the seventh nor Henry the eighth doubted, the one seeking to marry his eldest daughter Lady Margaret to king james the fourth of Scotland, hoping if his heir male failed, by that means to unite Scotland to England. And the other having his whole drift, to match his son Prince Edward to Queen Mary, foreseeing in his providence the inestimable benefit of uniting the two kingdoms: for which cause many of the Nobles of Scotland, gave faith to do their best endeavours. But it is a strange doubt, and cast beyond the Moon, to imagine, that Union of the two kingdoms doth so confound the State, and change the tenure, to bring it so into case of purchase, as it will necessarily subject England to Scotland, especially if his most excellent Majesty, of his singular tenderness & love to this his realm of England, be pleased to effect & establish, that in case his royal Issue (which Almighty God of his infinite mercy defend) should fail, that then by this happy intended Union, the Realm of Scotland should for ever be and continue indissolubly united, and annexed to the lawful and rightful inheritance, and succession of the Crown of England, in the blood royal of the same. Now touching matter of State foreign, in answer to the first objection: I am well assured, that our foreign affairs were at worst in the opinion of all, at the decease of our late Queen, and our intercourse utterly decayed with many Princes: so as we need a kind of present renewing, which may be concluded as well under title of King of all Britain, as of England. To the second it is easily answered, that the King loseth no precedency of place, as is imagined, specially antiquity (as in the Objections is alleged) guiding it, and not greatness. For the Successor to king Arthur of Britain, will be worthy in the opinion of the whole world, of better place, than king Egbert of England. To the third, that if the name of England (as is imagined) be obscured, the name of famous and great Britain will be illustrate, memorable in times passed to all the then known nations of the earth. Touching matter of Honour, it is certain and evident, that the name of England, though it hath been worthily most famous and great, yet is not equal to the title of great Britain, when England and Scotland are reunited, either by reason of honour, or of power. All Histories remembering unto us, that the Britain's long time resisted the mighty force of Romans', Lords, and Conquerors of the world. And albeit some fathers can be content to disinherit their own daughters, to continue their names: (as is inferred in the objections) and therefore enforced, should be much more in States, specially where the name hath been famous: yet for my part, I account such parents unkind and unnatural, where self love of their name, maketh them forget themselves, and forsake their own flesh. I will not urge here the law of God, of nature, and of most nations where daughters inherit, and names grow extinguished. But this is a vain respect only of name, whereof is spoken; to get a name on earth, and to think their name should never be put out: whereas so many countries, so many people, so many persons, have either lost or left their former name, and most willingly have been called by another name. Gaudet cognomine Virg. Aen. 6. terra: that country rejoiced to be called by a new name: how much more should our land embrace this name of Britain; and yet not new, but indeed his old proper name renewed, and as it were redivived and restored from the dead. Or be it simply loss only of a bare transitory name; yet as the Prophet Isay Isa. 56. 3. speaketh: Let not the Eunuch say, Behold, I am a dry tree, my name shall perish with me. Let us rather regard that name which God promiseth to them that serve him, saying: Isa. 56. 5. Even unto them will I give in my house and within my palaces, a place and a name better than of sons and of daughters: I will give them an everlasting name which shall not be put out. The Argument of Oblivion deserveth no answer, but silence and forgetfulness: and yet I doubt not, but famous acts of Noble English men, will as well by Chronicle be remembered to posterity, as the glory of renowned Britain Record remaineth to this day, neither will either be forgotten to the world's end. The Style of England now placed before Scotland, doth no way prejudice the Union by loss of precedency: for when all is one, there is no subsequence: only Honour is due to him, who is to be honoured; and much honour to him, that is much to be honoured: which thing in the Union may easily be provided for, and other pretended inconveniences prevented. Lastly, the Prejudicating the popular opinion, to whom (as is objected) change of name will be harsh and unpleasing, is in mine opinion a wrong done, and imputation laid upon the people, who I know (for the most part) being a wise nation, and (I am sure) most loving subjects to the king's Majesty, have learned obedience and duty, and will therefore rather joy in the content of their good and gracious King, than any way murmur at his demand: knowing, that the Empire, (as Livy speaketh) is firmi●ssimum, when eo gaudent obedientes, who doubtless with one voice and heart submit themselves, and say to their Sovereign: Esto nobis solus arbiter rerum iure, & nomine regio. And as for Harshness of the strange name, use will easily make it familiar. He said: Multa renascentur quae iam cecidere cadentque, Horace. Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus. This pretended unpleasing harshness is no more, than the niceness of a virgin, who is as loath, and maketh it dainty to leave her father's name, yet afterward married to a husband, taketh greatest comfort in the name of her husband, in whom she glorieth, and by whom she enjoyeth all her worldly joy. And yet need not England be so nice as if she were a virgin, who like a widow hath so often changed her name: but may take pride as widows do, to be called by her most honourable and most glorious name. Thus having briefly run over the objections, and withal carried in open view in mine answer due consideration both of evident utility, and urgent necessity, I will be bold with additions of more reasons, yet a little farther to proceed in the persuasion of this desired happy Union. God, always blessed, and to be honoured for evermore, who is Trinity in Unity, and Unity in Trinity, three persons, and but one God, doth by influence of his holy Spirit, give divers gifts and graces to believers, of what country, or condition soever they be, and governeth them by one holy law, and uniteth them in the same faith, though diversly scattered among all the nations of the Christian world: that hereby the gods on earth, whom he hath placed to rule over many and divers kingdoms upon earth, might learn by the same laws in things human, and same religion in matters divine, to preserve Weal public, and Christian Society among men. But the ambition, and frowardness of many, desirous rather to be distracted into divers names and countries, and to be ruled by divers laws and customs, do oft times hazard the common good and peace of the Weal public: where two kingdoms so divided under one Sovereign, are not unlike the rich treasures of pearl and gold, laid up in one ship, by contrarieties of divers winds to be driven upon rocks with extremest danger: as is said in Tully, of dividing Defin. and distinguishing desires into several parts and members, in such diversities and differences: Hoc est dissipare, & non distinguere, frangere, & non dividere. Which thing is to be feared by not uniting, but keeping the two kingdoms still in parts, when upon every discontent in Scotland, as at a back door passage may be given for foreign enemy, soon to weaken a divided power: as Cyrus the Persian soon emptied Herodot. 1. that great and deep river, otherwise unpassable for his soldiers, by drawing it into divers channels. And why should not we fear such and greater evils, if as Virgil laid infamy upon us, calling us, toto divisos orb Britannos: so we be content to add greater infamy to ourselves, and become toto in orb divisi, divided within ourselves in the sight and view of the whole world? But I hope and wish for better things, that by Union in name of Britain's, we may leave to be any longer divided into English and Scottish; as rivers of divers names meeting in the sea, receive one and the same name: the rather, because the elements of fire and water, of earth and air, being of repugnant qualities, yet joined in one body, do agree in one form, as in a medium, uniting and mixing them together: much more divers kingdoms oft times heretofore at war and discord, yet now being united into one body, of one name and nature, qualified by equal mixture, of law, manners, honours, marriages, and such like, may be made perfect in one form, and have a being not as English and Scottish, but as Britons, knit together in that third and renowned name: that the Maxim may be verified in us: Quae in aliquo tertio conveniunt, optimè conveniunt. I confess, that some laws of ours may be thought too straight for them, and some liberties of theirs unfitting us: but let all be wrested alike, pulling some up, and letting some down, and in pleasing harmony we shall find, as Tully saith: Commune & aequabile inter omnes, ius: where will be no strife, as was between Esau and jacob, undermining and deceiving one the other of blessing and patrimony; but all love, and unity, and concord, and content, as if all were not twins, but one man, even one heart in one body. And now if I phicrates, that valiant Leader Plut. were again living, and asked, whether he were under the now imperial Majesty, this or that, English or Scottish, or among, or over them, an horseman, an archer, or a Leader, he might truly answer, as sometimes he did in like case: No, not any of these, but I am he, who knoweth under him whom I serve, to command and govern all these, as if they were but one man: unius Ducis imperium simul Sen. Epist. sentiunt omnes copiae. Thus in war and tumult, much more in quiet peace, may it be said: divers subjects ad nutum unius Regis, & eiusdem legis omnes simul respondent. So powerful is the force of Union, that una Via being director for law, and Cor unum performer for obedience: the law enjoining obedience, and obedience executing law, the Prince cannot command what the people will not obey: and the people will obey what the Prince commandeth, and Unity among them will uphold all: unum imperij Tacit. An. 1 corpus unius animo regendum videtur: and so likewise, Eiusdem juris esse debent, qui sub eodem Rege victuri sunt. Q. Cur. 10. But rule of two kingdoms without uniting them, is to give occasion to either part to look back for an old grudge, Vbi antiqui odij pertinacia in publicum stimulat exitium: which I fear would be, as the going back of two Rams, more fearful to butt at, and beat one the other: where held both together in like yoke, one cannot easily offend or force the other. Sic enim immensa multitudo authoritatis Seneca. quasi spiritu regitur. And where it is of the nature of man not to endure all servitude, nor all liberty, but to strive to shake off the one, and to be weary of the other; it is certain, that equity and equability of like laws to a divers people united in one, will make them (which otherwise fear servitude) to enjoy freedom: and those which seem most free by former privileges and immunities to fear servitude, if they transgress their bounds: for such Union and equity is communis custodia, & principatus & reipublicae. But faction and ambition, are the father and mother of intestine calamity, civil war, and deadly feud. Who so loveth this, will never like that; neither is he of the body, but of the toes and feet of that image which Nabuchodonosor Dan. 2. dreamt of, whose head was of fine gold, whose breast and arms of silver, whose belly and thighs of brass, whose legs of Iron, and whose feet, part of iron and part of clay. Silver, brass, and iron are metals easily mixed, but iron and clay will not by any means melt and join together. Kingdoms divided are prefigured in the iron and clay, they are partly warlike and well governed, and partly weak, factious, and seditious: they agree not to the king their golden head, and though they (as the Text saith) mingle themselves with the seed of men, yet join vers. 43. not one with another, but are as iron and clay, which will not be mixed together. The Poets call this latter age Ferrea: let us which live in it prove them Poets, and not Prophets, that so being joined to our golden head in all obedience and duty, in all love and zeal to our country, and in Unity among ourselves, we may live a blessed life in the golden age of this our happy time, and show ourselves well tempered, not of brittle but of better clay: Queis (as the Poet saith) meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan. Therefore let Aristides and Themistocles joined in one Commission, consult upon the point, some for England, some for Scotland, and for the Weal public say one to the other: Vis ut hîc deponamus inimicitias? why do Plut. we strive together, for we are brethren? and they cannot but conclude, that the Weal public was never well administered without Union and amity: namely, Union in the government, and amity among the governed. Joh. Bristol. FINIS.